Leiden Indo-European
Etymological Dictionary Series
Edited by
Alexander Lubotsky
VOLUME 10/1
ew
Etymological Dictionary of Greek
By
Robert Beekes
With the assistance of
Lucien van Beek
VOLUME ONE
LEIDEN « BOSTON
2010
This publication has been made possible by the financial support of the Netherlands
Organization for Scientific Research (NWO).
This book is printed on acid-free paper.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Beekes, R. S. P. (Robert Stephen Paul)
Etymological dictionary of Greek / by Robert Beekes ; with the assistance of
Lucien van Beek.
p. cm. — (Leiden Indo-European etymological dictionary series ; v. 10/1-2)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-90-04-17418-4 (hardback: alk. paper) 1. Greek language—Etymology—
Dictionaries. I. Beek, Lucien van. II. Title.
PA422.B44 2010
482.03—dc22
2009036652
ISSN: 1574-3586
ISBN Set: 978 90 04 17418 4
ISBN Volume One: 978 90 04 174207
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
VOLUME ONE
PRC LAC Obese ec cceteetevatastes te tals vai oncit etvract Ode stestenc totes eee AAR Ana ati An Ee Maalies vii
Pre-Greek loanwords in’ Gretkvisaacsanminmsmiamiumurnneseii mena xv
Abbreviations and. symbols: 2.034; c.A nso tena a adnate Ae eas xlv
The Greek etymological dictionary A-A uo... csesssssssssescssssensescscasenserensesserenseneaeensaeensenesees 1
VOLUME TWO
The Greek etymological dictionary M—O.......csesesssssecsessesesseseesecneseensensseenseressensseeneeseens 887
Biblio SPaphy xeccsevccctidwcitecsearnscctvcscaveutauavaniaia ava cias venerated eae 1687
TindGese sece2: bic ond aed eet eds nee eae ec ecg a aa NAB ed eee atone asian 1747
PREFACE
Whoever takes up the task of writing a new etymological dictionary of Greek, has to
depart from the existing dictionaries. The present dictionary, too, owes a great deal
to previous work in the field, especially to the excellent dictionaries of Hjalmar Frisk
and Pierre Chantraine.
Apart from compiling the first comprehensive etymological dictionary of Greek
in the English language and incorporating the most recent scholarly literature on
Greek etymology, there were a number of other reasons why a new dictionary
seemed to be a desideratum. In the preface to his dictionary, Frisk expressed doubts
on three points: 1. the laryngeal theory; 2. Mycenaean; and 3. the Pelasgian theory on
the Greek substrate language. Ironically, it is precisely on these three points that
substantial progress has been made in the last decades, so that we can now be much
more confident in these areas.
1. Frisk felt uneasy about the laryngeals. In the preface (p. vi) he wrote: “Fir die
griechische Etymologie fallt sowieso die Laryngaltheorie (...) nicht schwer ins
Gewicht”. I have been acquainted with the problems of the laryngeal theory since the
start of my academic career (see my dissertation, Beekes 1969), and I vividly
remember how the chaotic spectrum of theories and hypotheses discouraged many
people in the beginning.
Since the 1980’s, the situation has changed dramatically. When Bammesberger’s
Die Laryngaltheorie appeared (Bammesberger (ed.) 1988), there had already been
general consensus on the main rules of development of the laryngeals in Greek and
in other Indo-European languages. It is absolutely clear now that the development of
the laryngeals is essential for understanding Greek etymology. Chantraine’s
Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue grecque (DELG) often does.not give
reconstructions with laryngeals either; as a consequence, many of the etymologies
still defended in his dictionary are clearly untenable within the framework of the
laryngeal theory. It must be admitted, however, that many of these deficiencies have
been remedied in the Supplement (DELG Supp.), which often contains very helpful
contributions.
2. The study of Mycenaean has by now become an integral part of Greek studies.
The Mycenaean material was already accepted by Chantraine and incorporated into
DELG. I have tried to include all Mycenaean data with a reasonably certain
interpretation, provided that these data have a bearing on the etymological
interpretation of classical Greek. Personal names are generally excluded from the
discussion, as their interpretation is often too uncertain to base any conclusions on.
The task of incorporating Mycenaean data was not too difficult, since we have the
excellent Diccionario Micénico (1985-1993) by Aura Jorro at our disposal. Although
viii PREFACE
the Mycenaean material is limited, it is of great importance and should always be
taken ito account. The exact attestations of the Mycenaean words are usually not
cited, as they can easily be traced in Aura Jorro’s dictionary.
3. It is now clear that the Pelasgian theory, which started from the assumption
that there was an Indo-European substrate in Greek, has been a completely
unfruitful and wrong approach. Although Frisk doubted this theory, he nevertheless
consistently referred to Pelasgian throughout the dictionary. This is a pity, because
the theory has yielded no positive results. Chantraine often used the vague terms
‘achéen’ or ‘mediterranéen’, without clearly identifying Greek substrate words in this
way.
In the present dictionary, no reference to the Pelasgian theory is made anymore.
Instead, I have extensively used Furnée’s 1972 book, who meticulously studied the
substrate material and concluded that we are dealing with loanwords from a single
non-Indo-European language. Unfortunately, this work has been neglected or
rejected by most scholars without due argumentation. In order to explain the
principles of Furnée’s work and to present his conclusions, as well as my own
findings from recent years, I have written a special introduction to Pre-Greek (as I
call the substrate language), see pp. xiii-xlii, Throughout the dictionary, much
attention is paid to the Pre-Greek material, and one of my main goals was to
generate a collection of substrate words which would be as complete as possible. I
intend to publish a separate work, containing all certain or probable Pre-Greek
etyma, in the coming years.
The dictionaries of Frisk and Chantraine are different in their orientation. Whereas
Chantraine is more oriented towards the philological study of Greek (as follows
from the subtitle Histoire des mots), Frisk focuses on the Indo-European side of
Greek etymology. In fact, it may be fair to say that Frisk to some extent tried to
produce not an etymological dictionary of Greek only, but of Greek and Indo-
European at the same time. The main focus of the present dictionary is also
etymology, rather than philology.
I started working on the project in 2002. At first, the idea was to produce an
updated English translation of Frisk in the framework of the Indo-European
Etymological Dictionary project. While largely maintaining the philological part of
the entries, I modernized old reconstructions, added new ones from the literature,
and rejected older etymologies in the light of the substrate theory. Furthermore,
many new entries have been incorporated, most of them glosses by Hesychius, which
were gleaned from DELG, from Furnée’s book and from the new 2005 edition of
Hesychius (part III, 11-2).
Gradually, I have come to the conclusion that a much more rigorous approach
was necessary: there is simply too much irrelevant and dated literature in Frisk’s
dictionary, and many of his pre-laryngealist reconstructions are now useless. Also,
research interest in Indo-European studies has shifted considerably over the course
of decades. It was therefore decided to completely reorganize the etymological
treatment of the entries.
PREFACE ix
The rigorous editing of the etymological sections of the dictionary was done by
Lucien van Beek. He integrated my own views with traditional etymologies and
recent insights. In those cases where a word can now be proven to be of Pre-Greek
origin, part of the old reasoning has sometimes been retained in order to illustrate
the flaws in the traditional approach, according to which practically every word is
bound to have an Indo-European etymology.
Structure of the entry
After the lemma, grammatical information is given between square brackets, for
instance, Svpopat [v.] ‘to lament, bewail’, or yxata [n-pl.] ‘intestines’. If it is
unknown (for instance, in a gloss), this may be indicated with a query.
The grammatical information is followed by the meaning of the word. For most
of the glosses, an English translation has been provided. Although this is a major
break with tradition in Classical Studies, I consider it to be convenient for specialists
in other Indo-European languages than Greek. Of course, in many cases a gloss can
be ambiguous, but I hope to have been sufficiently prudent in the translations.
At the end of the first paragraph, I give the origin of the word (in abbreviated
form) between two arrowheads. The abbreviations must be understood as follows:
<IE> There is a good Indo-European (IE) etymology. The IE root is
reconstructed, and in most cases also the formation represented by the
Greek etymon. If there are no cognates, but the Greek word looks Indo-
European, a reconstruction has sometimes been proposed, too.
<IE?> An Indo-European etymology exists for the entry concerned, but it is not
entirely convincing.
<GR> The word was coined in the more recent (pre)history of Greek, and
consists of one or more (possibly) inherited elements; however, the
formation as a whole was certainly not inherited from IE.
<PG> The word certainly belongs to the Pre-Greek substrate language. The
reason for this decision may be indicated with (V), which means that
there are formal variants, or with (S) if the word contains a suffix
characteristic for Pre-Greek.
<pG?> | The word may be Pre-Greek (see above on (V) and (S)).
<Lw> A loanword. The donor language is indicated in abbreviated form, e.g.
<LW Sem> = a loanword from Semitic.
<EUR> A loanword from (one of) the European substrate language(s). Such
words are not reconstructible for PIE, but share similarities with words
from other European language families (Germanic, Italo-Celtic, Balto-
Slavic) that must be due to substrate influence.
<ONOM> An onomatopoeic word.
<2> No good etymology exists, or the etymology is unknown.
The philological information is subdivided into sections in order to make the
presentation more transparent:
xX PREFACE
eVAR _Inflectional forms and phonological variants.
*DIAL Dialectal forms. Mycenaean is mostly given in the (approximate)
phonological transcription.
*COMP Compounds (only the most common or etymologically relevant
compounds are given).
eDER _ Derivatives.
eETYM Etymological discussion.
The Proto-Indo-European reconstructions
The reconstructions in this book follow some conventions which deviate from
common usage. Let me mention the most important ones:
a) PIE had no phoneme *a. Whenever *a appears in a reconstruction, the stage of
language should always be understood as post-PIE.
b) In JE reconstructions, vocalization of resonants and laryngeals is as a rule not
indicated, since the consonantal and vocalic allophones were not phonologized in
the proto-language. Thus, for the PIE pre-form of Baivw, I write *g”m-ie/o-.
Whenever vocalization is indicated, ie. *g”m-ie/o-, this is understood to be a post-
PIE development.
c) I follow Kortlandt’s theory of Balto-Slavic accentuation, and adopted his
reconstruction of (pre-)glottalized consonants for PIE (see, for instance, on &katOv
and mevtrkovta).
d) It should be noted that the term ‘prothetic vowel’ is used in this dictionary to
indicate the vowel (mostly a-) that may or may not be present in Pre-Greek substrate
words. In inherited words, a facultative prothetic vowel is not reconstructed any
more since it contradicts the laryngeal theory.
Bibliographical references
Within the limited amount of time available for this project, it proved impossible to
modernize all references and to check all reference works. It was necessary,
therefore, to make certain strategic choices. It was decided to concentrate on the
etymologically relevant publications and to adjust the philological treatment of the
material only sporadically.
The second editions of reference works, such as Lejeune’s Phonétique historique
(1972) and Risch’s Wortbildung (1974) have been systematically consulted. I have
generally maintained references to Chantraine Formation, as this book contains a
very concise and precise overview of the different suffixed nominal formations in
Greek.
In contrast to Frisk’s dictionary, references to works on specific morphological
topics have been left out. For instance, for a derivation in -otvn, Frisk often refers to
Wyss’s 1954 book. Other such works, to which the reader can refer, are: Redard 1949
PREFACE xi
(-itns), Bofhardt 1942 (-evc), Fraenkel 1910 (agent nouns), Benveniste 1948 (agent
and action nouns), and, more recently, Leukart 1994 (suffix -tac, -ac).
Furthermore, references to the dictionaries of individual languages have largely
been omitted. Most references to Walde-Hoffmann (Latin), Vasmer (Russian),
Fraenkel (Lithuanian), etc. are superfluous in a Greek etymological dictionary. It is
understood that the reader who wants to know more about the cognates in a given
branch will find his way to the relevant dictionaries. References to Mayrhofer’s
KEWA have been retained in some instances, because it often contains more details
than the EWAia. The LIV’ has proven to be a very important work of reference for
all verbal roots, even if I very often disagree with details of their analysis.
References to Strémberg’s Pflanzennamen and Fischnamen have been maintained,
as well as to Thompson’s Glossary of Greek fishes. Unfortunately, it has not been
possible to adjust all references concerning Greek religion to recent works such as
Burkert 1985.
Regarding the epigraphic material, no systematic check has been made of the
SEG.
Acknowledgements
A new etymological dictionary of a language like Greek cannot be written in a few
years by just one person, without the help of others. Many people helped me on
various stages of the project.
First of all, I am greatly indebted to Lucien van Beek for editing, correcting and
proofreading the whole volume containing about 7500 entries over the course of
more than two years. Several others assisted him in this work, sacrificing many
weeks of their spare time: Alwin Kloekhorst, Guus Kroonen, Michael Peyrot, Tijmen
Pronk, and especially Michiel de Vaan. Needless to say, it is I who remain
responsible for all views expressed in this dictionary, and for any mistakes in it.
I am very grateful to Alexander Lubotsky, who proofread a large part of the
dictionary, and spent a lot of time and effort in formatting the manuscript. Dr.
Velizar Sadovsky (Vienna) has been so kind to write many macros for generating
indices and bibliography and to proofread some parts of the manuscript. I am
indebted to Dr. Thomas Olander (Copenhagen) for solving various font problems.
I would like to thank the students of our department - Kristen de Joseph, Marijn
van Putten, Simon Mulder and Alain Corbeau - for technical assistance. Kristen de
Joseph further copy-edited the manuscript. Marijn van Putten and Simon Mulder
helped compiling the bibliography.
PRE-GREEK LOANWORDS IN GREEK
Contents:
A. Introduction
B. Phonology
1. The phonemic system of Pre-Greek
2a, Characteristic sounds or sound groups: 1. av; 2. B; 3. B5; 4. y5; 5. yv; 6. Ov; 7. KT; 8. KX; 9 LVS 10. OV;
11. 1; 12. pd; 13. pKv; 14. pv (pd, vd); 15. 0; 16. OB; 17. OY; 18. OK, OT; 19. OTA; 20. TO; 21. pO; 22. XU,
Xvi 23. W-3 24. W; 25. geminates
2b. How to recognize words as Pre-Greek?
3. Prothetic vowel
4. s-mobile
5. Consonant variation
5.1. Voiceless / voiced / aspirated stop; 5.2. Prenasalization; 5.3. Nasalization; 5.4. Labial stops / m/ u
(a. 1, B, p/ ps b. 1, B, p/ (Fs cL / (FY); 5-5. Stops interchanging with o(0), with stop + o/t or with o
+ stop; 5.6. Velar / labial / dental stops: labio-velars; 5.7. Dentals / liquids; 5.8. Simple / geminate; 5.9.
o- / zero; 5.10. K-, T- / zero; 5.11. v-, X- / Zero; 5.12. Metathesis, shift of aspiration; 5.13. Secondary
phonetic developments; 5.14. Other variation.
6. Vowel variation
6.1. Single vowels, timbre; 6.2. Long / short; 6.3. Single / diphthong; 6.4. Rising diphthongs?
6.5. Secondary vowels (or syncope).
C. Morphology
1. Reduplication
2. Suffixes
2.. Introduction; 2.2. Survey of the suffixes; 2.3. The material: -aB-(0-), -ay-, -ayy-o-, -a6-, -a6-o-,
-at-/e(t)-, -ai(F)-o-, -auB-o-, -a18-, -atv-, -aip-(0-), -aK-, -ad(A)-0-, -apB-o-, -apv-0-, -al-0-, -av-o-,
-av-, -av6-, -avdp(-0)-, -av6/t-, -avv(-0)-, -a-, -amt-0-, -ap, -ap-, -ac-a/o-, -ado0-o-, -at-, -avp-a/o-,
-ax-, -aw-, -y5-, -yp-, -e5-, -el-a, -eip-o-, -ed-a/o-, -ed\-a/o-, -ey-0-, -Euv-(0-), -evv-a, -ep-a/o-,
-eT-0-, -evp-, -Evt-, -NB-a/o-, -N8-(0-), -NK/X-, -NA-O-, -1)V, -NV-, -NP, -Np-» -NG(0)-a/o-, -Nt-(0-), -NTT-,
-nw-o-, -0-0-, -Op-a/o-, -iB-, -tyy/K/x-, -i5-, -16va, -10-, -10-, -1K-, -IK-, -10-, -id-, -tMA-a/o-, -tv-a/o-,
-tv-a/o-, -iv-(0-), -tv5-, -tv8-(0-), -1&-, -It-0-, -to-a/0-, -t0K-0-, -tt-a/O-, -1X-, -KV-, --0-, -v-, -E-, -o7-,
-OP-, -OGG-, -OTT-a, -OVA-0-, -OVP-, -OVO(d)-a, -TIV-, -TT-, -p-, -PY-, -Pp5-, -PV-, -OK-, -O-0, -CO-, -OT-,
-OTPOV, -T-0-, -TT-, -vB-, -vyy-, -v5-, -vdva, -vO-, -vI-a, -UK-, -DK-, -vA-, -D}-, -vpB-, -vpLV-, -dv-, -vv6-,
-vvO/T-, -vvv-, -v&-, -vm-, -vp-, -Up-, -v0-, -vT-, -vX-, -98-, --0-, -WK-, -WA-, -WH-, -WV-, -WTT-, -WP-;
-WOO-, -WT-.
3. Word end
3.1. in vowel (a. -a; b. -t, -1¢; ¢. -v, -vc; d. -evc; e. -w, -Wc); 3.2. in -p (a. -ap; b. -1p; c. -op; d. -wp);
3.3. in -€ -y (a. -& b. -y); 3.4. in-v; 3.5. in -Gc.
D. The unity of Pre-Greek
E. Pre-Greek is non-Indo-European
A. Introduction
The substrate language of Greek will be called ‘Pre-Greek’ in this dictionary; this is a
translation of the German term ‘das Vorgriechische’. No written texts exist in this
language, but it is known from a considerable number of loanwords in Greek.
xiv PRE-GREEK LOANWORDS IN GREEK
The study of Pre-Greek has had an unfortunate history. In the past century, it was
called ‘Pelasgian’ and considered a dialect of Indo-European. This idea fascinated
scholars, and research concentrated on this proposal. But the whole idea was clearly
wrong, and by now, it is generally agreed that the substrate was non-Indo-European.
Therefore, the term ‘Pelasgian’ can no longer be used. Frisk already had strong
doubts about the Pelasgian theory, but nevertheless, he often mentioned the
proposals of its adherents. Since all work following this line has turned out to be
useless, I decided to make no mention of the theory anymore in the dictionary.
When Frisk completed his dictionary in 1972, Furnée’s book ‘Die wichtigsten
konsonantischen Erscheinungen des Vorgriechischen’, which was his dissertation
written under the supervision of F.BJ. Kuiper, had just appeared. It was an
elaboration of Kuiper’s 1956 study on Greek substrate words, which opened a new
chapter in the research of the field. Furnée rejected the Pelasgian theory, too (see
especially op. cit. pp. 40-55).
Furnée’s book met with fierce criticism and was largely neglected. In my view, this
was a major mistake in Greek scholarship. True, some of his identifications are
improbable, and his repeated claim that certain forms were expressive leads
nowhere. What remains, however, is that he studied a great number of relevant
forms and drew obvious conclusions from them. Pre-Greek words often show a type
of variation which is not found in inherited words. It is self-evident that this
variation must be studied, and this is what Furnée did. It has turned out (as Kuiper
had already shown) that this variation shows certain recurrent patterns and can be
used to recognize Pre-Greek elements.
’ Furnée’s book is not easy to use: every form is discussed at three or four places,
each time in a different context, so that it may be difficult to find out what his point
really is. On the other hand, his treatment is very careful, and there hardly any
obvious mistakes. I found a number of cases which he had not recognized (e.g.
MTWXOc), but this does not change the fact that his book was the best collection at the
time. Furnée worked on it for twenty years, and even now it is the only hand-book
on the subject. The short overview which follows below is based on Furnée’s material
and on my own research of more than thirty years."
Furnée went astray in two respects. First, he considered almost all variation to be
of an expressive character, which is certainly wrong: it is evident that the variation
found is due to the adaptation of words (or phonemes) of a foreign language to
Greek. We shall see below that many variants can be understood in this way.
Secondly, Furnée was sometimes overzealous in his search for inner-Greek
correspondences. Many of Furnée’s discoveries are brilliant (see s.v. SopvKviov for
an example), but sometimes he went too far: not every alternation necessarily points
to Pre-Greek origin. The author can hardly be blamed for his enthusiasm. He was
exploring new ground, and it can only be expected that he sometimes overplayed his
hand.
‘ Since Kuiper was my supervisor as well, ] was acquainted with the book from the very beginning (see
my review in Lingua 36, 1975).
PRE-GREEK LOANWORDS IN GREEK XV
Several scholars were baffled by Furnée’s proposals and hence rejected the whole
book altogether. His method, however, was correct and I have only filtered out the
improbable suggestions. In many cases, of course, we cannot be absolutely certain,
but this cannot be an objection. Except for a very small number of cases, Furnée’s
material does consist of Pre-Greek words. His index contains 4400 words, and
taking into account that many of these words concern derivatives and variants, as
well as a few Indo-European words, I estimate that Furnée’s book discusses some
1000 Pre-Greek etyma,
In general, I have given only a few personal names and toponyms, and no
material of this kind from outside Greece and Asia Minor. The comparison with
Basque or Caucasian languages has not been considered in this dictionary, as this is
not my competence; it is likely that there are such connections, but this must be left
to other scholars.
My suggested reconstructions are not essential. One may ignore them and just
consider the variation itself. These variants are often explained as incidental
phenomena (assimilation, influence of other words, etc.), and such explanations may
be sometimes correct, but if we know that some variants frequently occur, we will
have to consider Pre-Greek origin. Existing etymological dictionaries often seem to
avoid the conclusion that a word is a substrate element. It is remarkable that
Chantraine was quite aware of the problem in his Formation, but in his dictionary he
often withdrew his earlier evaluation (which in my view was correct). It looks as if
substrate elements were not welcome there.
The relationship with Anatolian languages is a separate problem. A Greek word is
often called a loan from an Anatolian language, while it may just as well be borrowed
from the Pre-Greek substrate. It is generally accepted, on the basis of toponyms, that
there was a language which was once spoken both in Greece and in western Asia
Minor.} In most cases, however, it is impossible to distinguish between substrate
words and loans from Asia Minor (the latter are from a later date). A word may have
been adopted through commerce, as often happens between two neighboring
countries, or starting from the time when Greeks settled in Asia Minor, probably as
early as the isth century. From a methodological point of view, I think it is better to
consider such words as Pre-Greek, and to define them as loanwords from an
Anatolian language only when there is reason to do so. Still, it is clear that we may
often make mistakes here. A case in point is toAUmn ‘clew, ball of wool ready for
spinning’. The word is clearly related to Luwian and Hitt. taluppa/i- ‘lump, clod’.
The Greek word is typical of Pre-Greek words: the structure CaC-up- (with a
appearing as o before u) and the absence of an Indo-European etymology (Melchert
Orpheus 8 (1998): 47-51 is not convincing) imply that the word is Pre-Greek or Pre-
Anatolian. On the other hand, ‘clew’ is not a word that is easily brought from
overseas; it is an everyday word that the speakers of Greek and Anatolian must have
> Note that Furnée often adduces new material that is not mentioned in the current etymological
dictionaries, mostly glosses from Hesychius.
3} A point for further study is to establish how far to the east such related names can be found. It is my
impression that these names can be found as far south as Cilicia.
xvi PRE-GREEK LOANWORDS IN GREEK
picked up not far from home. I completely agree with Furnée’s interpretation (35°)
that the word was brought to Greece by settlers from Anatolia who spoke the
language, which, from another perspective, we call Pre-Greek. In other words,
todvin is a loan from an Anatolian language, but this (probably non-Indo-
European) language was also spoken in large parts of Greece before the Greeks
(speaking an Indo-European language) arrived there.
It is essential to realize that substrate words are a frequent phenomenon. One may
regret this (for instance, from the Indo-Europeanist point of view), but this is
irrelevant; the existence of Pre-Greek words is simply a fact that has to be accepted.
To me, it is fascinating that in this way we can learn something about the oldest
language of Europe (including Anatolia), of which we otherwise have no evidence.
The ‘Pelasgian’ theory has done much harm, and it is time to forget it. The latest
attempt was Heubeck’s ‘Minoisch-Mykenisch’ (discussed by Furnée 55-66), where
the material was reduced to some ten words; the theory has by now been tacitly
abandoned.
B. Phonology
1. The phonemic system of Pre-Greek
Voiceless, voiced and aspirated stops may interchange in Pre-Greek words, without
any apparent conditioning factors. This fact shows that voice and aspiration were
not distinctive features in Pre-Greek* On the other hand, the Linear B signs
(graphemes) for rjo, rja and tja show that palatalization probably was distinctive.
This is confirmed by the sign pte (e.g. in ra-pte-re /"rapteres/ with the agent suffix
-ter-), which must go back to an earlier p’e. In the Pre-Greek material, such a
phoneme may underlie examples like 8d7tta. One may wonder whether xpoood@8ov
points to p’ > pt, which was realized with aspiration. Further, the signs two, twe, dwo,
dwe, nwa, swa, swi, point to labialization as a distinctive feature, ie. to, te, do, de,
n”a, s”a, s”i. Note that palatal and labial forms of graphemes are found both with
resonants and stops, which is a phenomenon alien to Indo-European languages. The
existence of labiovelars is confirmed by qa-si-re-u = Baothetc, etc. (see further
Beekes Glotta 73 (1995/6): 12f.). We may thus posit the following system’:
Pp p’ p”
t v t”
k kv kv
s sy sY
r r rt
] Vy |”
4 Of course, it could be due to the fact that a different distinction was present in Pre-Greek (like fortis /
lenis, found in most Anatolian languages), but no obvious distribution pointing in this direction can be
discerned in the material.
5 Note that I distinguish between palatals of Pre-Greek origin, which are indicated by a superscript y
(e.g. k”), and palatovelars of Indo-European origin.
PRE-GREEK LOANWORDS IN GREEK Xvii
m mY m”
n nY n”
Of course, it is possible that one or more of the posited phonemes did not occur in
Pre-Greek (e.g., m’ is a rare sound in the languages of the world).
We can now use this insight in explaining the surfacing Greek forms. Thus,
dagvn / Savxv(a)- can now be explained from a Pre-Greek form *dak"n-.° In the
former form, the labiovelar yields a labial stop g. In the latter, it is rendered by -vy-,
with anticipation of the labial feature, while the labiovelar turns up as a velar, possib-
ly by dissimilation from uk”. Again, note that aspiration is not phonemic in Pre-
Greek. It is very important to note that we cannot predict how a Pre-Greek form will
surface in Greek: sometimes a stop turns up as an aspirate, sometimes as a voiced
stop (eg. aintcs / dap, see B 5.1. below). As a consequence, it may happen that there
is a large number of variants, but it may also be that there are no variants at all.
As a second example, we may also understand abynv / Lesb. dunv from a pre-
form *ank”én. The latter form is directly understandable, with » from the labiovelar.
The first form went through *an”kén or *a”nkén, giving abynv with loss of the nasal
(a development known from Armenian). Perhaps, a scenario *akӎn > avdyryv is also
possible, with a prenasalized form *ankӎn (> Gu@nv) beside *akӎn? Such
interpretations may be wrong in individual cases, but this is no reason not to try. On
the other hand, variation that is strange from an exclusively Indo-European point of
view becomes understandable in this way, starting as we do from a limited set of
assumptions.
The existence of palatalized phonemes in Pre-Greek may explain a number of
other developments. Thus, I assume that a geminate \X may continue Pre-Greek *?.
We know that IE */y gave AA in Greek, but if a variant with single \ coexists, we are
warned. For example, the name Ayi\Aevc has a variant Axyttebc with one X. And
although the latter only occurs in Homer, this fact points to Pre-Greek origin. The
variant was preserved because it was metrically convenient, it was not created for
metrical purposes. Of course, the fact that there was more variation at an earlier date
is what we expect. As far as the other palatalized resonants are concerned, an” may
have given atv, ar’ may have given atp (or also eip with coloring of the vowel, see
section C2 below on the suffixes), etc. We have -aip-, -atv- but no *-atA- in Pre-
Greek words. This is confirmed by the fact that geminate AA is very frequent (Fur.
387), whereas geminate pp, vv and piu are much less frequent, or even rare.
In a similar fashion, *as’ may have yielded either -ato- or -ao-, cf. kaBatooc,
which has a vl. ka4Baococ. In rendering such a foreign word, the palatalization may
have been represented at one time, and may have been neglected at another. This
® Although I assume that voice was not distinctive in Pre-Greek, I do write d- in this case, because only
6- surfaces in Greek. We must avoid losing information present in the Greek forms. Thus, my notation of
Pre-Greek forms is heuristic to a certain degree, and not always consistent with the phonemic system I
tentatively reconstruct here.
7 On prenasalization, see B5.2. below. As an alternative, an Indo-European etymology starting with the
root *hzemg'- ‘to tie, betroth’, can be offered; see the dictionary (although I prefer the analysis given here).
xvili PRE-GREEK LOANWORDS IN GREEK
phenomenon was the main cause of variation in Pre-Greek forms. The
interpretation is~ further confirmed by the parallel development of labialized
consonants. Thus, I suppose that ar” resulted in -a(v)p- (see the section on the
suffixes). In this way, we may understand xaAadpow beside koAdpofov from a pre-
form kalar’-op-. Another form which shows the remarkable interchange a/av is
apacyadec / adpooxdc. Here one might assume a pre-form *ar”ask-at-. Note that the
labial element would at the same time explain the o as a variant of a in both cases. A
similar mechanism must be at the basis of the etymon dAo&, abAak, wha, evraKa,
which is hopeless from an Indo-European point of view. I assume that all forms go
back on Pre-Greek *al”-ak-. It gives abAax- through anticipation, GAox- through
coloring. In this way, the first two forms, which are best attested, are directly clear.
Further, av/ev/w interchange frequently, which explains @Aak and evAdKa; OAok- is
not problematic either, as both /a/’s were colored to [o] by the labialized resonant.
Only the Homeric accusative @Aka is hopeless: it is the only form that has no vowel
between A and x, and therefore may be due to some accident of the tradition. This is
a problem that has not been solved yet.
I do not know whether a diphthong is allowed in suffixes of the structure VC, cf.
the forms in -atfoc. Structurally, one could think of -ay”-, or even -aw’-, but such
sounds are rather rare in the languages of the world. An instance of -at- due to a
palatalized consonant is éaipvng / éEartivng / dpvw (a brilliant combination by Fur.
158, etc.), which must contain -ap’- (the palatalization was ignored in the last form).
Comparable to the development in é&artivng is kvwy / Kivwretov, from k’n- with t
representing palatalization, cf. Beekes 2008. Likewise, I assume that mivutdc beside
Tvutdc points to *p’nut-. Perhaps, we must interpret olwndw as *s’6p- because of
evownia. An interesting case is AiptvOec: AptvOec, for which I assume *?’m- beside
*al’m- with prothetic a (see B3 below on the prothetic vowel).
A palatalized consonant could color a to e. A good example is xbmapoc, Kbmatpos,
but also kbmepoc, Kimetpoc, where we have all possible variants due to the palatalized
consonant. Compare further KéfBapvor next to KdBetpot. Likewise, we have CakeAtic
next to CexeAtic ‘kohOxuvta’, where the interchange occurs after ¢ from earlier
palatalized #. dipOépa beside Siydpa may have had -p?’-; ZA(A)ow next to dA(A)aBn¢
goes back to *aPap-, with the common variation a / o before a labial. A clear example
is Naottéc with, next to it, Aeoitég and Adotat, Adotavpoc. It may be interpreted as
representing PG *las’t-.
Kuiper Lingua 21 (1968): 269-277 pointed out that the substrate language had
labiovelars. He especially pointed to OadvKkpdc next to é8dAvya, BaAnw. I added a
few remarks in Beekes Glotta 73 (1995/6): 12f. From Mycenaean, we have a-to-ro-qo
(AvOpwitoc) and ge-to (mi8oc), Mo-qo-so (Méwoc), qi-si-pe-e (the dual of Ei@oc).
Further there is A-i-ti-jo-qo (gen. Ai®iomoc), 6p8aAudc with the variants dktadAocg
and éntid(A)oc, which cannot be explained from Indo-European. Instead of Eigoc,
we would perhaps expect **yigoc. So the developments are largely as those of Greek,
but not completely.
Pre-Greek probably had a /y/ and a /w/. Initial ya- presumably often lost its y-,
but it may sometimes be represented by ia- as in tapyBoc, Taowv. The ending -uia
PRE-GREEK LOANWORDS IN GREEK xix
may have been -uy-a (a Pre-Greek y may have had a different development from y in
inherited words). In the same way, -ala may derive from PG *-ay-a with a variant
-eta, cf. IInveAdmeta. Perhaps, the y disappeared in some cases, giving yaia beside ya
(see below on the suffix -at- / -e(t)-).
Initial w- was often lost (Gvak), but wa- may also have been rendered by oa-, as in
‘Oakdc beside Cret. fakdc. The same holds for Ot\evc, which has been considered to
be identical with the root of IAoc). We find va- (which became ba-) in baxtv8oc,
Cret. FaxtvOoc. Fur. 377 assumes a prothetic v- in the latter word, but this seems
improbable to me. Another example may be ta/eAoc. The differences are probably
due to the date at which the word was borrowed and depend on whether the Greek
dialect concerned still had a F at that time. Another treatment can be found in the
word for ‘truffle’, for which we find otitov, ofdvov (also -tv-), bSvov (also -tv-), or
ttov. These are probably all renderings of *wit-. (Fur. 184 again assumes a prothetic
vowel, Fit- / ofit-, which does not seem to be the right solution. He further assumes
a variation *wit- / wut-, which also seems improbable to me, though the variation t /
v is attested.) Rather, v- is a form of ot-, with the -o- changed under influence of the
-t- (cf. Lejeune 1972: 174, and note that Greek did not allow -v1- before consonants; of
course, ol became v in Boeotian in the 3 c. BC; variation ot / v is found in more
Pre-Greek words). This case nicely shows that variation in Pre-Greek words is due to
different rendering of the sounds of a foreign language, and therefore has to be taken
seriously. Bpakahov: pdrtadov (H.) probably attests a development *wrak- > Bpax-
(as Fur. 147 remarks on kahadpoy: “Die landlaufige Etymologie <connecting> pénw
.. ist woh] ohne weiteres aufzugeben.”). copda: madtovpov eidog ‘sorb-apple’ (H.)
continues *sorw- (cf. Lat. sorbus, Fr. sorbier, Fur. 230).
It seems that there was no initial aspiration in Pre-Greek. Furnée has a few words
with a-, é- (one or two with i-; none with 6-, )-, w-). Several of these are doubtful;
best is aipacid (aipot). One might conclude that the language had no h. This would
agree with the fact that aspiration is not a distinctive feature in the stops. However,
this conclusion is remarkable for fjpwe, “EAAnvec and “H@atotoc, which we expect to
be Pre-Greek words (but note that Myc. a-pa-i-ti-jo does not have a.-). Of course,
aspiration may have been added secondarily in Greek in individual cases, cf. the
variation in dg0a / 40a and ékeSwvn / éAed@vn, which is a variant of dehedwvn.
However, Prof. Ruijgh pointed out to me that Mycenaean had toponyms (a.-ra-tu-
wa) and personal names (4@.-ku-mi-jo) with initial h-; it also occurs in inlaut (pi-a.-la,
ko-ri-a,-da-na); cf. further e-ma-a, (/Hermahas/ ‘Hermes’).
Originally, I thought that Pre-Greek only had three vowels: a, i, u. The Greek
words concerned often have e and o, but this would not be surprising, as the three
vowels have a wide phonetic range, and the phoneme /a/ may have sounded like [e]
or [o] in many environments. The main reason for me to assume this simple three-
vowel system was the fact that the system of suffixes has a, i, u, but not e, o. We have
-ay-, -ly-, -vy-; prenasalized -ayy-, -tyy-, -vyy-3 likewise -a8-, -18-, -v@-; and
prenasalized -av0-, -.v0-, -vv0-, but no forms with -ey(y)-, -oy(y)-, etc. The only
cases I noticed are ‘Prioxov8oc and ddovOoc (but as a variant of 6AvvO0c), and
tnAohovOn with a variant pnd(oA)avOn.
XX PRE-GREEK LOANWORDS IN GREEK
Recently, I have become more inclined to assume a system with the usual five
vowels, because there seems to be a distinction between the two variations a / ¢ and
a / o, on the one hand, and a stable, not interchanging a, on the other. This would
point to a system with a, e and o. On the other hand, it is difficult to explain why the
suffixes do not show the same variation that we find in the root vowels.
It is essential that the palatalized and labialized consonants colored an adjacent a
to e and o, respectively. On the effects of palatalized consonants see Beekes 2008: 46-
55. Fur. 340 has a rule a > o before 0, w, v (e.g. kadvBdc / KoAvBdc); this can now be
understood as the o-like realization of /a/ before high rounded vowels in the
following syllable (see 15.3.2).
So, e and o originally were variants of the phoneme /a/. It is difficult to establish
whether they had already become full phonemes in Pre-Greek. A good illustration of
the case is the name of Apollo. In Hittite, Appaliunas renders A pollon- (see Beekes
JANER 3, 2003). We know that Greek originally had AmeAA-, with -e- arising from
-a- before the palatalized b. The -o- developed only later in Greek, but I assume that
the Hittite form still shows the -a-. The Pre-Greek form was Apal’un-.
I have long doubted (and still doubt) whether there was phonemic vowel length
in Pre-Greek. Greek substrate words quite often only have a form with a long vowel.
Vacillation is sometimes found, as in Optvaxn beside Opivak (see B 6.2), and note
SBpipoc beside Bpipdc, Bptin. Quite a different argument is the following: a vpov
and mitdpov both mean ‘chaff; it is therefore probable that they contain the same
suffix -vp-; but in the first word the u is short, while it is long in the second.
Note that n often represents @ (ya8vAXic / ynO-), and as our knowledge of the
relevant dialects is rather limited, we often simply do not know whether n represents
an older a or e. If we had not had Dor. cidapoc, we would not have known that it
contains an old a. Also, Afipvoc represents Aduvoc. There are well-known Pre-Greek
words with n < *é, like onmAatov.
I assume two diphthongs, ai and au. If there were no e and 0, we do not expect
other diphthongs. A diphthong ev is rare (Fur. 353 Anm. 5; I found some 12 instances
in the whole of Furnée’s material); it interchanges with av. Fur. 339 Anm. 2) calls et
"(in mehreren Fallen) nur eine Nebenform von at". Also, ot is rather rare, and we
may find ov more often, but mostly interchanging with other vowels (see the remark
on the suffix -oup-). See further section B6.1 on vowel variation.
Regarding the accentuation, I noted vacillation in: dBpapuc / -pic¢; aiywAtog / -td¢;
dxvpos / -dc; dxwp / aywp; Kdpvdoc / Kopvddc; Kopbdarocg / kopvdahrdq; LEdtLvOG /
wedivdc; oikvog / otkvdc; bpicxog / bptoodc. Note also the almost identical forms
such as Avkawdc / AvKowoc. This does not imply that the language had no clear
stress: the Greeks who adopted a word could simply have been uncertain about it.
The phenomenon may, however, be important heuristically: such variation is very
rare in inherited words.
2a. Characteristic sounds and sound groups
In Pre-Greek words, we find some sounds or clusters that are rare in PIE words. In
brackets, I give the variants.
PRE-GREEK LOANWORDS IN GREEK Xxi
1. av: Of course, av does occur in PIE words, but only when it derives from *h,eu
(mostly in initial position) or eh,u. Examples: BAatdec, Bpavkac, ypavkadac,
Kdvavotpov, kacavpa, tpavgdva; Aabpavvddc.
2. B: As is well known, *b was rare in PIE. In Pre-Greek words, it seems to occur
relatively often. Examples: dPAapot, aBtpBnroc, apBvAN, atapBaktoc, BapBtAroc,
Odpupoc, KiBadoc. It is frequently found word-initially. Of course, B may also go
back to a Pre-Greek labiovelar (i.e. labialized velar): e.g. Bacthevc, Myc. qa-si-re-u.
3. 66: The cluster is possible in PIE words, but it is rare (see on B sub 2. above).
Examples: &Bde\Aov, &Bdnpa, aBdnc, tBSnc, avto-KaBdaroc, KiPdnroc, kvBabda;
KopBdétAumta.
4. y5: Cf. Fur. 318°. There is nothing against PIE *gd, but it is infrequent. Of
course, the group is reminiscent of 86. Examples: Gyduc, duvyddain, ydounéw (cf.
Kturtéw), tySn, kpiySavov, ADySn.
5. yv: Example: iyvuc (ixvic). On xv, pv, see the section on the suffixes.
6. 5v: The sequence is rare in IE words. Examples: axtdvodc, ddanadvoc, apaytdva,
Aettadvos (Aa-), citvdvocg; Aptadvn.
7. kt: The group is regular in PIE, but in Pre-Greek it is found with variants; see
Bs.5. Examples: aBivxtov, Baxtat, Sixty.
8. «x: The group can hardly be of IE origin, but it is not frequent. I noted Baxyap,
AKXA, GAKXAP, CLKXdc; Baxyoc, Bpiaxxoc, BUKxtc. The group -xx- is the geminate of
x. Cf. on 1, 10.
9. tv: The group is certainly possible in PIE words, but it is also frequent in
Pre-Greek. Examples: dugi-Kédepvov, Fedyivoc, tapvoc, Bacvpwatys, Kpntvds,
dp va, Awpvuvov, péptuva, PddSapvos, ofyupvov, otdptuvov; Atbpwos.
10. ov: The diphthong is perfectly IE, but it is found several times in Pre-Greek. I
do not think that Pre-Greek had a diphthong -ou-, but it may have arisen from e.g.
-ar”-, which often surfaces as -ovp-. Examples: cevdovxn, oxiovpoc, otpovOdc,
Tayxoupos, Tovoc, pavSoupoc, PodoKoc, yAobvne.
11. w@: The group can hardly be of PIE origin, but it is rare in Pre-Greek words,
too. Like in the case of xy, it is the geminate of ~. Examples: apyifangne (?); Zangw
(Varo).
12. pd: On a morpheme boundary, the group is possible in PIE. Examples from
Pre-Greek: ayépda, kanapdedoa, kapdapdaAn.
13. pkv: A rare group, perhaps there is even no reason to speak of a group.
Examples: dpapkva, Bepxvic.
14. pv (variants pd, v5): Examples: kioipvic (-vd-), dxépda (-va), oxanépda. See
the section on the suffixes.
15. A o occurs both word-initially and between vowels, where it has disappeared
in most inherited words. Initial: odputta, caytptov, odvantiv, odvdahov,
cappug0eiv, cexova, otBdvn, otyvpvov. Intervocalic: a&yaovAhic, Gyyovoa (éyy-);
aiBova(a)a, aipacid, aloakog, dAeisov, Spdcoc. After resonant: dAcoc, Badcapov,
yehoov, yEvoloc, LAPOLTTOG (-V7TITOG).
Xxii PRE-GREEK LOANWORDS IN GREEK
16. of: The group is hardly known from inherited words (ofévvum is
problematic). Examples: doBodoc, Siobn, ‘AoBetoc. -oB- may continue Pre-Greek
-sg"-: Myc. ti-qa-jo may stand for /thisg”aios/ 1oBaioc.
17. oy: Again, this group is hardly known from IE words. It may sometimes
continue -g-, as in duvoyéda, AoyeAdtac (see 5.5). Examples: ddktoyéw, boyivn,
pdoyavoy, doyavdns, moyic.
18. ok, ot: These groups are well known from IE, but mostly in word initial
position. See section B5.5. Examples: Béoxepot, Bdotak, cvotepot, Aaotayel.
19. otA: Though the cluster contains nothing that could not be IE, it occurs more
often in substrate words. Examples: GotAtyyec, otieyyic.
20. t0: The group can hardly be of PIE origin. In Pre-Greek, it is a variant of tt
and oo (see 5.5). Sometimes, it is clearly the geminate of 8: AtOic beside AOrvn.
Further examples: it0é\a, k6t8upoc, MetOaroi.
21. 90: The cluster is possible in inherited words. Example: vacxag@ov.
22. Xp, xv: Rather rare in IE; Fur. 110 assumes that the nasal caused the aspiration.
Examples: davypidc, Savyva-, cavyxpov.
23. Frisk gives some seventy lemmas with y-. Many words are clearly Pre-Greek,
and there are no convincing Indo-European etymologies. That many of these words
are of substrate origin is also clear from the fact that there are variants with o-.
Apparently, Pre-Greek did not have any difficulty with ps-, as Greek has so many
words with y-. Originally, I thought that all words with y- were Pre-Greek, but this
thesis cannot be maintained. Among the non-substrate words, woAAa originally did
not have *ps-, and w- for @@- is secondary (see Lejeune 1972: 39); the verb yhw may
well be non-IE.
24. w: Of course, w is perfectly IE, but it also occurs in Pre-Greek words.
Examples: dpaKxpwtic, dvOpwoc, avwvic, amopwdtoc, appwSéw, doxadrwnac,
Faokwvdac, donwAeiv, BakAwth, Kaoowpic, AwWpULLVOv.
25. Geminates (see also B5.8 on single / geminated consonants): Indo-European
had no geminates. Of course, geminates arose in Greek, but they are not very
frequent. I doubt whether Pre-Greek had geminates, but several occur in Pre-Greek
words (Brixhe 1976: 95 states that there were no geminates in this language). As
Pre-Greek had palatalized phonemes, I wonder whether /’ was (often) represented by
dA in Greek. In a similar vein, perhaps n” might be represented as vv, and r’ as pp,
but this needs further investigation. For oo and tt see Bs.5. Unclear are 56, kx, 17,
and ,u (a palatalized m’ is a rare sound). Some further examples:
Stops® 66: Gddau, &dd1&
kk: dxKados, Béhexkog, AdkKoc(?)
Tm: Gypitmoc, AovrTIG
tt: BittaKog, AdtTTa, KATTOG, LaTTAaBos, LETTES, piTTOG; TittaKdc,
Liquids: AA: dAAGBng, aAAOTINg, dpiAAaKav, BadAAwti, BSEAA, BiAALV, TaTEAAA
Lt: KAELULLG
vv: aydavva, BAévvos, yivvog, Aaxdavva; Aiktuvva
* We also have to recall the instances of xx, mp, 10 (see above).
PRE-GREEK LOANWORDS IN GREEK xxiii
pp: appaBaxa, Bippn, Bippok, Kappov
Sibilant oo: aiSovo(a)a, dppicoa, yiooa.
2b. How to recognize words as Pre-Greek?
This appears to be relatively easy. A first indication is that a given word has no IE
etymology. Often, there is variation which is impossible to explain in Indo-European
terms. Therefore, the discussion of these variants is essential. Then, there are
numerous suffixes that are typical for Pre-Greek (see the list below). The meaning
may also provide an indication. The words concerned are often names of plants or
animals, or part of viticulture. Frequently, the words are sexual terms.
If we have some of the above features, it is quite clear that we are dealing with a
Pre-Greek word. The origin of the word is then indicated «PG» in the dictionary. In
many cases, we do not have enough data and can only suspect that the word might
be Pre-Greek (the origin is then indicated as <PG?>).
3. Prothetic vowel
Pre-Greek had a prothetic vowel, e.g. doxdAagoc beside kahagoc. In most cases, the
vowel is 4-. The numbers (Fur. 368ff.) are as follows: a + 90, 0 10, € 5, 3, U @, 11 6, al 2.
Note that, generally speaking, a may interchange with 0, e, and at. Indeed, we have
cases where prothetic o interchanges with a, and the same holds for ¢ (e.g. eixA- /
aixA-, éyia / ayia). Although not all other cases can be explained away, it seems that
the phenomenon originally only concerned a. Examples: dyaovAnXic / yn8vAXic;
axipic / Kippic; akopvoi / Kdpvoy; axpadapiwAa / xpapadotrat; avapitys / vnpitns;
aoxddaBos / (o)kahabwrng aydvoy / Kdvwy.
4. s-mobile
A large number of words shows an initial o- before a consonant, which is absent in
practically identical variants. It occurs before a stop or m (so not before r, J, 1); the
stop is mostly voiceless, sometimes aspirated; see Fur. 390f. Examples: yéAevoc /
oxéAtvos, (c)KiSaegn, Kikepoc / oKiyKos, (c)KopSdAN, Batarog / on-, MéAEBO¢ / OT-,
gattayns / on-, OptyKdg (tptyxdc) / otpiyxdc, Toneiov / otUMTEIOV, (0)LUNpIVBO<,
(o)pbpatva. A prothetic vowel may appear before an s-mobile (Fur. 390°):
aoxdraBoc / oxarabwtne / kadabdc, dopdpayos / opapayos / papayk, doxdhagos /
Kadaoc.
5. Consonant variation
5.1 Voiceless / voiced / aspirated stop
Furnée’s conclusion was that “‘Pre-Greek’ was a non-Indo-European language, with
no recognizable cognates. This implies that the phonemic system may have been
different from that of Indo-European. Thus, he found that the stops show variation
between voiced, voiceless and aspirated, so that there presumably was no phonemic
distinction between voice and aspiration in the language. As there is no reason to
assume that this is a recent phenomenon, it strongly suggests that the language was
non-Indo-European. For example, mtwy6c belongs to a root ptak- / ptok- also seen
in mtwé, -Kdc. Since such a variation is hardly understandable in Indo-European
XxIV PRE-GREEK LOANWORDS IN GREEK
terms, the word must be Pre-Greek. Furnée’s discussion of this variation runs from
p. 115 till p. 200. Even if we allow for some mistakes, it is clear that there is abundant
evidence for this phenomenon.
5.2 Prenasalization
Before a stop, a nasal may be present or not in Pre-Greek words. Eg. kdypuc /
Kayxpuc, kopvgr / KOpupBoc, GadGBr / cadduBn, etc. The phenomenon is extremely
frequent, but its precise origin is not known (prenasalized consonants’).
5-3 Nasalization
A consonant is replaced by a homorganic nasal: xidagevetv / ktvagevetv, PANS@vta /
Arvagoc.
5.4. Labial stops / m/u
There are three interchanges: labial stop / p, labial stop / F and p/ F.
Labial stop / p (Fur. 203-227). Examples: apBbAn / GpyvdAa n.pl; BapBitog /
Bappitocg; Kbpivdtc / KbBivdtc; AvKdBac / AvKdpac; utsota— / Biotat; oKdAvpOG /
oxddvBoc; papuaKov / pdpBavta; cpdpayos / Gudpayoc.
Labial stop / f (Fur. 228-242). Examples: té8171a, 8am0¢ / Batpa; KdBadoc /
Kavaddg; kacoaBac / kacavpa; KpauBoc / Kpadpoc.
u/ F (Fur. 242-247). A difficulty here is that Greek did not preserve a F in most
cases, so that we often just find zero, and the F can only be reconstructed. This gives
rise to a certain degree of uncertainty. Perhaps, we have to reckon with the
possibility of a development y > b. Examples: Baoupwi-atnyg / Baovv-iac; Kpipvov /
Kpivov; pédiuvog / Feditvoc; ciyupvoc / oiybvoc (also ciyvvvoc). The evidence
comprises 8 or 9 words in -tvoc. It is found six times word-initially: e.g. pfAov /
Tov; povOvAebw / dvOvAevw; note pépoy / dépoy (eipoy), where the latter forms
could continue *d-Fepoy / *é-fepow with a prothetic vowel. Note further kvapog /
kburXa, which perhaps continues *kvF-ap-, *KD[-1]K-.
5-5 Stops interchanging with o(o), with stop + o/t or with o + stop
This kind of variation is quite complicated. I distinguished no less than 10 (or even
15) different types®. They may be represented as follows (C = consonant):
a. labials b. velars
1.C/Ct Tt / mt K/ KT
2.C/Cs m/w
3. C/ sC (1 / om) K/ OK
4. Ct/ Cs mt/w Kt /&
5.Ct/sC Kt / OK
6. Cs/ sC (w/ om) (& / ox)
7. Cs /ss E/oo
8.sC/ss ok / oo
9 Since the word wittakiov / 1otdKtov ‘pistachio’ is probably an oriental loanword, there are no good
examples for an interchange oo / ot.
PRE-GREEK LOANWORDS IN GREEK XXV
8c. C/ ss x / oo
dentals
9. t / ss t/ oo
10. t / st t/ot
The analysis of these variants is not easy, and I mainly present the data here. A
question that needs to be explained is why exactly s or t are involved in the given
variation.
The most complicated instance is 5b, where we find xt/ox. In fact, the most
complicated phenomenon contains most information, and can be solved best. In this
case, one expects a cluster with k, i. a consonant before or after the k. One of the
two expected clusters must have undergone metathesis. As Greek did undergo a
metathesis tk > xt (and no metathesis of ox or €), we may assume that precisely this
phenomenon was operative here. Thus, for an earlier stage we may reconstruct an
interchange ox/tk. This interchange can be easily explained by assuming a
consonant, probably unknown to Greek, which resulted either in o or in t. In my
interpretation, this must have been a palatalized dental, ie. /t’/. For instance,
auvoyéra / cuvyddAn was probably *amut’gala, represented first as *amusgala or
*amudgala, the latter yielding *amugdala. A less clear example is Asklepios, who was
called A(L)oxAamtdg or A(t)yAamtdc. It could be that the name was *A’klap-, giving
*A(i)sklap- or *A(i)dglap-. In the latter form, metathesis did not operate because
* Agdlap- was not tolerated in Greek; the dental was then simply lost. Needless to
say, it often happens that only one variant is found. The strange feature or phoneme
may also be dismissed altogether, as in dixeiv next to dioxoc and diktvov.
One might suppose that all variants in this group are due to a palatalized dental,
but this is not evident, as consonant clusters are rather rare, and as there are no
suffixes beginning with a consonant (except n, r, etc.). We may be unable to
determine what exactly happened in each case.
Type 4 is treated by Fur. 2633. Since Pre-Greek did not distinguish voice and
aspiration in stops, these often vary; so if we speak of kt or xt, this also includes
realization as x8, such as in pdpoy8oc below. If we consider the variation with labials,
as in pt/ps, it is clear that we are dealing with a labial followed by a dental. The dental
could also appear as s, so it is clear that the phoneme concerned was a palatalized
dental, which I note /t’/. This means that we are dealing with a group pt’. In the same
way, with a velar we have kt’.
The example dip8épa next to Siydpa is well-known and clear. Furnée further
gives yvaumtotc: xadtvotc (H.) beside yAauwoi: yadtvoi otéuatog (H.) and
compares mtikov with Dor. widov. His example dmtdc ‘cooked’ next to dwov is less
evident.
Among the forms with a velar, there is no problem with pdpox80¢ / wdpokoc. The
best known example is Epex8etc (also Epixy8evc) next to Epexoec on Attic vases. I
have no opinion on’Epty@dvtoc; it may be a Graecisized form, and in this case it is
unimportant for Pre-Greek. See further the ethnonyms AatvAe-ntot, Andd-nTH¢,
Tadn-woi, Aadé-oi and Tpavi-oi. Other forms are less clear.
XXVi PRE-GREEK LOANWORDS IN GREEK
There may have been series with three forms, with kt / ks, pt / ps and also k or p. I
can only mentiom “Apay8oc / Apdénc next to ‘Apayoc, and perhaps, next to dp8épa /
dtydpa, the verb dépw (together with dew-), for both cf. Fur. 263.
Above, we assumed that a labial or a velar could be followed by a palatalized
dental /t’/. If this is right, we can also postulate that this consonant (labial or velar)
was followed by a normal dental. Of course, this yielded pt and kt. I assume that the
second consonant of this group (the dental) could have been dropped, which yielded
single p or k. This explains the type m(t)oAgwocg (Fur. §50) and Bpdyyoc (with
prenasalization) beside Bpdx8oc (Fur. $51).
I will shortly review the 10 (15) types (I call the labials 12, etc., the velars 1b, etc.).
1a. MT may represent a single phoneme p”, as we saw in Bi. Examples: (Fur. 315ff.):
yvun- / yvunt- (yvurtet-); KoA pBaiva / KoADBSatva; KiBadrog / KiBSN¢; AUT / AUTTA;
without variants note kpdcc00g8ov, cappugOeiv.
ib. kt is most probably explained like 5b, discussed above (so 1b is a part of 5b).
Examples (Fur. 319ff.): dpakig / dpaxtny; poyéw / pox8éw; mehekdv / onéAeKToc;
aKakia /-KaKTOS.
2a. w may result from *p?’. It is remarkable that there is no 2b. x / &, as & is
unproblematic in Greek.’°
3a. 1 / on, b. k / ox: Both may represent *f’p, ’k. Examples: 8ioBn / Sifts (Fur.
2927), Béxoc / BéoKkepor; tyAa / toKAa; LdKedrAa / pdokn (BaoKn); LdKog / whoKoc
pakedov / paokwAog (Fur. 295ff.).
4a. mt / w, b. kt / & were discussed above and may continue *pt’, kt’; they may
belong together with 2a. Examples: dip8épa / Suydpa (Fur. 263 Anm. 3); xaAvBdtKdc
/ Xadvwog (Fur. 318, 324); hOpox8oc / udpokos (Fur. 263 Anm. 3).
5b. kt/ ox was discussed above. Examples: duvoyéAa / duvyddAn (Fur. 301 Anm.
2); dioxog / Siktv(ov) (Fur. 279, 319).
6a. y / on, b. & / ox. Fur. 393 simply considered the interchange as due to
metathesis, which, of course, is possible. *sp, *sk may represent *f’p, ’k. Examples
(Fur. 393): donivOiov / dyivOrov; do@ic / oat; toxiov / iEic; poboKos / pokdc.
7b. & / oo. If — represents *kt’, the k may have disappeared in other cases (which
did not give &) after which * became oo. Examples: kpt&dc / Kpioodc (Fur. 130°);
oibda / Fitba (Fur. 317); tpavkava, tpwEavov / tpatcavov (Fur. 2867); iEdAn / iadAn
(iovéXa, itBéha); OdALENs / ‘Odvecerdc.
8b. ok / oo can be explained parallel to 7b: *#’k > ox or, with loss of the k, *” > oo.
Example (Fur. 300): bptoxoc / bpiccoc.
ga. t / oo. This is the well-known element that yielded oo / tr. Furnée does not
discuss it under this heading, because he gives only one phoneme (‘letter’) and its
variants; for instance, he discusses ox / kt under k / kt. The situation is also different
here, as we are able to discern a distribution among the Greek dialects, and attribute
the different renderings of these loanwords to dialectal developments. Still, the fact
remains that a foreign element was rendered in different ways, as with all other
* Thave some difficulty with Furnée’s section XI (Fur. 323-329). My conclusion is that a variation C /
Co cannot be proven, although some instances remain difficult to explain otherwise.
PRE-GREEK LOANWORDS IN GREEK xxvii
phenomena discussed here. Fur. 253 has the heading t, 6, 8 / o(0), ¢. I think this
should be reformulated as t (6, 9), tt (8) / 6 (4), 6, ie. t with its usual variants 6, 9;
or the geminated tt (with its expected variant 10, which is the Greek form of
geminated 00), interchanging with o or oo. Ifthe ¢ was [sd], it does not fit in well. As
to its interpretation, it could represent single *?, which was rendered tt or oo, or
single o, t (the variant ¢ would then fit in, but one would also expect a variant oT).
Examples (Fur. 253ff.): nttdc¢ / kioodc, Kpdtiov / Kpdcco@Oov, ttvptivyn / Lvpoivn,
tebdtiov / oebtiov, tin / oiAgn, yadog / yalac, dopwaAgiv / ddpwAr.
I think that the phoneme rendered by oo, Att. tt (called the foreign phoneme or
Fremdphonem) was a palatalized velar, which I write as k’, cf. Beekes JIES 37 (2009):
191-197. This would be parallel to the development of inherited velar + yod, which
gave oo, Att. tt, as in gvAdoow, pvAdttw. This interpretation is confirmed by
Oahacoa, Oahatta, where we have a variant Saddyyav: 8aAacoav (H.). Here we see
that after the nasal (prenasalization is well known in Pre-Greek), the palatal feature
of the consonant was dropped. This resulted in a velar (here realized as an aspirate).
The variant shows that we may be dealing with a velar in cases of oo / tt. We can
also compare koAvptBatva beside KoAvBSatva, which had p’; again we see that the
palatal feature was lost after the inserted nasal.
There is a third representation. We know that the name of Odysseus was
‘Odvooev-, Odvttev-. This means that it probably had a palatalized velar, *k’. But we
also find OvAEvs (Ibyc. apud Diom. Gr. p. 321 K, Hdn. Gr., Plut.), a form which was
at the basis of Latin Ulixes. This form was taken from a Western Greek dialect,
probably Doric. Therefore, a third representation of the foreign phoneme is --.
10a. tT / ot may be from *?t giving ot or, with loss of the t, *t” > oo. Examples
(Fur. 302ff.): BakAwth / BadAavotiov; udtpvdAdog / pdotpvAAoc; pwTIc / pWwoTaAk;
matirr / maotiAn.
As we saw, it is very difficult to determine what exactly happened in each case; on
the other hand, it is clear that almost all variation can be understood if we start from
just a few assumptions.
5.6 Velar / labial / dental stops: labiovelars
There is limited evidence for variation between velar and labial, between velar and
dental, and between labial and dental, and between all the three classes (Fur. 388ff.).
We find:
K/m,B K/t,6 n/t
y/B y/d~ B/S y/B/56
x/g 9/8 x/@/8
It is remarkable that the variants mostly agree in voice / aspiration. Since examples
of this phenomenon are not particularly numerous, this may be an indication that
the words concerned are not of Pre-Greek origin, but due to borrowing from a
different substrate, for instance. Examples:
«/ Tt: KAavOVv / TAavic
y/ B: Bpakadov / portadov; yAémw / BAETw; YaAIc / PadtKpdv
k/t: doxavdns / dotavdns
xxviii PRE-GREEK LOANWORDS IN GREEK
y / 5: yahatpov / adatd,10Vv
m/ t: Banaivet / Batatver
B/ 5: cdttiBadrov / oavéadov
@ / 8: yvugai / yvb80c¢
y/B/6: yépupa / Béqupa / déqupa.
It is tempting to assume labiovelars to explain these cases, but some cases may have a
different origin (thus, Bpdxadov / pdmadov could be due to dissimilation in the first
variant). On the existence of labiovelars in Pre-Greek, see above on the phonemic
system.
5.7. Dentals / liquids
There are some instances of variation between dentals (including n) and liquids (I,
r). This variation is incidental. Examples (Fur. 387f.):
a. 6 / A: GBAapog / BSapoi (Fur. 33077), Sad—vn / Ad~vn, Odvocetsc / Odvocets. Cf.
Myc. gen. da-pu.-ri-to-jo /dap*urint®oio/ / hkaBUptvOoc, kadapuvOa / Myc. ka-da-mi-
ta. The interchange 6 / \ and the fact that Linear B has signs for da, de, di, etc.
(which Lejeune explained by assuming a specific, unusual sound d@) might point to a
dental fricative i.
6/A: Banta / AaTTA
v/X: vitpov / Aitpov
b. 5/ p: cfBda / EipiBpat
v/p: BAX vov / BATXpov
c.A/ p: atnpic / a€nric, KpiBavoc / KiBavoc, KPapLak / Kraak,
5.8. Simple / geminate
Except for a few isolated cases, we find this interchange in v / vv, but more notably
inA/ AA. Ont/ttando/ oo see above sub 5.5. Cf. Fur. 386f. Examples:
v / vv: &vn8ov (also t) / AvvnBov (also 1); thptevic / thBevva. In this context, note the
suffix -vvv-.
A/ XA: BaA(A)IV; OvAic / OvANIc; oTéAEBOG / OnEAANEL dat.pl; pLaKéAn / praKedAa (this
probably derives from PG *-al’a-). Note yeio(a)ov, odpica / cdpicoa, and the case of
AOnvn / AtBic / AttiKkdc.
5.9. o- / zero
We discussed o / zero before consonant under s-mobile above, section B4.
An -s- from Pre-Greek is normally maintained. The only instances that I know of,
where it may have disappeared, are (cf. Fur. 241): ovptyoc, ovptocos / bptydc (also
-oxos, -loxoc, -iccoc); ovBaddac / KBAAANS; cayrvn / Cypr. ayava; ouby / inva.
Perhaps ‘EAAdc beside ZeAXoi belongs here, too. Another instance could be dmtov,
which is cognate with Lat. pirum which points to -pis-.
5.10. K-, T- / zero
There are instances where a velar or a dental may be absent in initial position (Fur.
391, and 131°"). Dentals may also be absent in inlaut. Examples:
PRE-GREEK LOANWORDS IN GREEK xxix
k / zero: Kavdapoc / dvOpa€, kadivdéopat / drivdw, Koyyvat / Syxvat, kavOrALov /
avOnAtov.
y / zero: yivvog / ivvéc, but this form may be a late development. As an explana-
tion, one could think of a uvular q.
t/ zero: tayxouposg / &yxoupos, trHyavov / Hyavov, tipuov / ipvov (with it in LSJ);
6/ zero: deAed@vn / EXedWvn (also é-).
Loss of a dental in inlaut: vétwmov / viwnov, iBovAic /tovdic, doidapog / doiapos.
5.11. v-, A- / zero
v- and A- can also be absent (Fur. 391f): va@8a / ap8a (also d-). Aatynpdg / aiynpdc,
Aqumryvn / atryvn, Aatheveia / atv. Perhaps, it concerns palatalized n’, ’, which
are pronounced very ‘light’.
5.12. Metathesis, shift of aspiration
There are instances of metathesis. It mostly concerns p, sometimes \. The consonant
jumps to the other side of the vowel or the consonant: kipodg / Kpioadc, Kpidc;
téptuvOoc / tpéw8oc. Cf. Teppidar / Tpepirou; dpme / anpit; kédpona / xépdona;
va8pak / vapOné. In most cases, it cannot be determined what the original configur-
ation was. In a case like EpBwe / etpwc, where B may stand for (or continue) f, I
would think that the F was anticipated. It may concern an original r”.
The cases of on / y and ox / & are discussed in 5.5 above.
Shift of aspiration is found in some cases: OptyKdc / tptyxdéc, dOpayévn /
avdpayx vn. In the case of patvn / m40vn the metathesis seems to have occurred in the
later history of Greek (Beekes 2003).
5.13 Secondary phonetic developments
1. We may assume secondary phonetic developments, either in Greek or perhaps
already in the original language. One might consider:
B5- > BA-: BSapoi / 4BAapot. For this case, cf.5.7b 5 /X.
BS > Bp: BSEAALOv / BpéAAOV (Fur. 308)
y6- > 6-: ySobmo¢ / dotm0¢
dv- > yv-: dvégog / yvoqpos
KLLl- > t-: KLLEAEBpov / LEAABpov
y- > on-: yevdvA- / omovdvAn? See 5.5.6 above.
y- > o- wégas / ceipa; wittaKos / oittaKog; cf. Panga, Lange.
2. a > o before v in the following syllable. The a was probably pronounced a little
higher before the u, and was realized as [4], which resulted in 0. Examples: aGovyyia
> dfvyytov, KaAvPN > KdAULBoc, *okapab- (KkapaBoc) > ckopdPvrAoc, SopvKvov for
*8(a)pukv-.
5.14 Other variation
There are a few instances of isolated and puzzling variation. I mention just one, the
word for ‘night’, where we have wégac, xvégas, Svégos, Cégos. I think that in some
of these cases, the solution may be found in a cluster. Carian, for example, allows an
initial cluster kbd-. Such clusters would have been simplified in Greek. In an
inherited word, we have the parallel of Lat. pecten, Gr. xteic, which is supposed to
XXX PRE-GREEK LOANWORDS IN GREEK
continue *pkt-. If we assume a cluster *kdn- in our example, it may have been
reduced to kn- or, with loss of the first consonant, to dn-. Thus, the process is the
same as the reduction y6- > 6-, see 5.13 above. Such variant simplifications are typical
for loanwords. In this way, we could connect two of the words; but I see no way to
connect the other two.
6. Vowel variation
6.1 Single vowels (timbre)
The vowels show many variants. I will discuss them in the following order: first a,
then e and o; and within each of these groups first the short vowel, then the
diphthongs, then the long vowel (and the long diphthongs, but these hardly occur).
Note that a variation x / y is not repeated under y.
1. the vowel a.
1a. a / € has 80 occurrences in Furnée’s material (347). Examples: Gyyovoa /
éyxovoa, dpvoocg / Epvooc, ydAtvOor / yéAtvOo1, CaxeAtic / CexeAtic, Kaiata /
Katétac, Kaitos / KEpTIOp, Kaxpus / Kéyxpoc, Gavdve / cevSovKn.
1b. a / o. This interchange also occurs frequently. Fur. 339 mentions that he found 80
instances. Examples: d&€ovyyia / o&byyov, appwoéw / oppwdéw, ypdpiov /
yoBpiat, Wtiadoc / HWlodoc, KaBak / KdBaxtpa, KadvPn / KdAVBOc, AvKads /
AbKOWoS.
ic. a / ot (Fur. 336ff.). Examples: axpaipviicg / axpanvrsc, aoverog / aictetoc,
Aaypata / Aatypata. The t here is due to the following palatalized consonant.
id. a / av (Fur. 30237). Examples: kavatotpov / kavactpov, pvdotov / vatbotov; GA0F
/ addak. In the last example, the v is probably due to the following labialized
phoneme /”.
1e. a / w: KAGB6oc / KA@vaE.
if. at / et (Fur. 352 Anm. 4, 339 Anm. 2). Examples: katpia / xetpia, Kxbmatpocg /
kbmeipoc, Aatai / Aeta. Both at and et are due to the following palatalized
consonant.
.av / ev (Fur. 353 Anm. 5). Examples: Aavkavin / AevKavin, métavpov / métevpov;
abAaé / evAdxKa.
. av / w, o (Fur. 30137). Examples: xaoatpa(c) / kaowpic, Sadpa / Pda, caboak /
oworxes, Bavdxadov / BOKoc, KaAabpoy / KoAAwpoBov / KoAAdpoBov.
.a@/ at (Fur. 338). Examples: Af8apyoc / AaiBapyoc, Ankdaw / AaKalw, mryavov /
aikavov.
.a/ a. Examples: Aqadoc (Andtov) / Addoc (ANdtov).
1
ga
i”
1
he
1
1
Neto
2. the vowel e.
2a. €/ a: see under a.
2b. € / t (Fur. 355ff.). Examples: BAitvg / BAEétuE, eBioxog / iBioxoc, démac / Myc.
dipa, évtuBov / tvtuBos, KeAAdv / KIAME, KtAAIBag / KeANiBac, KdTEGOS / KUTIGOS,
Aéo@os / Niomtoc (~). The e was not phonologically distinguished from i, and they
were phonetically close.
2c. €/1/v (Fur. 354%). Example: xexpdtog / kixpapoc (KryKpauac) / KbYpaytoc.
PRE-GREEK LOANWORDS IN GREEK Xxxi
2d. ¢ / ev (Fur. 115). Example: dpyetoc / dpxev8oc.
2e. et / al: see au.
2f. a / 1 (Fur. 339 Anm. 2). Examples: xei@tov (yeittov) / kn8tov, xetpads / ynpaytdc.
2g. ev / €: see €/ ev.
2h. ev / av: see av.
2i. e / 1 (Fur. 358%). Examples: évvotpov / t}vuotpov, pépplepos / LEéppinpa, waxedov /
Baxnnrov, pdea / nédea (Wélea); TnAayovec / TeAayovec.
2j. 1 / t (Fur. 171"). Examples: BAijtov / BAitov, oxijyvoc / oxivap, ynpvetov /
yuuv6tov.
3. the vowel o.
3a. o/ a: see a.
3b. o / t (Fur. 1917). Examples: dxovoc / dxtvoc, iBpixadot / dBpixada, "OvoyAtv /
OvtyALv.
3c. 0 / v (Fur. 358ff.). Examples: dAovOo¢ / dAvVO0c, oKoAOBpéw / ckOALPpdc, OKUTH
/ -Kdtta, KvdMvov / Kod@vea, Kvpoéag / Kopoic, MpUTavc / Mpdtavic, ToTEtov /
otummetov. o and v were phonetically very close, and not distinguished
phonologic-ally (cf. on ¢/ t).
3d. o / ov (Fur. 359). Examples: Bpdxog / Bpodkoc, KoAotéa / KoAoUTEA (also -Av-,
-hw-).
3e. o / w (Fur. 279). Examples: yvotépa / yvwtépa, koAAWpoBov / KoAAdpoBov,
gaciwdog / pactodos (also -ovAoc), dpuyyes / Spvk, -yoc; woxot / Sox.
3f. ot / v (Fur. 127). Example: xpapadoiAat / axpadapvAa (akpapvaa).
3g. ot / ov (Fur. 358). Examples: xoAoutia / xoAottia (koAotéa), youdiov / yoi8nc?
3h. ov / v (Fur. 120”). Examples: xtimog / ySounéw, kpobvat / ypbvdc.
3i. ov / w (Fur. 133). Examples: jrwkdoptat / pouKrfet; AovmN¢ / al (Fur. 148).
3j. w/ 1. Example: Op@vak / avOpryvn.
3k. w / v (Fur. 3023). Examples: Cwytog / Gbyytoc, boownoc / ioobnoc, AwBedw /
AvPaCetv.
3l. o / e. Example: yopyvpa / yepyupa
4. /v. There is some variation between t and v, but I do not know how to interpret
it. Examples (Fur. 364ff.): aiovjtvaw / aictvaw; avOpioxos / dv8pvoKovy; Bidnv /
Budoi; Bpixdc / Bpvkdcg; Cbyactpov / otyotpov; Kivwrtetov / KvvodmEc; KUBEotc /
KiBiotc; Udpotmmosg / Lapumtoc.
5.v/ ¢, Example: yupyaGdc / yepyaboc.
The behavior of the diphthongs may be summarized as follows:
au/ et and (vice versa) et/ at
av / ev, ev / av
ot /v, ov
ov / v, Ol, W
All this variation is understandable in terms of adaptation of a three-vowel system.
Xxxii PRE-GREEK LOANWORDS IN GREEK
6.2. Long / short:
One may doubt-whether Pre-Greek had a distinction of long and short vowels (see
B1). We do find 1 and w, however, but not very often, and the latter has several
variants. On the other hand, the variations w / 0 and n / € are not very frequent
(although in this case also the difference in timbre may have been important,
depending on the Greek dialect). Variation between long en short 1 and v is frequent,
especially in suffixes: yy8vov / yabia, KiBeoic / KiBijotc, Bibi / BiBic, Kpipvov /
Kpipvov, Opivat / Opivaxn; ynEvOiov / yipdBtov, onov
KapaBog / KapapBioc (cf. Knpagic), gevaxilw / mvnkitw ‘deceives Qynv(-) /
Oyev(-); yvotépa / yvwtépa.
There is some evidence for short vowel + CC alternating with long vowel + C: e.g.
wixos / whoKoc; Adpica / Adptooa; see B 1 on -1€, -vé.
6.3. Single vowel / diphthong:
There are several instances where a diphthong varies with a single vowel. They can
be found above (6.1). Most frequent is a / at, but this is due to the effect of a
following palatalized consonant. We further find a / av, ¢ / ev, and ov / v and ot / v.
In two cases we find diphthong alternating with a long vowel: at / 4, et / 1). Examples
were given above.
6.4. Rising diphthongs?
Relatively frequent in Pre-Greek words are sequences of a more closed vowel
followed by a more open one, sequences that are not found in IE. They would be
rising diphthongs if they formed one syllable, but in fact we may have to do with two
syllables. Examples are:
-E-: GEAYWV (OI-, GU-)
-ta-: Batiakn, Biacog, BpiatBoc, ciadrov, piarn, prapdc. Note otaywv (Ge-, ov-)
-tv-: ivy
-va-: BpvadiCwv, ybadrov (yve-), KdapLoc, MUaAOG, MbavOV, Gvaypic
-ve-: yoéAtov (ybadov), mbEdog (TvA-)
Remarkable, too, is the sequence -wv- in mv(y)&, wis.
6.5. Secondary vowels (or elision)
Sometimes, words show a vowel that is absent in nearly identical forms. It mostly
concerns vowels between a stop and a resonant. It is often not clear whether the
presence or the absence of a vowel is secondary. See Fur. 378-385. Examples: Bpayyia
/ Bapayyxta; Sopbkwov for *SpuKv- in otpvxv-; oxépBodocg / oKépagog Kvila /
(o)kdévula; oxdpodov / oxdpdov; tovBopvl(w / tovOpvlw; Apenvia / ‘Apmuia; kv@y /
Kiv@retov / Kvvobmec; KoptBavtec / KipBavtec.
PRE-GREEK LOANWORDS IN GREEK Xxxiii
C. Morphology
1. Reduplication
Some forms seem to have reduplication, though we often cannot demonstrate this.
Most frequent is partial reduplication, where only the first consonant and a vowel
are repeated. The vowel is mostly ¢ or t.
Examples: BéBpak; Bé(u)Bpoc; ydyyatiov; yayyAiov; yayypaiva; yiyaptov;
yiyyAvjlog; KixvBoc; céov@og / Liov@os (cf. cdqoc); LepaikvdAov (also j-); vevirAoc;
oéoekt(c); ciovpa (also -vpva); peuBpac(?); perhaps Kikutoc; Kixpaptoc (also ke-, Kv-,
ktyk-); devdpbw. Also the names Kéxpow; Temdapr8oc; Titapriotoc; AgAeyec. With
prenasalization we find tevOprdwv, tevOpryviy (cf. avOpndwv, Bpwvak). In these
examples, I neglect the fact that there may (or may not) be prenasalization.
Other reduplication vowels are found in: AdAautc (cf. Aaiday), KoKpbc, perhaps
also yrnyrAg.
Intensive reduplication in: Ldppiopog (LLoppupaia), LLappapvyn. 7
More difficult to judge are yéAyic next to dyhic (perhaps from *ye-yh-, &-yA-),
képka next to dxpic (if from *Ke-Kp-, a-Kp-). Also MepBAiapoc beside BXiapog (cf.
peLiBpdc), MepBAic = MéAog, also MipaAAic.
A completely different type is perhaps found in dudpiatuc (cf. dpakic), and
perhaps also duapu8ddec.
2. Suffixes
2.1 Introduction
It appears that most suffixes have the same structure. They contain a consonant; if
this is a stop, it can be prenasalized, i.e. -B- or -t1B-, -0- or -vO-, etc. The stop has its
usual variants, like B / 1 / g, etc., although mostly one of these is predominant, The
suffix usually starts with one of the vowels of the language, mostly a, 1, v (we find e
oro only rarely, e.g. dAovOoc beside 6AvvO0c). Thus, we may find eg. ayy - tyy -
vyy; av8 — v8 — vv8, etc.
A different structure is present in suffixes containing -v- (mostly followed by a
vowel) directly after the root-final consonant: eg. Kvdvoc, miodKva, LOADXVOV,
gevaxkvic, catapvic. In this way, the groups -pv-, -6v-, -Kv-, -lv- in Pre-Greek words
probably originated. In the case of -ttv-, we often find a vowel again: -ajtv-, -yWv-,
-vjiv-. The groups -jtv- and -pv- are especially frequent. They are very important, as
they are found in Etruscan, which for the rest shows little agreement with Pre-Greek;
-uv- is found as far as in Cappadocian (see Beekes BiOr 59 (2002): 441f.). Perhaps,
the groups -avwv-, -tvv-, -vvv- arose in this way, too.
Other consonants are found in suffix-initial position, too: e.g., -p-, -5-, -y-, rarely
-h-. Examples: wvdpdc, kvprOpa, tavaypic, paraxpoc; oxartepda; AdBapyoc; SviyAtv.
It is often possible to determine to which series the Pre-Greek consonant
belonged. Thus, -atv- could render -an’-, while -al’- seems to have resulted in -aAA-
(or -eAA- with coloring of the vowel). Likewise, -eip- could represent -ar’-. This
thesis would be nicely supported by the segment -aup-, if this represents -ar’- (e.g.
avpooxddec beside dpacyddes, if this form had *-ar”-). Cf. Bi above.
XXXIV PRE~GREEK LOANWORDS IN GREEK
Another type of suffix has o followed by a dental: kavac8ov (-otpov), Aatotpév or
another stop év8pvoxKov, abpooxdc, kavvaBioxa; these forms may have been partly
adapted to Greek suffixes (-tpov). See below on the suffix -ot-.
A form such as -evt- is deviating; we do not often find a diphthong before the
consonant. Does it stand for *-aut- from -atw? Cf. -aiy- in é\atov, where we may
suspect ay” or aw” (but it may be part of the root). See further section B1.
Not seldom do we find a long anda short vowel with a suffix (= consonant), e.g.
16 — 18, vk - dk. In the case of ip, one might again think of ur’ > uir, although 7’ is a
rare phoneme (like nv’).
2.2 Survey of the suffixes
In principle, we find one of the three vowels of the language followed by a
(prenasalized) consonant: a, i, u + “™P, “T, ™K. The groups actually found are, in
Greek letters (forms in brackets are rare or less frequent):
1. 2. 3. 4. 5- 6. 7. 8. 9.
aNC app (avt) avd av@ ayy
iNC tvd tv0 yy
uNC vp (vvt) vvd (vv) vyy
So, we do not find: 1. VNr and 3. VN@, 7. VNk, 9. VN (except for dadkayyav).
In the same way, we find vowel + C. The consonant may have the normal
variation: plain, voiced, aspirated. A palatalized consonant could color a preceding
and/or a following /a/ to [e], which may also appear as e1. This phenomenon is often
seen in languages with palatalized consonants, such as Russian and Irish. Thus, we
find -ar’- represented as -atp- (-eip- is also possible). A palatalized -’- may be
rendered as a geminate -)A-.
If a labialized consonant followed or preceded an a, this vowel may have been
perceived as (an allophone of) /o/. For example, -ar’- may be represented as -avp-,
with anticipation of the labial element, but also as -ovp-, in which case the a was
colored.
The suffixal consonant may be geminated; as there is frequent variation between
single and geminated consonants in the language, there possibly was no opposition.
Vowels could be either short or long; in suffixes, a long vowel was quite frequent.
A long u was sometimes represented as w.
2.3 The material
The examples are mostly taken from Furnée, to whom I refer for details. Words can
also be checked in the present dictionary. Variants are given in brackets. I added
geographical names (TN) from Fick 1905, and some more material, with references.
1. -aB-(o-) (Fur. 107): aypdakaBoc, aA(A)aBy¢, dokdAaBoc, attéAE/aBoc, KavvaBoc,
KOAAaBoc, péo(a)aBov, Aatpabdc, uattaBoc. TN KattdBtocg (Rhodes, Fick 47),
KaotaBocg (Caria).
2. -ay-: dpnay- (cf. Chantraine 1933: 397ff.), Aatak, obpak.
3. -AYy-0-: opapayyoc.
3a. -ayx-: daddyyxav.
PRE-GREEK LOANWORDS IN GREEK XXXV
4. -a6-: dpacyddec, pEeBpdc, onvpdasd-.
5. -a8-o-: dondda8oc, yupyabdc, onbpaGor. TN “Ypvd@tov (Epidauros).
6. -al-/-e(1)- before a vowel: There are words in -ata / -e(t)a, such as ypvpéa /
ypvpeia (also ypupeta) / ypujtaia (note the hesitation in the accentuation). I
suggest that the suffix was -ay-(a), which was pronounced as [-@ya] or [-eya] (we
saw that et often varies with at). The speakers of Greek identified the suffix with
Gr. -at- or -et-, but the -y- could also be lost. In this way the three variant forms
can be explained. Further examples are xoAottéa / KoA(o)uTéa, Kopxupéa
(kopxddpva in H. is probably an error); kwdeta / kwdea (note the short a), beside
kwdvia / KwOia (these are not entirely clear to me, but cf. Ad6via / Aud8eta).
Furthermore, *-ay-a is likely to be the same suffix as -e1a@ which makes feminine
names, eg. AuddGeia, Tnveddreta, Tpipédera (note that in Myc. Ipemedeja, the
-j- is preserved, cf. Ruijgh 1957: 155). Of course, many place names end in -eta:
Kadpeia, Kadatpeia, Kepiveta, Midera, Dkedepdeia, Aebadeta, etc.
The final was often adapted to -aid after the dominant type, which is derived
from the adjectives in -aioc (see Chantraine, Form. 91): type dvayKain; cf.
BpvKtaia, dipkata, obaia.
We also find -eia used in nouns: davpeia, CaAeia, covAvBateia.
Nouns with -eo- are very rare; we find: ywAgdc, eidedc, Kodedv, wKvAEov,
ovgedc(?), pwAredc, It may further be found in ‘Oxéavog < *-kay-an-, note the by-
forms Oynv, Oyev-.
Beside -ata, -ela, we may expect thematic -al-o-; we find it eg. in dtpxatov,
OTAaLov, yipaiov; ypawaioc, *oxapaBatog (reconstructed by Fur. 169).
7. -au(F)-0- (see Fur. 233”, 255°7): Partly from -atfo-; it is often impossible to
establish whether a form had a -f- or not. See also 6. above. Examples: axvAaiov,
apatdc, Bayatoc, Badatdv, dipkatov, éXatov (Myc. era; / rawo), udtatoc, Lecoaiov,
oipatov; Axauréc. TN AotundAata (Fick: 58).
8. -aiB-o-: TN IleppatBoi (Thess.).
g. -at8-: TN Lvjai8a (Thess.), [lepai8eic (Arc. deme), KeAatSeic (Thess. deme),
Kuvat8eic (Arc. deme).
10. -atv- (Fur. 171"): dkatva, -ov, Boditava, yayypatva, KoALBSatva (also -v11B-),
Kopve@atva, LUpatva, opvpatva, Tpiatva.
11. -alp-(0-) represents -ar’-: kbmaIpog (also -Elpov, -nNplc, -Epoc), Udxatpa.
12. -ak- (Fur. 158%): &Buptakn, avrdak, Batiaxn, ddvak / d@vak / Sobvak, Bptvaxn
(8pivak), Owpak (also -nk, -axoc), Kavvakn, BdAAKN, moTa&KN, Pappakov. TN
Zapaé, -n& (Lac.).
13. -aA(A)-o- (Fur. 25478, Beekes 2008): apbBadAoc, aiyiBad(A)oc, Kopbdar(A)oc
(also -6¢), mapdarkoc. TN Kaotadia (Phoc. source), PapodAoc, XtbuPadroc
(Arc.).
14. -auB-o- (Fur. 184): 5tvpayiBoc, Bpiapoc, tauBoc, kapauBac, orpayBoc.
15. -aiv-o-: diktapvov, padapvoc, opévdajivoc. TN Lédapvoc (Crete).
15. -ap-o-: dptapioc. TN Kio(c)attog (Cos), Tlépyapov, Kwyattog (Lydia), Kvatov
(Kydon.),"YSpapoc (Kydon.).
Xxxvi PRE-GREEK LOANWORDS IN GREEK
16. -av-o-: TN Tdpdavocg (HN Crete, Elis), Améavég (HN Thess.),’Hptéavécg (HN),
Avéavog (Fick: 18).
17. -QV-: YEVTLAVT.
18. -avd-: doyavdre.
19. -avdp-: yehkavdpov. TN Trdavdpog (Fick 51), Tbpavd(p)ocg (Pamph.), Mviav-
8(p)oc (Fick: 53), DoAéyavpoc.
20. -avO/t- (Fur. 191; 216”, -avt- unless otherwise stated): dAiBac, doKxavOns
(oxavOac), KtAdiBag (but KeddiBat-), dKpiBac, padkavO/toc, ‘ABavtes (Fick: 69,
etc.), MéAav0/t-, Tleipav0/t-, Tiyavtec, Koptpavtec. TN BaBpdvttov (Chios).
21. -avv-: TUpavvos.
22. -ak- (cf. -1&-, -0€-): dyraka, atpagakuc, oaPakac (also -Kt-), TN Kuptdpmagov
(Crete).
23. -amt-o- (Fur. 235”): dpvamtoc, yavoamdc, pdvattoc. TN Meooamtog (Crete, Fick:
24).
24. -ap (Fur. 1347), mostly neuters: ixtap, ktdap, véxtap, oxivap, obap; adj.
LtdKap; anim. dap, Sapap (gen. -ptoc), cf. Myc. dama beside duma.
25. -ap- (Fur. 257%°): Goxapoc, Bacodpa, yadapoc, yiyyAapoc, KioBapoc, KUooapoc,
Aeoxdpa, parapa. Also oidapoc? TN Antapa (Crete, Lycia), Tatapa (Lycia),
Méyapa (Fick: 75), AAAapia (Crete).
26. -ao-a/o- (Fur. 157°”): Kapmacoc, Kkaptacds (KdBaicoc), mayaca. TN Kvppaca
(Crete), IISaca (Mess.), [la yacai (Thess.).
27. -aco-o-: TN ‘Putiacods (Crete), Kpvaoodcs (Crete), MuxdAnaodc, Tagiacods
(Fick: 32).
28. -at-: dnat, HAakatn. TN Kaipatog (Crete), Midatog (Crete, Fick: 27).
29. -avp-a/o- (this may continue -ar”-): (a)padpoc, pAatpoc, (d)avpdc, &yAavpos,
Ornoavpdc, kacatpa (-ac), Adotavpos, Nétavpov (ev). TN ‘Enidavpoc.
30. -ax-: BoTpaxXoc, KUpBaxoc, cehdxoc.
30a. -ay-: ALKaWdc, oKLvVdaydc.
31. -y6-: perhaps dnptyda [adv.].
32. -yp- (cf. on -p-): mavaypic, ovaypic.
33. -€6-: TN Tévedoc, AgBedoc, perhaps in Aaxedaipwv.
34. -el-a: see below sub 73. on -1o-.
35. -elp-o- (may continue -er’-, -ar’-): alyeipoc, KUmEIpov, odBelpoc (camépdns);
KaBetpou.
36. -ed-a/o- (cf. the next): dnvoyéda, dopddedos, Bpixedoc, Spvyera, (Em)Capedros,
itOéha, KbBeda, perhaps Svomtettttedoc,
37. -ehA-a/o- (cf. 36.): dxpdomedAog, BateAAa, BSEAAA, TATEAAG, TEAAA.
38. -eu-o- (Fur. 1514”): idAgtioc, KodAetoc, m(T)dAeLLOG (if not IE), Bedepov.
39. -eflv-(o-) (Fur. 15144): Gyigt-KéAgttvov, Kaptepvidec. TN ZéAepvoc (Fick: 95).
4o. -evv-a (I wonder whether 7’ could give vv): thBevva. Cf. BAévvoc. Cf. Lat. (from
Etruscan) (doss-)ennus, Porsenna.
41. -ep-a/o-: dip0Epa, doxépa (also -11pa), Kacoitepoc. TN OQdAepoc (Crete).
42. -eT-o- (Fur. 115*): katetdc, Kaimetos, [tdometov, véttetoc, trAvyEtoG? TN Evrétn
(Att.), Tabyetoc.
am
PRE-GREEK LOANWORDS IN GREEK XXxvii
42a. -ev- as in nom. -evc: Baotletc; several PNs like AytA(A)evc, Odvocetc.
43. -EVp-: See -aup-.
44. -evt- (Fur. 173, 1817): Baokevtai, kpatevtai.
45. -NB-a/o-: kbprBoc. TN Kavinfa, TévdnBa, Topprpdc (all in Lydia).
46. -1)9-(0-): TN Tlenaproc, LecdprPoc (Fick 67), Ktkbvi8oc¢ (Pagas.), [lapvne,
-10- (Att.). Cf. -a8-.
47. -1]k-, -X- (Fur. 199, 24579): Bripné, Savdné, AwWBnE, mANE, todené, PHrAnk Kopené /
KUL].
48. -nA-o- (Fur. 115°): &Bpdknroc, aBbUpBrAoc, aovgndroc, BaxnAoc, KaBrAoc,
KiBdrjAog, vevirnroc, TeayNAOs, PaonAoc.
49. -W (Fur. 1728): atv, attayyy, adxv (Gury), PadrdCA)iv, doBujv, écoryy,
Kapaony (-aodc), KVETV, Celpryv, WAT, Tayry, TIBI, perhaps adrv. TN Onpriv
(Crete, Fick: 25), Tpottrv, Apadrv (Crete).
50. -nVv-: yAaBpryvn.
51. -1p: ontivOrp; AtyAdnp? TN IloOnpevc (Crete), KvOnpa.
52. -np- (Fur. 204°): 4BSrjpa, avdnpa, aiwnpdc, doxddAnpov, aoxnpa (-Epa); ipBrpts,
Kbmnptc, AeBrpic.
53. -1}0(0)-a/o- (cf. -aco-): TN Mapmnooa (M Paros), MvkaAnoodc (Boeotian, Fick
80); Apdryttdc (Att.), Yunttoc (Att).
54. -1yt-(0-) (Fur. 172"): GA(A)GBij¢, Kaviic, A€Br]c, WaoOANs, Tans (Myc. tepa).
Perhaps also &v(v)1tov (also -Bov, -cov)? TN Maonta (Fick 71).
55. -I]TT-: See -1]00-.
56. -17y-o-: TN Atdipydc (Euboea), Tadnydc (Thracia).
57. -0-o- (see Chantraine 1933: 368, and cf. -vOoc): BpévOoc, KkavOdc, onédeBoc,
ptivOoc.
58. -Op-a/o-: KipiOpa, pdpa8pov; HN AibrnOpa. On -aSpov see Fur. 303%:
Kav(v)aBpov, onaAaBpov. Cf. on -oTp-ov.
59. -IB-: pvOIBn.
60. -ty-: LaOTiy-, TEU@PLY-.
61. -tyy/K/x-: dotAtyyac, Bputeyyol, EAutyyoc, Opiyyos (also -tyk-, -tyx-), O@pryé,
-yyoc, OAtyyos.
62. -i6- (cf. -tv5-, Fur. 324”): Badfic, yedyic, Knric, Kprnnic, oppayic.
63. -t6-va (probably a combination of two suffixes, cf. on -v-): apaytdva (cf. dpaKos,
64. -10-, -10- (cf. -1vd-): dyAtc, -10-, aiyBarog, aiyBoc, yaduBot, NAIBLoc, KaALBOC.
65. -K- (cf. -ty-, Fur. 226°): kaALKov, KUpvika, A€(i)Kpika, Lvpikr (later 1D), vwptKkov,
OWOLKEG.
65a -Ik-: Doivixec.
66. -tA-, -id-: aiyiAwy, Koviln, uéomtAov, papiAn, votiAn, (o)matiAn (-iA-) =
TaotiAn, otpdBiroc. TN Zkavdirn (Cos).
67. -\MA-a/o-: dpytAAog, GurAa, ApirAa, doAa, PoBirrAoc.
68. -uLv-a/o- (Fur. 2467"): péd5ytvog (also -i-), wépyva, oidpipvov.
69. -tv-a/o-: dktivoc, amdAtvov, (Ba)Baxivov, yooovmivoy, Kdtivoc, ofiva. TN
Miptva (Lemnos), Ziktvocg (Cyclades).
XXXViii PRE-GREEK LOANWORDS IN GREEK
70. -iv-(0-): Kbjuvov, TUTiVN, PYTivn, dédtvov, Pokivoc, Popivn. TN Lahaptv-.
71. -tv6- (cf. -tvO- and -15-, -it-): KbPivdtc, GAtvdov. TN Kpavoivéwv (R), Tbptvdoc
(Caria).
72. -v8-(0-) (cf. -tvd-): atywv8oc, doztvOLov, AaBvpivOoc, AituvOec. TN Kijptv8oc
(Euboea), Kdpivo¢ (Fick 74).
72a. -1E-: koTiEtc, kvviEetc, copviEa.
72b. -In-o-: TN Evpiztoc.
73. -o-a/o-: dpmioa (-eCa), Kbticoc. TN Adpioa, Kedpicdc, Kngiadc (-iaog = -toaoc,
Fick 25, 61).
73a. -L0K-0-: dABioKov, iBioKoc, LapioKoc, bpioKoc (and variants).
74. -tt-a/o- (cf. -16-, -18-, Fur. 163): BapBitoc, BOA(B)i tov, mépgitov. TN TvBpita
(Crete).
75: -lX- (cf. -x-): dpotyos.
76. -Kv- (probably a combination of -v- with a preceding consonant; see sub 78 on
-v-): dBapxva, SopvKwov, MiodKva, Prdakvn.
77. -u-: TN Adt tog (Caria), latp10¢.
78. -v- (Fur. 132°), where a preceding velar may become aspirated: dpay vn; Savy va-,
Képkvoc, KvdSvoc, KvAixviov, medixvn, catapvic, btvov / tdvov, wbdvoc;
KaBapvoc. TN KvOvoc (Cyclades).
79 -of- (cf. -1§-): opokdc (also -x8-).
80. -o7t- (Fur. 107), often there is a variant with -aB-: E\(A)oy, Kadatpow, -To¢
(-dgic), KoAAOW, okGAOW. TN Kopomn (Thess.), Kacotdmn (Corc.).
81. -op- (see also the section on word end): dyopa (-vpa), Aémoptc.
82. -og0-a, -ott-a: TN ‘Eppiwvooca (Chios), ACtottnvos (Lydia).
83. -ovA-: PaciovAos (-wAoc)?
84. -ovp- (may contine -ar’-): ivovpoc, KdBovpoc, Atyyovptov (also Ao-, Av-),
ttadioupoc, navdoupa, oayovupov, Tayxovpoc. TN Avkdoovpa (Arc. the oldest
town of all; Fick: 93).
85. -ovo(o)- (Fur. 197%): a&yxovoa (also é-), aiBovo(c)a (also aiSwooa), Kadovoa.
TN Axidovoa, Kndotoa (M KrAwooa).
86. -mv- (this may rather be a suffix -v- after a root): Sepamvn, Sunvn.
87. -mt- (this suffix probably consisted of one phoneme pp’): papuntov,
TECOV(LL)NTOV, OAVATTLYV.
88. -p- (Fur. 12477; 215%): BaAaypoc, yrAtypos, oiypat; ISaypoc (= Lyc. idakre?). See
also the suffixes -pv-, -py- and -yp-.
89. -py-: AaBapyos (also -at-, -n-).
go. -p6-: TN Kbapda (Caria).
gl. -pv- (Fur. 48%, 215%): dxapvav (aKxdpvat), kvBepvaw, Amepvéw (also di@-),
oxémtapvoc. We also find variants without -v-: ciovpva / ciovpa, kuBepvaw /
Kvpeprval, oatapvides / oatapidec, kioipvic / Kiootpic. Therefore, the cluster
probably arose by addition of the suffix -v-. Note that -rn- is found in Etruscan
and already in Cappadocian (Fur. 48°). See also the suffix -p-. TN Paddoapva
(Crete), Agpva, AXixupva (Aet.).
PRE-GREEK LOANWORDS IN GREEK XXX1X
92. -oa: There are several words in -oa: déya, diva, Koya (kowia), Kawa (Kapya),
perhaps Ada.
93. -0K-: DpioKos (-x-, -0-).
94. -o- (Fur. 254”, in several cases this does not seem to be a suffix, but rather the
end of a root; cf. on -ao-, -to-, -vo-): dAcoc, KdBatoog (also -ac-), pwoOG, TGoc,
papooc. TN IIpiavooc (Crete).
95. -O0-: KUTAGOLG, KUTAPLOGOG, Odplooa.
96. -ot-: GAdBaotoc, Bepwot- (cf. Myc. temitija / timitija), Neath, MAaTAviOTOS.
TN Kadpvotoc, Patotdc.
97. -otp- (cf. -Op-): dAGBactpov, Sémactpov (also A-), évvotpov (also i-);
Cbyaotpov, Aat(c)tpdv, oi ytotpov.
98. -T-: Aoadtos, dtpaktoc, dpAactov.
99. -TT- (see 5.5 on TT / 60): KUPITTOI, MPOKOTTA; DEpeqatta.
100. -vB-: évtuBov, Bdpupoc, tvtuBoc (also -ovB-), ciAAvBoc, oKdAvBo¢ (also -p-),
oxoAvfpa (-of-); cf. ox8o1Bdc.
101. -vyy-: Adpvy€, tovyyoc, oniAvyy-, papvyé.
102. -v6-: ape, -doc, ede, Kopvddc, TInraytts, yAaptc.
103. -vdva: TN Kadvdva (Cos).
104. -v0-, -06-: dyvbc, AnKvBoc.
105. -vi-a: dyvia, KwSvta; ‘Aprruia. TN Ktivdvia (Crete, also Kivdun, Fick 18, 24).
106. -v«-: Gyrvk, (5vE, oxapddaptvK toc. TN Napv§ (Locris).
107. -dK-: doidvé, Kips, -vKoc, KapdK(K)N, cavdvk.
108. -vA- (Fur. 205'4): dpBvAn, SaktvAOG, KavOvAN, KPwWBRLAN, [tWLtaikvAov (also [Le-),
o@podvdvAog (also on-).
109. -bA-: (c)KopdtAn, cpovdvAn (also om-). TN KapdapvAn (Mess.).
110. -vAA-: LiPvAAa.
111. -Upt-: yEpovjtov, ylyyAuptoc, -BéAvuvoc. TN Kdpvpat (Crete).
112. -vptB-: BvuptBoc, KdAVEBos.
113. -vpiv- (cf. Fur. 243° on -umn- in Etruscan and Cappadocian): aiovpvdw,
otyujtvoc. TN ‘Pit/8upiva (Crete), Adpupiva (Locr.).
114. -bv- (see also the suffix -vvv-): BO8vvoc, ovybvn (cf. -vvv-), Aa yvvoc. TN Toptvv
(Crete).
115. -vvv-: ofyuvvoc, Aiktuvva. Cf. on -dv-.
116. -vv6- (cf. -vv@ / t-): Bepextvdat. TN Kayttvdtoc (Rhodes).
117. -vv0/t-: BOAVVOov, SAvVO0c; BepexdvO/tat. TN Zaxvv8oc (+88), Tipvve.
118. -v&-: TN Oddgvtos (Athos).
119. -vit-: loovrtog (older toowitoc), Kapovmmoc, oiobmN, TOADTIN.
120. -vp-: dijoupoc, dxvpa (also -opa), Cépupoc, Lavkupdv, AGBvpOc, Svupitetal,
oatipoc. TN "EAvpos (Crete), Téyupa (Boeotia), Niovpog (Cos).
121. -bp-: dyKupa, avayupos (also dv6-), yE€popa, Adqupov, TANLwpic, TiTVPOV.
122. -V0- (ON -VOTPOV see -OTPOV): Apudos.
123. -VT-: MLVvTOG, vAMUTIOG. TN Aay.vanutov (Crete), KoAAvtéc (Crete).
124. -v@-: KEAD POG.
125. -VX-: Bd(o)tpvxoc. TN Méavy)ov (Lemnos).
xl PRE-GREEK LOANWORDS IN GREEK
126. -8-: cpocod pov, AdkagPBov, LOADPBOc, va(o)KapBov, cappupOeiv.
127. -p- (on -axp-o- see Chantraine Form. 263): apyéAoot (also -tA-), tLactpocpdc
(also -m6c), oépipoc, GEovpos.
128. -wk-: TN Ko8wxidat (Att., Fick 70).
129. -wA-: ATO~PWALOG (?), packwaAoc. TN KipwAoc (Cyclades).
130. -Wl-: Bapwytoc.
131. -wv- (Fur. 3032”): dAkvov, Hiv, cavdwv, oivdmv, oxadwv.
132. -wm- (a variant is -ov7-): Bvuadwy, aiyikw-, Kivwnetov (kvvobmec). TN
Evpwrds / a (Crete), Kaoownn (Epirus).
133. -wp- (Fur. 211°): &xydp, apavwp, Bidtwp, ixwp, Aeitwp. TN TiAwpog (Chalc.,
Fick 22).
134. -woo (see -ov0(0)-): TN Aippwoods (Euboea), Tiéwoods (Caria, Fick 26).
135. -wt- (Fur. 283%; 384%): doxadkaBwrtns, -Kavdwtdv, Kipwtdc, KpdpBwtov,
oionwtn. TN Geonpwtoi.
3. Wordend
Word end provides an interesting situation, as some original finals of the Pre-Greek
language may have been preserved. Of course, Greek endings must be removed,
notably -oc, -ov. Thus, -tov, -vov may often continue original -t, -v: cf. Myc. dunijo
next to duni. The words in -v@oc have replaced almost all of those in -v0- (as in
Tipvv0-).
3.1. words ending in a vowel
a. -a. A short -a can only come from *-ya < *-ih, in inherited Greek words. In all
other cases, we may be dealing with a Pre-Greek ending -a that was originally short.
It is often difficult to see whether -a is short or long; the material requires further
study. Examples: GBapxva, ayavva, ayépda, ddadta (2), aikovda, &BSnpa, dxapa,
dxop-va, axdotira, aktapa, dAapa, duovypa, dpda, dotaydva, &pBa, BpovKa, yoda,
yoda, Saka, Sapda, Sadrdyxa, Garta, pdda, PoutEa, oatta, cdpvita, coda, KéSpoTta
(also x-), etc. Note forms in -va, like Gpva, and in -evva. Note, further, cadapavdpa,
oxoddmevdpa.
For words ending in -oa, see the list of suffixes.
b. -. IE words (neuters) in -t are very rare in Greek. Examples of Pre-Greek words in
-t: CaKTL KOpt, oivaml, Tayvpt (TayUptov), akapi. We may assume that many words
ending in -tov, -vov originally ended in -1, -v. Final -tc is frequent, too.
c. -v. aBapt, Kdvdv, twAv. For -vov, see the foregoing. Final -vuc is also found several
times: dyduc, dpmuc, atpdapaguc, Bibvv, BAETuG, -pEvduc, HipapKuc, HwWhs, MMAaLIC,
parc.
d. -evc. Though the ending may also be inherited from IE, in many words it is clearly
of Pre-Greek origin, eg. BactAetc (Myc. qa-si-re-u), Ax(A)evc. I withdraw my
considerations in FS Kortlandt on this point.
e. -w. Ko8W, KdpBw, LLoTw, TiTw, TehAw. The suffix also makes feminine names in -w:
Antw, Lampw. It is usually assumed that the original inflection of all words in -w
PRE-GREEK LOANWORDS IN GREEK xli
derives from stems in *-oi-; I assume that Pre-Greek words secondarily joined this
inflection. Words in -w¢ are masculine: dxapvw(c), fipwo; Mivwc, Tadrwe.
3.2. words ending in -p
a. -ap. doap(ov)?, axxavtap, Baxap, éhipap, kvdSap, vextap, vOKap, ceriap.
b. -op. Examples: adrydp, axkdp, kaxkdp, KépLop (also -t7-), micop.
c.-vp. Examples: yi8up, (Dor.) dptup.
d. -wp. Examples: dywp, ixwp, kéAwp, yoOwp.
3.3. words with a nom. in -§ or -y.
a. -E (stem in -k-) is found quite often:
-at: GBak, axdpvak, auBag, avdpagak, avOpak, Bvotak, pwarPak, cadoak. divat has
a stem in -xT-.
-ak: pévak, pak, ocpng&
-nk&: SavSnk, Bring
-1E: GSE, avOEprE, ampi—, KoaeE, dpm
-o8: BéBpok, Bippok
-ov€: Bpov&
-vé: Britvs, yOptvs; ITvvs, UrvE.
Note acc. BaAAeKa; acc. BpiyKa.
b. -y: Adtpay, Aaiday, GA, Kdpiy, aiyinoy, Kd\Aow, pépoy, yow, pHovww.
Monosyllabic: ypépy.
4. words in -v: BadAny, kappav; Oyrv. Kivdvv, Ldcovv, pwOvvec.
5. words ending in -ac (a@-stems): dBdc, dBAac, d8pac(?), aupiac, doxarwrac,
doxwvdac, attaydc, Baddc (Bata), BacKdc, Biac, KaraBdc, Kaoac; APdpac,
AoyeAatac.
With a stem in -avt-: dAiBac (-vt-), AvKdBac (-vt-) etc; see the suffix section.
With stem in ad-: axpac, Bouwde, mprptvac; see the suffix section.
D. The unity of Pre-Greek
The material itself shows that we are largely dealing with one language, or a group of
closely related dialects or languages. Of course, we cannot demonstrate in each and
every case that the words that are non-Greek belong to this same language. The bulk
of the known non-Greek words, however, seem to fit the general picture of the Pre-
Greek substrate. For example, x6t8vBoc / xdoupBoc does not only show the element
oo / 10, well-known from geographical names, but also the suffix -vB- with
prenasalization. The pair kpdcotov / Kpdétiov also shows the element oo / 1, but
Kpdoco@p8ov has a suffix added that is also typical for this language. The word
dakdyxav next to @dAacoa (-tta) again has the suffix oo / tt, but also
prenasalization. dotAty§ / SotAty§ has both the typical (prenasalized) suffix -tyy- and
variation a / 0. In pptv8oc / optrptv8oc we have the ‘s-mobile’ and the well known
suffix, while 1éptuc, -180¢ has the variarit without prenasalization, and opnpryyes has
xlii PRE-GREEK LOANWORDS IN GREEK
a different Pre-Greek suffix. In G&(u)Bputto / Bpvttog (Bptococ) we have a
combination of a prothetic vowel and prenasalization.
Other languages may well have existed in the area. Thus, it is not certain that
Hieroglyphic Minoan reproduces the same language as Linear A. Further,
Eteocretan has not yet been connected with other elements and seems isolated.
Another matter is that (non-Indo-European) loanwords from old Europe may
have entered Greece, cf. Beekes 2000: 21-31. Moreover, these may have already been
adopted in Pre-Greek, as is suggested by épéBiv8oc, which has a Pre-Greek suffix,
but a root which is attested (with some variation) in other European languages.
Sometimes, elements from other IE languages may also have been adopted at a very
early date, such as méAekuc.
However, I think that it is methodologically more sound to start from the
assumption that non-Greek words are Pre-Greek. Only when there is reason to
assume that they have a different origin, should we consider this option.
E. Pre-Greek is non-Indo-European
Our knowledge of Indo-European has expanded so much, especially in the last thirty
years (notably because of the laryngeal theory) that in some cases we can say almost
with certainty that an Indo-European reconstruction is impossible. A good example
is the word yva8oc. In order to explain the -a- of this word, we need to introduce a
h,. However, a preform *gnh,d"- would have given Gr. *yva6-. One might think that
assuming *h,e would remedy the problem, but *gnh,ed'- would yield *yava8-. The
conclusion is that no Indo-European proto-form can be reconstructed, and that the
word cannot be of Indo-European origin. Another example is the word kpnitvdc
‘overhanging bank’, for which a connection with kpéuapiat ‘to hang (up)’ used to be
evident. However, we now know that most long vowels go back to a short vowel plus
a laryngeal, and that long vowels cannot be postulated at random. In this particular
case, there are simply no conceivable formations that would contain a long root
vowel. This morphological objection is strengthened by the fact that there is no trace
of the expected root-final -a- < *-h,- (as in kpepiapict < *kremh,-). Positively, one can
say that landscape terms are frequently borrowed from a substrate language. The
inevitable conclusion is that the word is Pre-Greek.
ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS
A. LANGUAGES
Aegin. Aeginetan
Aeol. Aeolic
Aetol. Aetolian
Alb. Albanian
Arc. Arcadian
Arc.-Cypr. Arcado-Cyprian
Arg. Argive
Arm. Classical Armenian
Att. Attic
Av. Avestan
AV Atharvavedic
Balt. Baltic
Bel. Belorussian
Boeot. Boeotian
Bret. Breton
BSI. Balto-Slavic
Bulg. Bulgarian
CLuw. Cuneiform Luwian
Co. Cornish
Corcyr. Corcyrean
Cret. Cretan
CS Church Slavic
Cypr. Cyprian
Cyren. Cyrenaean
Cz. Czech
Dan. Danish
Delph. Delphian
Dor. Doric
El. Elean
ep. epic
Epid. Epidaurian
Etr. Etruscan
Fal. Faliscan
Gaul. Gaulish
gloss. in glosses
Heracl.
Hitt.
HLuw.
Germanic
Gothic
Greek
Hesychius
Heraclean
Hittite
Hieroglyphic Luwian
Ionic-Attic
Indo-European
Indo-Iranian
Ionic
Irish
Italic
Khotanese
Laconian
Latin
Latvian
Lesbian
Lithuanian
Low German
Locrian
Luwian
Lycian
Lydian
Middle Breton
Middle Cornish
Middle Dutch
Middle English
Megarian
Messenian
Middle High German
Middle Irish
Middle Low German
Modern Dutch
Modern English
ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS
Modern French
Modern High German
Modern Irish
Modern Norwegian
Modern Persian
Modern Swedish
Middle Persian
Middle Welsh
Mycenaean
New Phrygian
North-West Greek
Oscan
Old Albanian
Old Avestan
Old Breton
Old Cornish
Old Church Slavonic
Old Czech
Old English
Old Frisian
Old High German
Old Icelandic
Old Irish
Old Latin
Old Low Franconian
Old Low German
Old Lithuanian
Old Persian
Old Phrygian
Old Polish
Old Prussian
Old Russian
Old Saxon
Ossetic
Old Swedish
Old Welsh
Paelignian
Palaic
PAIb.
Pamph.
PAnat.
PCl.
PGm.
Phoc.
Phryg.
PIA
PIAr.
PIE
Pir.
Plt.
Pol.
PSl.
Proto- Albanian
Pamphylian
Proto- Anatolian
Proto-Celtic
Proto-Germanic
Phocian
Phrygian
Proto-Ionic-Attic
Proto-Indo- Aryan
Proto-Indo-European
Proto-Iranian
Proto-Italic
Polish
Proto-Slavic
Proto-Tocharian
Quasi-Indo-European
Rhodian
Russian
Russian Church Slavic
Rigvedic
Serbo-Croatian
Sicilian
Sanskrit
Slovene
Sogdian
Swedish
Swiss German
Thessalian
Tocharian A
Tocharian A and B
Tocharian B
Umbrian
Ukranian
Venetic
Vulgar Latin
Welsh
West-Germanic
Young Avestan
ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS
B. RECONSTRUCTION, GRAMMAR AND TEXT
cf.
coll.
compar.
conj.
dat.
desid.
dial.
DN
du.
e.g.
EN
encl.
ins.
inscr.
interr.
intr.
ipf.
ipv.
irr.
ablative
accusative
according to
active
anno domini
adjective
adverb
aorist
athematic
before Christ
century
compare
collective
comparative
1. conjecture
2. conjunction
dative
desiderative
dialectal
theonym
dual
for example
ethnonym
enclitic
and others
feminine
forthcoming
future
genitive
any PIE laryngeal
hydronym
idem
indicative
indeclinable
injunctive
instrumental
inscription(s)
interrogative
intransitive
imperfect
imperative
irregular
lit.
litt.
loc.
postpos.
PPP.
pres.
pref.
prep.
pret.
prev.
pron.
pass.
ptc.
rel.
subj.
sg.
superl.
SV.
them.
TN
trans.
v.
var.
vel sim.
viz.
voc.
xlv
literally
literature
locative
masculine
middle
neuter
negative
nominative
numeral
oblique
optative
page
personal communica-
tion
particle
perfect
personal
plural
personal name
postposition
passive past particple
present
prefix
preposition
preterite
preverb
pronoun
passive
participle
relative
subjunctive
singular
superlative
sub voce
thematic
toponym
transitive
verb
variant
or similarly
namely, to wit
vocative
xlvi ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS
C. AUTHORS AND WORKS
Only the most common authors and works are mentioned here. Please refer to LSJ
for a complete list.
A. = Aeschylus
AB = Anecdota Graeca, v. I
A.D. = Apollonius Dyscolus
AR. = Apollonius Rhodius
Aesch. Alex. = Aeschylus Alexandrinus
Agath. = Agathias
Alc. = Alcaeus
Alcm. = Aleman
Amm. Marc. = Ammianus Marcellinus
And. = Andocides
Ant. Diog. = Antonius Diogenes
Ant. Lib. = Antoninus Liberalis
Antip. = Antipater
Antiph. = Antiphanes
Ap. Ty. = Apollonius Tyanensis
Apollon. = Apollonius
App. = Appianus
Ar. = Aristophanes
Ar. Did. = Arius Didymus
Arc. = Arcadius
Arch. = Archias
Arist. = Aristoteles
Ascl. = Asclepiodotus or Asclepius
Asclep. = Asclepiades
Asp. = Aspasius
Ath. = Athenaeus
Aus. = Ausonius
B. = Bacchylides
Bacch. = Bacchius
Call. = Callimachus
Call. Com. = Callias Comicus
Call. Hist. = Callias Historicus
Callin. = Callinus
Cerc. = Cercidas
Cercop. = Cercopes
Com. = Comedy, Comic
D. = Demosthenes
D. C. = Dio Cassius
D. Chr. = Dio Chrysostomus
D. H. = Dionysius Halicarnassensis
D. L. = Diogenes Laertius
D. P. = Dionysius Periegeta
D. S. = Diodorus Siculus
D. T. = Dionysius Thrax
Dam. = Damascius
Din. = Dinarchus f
Diog. = Diogenes
Dioph. = Diophantus
Dsc. = Dioscorides Medicus
E. = Euripides
EM = Etymologicum Magnum
Ep. = in the Epic dialect
Epic. = Epicus
Epig. = Epigenes
Epin. = Epinicus
Et. Gen. = Etymologicum Genuinum
Et. Gud. = Etymologicum Gudianum
Eub. = Eubulus
Euc. = Euclides
Eup. = Eupolis
Euph. = Euphorio
Eust. = Eustathius
Eustr. = Eustratius
Foed. = Foedus :
Gal. = Galenus
Gramm. = Grammarians
h. Ap., etc. = Hymnus ad Apollinem, etc.
h. Hom. = hymni Homerici (
H. = Hesychius
Halic. = Halicarnassus
Hdn. = Herodianus
Hdt. = Herodotus
Heracl. = Heraclas
Herod. = Herodas
Herod. Med. = Herodotus Medicus
Hes. = Hesiodus
Hd. = Heliodorus, Scriptor Eroticus \
Hom. = Homer
Hp. = Hippocrates
Hsch. = Hesychius
ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS xlvii
Hymn. = Hymnus, Hymni Pl. = Plato
I]. = Iliad Plb. = Polybius
Is. = Isaeus Plin. = Pliny
J. = Josephus Poet. = Poeta, poetica
Leon. = Leonidas (two epigrammatists)
Leonid. = Leonidas Medicus
Lyc. = Lycophron
Lyr. = Lyricus, Lyric poetry
Lys. = Lysias
Lysim. = Lysimachus
Mel. = Meleager
Meliss. = Melissus
Men. = Menander
Moer. = Moeris
Mosch. = Moschus
NT = Novum Testamentum
Nic. = Nicander or Nicias
Nic. Dam. = Nicolaus Damascenus
Od. = Odyssey
Orac. = Oraculum
Oratt. = Oratores Attici
Orchom. = Orchomenus
Pall. = Palladius or Palladas
Parm. = Parmenides
Ph. = Philo
Phan. = Phanias
Phil. = Philippus Epigrammaticus
Philet. = Philetas
Philipp. Com. = Philippus Comicus
Philol. = Philolaus
Philonid. = Philonides
Phld. = Philodemus Philosophus
Phlp. = Philoponus
Phoen. = Phoenix
Pi. = Pindarus
post-Hom. = post-Homeric
Prisc. = Priscus Historicus
Quint. = Quintilianus
Rhet. = Rhetorical, Rhetoric
Ruf. = Rufus
S. = Sophocles
S. E. = Sextus Empiricus
Sext. = Sextus Philosophus
Sm. = Symmachus
St. Byz. = Stephanus Byzantius
Str. = Strabo
Tab. Heracl. = Tabulae Heracleenses
Th. = Thucydides
Them. = Themistius
Themist. = Themistocles
Theo Sm. = Theon Smyrnaeus
Theoc. = Theocritus
Theod. = Theodorus
Thgn. = Theognis
Thphr. = Theophrastus
Ti. Locr. = Timaeus Locrus
Tim. = Timotheus Lyricus
Tim. Com. = Timotheus Comicus
Tim. Gaz. = Timotheus Gazaeus
Tim. Lex. = Timaeus Grammaticus
Trag. = Tragic, Tragedy
Tryph. = Tryphiodorus
X. = Xenophon
Xenoph. = Xenophanes
Zen. = Zenobius
Zon. = Zonas
xlviii
ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS
D. SYMBOLS
> becomes by regular phonological development
< reflects by regular phonological development
>> is replaced by way of analogy
<< replaces by way of analogy
<xx> the origin of the word (see preface above)
> see also the entry
> See S.V.
(2) meaning uncertain or appurtenance uncertain
*X a reconstructed item of a proto-stage
<X> spelled with the symbol X
IX/ the phoneme X
[X] phonetically pronounced as X
A
a- 1 copulative prefix (4 d8pototiKd6v). <IE *sm->
eVAR Eg. in dma; by Grassmann’s dissimilation or by psilosis also a-, which was
analogically extended: ddoxoc, ddeAgdc; amedocg ‘even’, dBioc ‘rich’. A form like
Hom. dxoittc was not aspirated because the Attic redactors of the text did not know
the word, so they followed the Ionic pronunciation (cf. ijAtoc next to HéAtoc).
*ETYM From IE *sm- in Skt. sa- (sé-ndman- ‘with the same name’), Lat. sem-, sim-
(sim-plex), from PIE *sip1-, a zero grade to *sem in Skt. sdm ‘together’, > eic. Within
Greek, cf. also » Ou.6c, » dpa. From the meaning ‘together, provided with’, the so-
called & émtatikdv (intensive) developed, e.g. d-edvov- moAvgepvov ‘with much
dowry’ (H.), cf. » €5va. It has been supposed that in some cases a comparable a-
arose from *y- (the zero grade of *h,en ‘in’), e.g. dAéyw (Seiler KZ 75 (1957): 1-23), but
the alleged instances are probably all wrong.
a- 2 privative prefix (4 otepi{tikOv). <IE *n->
VAR Prevocalic dv-.
*ETYM The antevocalic form dv- arose because of a following laryngeal (Indo-
European roots always started with a consonant), which led to vocalization of the
nasal: *y-HV- > *anV-. In Greek, the loss of initial consonants (*y-, *s-) disturbed
the original distribution: thus dicog (< *d-Fliooc) next to the reshaped dvicoc.
Sometimes this led to analogical forms, like &-ofoc¢ next to original &v-ofoc. In the
Myc. PN a-u-po-no /Ahupnos/, the a- stands before h-, like in classical Gumvoc. In
adplotos (to dpoc < *worwo-), we see that the initial F- was originally retained before
*o as well.
If the second member began with laryngeal + cons., this yielded Greek vn-, va-, vw-
like in viyypetoc, vwddc < *n-h,gr-, *n-h,d-. These adjectives were later reshaped, e.g.
into dvwvuptoc (see Beekes 1969: 98-113) In dvdedoc, avd-eATtto¢ and davartvevotos,
which seem to show dva- ‘un-’, the last two are analogical, and the first may stand
for dv-eedv-. On pleonastic &(v)-, cf. » dBéAtepoc.
a(v)- was originally limited to verbal adjectives and bahuvrihis, both in Greek and in
other IE languages; see Frisk 1941: 4ff., a4ff., Frisk 1948: 8ff., Wackernagel 1920-
1924(2): 284ff., Wackernagel 1920-1924(1): 282f., and Moorhouse 1959. In other
languages, we have eg. Skt. a(n)-, Lat. in-, Go. un-, all from PIE *y-. The sentence
negative was *ne, in Lat. ne-scio, ne-fas, etc., but this use is not attested for Greek
(not in » vértodec).
a- 3 <PG(V)>
2 a- 4
eETYM In Pre-Greek substrate words, a “prothetic vowel” occurs, e.g. dotaxuc next to
otdxvc. In other words, the prothetic vowel may be present in the reflex of a
substrate word or not.
Without a doubt, a phonetic process was at the origin of these variations. It is rather
frequent, see Fur: 368-378. The vowel was almost always a- (only very few
exceptions can be recorded, see Pre-Greek).
a- 4 in Anatolian place names, e.g. Anatodcg / Tatodc, ‘A8vpiBpa / OvpBpa. <Lw>
*ETYM The origin of the phenomenon is unknown, and could be different from that
of the Pre-Greek prothetic vowel. It is probably due to adaptation from a non-IE
language.
45 interjection (II.). <ONOM>
DER G(w [v.] ‘to sigh, groan’.
*ETYM Onomatopoeic; see Schwyzer: 716.
2
adatog Mg. unknown. In vov pot dptoccov a. Ztvydc¢ béwp (E 271) ‘inviolable’?,
deOXoc a. ( 91, x 5) ‘infallible’?, kaptoc &. (A. R. 2, 77) ‘invincible’? <?>
VAR For the varying length of the vowel, see LfgrE s.v.
*ETYM Comparable to » dtn and » daw ‘to damage’. Cf. perhaps aaBaxtor &BAaBeic
‘undamaged’ (H.). Note that the privative prefix is 4-, not dv-.
dada -évdera. Adkwvec ‘want, lack (Lacon.)’ (H.). <4?
*DER dadetv: amopeto8at, dottetv ‘to be in distress, abstain from food’ (H.), see on
> ddnv. We also find dadeiv- oxAetv, AvmetoBai, ddixetv ‘to disturb, be vexed, be
wronged’ (s.v. > dv6ava, & Uc).
eETYM The forms and meanings are uncertain; see DELG for an uncertain suggestion
by Frisk. Latte assumes 456 = &{a, contrary to the alphabetical order.
aatw [v.] ‘to breathe with the mouth wide open’ (Arist.). <ONOM>
DER daotdc (Arist.).
*ETYM Probably onomatopoeic. Another suggestion by Solmsen 1901: 284 relates it to
> dru. Cf. perhaps » &Cw 2, from > a.
adavOa [f.] - eidoc évwtiov mapa AAKpavi wo Aptotopdavye ‘a kind of earring in Alcm.,
acc. to Ar.’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Schulze 1892: 38 explained it as *ado-ava to the root of otc < *h,ous-, but
since the suffix is unclear (cf. otvav6n), this analysis cannot be substantiated. Cf. also
Bechtel 1921, 2: 366.
dantocg [adj.] In yelpec danto. (Hom., Hes.), later of Kijtoc (Opp.), perhaps
‘invincible’. <?>
eETYM Aristophanes read *dénmtovc, which is also unclear. Meier-Briigger’s
explanation of » amtoemr¢ does not convince me. Cf. » dentoc and > eapO1.
d(a)toc = dntos.
adoxEetos = Exw.
aBapiotav 3
adw [v.] ‘to damage’, med. ‘act in blindness’ (II.). «IE? *h,euh,->
eVAR Beside pres. datat (T 91 = 129) < *dpdetat only aor. daca (contracted doa) <
*apdoa, med. -dunv, pass. ddoOnv. With -ox-: ddoxet- pBeiper, BAdntet ‘destroys,
damages’ (H.); difficult katéBaoKe: katéBAayev ‘damaged’ (H.), for *xat-aBaoxe?
*COMP decippwv (wrong for daot-) ‘damaged in mind’ (IL), cf. dacipdpoc: BAGBIW
gépwv ‘bringing damage’ (H.); dvat(e)i ‘without harm, with impunity (A.).
eETYM For PGr. *awa-je/o-, we may mechanically reconstruct an IE root *h,euh,-, but
there are no known cognates. A verbal noun *awd-teh.-, with which compare avata
(Alc.), yields » a1) ‘damage, guilt, delusion’. Not connected to » wtetAn.
aBa - tp0xO¢ 7} Bor ‘wheel or screaming’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM In the sense of ‘screaming’, Specht compared &fBa with Hom. ave [ipf.]
‘called’. See further the glosses &Brpet dda ‘sings’ and dBéooet émmoOei, BopuBet
‘yearns for, makes noise’ (both H.); lastly also GBwp with the meaning Bor). See
> avdn, > deidw.
aBayva - Pd5a Maxeddvec ‘roses (Maced.)’ (H.). <2>
*ETYM See Kalléris 1954: 66-73; Belardi Ric. ling. 4 (1958): 196.
aBaxis [adj.]<?>
eVAR Only Aeol. aBaxny gpéva [acc.sg.] (Sapph.), explained as jovxiov Kai mpdov
‘quiet and gentle’ (EM).
*DER GBaKroav (6 249) ‘Hovxyacav’ (2?) and &Baxildoptevoc ‘quiet? (Anacr.). Further
GBaxrjpwv- ddAaAoc, dobvetoc ‘unspoken, not understood’ (H.), and &Paxntoc:
avertipBovoc ‘without reproach’ (H.).
*ETYM Perhaps it belongs to » Baw (BéBaxtat, Baktc) ‘to speak’.
aBaKrn = data.
GBaAr - axpetov, Adxwvec ‘useless, foolish (Lacon.)’. oi 58 vwOpov ‘bastard’ (H.). <2
eETYM Fur: 167, 348 compares dBeAXov- tanetvov ‘vile, low’ (H., Cyr.) and &BaAltc
wLox8n pa édaia “worthless olive tree’ (H.), but not » ageAre.
GBadts = &Barij.
&Bavtaotv - dvaBaotv ‘mounting’ (H.). <GR?>
*ETYM For earlier *d(1)Bavtacotv [dat.pl.]? See Schwyzer: 50.
aBak, -Kocg [m.] ‘board for calculating or drawing’ (Cratin., Arist.). <PG?(v)>
eETYM Etymology unknown. The assumption of a loan from Hebr. ’abdq ‘sand, dust’
(Lewy 1895: 173) is semantically weak (rejected by E. Masson 1967: 97). On the
meaning, cf. Bruneau REGr. 80 (1967): 325-330; see also Kratzsch WZHalle 23 (1973):
126, who defends the connection with Hebrew. Borrowed as Lat. abacus. Kuiper
compared dydkiov. GBat. Adxwvec (H.), but Fur: 221 doubts this. Yet, if the
comparison is correct, the word is Pre-Greek (variation B/j1).
aPaptotav - yovaicifopévyy, KaBalpoptéevnv Katapnviorc. Kumptot ‘being made to play
a womanly role, being cleansed or purified during the menses (Cypr.)’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM Related to » caBapiytc, with Cyprian loss of s-?
4 &Bapkva
aPapkva [f.] - Aysdc ‘hunger’ (H.). <PG?>
eETYM Fur.: 122 connects it to ptapydc¢ ‘mad, gluttonous’, which is not convincing.
The formation with -va after -x- suggests Pre-Greek origin.
aBaptai = apapere.
&Baptos : dmAnotos ‘greedy’, oi dé GLapyog ‘greedy’ (H.). <PG?(v)>
*VAR GBaptia. dmAnotia ‘greediness’ (H.).
eETYM Fur.: 217 connects it to ,tapyoc, which seems difficult formally; or do we have
to read *&Bapyoc? If so, the word clearly shows a prothetic vowel, which points to
substrate origin.
aBapv [n.] - dpiyavov <td év> Maxedovia (or Maxedoviac?) ‘oregano (Maced.)’ (H.).
<LW>
*ETYM Related to dyidpakov ‘origanum’, acc. to Fur.: 210. Cf. also Bapv- tivéc ptév
gaot Ouptiauia evades ‘acc. to some, an odoriferous incense’ (H.); see Latte. The
suggestion of Kalléris 1954: 75f., who assumes connection with Baptc as ‘having a
strong (heavy) odor’ (with prothetic a), is untenable.
a&BdedAov [adj.] - tametvdv ‘low, abased’ (H.). < PG(v)>
VAR Hesychius also has &BeAXov with the same mg; Latte rejects it as a corruption
of the other form, which is unnecessary.
*ETYM See Fur.: 167. If the variation B6 / 6 is real, it is a Pre-Greek word, which is
likely anyway for a form with B56.
&PSnpa [f.] - Kai GBSia 1) OdAaocoa (EM 3, 8). <PG?>
*ETYM Fur.: 309 connects it with the TN ‘ABSnpa.
&BS1j¢ [m., f.] - udottE nap’ ‘Inmwvaxt ‘whip (Hippon.)’ (H.). <PG(v)>
*ETYM Probably a foreign word in Hipponax; see O. Masson 1962: 170 (fr. 130). Fur.:
388 convincingly compares aBptotiyv: taotiya (H.). The word is Pre-Greek because
of the cluster B64 (see ibid.: 318), with -Bp- perhaps representing earlier -Bd-.
dec - Exetc ‘vipers; you have’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM Perhaps Illyrian, with B from IE *g”", as in viBa- ytova. It is unlikely, however,
that éxt¢ should be reconstructed as *h,eg”"-i-. Maybe the gloss is just Lat. habés (see
Pisani Paideia 10 (1955): 279).
GPekAov = aBadn, aBdedrAov.
aBéAtEpos [adj.] ‘simple, stupid’ (Ar.). <?>
*ETYM Wackernagel GGN (1902): 745ff. connected it with BéAtepoc, assuming that an
original mg. ‘morally good’ developed into ‘too good, simple’, with an unclear prefix.
This is unlikely; see Osthoff MU 6 (1910): 177 and Hatzidakis Glotta 11 (1921): 175f for
different analyses.
aBEpPAOv [adj.] - MOA, EnayBEc, pLEya, Bap, aydtotov, pLdtaLov ‘much, heavy or
burdensome, great, empty, rash’ (H.). <PG(v)>
eVAR dPUBnAov (H.) is glossed in the same way; also -rntoc (EM).
aBpaic 5
*ETYM The variation points to a Pre-Greek word. Fur.: 374 compares MoGr. Bippndro
‘abundance’.
aBip [m/f]? - ofknpa otodc éxov, tapteiov. Adkwvec ‘house provided with store-
houses, treasury (Lacon.) (H.). <?>
eETYM Unknown. Not identical with » dnp ‘air’ (as in Frisk, who compares MoSw.
vind 1. ‘wind’ 2. ‘bottom’).
aBiAALOV = duihAaKav.
GBtv [acc.m./f.] - ZAatyy, of 6& nevKnVv ‘silver fir; pine’ (H.). <Lw?>
*ETYM Comparing Lat. abiés, Mayer KZ 66 (1939): 96f. assumed that PIE *ab- ‘tree’
occurs in several Illyrian and Iranian names, such as ‘ABau, ABpot, ABicn ="YAaia (St.
Byz.). If this is the case, is the root from a non-IE language in Europe?
aBitwptov [n.] ‘latrine’ (IGR I, 599, Istropolis, Scythia Minor). <Lw Lat>
*ETYM From an unknown Lat. *abitérium ‘latrine’, in turn from abire (DELG Supp.):
a casein which a Latin word is known only from Greek.
aBrAadéws [adv.] - [Séwe ‘sweet’ (H.). <2>
*ETYM A connection with *BAaduc ‘powerless’ leaves the initial vowel unexplained
(see on » BAadeic); the semantic development is also problematic. Connection with
> duaAdbvw ‘to make weak’ would point to *h,mld- (with -ad- analogically after the
full grade *dteA6-), but in this case one would expect *d&iBAa6- for our word; there is
yet no etymology.
&BAapot [m.] - EA ‘wood’ (H.). <PG(v)>
*ETYM Fur.: 370 compares Bdapoi: Spvec, Sévdpa ‘trees’ (H.); the word is Pre-Greek
(with prothetic vowel and 6 alternating with BA). It is less probable that » Bdapvec
also belongs here.
ABANXPds = BANXpdc.
apAonés [adj.] - dBAaBéc. Kpitec ‘sound, undamaged (Cret.)’ (H.). = BAantw.
aPorsic [m./f.] - mepiBoAai bm LikeA@v ‘garments (Sicilian) (H.).
*ETYM Probably related to » 4BdAAnN<¢.
aBoréw [v.] ‘meet’ (A. R., Call.), = dvtiBoréw. <GR?>
eVAR GBoAroat: dnavtijoat ‘to encounter’ (H.).
DER dBoAntuc ‘meeting’ (H.).
*ETYM Cf. fHBoAov tap: Kad’ 6 dnavtwov eic tavtév, i} edKaipov, iepdv (H.), which
may have its length for metrical reasons, or alternatively have arisen by
decomposition; cf. » émrBoXoc. The &- could be copulative (see » a- 1).
a&BOAANGS [m.] ‘kind of coat’ (imperial period). <Lw>
*VAR Also aBoAAa (Peripl. M. Rubr.).
*ETYMLW from Lat. abolla (Varro). Cf. » dBoXeic.
aBpaptic a fish, a kind of mullet (Opp.). <Lw? Eg.>
6 aBptotryv
VAR Also GBpazuc, 4BpaPic (PLond. ined., III?).
*ETYM The fish was salted in Egypt (Ath. 7, 312b). Fur.: 220 thinks that the form with
B is due to a recent assimilation. It is either Pre-Greek, or a loan from Egyptian.
aBptoti = dBdnc.
aBpdc [adj.] ‘graceful, delicate, pretty’ (Hes.); mostly of young girls and women. <?>
VAR Fem. GBpa ‘favorite slave’ (not a Semitic loan, E. Masson 1967: 98).
*DER &Bpdtn¢ ‘splendor, luxury’, 4Bpoovvn ‘id.’; denominative aBpvvopat [v.] ‘to live
a delicate life’, act. ‘to treat soft-heartedly’.
*ETYM No etymology. Not related to {Bn ‘youthful power’, which has n- < *é (< *eh,).
On the feminine substantive, see Francis Glotta 53 (1975): 43-66.
GB potaw [v.] ‘to miss’. <GR>
VAR Only in aBpotakouev [aor.subj.] (K 65).
*DER dBpdtaktc (H., Eust.).
eETYM Perhaps formed on the basis of fBpotov, the aorist of » Gptaptavw. Could it
be an artificial archaism of the Doloneia (DELG)? On -fp- instead of -uBp-, see
Schwyzer: 277. Is it metrically conditioned?
a&Bpdtovov [n.] ‘wormwood’ (Thphr.). <?>
eVAR Also a-.
eETYM Unknown; probably a loanword, perhaps from the Greek substrate.
Connected with aBpdc by folk etymology. From Akk. (a)murdennu ‘flower with
thorns’, acc. to Bailey TPS 1955: 82.
a@Bpvva [n.pl.] ‘mulberries’ (Parth. apud Ath.). <?>
eVAR Also a-.
eETYM Unknown.
aPputoi [m.] - éxivwv Badacciwv eidoc ‘kind of sea urchin’ (H.). <PG(V)>
eVAR Also GtiBputtot: eidoc éxivwv Saracoiwvid.’, Bpwttoc (Ar.), Bpbooos (Arist.).
*ETYM The formal variation (prothetic vowel and prenasalization) is typical of Pre-
Greek substrate words.
a&Bvdov [adj.] - Ba8U ‘deep’ (H.). <PG?(V)>
*ETYM von Blumenthal IF 49 (1931): 175 considers it to have an Illyrian origin
(“bottomless”, related to BuOdc). If the connection with Bv8dc is correct, it is not
necessarily Illyrian, but could also be a substrate word with prothetic d-. See » BuOdc.
aBdpBnAos = dBépBnAOoc.
aBvptakn [f.] a sauce of leek, cress and pomegranate seeds (Pherecr.). <PG?(V)>
*ETYM Defined as drdtpytna Bappapixov ‘a foreign dish’ (Suid.). Theopompus
wrote: iiEet dé Mrdwv yaiav, évOa noteitat aBvptakn ‘he will arrive in Media, where
the a. is made’ (Suid. 17 Kock), so perhaps it is an Iranian loan. But the structure 4-
Bupt-ax-n is reminiscent of Pre-Greek words; for the suffix, cf. Batiakn, KavvaKn,
Ttotakn. See also Fur.: 158%.
ayahhouat 7
&Bvodos = Bv8dc.
aya- intensifying prefix, e.g. dya-«Aerjc ‘of great renown’. <IE *meg-h.- ‘great’>
DER Verbs: &yapat [v.] ‘to admire, envy’, dydopict (Hes.), dyaiouat (Od.), ayatw ‘to
have too much’ (A. Supp. 1061). Nominal derivatives: dyn ‘admiration, envy’ (Il.),
aydaopata (S. Fr. 885), dya(o)oic (H., EM). See also > dyav.
*ETYM The same stem as itéya-, continuing a PIE zero grade *mgh,-. It has a
counterpart in Av. as-, e.g. as-aojah- ‘with great strength’ (from a zero grade *mgs-);
see Schindler 1987: 345. See > dyaAXOpLal, PAyav, » dyavaKTéw, & dyavdc, Pm Lléyac.
ayaGic 1, -id0¢ [f] ‘ball of thread, clew’ (Pherecyd.). <?>
eETYM No etymology. Under dyaQdc, Frisk connects Skt. gadhya- ‘was festzuhalten
ist’. Cf. » ayaBic 2.
ayabic 2, -id0¢ = onoapic H; onoatic = onoapi ‘a mixture of sesame seeds, roasted
and pounded with honey’, an Athenian delicacy given to guests at a wedding. Note
the expression aya8ov ayabidec ‘quantities of goods’. < PG?(V)>
*ETYM Belardi Ric. ling. 4 (1958): 196 compared yd1a. dAAdvtta “sausages (vel sim.)
(H.); see > dAAGc. If this is correct, the word is Pre-Greek, because of the prothetic
vowel. Fur.: 370 also compares » yrj8vov.
&ya0dc [adj.] ‘good, fit, noble’ (II.). <1E?, Lw?>
eVAR akaBdv dyabdv ‘good’ (H.); xdotoc: xypnotdc ‘good, useful’ (H.). Dor. ydioc
‘noble, good’ (long a).
*DIAL Cypr. a¢a8oc must probably be read ayaGoc, see Egetmeyer Kadmos 32 (1993):
145-155.
*ETYM The older comparison with Gm. forms like Go. gobs, MoHG gut, MLG gaden
‘to fit’ etc, and Slavic words like OCS godonv ‘pleasant’, goditi ‘be pleasant’ and Ru.
goédnyj ‘useful’ should be forgotten, as these require a root *g'ed"- (LIV? s.v.), from
which Skt. gadh- ‘to take, seize’ derives. dya8dc is considered to be from a European
substrate by Beekes KZ 109 (1996). An Indo-European attempt by Pinault MSS 38
(1979): 165-170, who derives the word from *mgh,-d"h,-o- ‘made great’, or ‘whose
deeds are great’ (Ruijgh 1991b). I find this semantic development difficult. Moreover,
as Pinault admits, a suffix -d'o- is rare (see Chantraine 1933: 366). Finally, there are
forms like dxa8dv and xdotoc; if these variants are reliable, the word could be Pre-
Greek.
ayatoc [adj.] epithet of a sacrificial calf in the Labyadai inscr. (Schwyzer: 323). <?>
eETYM Unknown. Connected with »dya-, based on comparison with dyaiov:
émtip8ovov ‘liable to envy’ (H.); see Buck 1955: 2.45.
ayaAXic [f.] ‘dwarf iris, Iris attica’ (h. Dem.). <?>
eVAR Also msc. (H.). On Nic. fr. 74, 31 see DELG.
eDER dyadXic: baKtv80c i) Bpvardic, 7} avayadXic ‘hyacinth, plantain, pimpernel’
*ETYM No etymology; see DELG, André 1956 s.v. anagallis and Strémberg 1940: 78.
ayadAopat [v.] ‘to be proud, exult in’ (I1.). <?>
8 ayaAoxov
°DER dyaAuta ‘glory, delight, honor; statue’. In later language, aydAAopar is replaced
by ayaAAtdoptat;: -dw after the verbs in -1dw; thence dyaAAiaoic, -iapta. &ydAAtoc:
Aotdopog ‘slandering’ (H.), ayaAAdoptat- AotSopetoO8al, Tapavtivor ‘to slander
(Tarent.)’ (H.); Fur.: 370 compares yappidte8a, but there is no support for this. The
plant name dyaAXic (h. Cer., Nic.) probably does not belong to aydaAAoyta.
*ETYM Looks like a denominative of *ayahdc, but such a form is unknown.
ayaXoxov [n.] ‘eagle-wood, Aquilaria malacensis’ (Dsc.). <LW>
eETYM One suspects an Oriental loanword; cf. Schrader-Nehring 1917: 39f. On
Pahlavi wlwg < *agalik, see Henning BSOAS 11 (1943-1946): 728.
adyapat = aya-.
Ayapépvwv [m.] the Greek commander before Troy (IL.). <GR>
*VAR Att. vases Ayapiéopiwv, also Ayaplépyiwv, -yév(vjwv (Nachmanson Glotta 4
(1913): 246).
*ETYM Since Prellwitz BB 17 (1891): 171f., a pre-form *Aya-ué6-twwv has been
assumed, with the root of pédop1at. The development -dp- > -vpt- > -uv- is known in
various Greek dialects (other examples in Lejeune 1972: 775, where also on the
development to -ot-).
Kretschmer Glotta 3 (1910-1912): 330f. connected the second part with ,tévoc and
uévetv (which von Kamptz 1982: 181 and 209 finds improbable), explaining -o1- as a
kind of popular assimilation.
ayav [adv.] ‘much, too much’ (Pi.). IE *mg*eh,-m>
DIAL Aeolic or Doric in origin, which explains the long a.
*ETYM The old accusative of the adjective » \téyac. The form is important, as it points
to the type nom. *CeC-C, acc. *CC-eC-m, which I assume is the original
hysterodynamic inflection in Indo-European (see Beekes 1985: 103f.). Cf. also » aya-.
ayavaktéw [v.] ‘be indignant or irritated’ (Hp.). <GR?>
*ETYM Expressive formation in -axtéw like bAaKtéw (to bAdw), so from original
*dyavaw? Cf. dyavnpit doydAdw, ayavaxt@ (H.). Pinault RPh. 65 (1991 [1993]):
196-198 derives it from *&ya-vaktog ‘pressed too much’, from » vacow. Uncertain.
aydavva = axavn.
ayavoc [adj.] ‘mild, gentle’ (IL). <?>
*ETYM No etymology. The connection with d&yatiat or yavoc [n.] ‘splendor’ (Bechtel
1914) is semantically unconvincing.
ayandw [v.] ‘to receive with friendship; to like, love’ (Il.). <1IE?>
eVAR Also ayandtw (Il). Retrograde ayann “Christian) love’ (late, especially LXX
and NT).
*ETYM Pinault RPh. 65 (1991 [1993]): 199-216 assumes it derives from *dya-na- ‘to
protect greatly’, referring to similar expressions in Sanskrit; cf. » émdopat. The
Christian use may have been influenced by Hebr.’*haba ‘love’; see Ruijgh Lingua 25
(1970): 306.
ayyepaKkopov 9
ayaptkov [n.] name of several mushrooms (Dsc.). <GR>
*ETYM Perhaps from the TN Ayapia (Sarmatia)? See André 1956 s.v. agaricum and
Stromberg 1940: 122.
ayaovAXig [f.] plant that produces atpwviaKkdv, Fecula marmarica (Dsc.). <PG(v)>
eETYM Fur.: 254 connects it with »yn8vAXic (Dor. ya-), which is Pre-Greek.
Comparing the latter with dyaovAAic, we note the prothetic vowel and the
interchange 0/o. See André 1956 s.v. agasyllis.
a&yavdc [adj.] ‘admirable, noble’ (IL). <?>
*ETYM Acc. to Schwyzer IF 30 (1912): 430ff., Aeolic = aya-fdéc; perhaps related to
> dyoutat. An expressive gemination of the Ff has been proposed (e.g. Ruijgh Lingua
25 (1970)). But since a suffix -yo- is doubtful in Greek (cf. Chantraine 1933: 124: “le
suffixe était mort en grec”), the word may rather be Pre-Greek.
ayavpoc [adj.] not quite certain, perhaps ‘proud’ (Hes., Hdt, rare). <?>
eETYM Was Pm yadpoc reshaped after dyavdc? A pre-Greek origin should also be
considered.
ayyapos [m.] ‘Persian mounted courier’ (X.). <LW>
VAR Rarely as an adjective, e.g. dyyapov mvp ‘signal fire’ (A. Ag. 282).
*DER ayyapriog = ayyapoc (Hdt.), substantivized ayyapriiov ‘institution of the
adyyapor’ (Hdt. 8, 98, with a description of it). Denominative ayyapevw [v.] ‘press
into service’ (Ev. Matt., pap., inscr.); thence ayyapevti ‘impressed laborer’ (pap.
VIP) and ayyapeia ‘service’ (pap., inscr.), plur. dyyapetat ‘cursus publicus’ (inscr.
III’); ayyapikécg (pap.). Hell. and late by-forms are éyyapetw, -éw, -ia, by folk-
etymology after the preverb év-.
eETYM The exact source is unknown. Not from Akk. agru ‘hired man’; see Eilers I] 5
(1962): 225; Happ Glotta 40 (1962): 201. On the realia see Rostowzew Klio 6 (1906):
24off. and R. Schmitt Glotta 49 (1971): 97-100 (who defends an Iranian origin).
Mancini Glotta 73 (1995): 210-222 reconstructs a form OP *angara- > *ayyapn- as the
basis of dyyaprov (Hdt. 8, 98), which must be the oldest Greek form. Extensively on
this word Brust 2005: 17ff.
dyyedog [m.] ‘messenger’ (Il.). <Lw>
DIAL Perhaps Myc. a-ke-ro.
*DER Denominative ayyéAAw [v.] ‘to convey a message. Did dyyeding [m.]
‘messenger’ (Hom.) arise from a false interpretation of the genitive (tic) ayyedinc?
See Leumann 1950: 168ff. Thence 1) ayyeAin ‘female messenger’ (Hes. Th. 781). From
ayyedia: ayyeAtwmtnc, -Wtic (female) messenger’ (h. Merc. 296); from ayyedoc:
ayyehucds ‘of a messenger’ (late); from ayyéAAw: GyyeApta ‘announcement’ (E., Th.),
ayyeAtiKdc ‘premonitory’ (late), dyyéAteipa “female messenger’ (Orph. H. 78, 3; not
certain).
eETYM The connection with Skt. drigiras-, name of mythical beings, has now been
abandoned. Perhaps an Oriental loan, like » dyyapoc.
dyyepdkopov = cyeppaKafoc.
10 ayyornvia
ayyornnvia [n.pl.] - ta twv pedtoowv knpia ‘honeycombs’ (H.). <Lw>
*ETYM From Iranian angupén, see Bailey BSOAS 20 (1957): 51 (does not belong to
> ayyoc).
dyyos [n.] ‘vessel’ (II.). <PG(v)>
eDIAL Probably Myc. a-ke-ha [pl.].
eETYM Possibly a Mediterranean loanword (cf. Chantraine 1933: 418), as kitchen
utensils are often borrowed. Fur.: 275, 307? compares dyduc: &yyog Kprttkév, which
is quite tempting.
dyyoupa [f.] - paE, otapvdAn ‘grape, bunch of grapes’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Cf. MoGr. Gywpos, dyoupos ‘unripe, green, young man’ and dyoupida ‘unripe
grape’, from G-wpoc ‘unripe, green’, with the spirant as a transitional sound;
secondary nasalization as in MoGr. Cret. Gyyoupoc ‘young, youngster’ and ayyotet
‘gherkin’. The MGr. and MoGr. word was borrowed as MP angir ‘grape’ and Eg-
Arab. aggir ‘gherkin’. See Kretschmer Glotta 20 (1932): 239f. also Cocco Arch. glott.
ital. 54 (1969): 98.
dyyoupos ‘cake’. + yodpoc.
ayeipw [v.] ‘to gather’ (II.). <IE *h,ger- ‘gather’>
eDIAL Myc. a-ke-re, a-ko-ra /agora/, a-ma-ko-to me-no /"am-agorté ménos/ ‘in the
month of the Assembly”? See Taillardat REGr. 97 (1984): 365-373.
eCOMP Ounjyyepric ‘gathered together’ (II.), vepeAnyepéta ‘cloud-gatherer’ (II.).
*DER > dyopa s.v.; dyopoc ‘gathering’ (E.). Often ayvp- (cf. Schwyzer: 351): Gyvptc
‘gathering, mass’ (Il.), with mavryyupic ‘gathering of all’ (Arc. mavdyopoic,
Tavayopia); aybptys ‘beggar’, denominative ayuptatw ‘to beg’, ayuptebw (Str.),
whence ayupteia, adjective ayvptikdg (Str. Plu.). Also ayuptip ‘beggar’, aytptpia
‘beggar-woman’ (A. Ag. 1273). Also ayuppdc ‘gathering’ and dyvppa ‘anything
collected’. The formations in dyep- kept the connection with the verb: Gyepoic
‘gathering, inspection of the army’ (Hdt.), ayeppdc ‘gathering of funds, troops, etc.’
(inscr., Arist.), dyeppoovvn (Opp.), ayéptas ‘collector’ (IG 14, 423: 135 [Taurom.]).
dyap- is found in Gyapptc ‘meeting’ (IG 14, 759: 12 [Naples]); also Gyoppic: ayopa,
dOpotoic ‘gathering’ (H.) which may be Aeolic, see Chantraine 1933: 280.
eETYM No direct cognates, but the reconstruction *h,ger- is unproblematic. See
further »yépyepa + ioAAd ‘lots, often’ (H.) and ta »ydpyapa ‘heaps, lots’.
Tyyepé8ovta and -to have a present suffix -0- (cf. Schwyzer: 703); ryepé8ovtau (T
231) and nyepé8eoGat (K 127, Aristarchus) have an unexpected long vowel; the forms
were built on frequent hyepé8ovto.
ayéAn [f:] ‘herd, troop’ (I1.). <1E *h,eg- ‘drive’>
eETYM From > &yw, with a suffix *-I-. Comparison with Lat. agilis, Skt. ajird- ‘mobile,
quick’ and Lat. agolum ‘staff of a shepherd’ makes little sense; the formations are
probably independent.
ayépda = dyepdoc.
ayeppaxdBoc [m.] - ctapvAr ‘bunch of grapes’ (H.). <PG(V)>
ayLoc oI
eVAR Gyyepakopov: otagvAry ‘id.’; dypaKaBoc: otagvAr ‘id.’ (both H.).
eETYM Latte rejects two of these forms (how to decide which?), followed by Fur.: 221.
I think this is indefensible. The word is Pre-Greek in any case, like so many words
concerning wine (e.g. dpacxyddec). Note the element -af-. The -e- is a prop vowel
(see Fur.: 378ff.); variation a/o and B/u are also well-known in Pre-Greek (which
means all the glosses are real); the yy may represent a prenasalized consonant, one of
the clearest characteristics of Pre-Greek words.
ayépwxoc [adj.] ‘magnanimous, proud’ (IL). <?>
*DER dyepwxia ‘magnanimity’ (LXX, Plb.). Uncertain is Dor. yepwyxia (Ar. Lys. 980).
eETYM No etymology.
ayétpta [f.] - waia. Tapavtivot ‘midwife (Tarent.) (H.); dvayétpia: 7 taic tTObCAaLc
bimNpetodoa yuvi] mapa Tapavtivoig ‘woman who watches over the midwives in
Tarent. (H.). <?>
eETYM McKenzie Class. Quart. 15 (1921): 48 assumes that it stands for earlier
*aypétpia, from »dypéw with a suffix -tpia and subsequent dissimilation. This
seems quite improbable semantically.
ayn = aya-.
aynvwp [adj.] epithet of Ovpdc of uncertain mg; perhaps ‘proud’ (Il.). <IE *h,eg-
‘drive’>
eVAR PN Ayrivwp.
eDER aynvopin (Hom.), whence aynvopéw (Nonnos).
*ETYM First part probably related to &4yw (Risch IF 59 (1949): 39f), rather than to dya-
(Sommer 1948: 169f.); cf. also Kuiper MKNAW 14: 5 (1951): 5 : 207. On the evolution
of the meaning, see DELG.
aynpatov [n.] a plant, ‘Origanum onites’ (Dsc.). <?>
eETYM Assuming an original meaning ‘unaging’, it can be connected to ynpdoKu,
yijpac. Semantic parallels are given by Strémberg 1940: 103; these are uncompelling.
aytpatos [m.] stone used to polish women’s shoes (Gal.). <?>
eETYM A connection with the word for ‘age’ does not seem appropriate. Szemerényi
Gnomon 43 (1971): 641-75 proposes dy-1patog ‘very lovely’, which is not much
better.
ayitwp = nHyéopat.
aytog [adj.] ‘holy’ (Hdt.). <1£ *Hieh.g->
*DER Yod-present d&{opat [v.] ‘to honor’ (Il.), from *&yropat. Late nouns aydtng and
aywovvn (LXX), verbs ayi{w ‘to consecrate, dedicate’ (Pi, S.) and dayid(w ‘id’
(LXX), whence a ytopdc ‘offering to the dead’ (D. S.), aytacpdc ‘consecration’ (LXX,
NT), ayiacua ‘id., sanctuary’ (LXX); aytotiptov ‘holy vessel’ (Inscr. Perg. 255, 9);
ayiactiiptov ‘sanctuary’ (LXX) and ayotuc ‘ceremony’ (Call.). ayotetw [v.] ‘be
holy, be pure; consecrate’ (PI. E.) also presupposes a nominal form in -ot- (a4ytotd¢
12 &yKbhog
only in Et. Gud. s.v. ayioteia); thence ayioteupa ‘sanctuary’ (Procop.) and aytoteia
‘ritual, service’ (Isoc.).
eETYM The connection with Skt. ydjati ‘honor with sacrifice and prayer’ is
semantically unobjectionable and formally explained by Lubotsky’s rule (Lubotsky
MSS (1981): 133-8), i.e. in *Hieh,g-, the glottal element of the pre-glottalized *g was
lost before a consonant. This means that it is unnecessary to assume a-vocalism for
this root in PIE, as is done by many scholars (e.g. LIV? s.v. *Hiag-). The primary
noun &ytog seems to have a suffix *-iHo-. A different formation is found in » ayvoc.
ayktAog [adj.] ‘curved, bent’ (Il.). <IE *h,enk- ‘bend’>
eCOMP ayxkvAozujts ‘who thinks crooked thoughts’ (II.), from an old verb *n-tu (cf.
Skt. mati), see Ruijgh Lingua 25 (1970): 306.
*DER Denominatives ayxt)Aw [v.] ‘to bend backwards’ (Aret.) and &yxvAdw [v.] ‘to
bend’ (Ar.); from the latter ayktAwpa ‘loop’ (Gal.), -woig medical term, name of
various lame or stiff conditions (Gal.); ayKvAn ‘strap, loop, hook, hinge of a door,
etc. (B., Hp., S., E.). Thence ayxvAntds ‘provided with ayxtAar (A.), ayKvric [f.]
‘hook’ (Opp.), to which aykvAidwtdc¢ ‘provided with a loop’ (Hp. apud Gal.),
aykvAtov ‘loop, etc.’ (medic.).
Many derivatives built on the root *h,enk- with a different suffix:
a) With *-I-: aykdAn [f.] ‘curved arm, armful’ (Archil.), mostly plur; diminutive
aykaAic, mostly plur. -idec (Il.), which is more frequent in the epic for metrical
reasons. &ykaAov [acc.sg.] ‘armful, sheaf (h. Merc. 82) is not entirely certain.
Denominative ayKkahioua [v.] ‘to embrace’ (Semon.), action nouns ayKkdAtopta
(Tim. Pers.), &ykadtop.dc (pap.). A derivation in *-l- without suffixal vowel is found
in dykAdv: oxoAtdv ‘curved, bent, crooked’ (H.), provided that the gloss is correct.
b) With *-n-: dyKwv, -@vocg [m.] ‘elbow’ (IL), dat.pl. ayxaot (Opp.), said of many
protruding objects; cf. dyxa¢ below. Late diminutives ayxwwov, -icKoc, -ioKiov;
denominative ayxwvitw [v.] ‘to lean on the elbows’ (Com. Adesp., gloss.), whence
aykwwoploc (Eust.). Further dykorvat [f.pl.] ‘arms’ (I.), enlargement with -1a. An old
e-grade may be found in én-1yxevidec ‘long planks on a ship’ (see Bechtel 1914).
c) With *-s-: &yKog [n.] ‘mountain glen’ (I1.), formally comparable with Skt. dnkas-
[n.] ‘curve’.
d) With *-tro-: dyktotpov ‘hook’ (Od; from *dyKiCw), the formation of which is
unclear (see Chantraine 1933: 333f.); thence aykioTplov, AyKtoTpEevw, AYKLOTPEVTLKOG
and ayxtotpeia (only marginal attestations).
Unclear is the formation of aykdac ayKddac ‘armful, sheaf (H., see Bechtel 1914).
Adverbs &yxaQev [adv.] ‘in(to) the arms, on the elbows’ (A.), aykdc ‘into the arms’
(Il, only antevocalic except in YY 711), probably the elided dat.pl. with a zero grade
suffix belonging to ayxwv; thence aykaCoxtat [v.] ‘to lift up in the arms’ (I1.).
eETYM All forms derive from a widespread IE root *h,enk-, found in e.g. Skt. dicati
‘to bend, curve’ and dcati ‘id’. Not connected with this group of words is Hitt.
hai(n)k-" ‘to bestow’, med. ‘to bow’ (see Kloekhorst 2008). In Greek, we also find
> dyKog ‘barb’ continuing *h,onk-o-. For the stem in -u-, cf. Skt. anku-rd- ‘Shook’
(note the operation of Wheeler’s Law in Greek). The /-suffix is found in OHG angul
‘fishhook’, ON oI [f.] ‘belt’ (perhaps an old formation; cf. dyKvAn), dil ‘germ’ etc.
ayvyp 13
One generally connects it with » GyKtpa ‘anchor’ (Alc.), but I suggest that this is a
substrate word.
ayKaAN *VAR AyKov, dyKos, etc. = dyKdAoc.
aykdpa [f.] ‘anchor’ (Alc.).
*DER Dervatives are scarce: dykvpwtdc ‘anchor-shaped’ (Ph. Bel.), ayKbptov (Ph.
Bel.), aykupitw [v.] ‘to make sbd. stumble’ (old com.).
eETYM The suffix -dpa is typically Pre-Greek, as in yé~tpa, yopytpa; it therefore
does not continue an inherited formation *-ur-ia-. Borrowed as Lat. ancora.
ayAadc [adj.] ‘splendid, beautiful, famous’ (Il.); formulary epithet, e.g. of vidc. <?>
eVAR The Cretan and Cyprian gloss ayAadv- yAagupov ‘hollow(ed), polished’ are
due to misunderstanding of the Homeric usage, acc. to Leumann 1950: 272”.
*DER dyAaia ‘splendor, beauty’ (Il), also PN; dyAaiw [v.] ‘to embellish, glorify’,
med. ‘to take delight in’.
eETYM Probably from *ayAafoc. Connected with yadrvn, ayaAAouat (cf. Szemerényi
1964: 155), or to » dyavdc, > ayavdc. The connection with ayaA)opat enjoys a certain
popularity.
*ayhic = *alyAic.
dyhic, -18o¢ [f] ‘clove of garlic’ (Ar.). <PG(V)>
*DER dyhidiov in: ayAidta: oxdpoda ‘garlic’ (H.), with interchange 6/ 5 (Fur.: 194).
eETYM Fur.: 127, 282 connects it with » yéAyic, -t8o«, -160¢ as yeA-y-: d-yA-, for which
cf. Kép-K-a: d-Kp-ic. This seems quite possible.
ayAveoBat [v.] - BAdittecBat ‘to be hindered, damaged’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM von Blumenthal IF 49 (1931): 176 thinks it is Hyllaean or rather Messapian,
connecting it with Go. agls. Quite uncertain.
ayvoc [adj.] (ritually) pure, holy’ (Od., mostly poet.). <1E *(H)ih.g-no- ‘holy’>
*DER ayvorTi< ‘purity’ (NT, etc.). Verbal derivations: 1. ayvetw [v.] ‘to consider holy,
be pure, purify’ (IA), whence dyveia ‘purification’, Gyvevpa, dayvevtriptoc,
ayvevtikdc; 2. ayviCw [v.] ‘to purify, consecrate’ (poetic), whence dyvoia, -topLdc,
-LOTIKGG, etc., ayvitrs ‘purifier’ (Lyc.) after nouns in -itn¢, cf. Redard 1949: 11.
*ETYM Related to » dytoc; it may be the same formation as Skt. yajfid- ‘sacrifice’.
ayvog [f., m.] tree name: ‘withy’, “Vitex agnus castus’ (h. Merc.), = Abyoc. The name
probably also denotes a fish and a bird, see DELG s.v. <EUR?, PG?>
VAR Also &yovog; cf. dyovov = pvpoivn aypia ‘wild myrtle’ (Fur.: 381).
*ETYM Comparable with OCS jagnedo ‘black poplar’ (Lidén IF 18 (1905-1906): 506); if
this is correct, it is perhaps a European substrate word (on which phenomenon, see
Beekes 2000). On the folk-etymological connection with the notion of chastity
(ayvoti)s), see Strémberg 1940: 154.
ayvuptt [v.] ‘to break’ (Il.). <1£ *ueh.g- “break’>
VAR Fut. dEw, aor. gata or fed, perf. faya, pass. aor. dynv or édynv (on verse-final
éayn A 559 see Wackernagel 1916: 141, Chantraine 1942: 18).
14 ayvuc
*COMP Mostly in katayvupu, with a from -a-fay- (Bjérck 1950: 42, 147).
eDER ayn ‘fragment’ (A., E.), long @- certainly in A. R. 1, 554; 4, 941; further iwyr <
*Fi-Fwy-t ‘shelter’, if originally ‘breaking of the wind’ (E 533), also in composition
émiwyat, -1) ‘place of shelter’ (¢ 404), perhaps dissimilated from *é7-Fifwyai (but see
Bechtel 1914). Further dypdc ‘fracture, cleft’ (Hp., E.), &ypa ‘fragment’ (late); d&oc =
aypdc (Crete), but hardly from the o-aor. appurtenance of the TN Odkoc (Hat. 4,
154) as FaEos is uncertain. Cf. also yaxtdc¢ (= F-): KkAdoua ‘fragment’ (H.). On
fayavo- (Thespiae), see CEG 6, and Taillardat RPh. sér. 3: 40 (1966): 76. Also &yavoc
[adj.] ‘broken’ (S. fr. 231).
eETYM From *Fayvuut (the F is clearly visible in Homer) < *uh,g-n(eu)-, belonging to
ToB wak- ‘to go apart’, caus. ‘to split’ and perhaps also to Hitt. yak-' / uakk- ‘to bite’
(cf. Kloekhorst 2008 s.v.). A palatovelar is best reconstructed based on Skt. vdjra-
‘thunderbolt’ and its Indo-Iranian cognates. Greek -fwy- is from *uoh,g-. Perhaps
Lat. vagina is also related; cf. MoHG Scheide ‘id’ related to scheiden ‘to separate’.
ayvusc [f.] “weaving stones’ (Plu.). < PG(S)>
eVAR -00¢c [pl.].
*ETYM See Chantraine 1933: 366. Probably a substrate word; suffixes of the type -i0-
are typical of Pre-Greek.
ayopa [f.] ‘gathering, assembly, market, trade, traffic’ (Hom.).
*DER cyopiytij¢ ‘speaker’ (epic), which perhaps rather derives from dyopdopat
(Fraenkel 1910: 25f.). Denominative verbs: 1. dyopdopa ‘to speak (in public, in the
assembly)’ (epic Ion., poet.), only in isolated forms; ayopnttc ‘eloquence’ (epic),
ayopatpds ‘speaker’ (inscr. Delphi, cf. Bechtel 1921, 2: 151); 2. dyopetw ‘id.’ (Hom.),
as a simplex rare in Attic (Wackernagel 1916: 220ff., Fournier 1946: 41ff.), whence
ayopevtiis ‘speaker’, -trptov ‘podium’, -otc ‘speech’ (all rare and late); 3. ayopaw ‘to
be on the market, do shoppings’ (IA); thence a&ydpaoic ‘purchase’ (Pl.), Boeot.
aydpacoic (Holt 1941: 49f.), dyopacia ‘id’, ayopacpds ‘id.’ (LXX), -acpa, usually
plur. dyopaouata ‘purchased wares’ (D.); agent noun dyopaotig ‘purchaser’ (X.),
fem. dyopdotpia (pap.), dyopaotikdg ‘pertaining to trade’ (P1.).
eETYM Verbal noun related to > dyeipw.
ayog [n.] ‘pollution, guilt; expiation’ (Hdt., A., Th.); the word denotes the notion of
‘sacredness’ in Gyea: teévn ‘consecrated piece of land’ (H.), for which Bechtel 1921,
1: 115 suggests Lesbian origin, and also in S. Ant. 775, A. Ch. 155, etc. <IE? *(H)ieh.g-
‘sacred’>
*COMP év-ayrj¢ ‘under a curse or pollution’ (Hdt. S.), whence évayiw [v.] ‘to
sacrifice to the dead’, évaytoyidc, -toua. Rare and late évaytog [adj.] (after dytoc),
évaytkdc. The opposite ev-ayric ‘immaculate’ (Parm., S.) is found as Edhaync¢ (IG
12(9); 56 [Styra V*]); the simplex ayr¢ (of the sun, Emp. 47) is clearly secondary.
*ETYM Formerly connected with Skt. dgas- [n.] ‘fault, sin’, but the long vowel of
Sanskrit cannot be accounted for. DELG s.v. explains it as a psilotic form of *déyoc
belonging with » dytoc (cf. Chantraine and Masson 1954: 85-107), which certainly fits
the attested meaning ‘sacredness’ well. As Chantraine remarks, all forms can easily
be derived from the root *hag- ‘sacred’, except for dyog, the psilosis of which has not
aypetpva 15
received a convincing explanation. At any rate, it did not serve to distinguish the
word from aytocg (per DELG).
ayootdés [m.] in Homer only in the formula ge yaiav ayoot@, which is usually taken
to mean ‘with the hand (bent like a claw) (A 425). Taken by Hell. imitative poets (A.
R,, Theoc.) as ‘arm, elbow’. <?>
*ETYM Solmsen 1909: iff. proposed an original *ayop-otoc “collector”, derived from
> dyeipw ‘to gather’ with a suffix *-st- found in semantically close maAaoth ‘flat hand,
breadth of four fingers’, Skt. hdsta- ‘hand’, MoHG Faust ‘fist’, OCS grosto ‘handful
etc. Not really convincing.
aypa [f.] ‘hunting, way of catching; prey’ (Od.). <?, PG?(v)>
eCOMP Instruments: mupdypa ‘fire tongs’ (Il.), kpedypa ‘meat tongs’ (Ar.); as medical
terms ddovtdypa ‘tooth tongs’; diseases: noddaypa ‘podagra’, xeipaypa ‘gout in the
hand’. Compounds in -dypetoc: madtvaypetog ‘to be taken back’ (epic since II.),
avtdaypetosg ‘self-chosen’ (Od.). Bodypia “what was taken from a cow (= shield)’,
avdpayptov ‘spoils of a slain enemy’. The interpretation of these compounds is
debated, see DELG.
*DER cypevc ‘hunter’ (Pi., A., etc.), more common is dypetw [v.] ‘to hunt’ (Hdt, S.,
E., X.), whence daypevtr¢ ‘hunter’ (Sol. S. [lyr.]), aypevtip ‘id.’ (Theoc., Call.),
dypevpa ‘catch, hunting net’ (Sol. A., E., X.,); on the mg. of aypéty¢ see Redard
1949: 236%. Further dypwoow [v.] ‘to catch’ (Od.), cf. Schwyzer: 733; &ypéw [v.] ‘to
take, seize’ (Il, Sapph., Archil.), in Hom. only ipv. dypet, -te (see Wackernagel 1916:
166f.), Aeol. katdypevtov [ipv.]; aor. ptc. aypéBevta, -tEc, verbal adj. aypetai (Cos).
Agent noun dypéuwv (also -uwv) ‘hunting spear, hunter’, etc. (A., H., EM), whence
aypéuov ‘catch’ (AP).
eETYM The relation between dypa and daypéw is unclear. Schwyzer: 727' pleads
against dypéw as a denominative from Gypa. McKenzie Class. Quart. 15 (1921): 46f.
and 125 separated the two words: Gypa and aypevc would belong to daypdc ‘field’,
whereas cypéw would derive from the compounds in -dypetoc, which themselves
belong to » dyeipw ‘to gather’.
The existence of compounds like avtaypetoc beside avOaipetog could indicate that
aipgéw and dypéw were associated, and this may explain formal variants like
-aiypetoc. Connection with Indo-Iranian (Skt. ghdsé-ajra-, Av. vahrkgm azrédaidim,
both hapaxes of which the mg. is uncertain) and Celtic words (OW hair, MW aer
‘battle’ < *agra, Olr. ar [n.] ‘defeat’ < *agro-, GaulsEN Veragri) is rejected by DELG,
where it is remarked that none of these words bear the concrete meaning of
‘catching’ that is attested in Greek.
Fur.: (see index) thinks that aypéw is a substrate word because of the prenasalized
forms (Thess. ayype-), the form with at for a (PN’EEaiypetoc on coins from Asia
Minor, on which see Vendryes 1938: 331-334; this form can hardly be reliable), the
variant éypéw, and the metathesized form apyette. See » Gwypéw.
aypaKkaBos = dayeppaKapoc.
aypetepva [f.] ‘harrow’ (AP 6, 297). <PG?(v)>
16 aypryvov
*DER aypign [f.] ‘harrow’ (Hdn., H.).
eETYM One compares ypipac8ar ypdgetv. Adkwvec. oi dé Everv Kai duvocet ‘to
write (Lacon.), others: to plane and scratch’ (H.). The 4- would remain unexplained.
But note that the attestations are very late. Pre-Greek origin with a prothetic vowel is
possible. The form in -va also suggests Pre-Greek, cf. Fur. 132%.
aypnvov [n.] - <évdupa> dixtvoedéc 6 mepitibevtar oi Bakxevovtes Atovicw.
"Epatoo8évng dé avtd Kadei [ypivvv] i} yijvov ‘garment like a net which those
possessed by Dionysus put on. Eratosthenes calls it a y.’ (H.). <?>
eVAR aypnva: Siktva kai évdupia ‘nets and clothing’ (H.); cf. dyprvov motKidov
épeovv diktvoedés Kai Evdupta dé motdv (EM 14, 2).
*ETYM Does the word have a prothetic vowel? Cf. also yprjviq: GvOn ovpuKta ‘mixed
flowers’ (H.), cf. Strémberg 1944: 15. A derivation from dypa (DELG) is quite
uncertain. Nilsson 1941(1): 204 says that the net on the Omphalos was called
ayprvov; this statement is ascribed to Hesychius and Pollux (4, 116), but neither
author says so: it was only a guess by PW s.v. (“wohl auch”). In fact, Hesychius states
that it was called » yayyattov.
aypijoKetai - mikpaivetat ‘is made bitter, tastes bitter’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Latte suggested that it stands for dypioxeto and derives from Gyptoc,
comparing d\Biokw / dA8rjoKw to » dABaivw. Semantically not convincing.
aypinnos [m.] Laconian name for the wild olive (Zen.). <PG(v)>
°VAR Gypi@oc: yévoc tt Aypiac édelac ‘species of wild olive’ (H.).
*ETYM Fur.: 158 notes that these words have the variation 1t/@, characteristic of Pre-
Greek words.
&ypdc [m.] ‘field’ (I1.). <1E *h,eg-ro- ‘field’>
eVAR Myc. a-ko-ro /agros/; PN a-ko-ro-qo-ro /Agrok”olos/.
*COMP dypotkoc ‘who lives in the country’ (4ypo-fotk-), » dypwotic; also Gypurtvoc
“who sleeps outside”, which developed into ‘sleepless, awake’ (1A); cf. &yp-avAog (II)
‘who has his bed/lair in the field’.
*DER Thence dyptoc ‘wild’, with derivations: aypidtn¢ [f.] ‘wildness’ (Pl. D., X.),
ayplooptat, ayptdw, ayptaivw [v.] ‘to become (make) wild’. aypdéty¢ [m.]
‘countryman, rustic’ (m 218, E.), aypotip [m.] (E.) ‘id’, also aypwtng (E.) and
aypwotis (S. E.), of unclear formation (see Bechtel 1914 s.v. dypwortic, but also
Meier-Briigger KZ 103 (1990) above).
aypoiwti¢ (Il) for aypwti¢g would have arisen at verse end (Risch 1937: 32). On
aypétijs see » Gypa. Comp. aypdtepos ‘wild’, cf. opéotepoc. ‘living in the mountains
(as opposed to the fields)’.
*ETYM Old IE word, originally designating the uncultivated field: cf. Skt. djra-, Lat.
ager, Go. akrs and Arm. art. Derivation from *h,eg- ‘drive’ is probable.
aypumvos = dypoc.
aypworic, -d0c, -ews [f.] “dog’s-tooth grass’ (Od.). <GR>
ayXovpos 1 17
eETYM Formerly supposed to be the fem. of &ypwotng¢ ‘countryman’, from » dypdc
(Bechtel 1914 s.v., Str6mberg 1940: 117). However, Meier-Briigger KZ 103 (1990): 336.
convincingly explained the word as *h,egro-h,d-ti- ‘Feld-Futter’, comparing > vijotic
for the formation.
ayvia [f|] ‘street, road’ (II.). <PG(s)>
eVAR Plur. dyviai.
eDER Ayvutevc [m.] ‘guardian of the streets’, epithet of Apollo (com., E.), whence the
month name Ayvinoc (Argos); Ayviatys [m.] ‘id’ (A.), also ‘inhabitant of an G.’
(Pharsalos), cf. ayvtijtat kwytfta ‘village dwellers’ (H.); fem. ayviatic (Pi., E. [lyr.]).
eETYM Mainly a poetic word. Generally considered to be a perf. ptc. of »dyw ‘to
drive’ without reduplication, but this makes little sense as the formation is without a
parallel (save archaic idvia); more probably a substrate word in -via, for which cf.
> kwduta, see Szemerényi 1964: 203ff. and Beekes 1998: asf.
ayxt [adv., prep.] ‘near’ (I1.). <1E *h,emg"- ‘tie, betroth’>
eCOMP cyxé-[laxog (Il.) probably after tryA€-LLayoc (only as a PN), see Triimpy 1950:
113f.
DER Further adverbial forms ayy6-1, -8ev; dyyod. Comp. doaov, dcootépw, superl.
adyxtota, -ov, also Gootota, Elean actota (see Peters 1980a: 288). From the superl.
ayxtotivoc ‘near each other’ (Il), see Chantraine 1933: 204. On Locr. ayytotedav =
ayxtotSav see Fraenkel Glotta 20 (1932): 84f. More forms in DELG.
eETYM Considered to be the locative of a root noun related to » Gyyw (Schwyzer:
622), or a direct derivation from > dyxw after mépt, Gvtt. West Glotta 77 (1999): 118f.
suggests reconsidering the reading ayynotivot, -cat for dyytotivot, -cat, which is a v.l.
at all Homeric places, and which he interprets as dyyt + é6-tl- ‘a sitting close
together’. More probable is the suggestion by Watkins (apud West l.c.) that the
compound contains the root "\o- ‘to sit’.
ayxidwy [f.] ‘swelling which obstructs the lacrymal duct’ (Gal. 19, 438). <PG(V)>
VAR Synonym aiyidwy (Cels.).
eETYM Galen analyzes it as »dyyi and » wy. Strémberg 1944: 95f. follows this, and
explains the -A- from the synonym aiyiAwy. Frisk suggests that the first member is
from »dyxw instead. Not very convincing. The synonym points to a Pre-Greek
origin, due to variation a/at and y/y and prenasalization. Influence of dyyt/ dyxw on
aiyiAwy is improbable. Note that at before NC is not tolerated in Greek; perhaps the
first i derives from a palatalized /g’/. The analysis in terms of Pre-Greek is *a(n)g’-il-
dp-.
a&yxOvn [f.] = tavdpayopa ‘mandrake’ (Ps.-Dsc.). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
ayxovpos 1 [m.] ‘gold’ (AP, Plu.), presumably the name of the son of Midas (Plu. 2,
306f.). <?>
*ETYM Fur.: 391 compares tayyoupos yap 6 xpvodc, 1) A€Etc [lepoucr “t. means gold
in Persian’ (sch. Theoc., p. 351 W.) and tayxapacg ‘gold’ (Cosmas ad OGI 199). If the
18 ayxodpos 2
word is Pre-Greek, I propose a sequence -ar’- giving either -ap- or -ovp-; see
> dyxoUpoc 2 and, most notably, » dpaoyadec.
ayxobpog 2 [m.] ‘dawn’ (Call.). <?>
*VAR ayxodpoc: dpOpPdc. Kvmpiot. f} Pwo~dpog Kai of odv abt ‘dawn (Cypr.);
bringer of light, and what comes with him’ (H.). Variant a&yyavpoc ‘near the
morning’ (AP 4, 111); ‘time near dawn’ (Call.), see LSJ Supp.
*ETYM Unknown. The interchange ov/av is reliable, as both occur in Callimachus (so
if av is explained from advpiov, we cannot understand -ovp-). Perhaps PG -ar”-
yielded variants in -avp- (with anticipation of the labial element) and ovp- (with
additional coloring of the vowel); cf. » dpacyadec.
dyxovoa [f.] a plant, ‘Anchusa tinctoria’ (Thphr., Dsc.). <PG(v)>
VAR Also éyxovoa (Ar.).
*COMP Also katayxovoa (Ps.-Dsc.); cf. ywevdayyovoa (Plin.).
*ETYM The variant €yyovoa excludes derivation from » Gyxw (which is defended by
Strémberg 1940: 64). A typical substrate word; see Fur.: 346 and 197® on the suffix
-ovoa. Not related to » ayybvwy.
ayxpav [adj.] - uswita. Aoxpoi ‘short-sighted (Locriany (H.). <PG(v)>
*ETYM Bechtel 1921 compares dxapov: tu@Adv ‘blind’ (H.). These forms show typical
variations of Pre-Greek: «/x and prenasalization (see Fur.: 127).
ayxw [v.] ‘to squeeze, strangle’ (II.). <1E *h,emg"- ‘narrow, strangle’>
*DER ayx6vn ‘hanging, strangling’, for the suffix cf. » mepdvn, etc; Lat. LW angina
(Leumann Sprache 1 (1949): 205, but see E-M s.v.). Thence ayxévog ‘fit for hanging’
(E, Nonn.), dyyovdw ‘to strangle’ (Man.). ayxtip, -fpoc [m.] ‘tool for sewing up
wounds’ (Cels. Med., Plu.). ,
eETYM An exact correspondence for the thematic present is found in Lat. ang6 ‘to
bind together, strangle’. Hitt. hamank-', hame/ink- has a nasal present *h,m-(e)n-g"-.
The widespread u-stem adjective *h,emg"-u- in Skt. amhi- ‘narrow’, Go. aggwus,
Arm. anju-k, OCS 9zo-ko is not found in Greek. See » ayy.
ayw [v.] ‘to drive, lead, bring, carry; to draw, etc.’ (Il.). IE *h,eg- ‘drive, lead’>
VAR Aor. iyayov, perf. hya (Att.); Dor. ayrjyoxa, whence ayroxa, ayéwxa.
DIAL Myc. a-ke /agei/.
*COMP With aut-, eio-, &&-, at-, etc otpatizydc ‘leader (of the army), commander’.
On -ayétn¢ in compounds (dpyijyétn;, etc.) see Fraenkel 1910: soff., Sommer 1950:
uf.
*DER a yd¢ ‘leader’ (poet. since Il.), which is formally identical with Skt. ajd- ‘driver’,
but perhaps a parallel formation; ayr ‘transport’ (Chios), ‘winding’ (Arat.); aywv,
-@voc [m.] ‘gathering, rally (to see games) (Il.), whence ay®vioc, dywvia, dywvidw,
aywwdtyns; verb dywvifoua ‘to contend for a prize, etc’, whence dywviotg,
AyOviopta, dywvotii¢, AywviottKds, etc. Further dxtwp, -opos ‘leader’ (A.), also a PN
(Il.), but Lat. actor may be an independent formation; dypa-: kg ‘theft’ (H.).
Reduplicated nouns: aywydc [m.] ‘leader’ (IA), aywyn ‘carrying away’ (IA),
formation unclear, whence dywyetc, aywylwoc, Aywytov, Aywyaiocg, aywyiKa.
GSS, -txOG 19
@yavov ‘spoke’ seems unrelated (in spite of Frisk 1938: 17f.). Unclear is the formation
of aytvéuevat, ayivéw ‘to lead, carry’ (Il.), and the relation with Dor. Aetol. ayvéw
‘id’.
Cf. further on » ayéAn, » dEtoc, » dEwv, » Sypog; also » aypdc. Not here > dyuia.
eETYM Old thematic present, also found in Skt. djati, Av. azaiti, Arm. acem, Lat. ago,
Olr. -aig, ON aka and ToAB ak-, all ‘to drive, lead’ vel sim. Originally the verb was
present (see LIV? s.v. *h,eg-). » Sypioc ‘furrow, etc. derives from *h,og-mo-, neatly
corresponding to Skt. djma- ‘trajectory’, and proves that the regular reflex of *h,o in
Greek was 0, not a (as was contended by Ruijgh).
adaypdc [m.] -kvnopdc ‘itch’ (H.). <PG(v)>
VAR Also in S. Tr. 770 acc. to Phot. (codd. d6aypdc).
*DER Cf. ddaxta@ KviPopat ‘to itch’, ddakfjoat: Kvijoat ‘to scrape, scratch’, adaya-
kvd, KvBet KepaAryyv. wrnAaga ‘scratches the head, gropes’ (H.).
*ETYM The old explanation of ddayydc as assimilated from 0da- is due to the desire
to reduce everything to Indo-European roots; see Van Beek fthc.b. There is no
compelling reason to connect a word for ‘scratch’ with ‘tooth’; the vocalic variation
points to PG origin. See » dE.
adars, -E¢ = Safjvat.
a5ard¢ [m.] - daBoAo<¢ ‘soot’ (H.). <LW Maced.>
eETYM Macedonian for ai®adoc; see von Blumenthal 1930: 5. See » 454, » Gdpata.
ad5dapac, -avtog [m.] a strong metal, ‘steel’ (Hes.); ‘diamond’ (Thphr.). <?>
eVAR PN Adduac (Hom.).
*DER ddapdvttvoc (Pi. A.).
eETYM Both the appellative and the PN are often derived from »ddvnp as
‘indomitable’; for the formation, cf. »dKdyac and Chantraine 1933: 269. But
semantically, the etymology is rather strange. It is rather a loanword that was
adapted by folk etymology. Acc. to Troxler 1964: 19-21 and Barb 1969: 66-82, it is a
loan from Semitic, comparing Akk. adamu. Lubotsky 1998: 414? refers to NPhr.
(a)teapa ‘stone’.
adapeka : eiprvry ‘peace’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM von Blumenthal 1930: 24 compares &tapakia and thinks the word is of Illyrian
origin. Very uncertain.
adapxn [f.] ‘salt deposit on the herbage of marshes’ (Dsc., Gal.). «LW Celt.>
eVAR Also -1¢ [m.], ddapKog [m.].
eETYM Like Lat. adarca (Plin.), a loanword from Gaulish: cf. Ir. adarc ‘horn’, which is
from Basque adar ‘horn’, with a Celt. suffix -k- (Pokorny Zeitschr. f. celt. Phil. 14
(1923): 273; Pokorny Zeitschr. f. celt. Phil. 16 (1927): 112).
addavov = Cw 1.
Gd5LE, -txog [f.] a measure of four choinikes (Ar. fr. 709). 42>
20 adeadtwhate
*ETYM Unknown. The suffix is also found in xoivié (which has -tx-). Geminated 66 is
rare in IA, and names for measures are often borrowed. Cf. Kadd1xo¢ s.v. » Ka5oc,
which is combined by Fur.: 130°, who assumes a substrate word with the alternation
k/zero. Cf. also Szemerényi 1969b: 248.
adeaAtwhate [3sg.opt.aor.] unknown (inscr. Elis [approx. 350°]). <?>
*ETYM DELG (see s.v. for more details) thinks of 5€\toc ‘writing tablet’, referring to
Buck 1955: 263.
aded@edc [m.] ‘brother’ (Il.). <GR>
*VAR Att. adeA@dc (shortened form); adeAger ‘sister’ (Pi. -ed, Att. -~r). Cret.
adevitioc.
*DER ddeh@idéoc, -dén (Att. -dotc, -57)) ‘nephew’, ‘niece’. ddediprip: adeAqeds,
Adkwvec ‘brother (Lacon.)’ (H.) is due to contamination with ppatnp. Diminutive
adedgidiov (Ar.), adehguxdg ‘brotherly, etc” (Arist.), adeApdtys ‘brotherhood’
(LXX), adeA@iCw [v.] ‘to accept as a brother’ (Hecat.), adérqiEtc (Hp.).
eETYM Derived from a word for ‘womb’ with copulative a < *sm-, meaning ‘from the
same womb’; cf. ddeAqotl: oi ék tig abtijc SeA@boc yeyovotec. Sedgdcs yap 1H ENTPA
(H.). However, the -e- cannot be from -ef- because of Cret. -toc; acc. to Wackernagel
1916: 52f., it must derive from *-eio-, which forms material adjectives. We may also
assume a ntr. *SeAdc as a base noun, thus *ha-g”elpeh-o-. Att. ddeA@dc is from
contracted forms like ddeA god < -eod. The inherited word for ‘brother’, ppatnp, was
primarily used in a religious or political sense (e.g. ppatpa, ppatpia), and could
perhaps also be used for other members of the extended family, like nephews. Greek
probably introduced the expression *ppdtnp ddedqedc ‘brother proper’, cf. Skt.
sagarbhya- and, within Greek, Ouoyaotptoc. It has been suggested that the word
derived from pre-Greek matrilinear societies (Kretschmer Glotta 2 (1910): 20:ff.), but
the word may instead point to a society with concubines (maA\akat); see Gonda
Mnem. 15 (1962): 390-2. See » SeA@ue.
adevxic, -é¢ [adj.] unknown, said of dAeOpoc, métpOC, Pris (Od.). <IE? *deuk-
‘care’?>
DIAL Perhaps Myc. de-u-ka-ri-jo /Deukalion/.
eETYM Like IToAv-devxng, it presupposes a noun *debxKoc [n.], for which no cognates
can be suggested. Not to Lat. dico ‘to lead’, etc., as per Lagercrantz KZ 35 (1899): 276.
Cf. Sevxet- ppovtiter ‘consider, ponder’ (H.), évduKéwe ‘careful’; ddevkri¢ would then
mean ‘careless, thoughtless’, which fits the meaning very well. In a sch. on A. R. 1,
1027, debKoc is glossed as yAetKoc, which seems most improbable. Is it a mistake for
TAEYKO2%? The name Aevxahiwv may derive from *AevkaXiwv; see Bechtel 1914 s.v.
> adevxrjc.
adij : ovpavdc. Maxeddvec ‘heaven (Maced.) (H.). LW Mac.>
eETYM Identical with »dai®jp, which features the typical Macedonian
Lautverschiebung (6 for Gr. 9, etc.).
adnKortes [perf.ptc.nom.pl.] in kapatw &dyKdtTEs 162 Kai bv (K 98), mg. uncertain.
<>
adic 21
*ETYM Connected with » ddr or » duc, and dadeiv (cf. » Gada). For discussion, see
DELG.
adnuwovew [v.] ‘to be restless, scared’ (Hp., Pl., X.). <>
eVAR With short a- (Nic. fr. 16).
DER Gd61povia (Epicur., Plu.), a4Snoobvn (Democr., X.).
eETYM An Ionic word. Allen Class. Rev. 20 (1906): 5 connected it with dajjvat;
Debrunner 1937: 266 assumed a contraction from *ddanuovéw; semantically not
compelling. Not related to ndvc, nor to andny¢ (Leumann 1950: 309%”).
adtjv, -Evog [f.] ‘gland’ (Hp.). <1E?, PG?>
eVAR Later [m.].
eETYM One compares Lat. inguen, -inis [n.] ‘groin, swelling on the groin’ and Molc.
okkr [m.] ‘growth, tumor’ < PGm. *enkwa- < *eng’o-. However, since PIE had no
words beginning with a vowel, this would be reconstructed as *h,eng”-, but a zero
grade *h,ng’-e- would give Gr. *évde- acc. to Rix’ Law (*HRC- > Gr. a/e/oRC). This
implies that the Greek word cannot be cognate with the Germanic one (the latter can
be cognate with the Latin word, of course, as *h,eng”-, see Schrijver 1991: 58). Greek
adrv thus remains isolated. Fur. 1728 suggests a substrate origin (words in -1)v). For
a recent challenge of the validity of Rix’s Law, see Nikolaev 2005, and on the present
word, p. 50%.
ad1yv [adv.] ‘to one’s fill’ (IL.). <1E *seh,- ‘satiate’>
VAR In epic with psilosis. The a- may undergo metrical lengthening.
*DER doc [m., n.] ‘satiety’ (Il), adtvdc ‘crowded, thronging, vehement, etc’ (mainly
epic), » d5pdc. From *d6n-: ddatog ‘leading to satiety, unpleasant’ (Sophr., H.). Cf.
further the glosses » Gada and dadeiv (H.), and » dduwAn and > don.
eETYM Old accusative of a noun supposed in the first member of 46n-@ayos ‘glutton’
(but what kind of compound is it?). Often connected with the root *seh,- ‘to satisfy’,
which is found in several Greek verbal forms: Guevat (Il.), aor. » doat, GoacBat (epic)
‘to become satiated’ and » Gatoc. adnv was analyzed by Frisk as containing a stem
a5- and connected with Arm. at-ok‘ ‘full, ripe’ (cf. » ddpdc); but, as Clackson 1994:
17of. remarks, adnv itself may simply contain a suffix -d17v. Still, this does not explain
the other derivations with -5-. Other languages have an enlargement in -t(i)-: Lat.
satis ‘enough’, Go. saps ‘satiated’, ga-sopjan, Lith. sdtis ‘satiaty’ etc. (see » doat).
adiavtov [n.] name of a plant, ‘Adiantum’ (Thphr.). <1E?, GR>
eVAR Abiavtoc [m.].
*ETYM Explained as ‘what cannot be irrigated’ (» dtaivw); see Stromberg 1940: 74f.
adixn [f.] ‘nettle’, = axadnen (Ps.-Dsc. 4, 93). <PG?>
*ETYM Cf. » éAixn ‘willow’. The connection with OHG nazza, nezzila etc. as *yd-ika
(cf. Frisk) is most improbable; it is rather a substrate word.
adivdc = Gdnv, adpdc.
adic [?] - wo Attiwv, d8pdat, f] Eoxapa ‘in masses, hearth’ (H.). <Lw Mac.>
22 adpwAr,
eETYM In the meaning dOpdot, probably a mistake for GAtc; in the sense éoydpa,
Macedonian (= Lat. aedés), acc. to von Blumenthal IF 49 (1931): 179.
adpwAr [f.] - anopia, drAtywpia, Gyvowa, novxia ‘difficulty, contempt or negligence,
ignorance, rest or quiet’ (H.); cf. Hdn. Gr.i, 324, etc. <?>
eVAR GOptwAia- 1) dyvota ‘ignorance’ (Suid., Call. fr. 717 Pf.), 450A (EM). Further
dopwAeiv = ayvosiv (H., EM 155, 33).
eDER dd6ptwr@ dxndi@ ‘am careless’ (Suid.), adpwAeiv. ayvogiv i} ayvwpovetv 7}
akndiav ‘to be ignorant, act or treat unfairly, be careless’ (EM). aduwrei- ywpic
66)ov ‘without resource’ (Suid.).
eETYM Frisk derived it from 46- (in »d6nv) with “suffixal” -wA- (Frisk Eranos 41
(1943): 52), which is highly improbable. Acc. to Fur.: 263°, the word can hardly be
inherited. On the interchange 51/ ou, see Schwyzer: 208 (unclear).
adpwves [pl.] a sea-fish (Opp. Hal. 3, 371). <?>
eVAR Also Gdttwec.
eETYM Unknown; see Thompson 1947.
adv6v [adj.] -ayvov. Kpijtes ‘holy (Cret.)’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Is it a hypercorrect form, caused by the development dv > yv? Or just a form
invented to explain Apiadvn ? See Bechtel 1921(2): 777.
adoAéoxng [m.] ‘idle talker’ (Ar.). <?>
eVAR On 4 see Bjorck 1950: 142, 41.
DER Later add6Aeox og; thence adoAgoyia, -éw, -tKdc.
eETYM Perhaps from *daado-Agoxnr¢ to dadeiv: dyAeiv (H.), with Aéoyn as a second
member in the sense of ‘conversation’, and a first member *d-ofad- (see > avddavu,
> 1)5uc); cf. Schulze 1892: 452f. Quite uncertain. See DELG for more details.
adpaia - aidpia ‘clear weather’ (H.). <Lw Mac.>
eETYM Probably Macedonian; see von Blumenthal 1930: 5.
adpagakuc = atpagatue.
adovoidoacG8at [v.aor.] ‘to accept the membership of, pvAfic kai SrpLov Kai Ppatpiag
IG 2”, 553: 15, LSJ Supp.). <GR>
eDER Adovolov: dpectév, ovppwvov ‘pleased, harmonious, agreed’ (H.), adovoiacd-
[levol OLoAOyI}0qjLevot “who agreed’ (H.).
eETYM Probably connected with ddo¢ ‘decree’ < ‘decision’.
adpdc [adj.] ‘thick, strong, full-grown, ripe’ (Hdt.). <IE *seh,- ‘satiate’>
DER GSpot ‘strength’ (Hell.); on Hom. &(v)dpotijta [acc.] see » avijp. adpbvw [v.]
‘to make ripe’, med. ‘to ripen’, whence ddpvvotc; sometimes also ddpéw, Adpdopat.
Plant name ddpwdrj¢ (Strémberg 1940: 82).
eETYM From root 46- in » dd1yv, with a suffix -po-.
ddpva - mAoia povdEvAa, Kuimptot ‘ships made out of one piece of wood (Cypr.).
Agyovtat dé Kai oi é€v TH Apdtpw otbdot ‘the poles in the plough’. Xikedoi dé ddpva
A€yovol Ta jtijAa ‘apples (Sicilian), mapa dé Attikoic axpddpva ‘fruits grown on
deipw 1 23
upper branches of trees (Att.) (H.). Also ddpva- of otdAo dpdtpov, dV dv 6
iotoBoeds appdt_etat ‘by which the plough beam is fixed’ (H.). <IE *dru- ‘tree’, PG>
eETYM In the first gloss, it seems to continue *4-dpvua ‘(consisting) of one single tree’,
a compound from 4- < *s7- and » dpic. This can also be assumed for the second,
agricultiral meaning. For the meaning ‘one single’ of a-, cf. jxwvvyec s.v. » Svvk. But
in the third meaning, ‘apples’, it is probably folk-etymological, as it is a variant of
> 1adpuva, which is non-IE. Compounds with a second member -dpv- are rare and
doubtful; see DELG s.v. dpic.
Adwvic, -t50¢ [m.] theonym. <Lw?>
eVAR Also Adwv, -0c.
eETYM Supposed to be a loan from Semitic (Hebr. ddon ‘Lord’). But no cult
connected with this name is known in the Semitic world, nor a myth parallel to that
in Greece. See Burkert 1985: 176f.,, arguing against Kretschmer, eg. Kretschmer
Glotta 7 (1916): 29ff. and Kretschmer Glotta 10 (1920): 235f. Fur.: 328" points to the
proper name Adwv, an Armenian general and a Phrygian flute-player.
de8Xoc [m.] “burden, contest, prize of a contest’ (Il.). On the mg. Triimpy 1950: 150f.
<IE? *h,ued"- ‘contest’?>
eVAR Also -ov [n.] (Il.).
eDIAL Arc. [&]fe8Aa (IG 5(2), 75), Att. contr. &8X0«, -ov.
eDER GéOAtov ‘id.’ (epic), aéOAtoc ‘of the contest’ (Thgn., Call.), &@Atog ‘unhappy’
(Att.), aBALdTI}G; a(e)OAEw, -evw [v.] ‘to contend for’, a(e)OAntIp, -TH¢, a(E)OANLA,
-OlG, -TLKOG.
eETYM The original meaning probably was ‘contest for a prize’. Not related to Skt.
vayati ‘be tired’ (as per Triimpy 1950: 150-151), which is from *h,ueh,-. The word
looks Indo-European; the form suggests a root reconstruction *h,ued'"..
azidw [v.] ‘to sing (the praises of) (II.). <1E? *h,ueid- ‘sing’>
eDIAL Att. G6w.
eDER Gordy, dr ‘song’, whence doidioc, wdtkdc. Agent noun doddc, ddc ‘singer’.
Thence, or from dotdn, the verb dordidw (epic) = deidw; derived from wdn; ‘Ordeiov a
building in Athens for musical contests. Further detopa, dopa [n.] ‘song’ (IA),
aopdatiov (PI. Com.); dopdg [m.] ‘id.’ (Pl. Com.).
eETYM The ablaut suggests PIE *h,ueid-, but no cognate outside Greek is known.
Older speculations, now dated, are found in Frisk and DELG. Hardarson 1993b: 163
assumed the reconstruction *h,ue-(h,)ud-, with loss of the laryngeal (which seems
difficult) and dissimilation as in &etmov < *h,e-ue-uk”-. See » abdi), > adwv.
azipw 1 [v.] ‘to raise’ (Il.). <1E? *h,uer- ‘raise’?>
eVAR dwpto ‘hung’ (Il.), which Tichy 1983: 364f. explains as an injunctive *dopto <
PIE *h,yr-to.
*DIAL Att. aipw, for which Frisk suggested a recent formation to the Att. fut. apa <
*aep@. Improbable is a root *sr-, as per Heubeck Orbis 13 (1964): 264-7. Taillardat
RPh. 57 (1983): 21-25 convincingly assumes a zero grade verb *awr-je/o- > aipw.
24 deipw 2
*COMP depoi-modes ‘lifting their feet’ (Il.); uetropog ‘(sth.) in the air’, Att. wetéwpoc,
Aeol. neddopoc (these are not from » dnp).
*DER pots [f.] ‘raising’ (Arist.); » aptip.
*ETYM Not from aijp ‘air’ (which has long *4-). No cognates are known, but the form
requires the reconstruction *h,uer-. See also »deipw 2; an important question is
whether these are originally the same verb. See > dptijp, > aiwpa; cf. also > dpya 2,
> hepéSovtat.
azipw 2 [v.] ‘to bind together, join’ (Il); mostly with ovv-. Cf. Evvaipetat- ovvantetat
‘is attached’ (H.). <1E? *h,uer-? ‘bind’>
VAR Note dwpto ‘was hanging’; 1taprjép81) ‘was made to hang beside’ IT 341.
*DIAL Perhaps Myc. o- pa-wo-ta /op-aworta/ ‘pieces of armor’?
*COMP Nominal stem -aop- ‘band, link’ in *tetp(a)-dopoc, tetpaopoc, contracted
tétpwpoc ‘which yokes four together’ (Od.), whence tetpdopia ‘four-horse chariot’
(Pi.); from ovvaeipw also cvvaopoc, ovvrjopos ‘coupled together, spouse’, Att.
ovvwpic, -idocg [f.] ‘two-horse team’, to which belongs ovvwptxevetat ‘drives with a
team of horses’ (Ar. Nub. 15), but *ovvwpixdc is unattested; from ovvupic also
ovvwpiactis ‘driver of a cvvwpic? (Luc.), which presupposes a verb *ovvwpidewv.
Contrasted with ovvijopoc is mapropoc, tapdopos (Il.) ‘(horse) joined beside’, also
‘outstretched’ and ‘reckless’ (see Leumann 1950: 222ff.); a verb mapagipw seems to
have existed beside ovvagipw, but it is attested only in a special use napnépO1 dé
Kdpn (II 341) ‘the head hung on one side’, cf. Leumann loc. cit. Isolated amjopog ‘far
away’. é1topoc ‘suspended over’, katrhopos ‘hanging down’, and xatwpic¢ ‘band
hanging down’ rather belong with petrjopos, tetéwpos, see > deipw 1.
*DER Action noun dopti *‘attaching’, ‘sth. attached, bag for tying’ (Men.), medic.
term referring to the bronchi and the hose-like aorta (Hp., Arist.). Agent or
instrument noun doptrp, -fpoc¢ [m.] *attacher’, ‘sword-belt’ (Od.), with unclear o-
vocalism; also ddptij¢ (pap., H.) and aoptetc (H.). Denominative or deverbative pte.
dopti8eic ‘hanged’ (AP). Goptpa [n.pl.] ‘pulmonary lobe’ (Hp.), after nouns in
-tpov (Chantraine 1933: 331f.). See further » Gop, -opocg [n.] ‘sword’ (probably
unrelated); related is » dptdw ‘to hang’.
*ETYM Solmsen 1901: 289ff. separated it from » deipw 1 ‘to raise’, but DELG tends to
consider the second as a specialization of the first (see extensive discussion in
DELG). The present entry is mostly connected with a root *uerH- ‘to bind, hang on,
strick’ in Balto-Slavic, e.g. Lith. virvé ‘string’, OCS obora < *ob-vora ‘string, twine’,
Lith. vérti ‘to pierce, string’, etc., but the exact demarcation from the root *Huer- ‘to
open’ is unclear; perhaps it was originally one root. For Greek, the closest connection
is with Alb. vjerr ‘to hang, suspend’. See » dptip, > dptdw, > cop.
deKiAtog [adj.] ‘unbearable’ (only 2 77, épya). <GR>
*ETYM The form was based on the root *uek- ‘to wish’ in »éxdv, » éxiAoc; see
Philipp in LfgrE s.v.
aéAtot [m.pl.] + of adek@~ac yuvaixag éoxnkdtes ‘who have sisters as wives’, i.e.
‘brothers-in-law’ (H.). 4IE *sue-lo->
deoa 25
VAR aidtot- obyyapBpot ‘the husbands of two sisters’ (H.); eiAiovec in Pollux 3, 32 (oi
dé adeAgag yrpavtes OudyapBpot i} ovyyauBpot UaAAOV OVvyKNSeoTal Kai mapa
Toicg moujtaic eiAiovec), with metrical lengthening of *éAiovec or *éAiovec.
*ETYM aiAtot may be an itacistic notation for *éAtot (*éAtot). The a- in déAto1 is taken
as a ‘copulative’ a-. Cognate with ON svilar [m.p].] ‘brothers-in-law, whose wives are
sisters’, PIE *sue-lo-, a derivative in -I- of the reflexive pronoun *sue.
dehAa [f.] “storm wind’ (IL.). <1E? *h,uel->
eVAR GéXAn (II 374).
DIAL Aeol. aveAAa.
*DER Aehhw, -otc [f.] name of a Harpy (Hes.); deAAatoc, also ceAddc ‘fast like a
storm’ (S.), deAAret¢ (Nonn.), aeAAw@Sn¢ (sch. IL.). Bird name deAAdc (H.) and
dedAov- taxv ‘quick’ (EM). Note aedAne (of kovioaAoc I 13), perhaps from » doAAr<,
but rather not after GehXa. Verb déAAetou- vet (EM).
*ETYM Cf. OvehAa. Direct derivation fron the root of » Gn, *h.ueh,, is impossible
because of related W awel [f.] ‘wind’, which requires the reconstruction *h,eu-el-.
The Greek form can also be derived from *dfeA-ta. The gloss defA1 mvor ‘breath,
etc. (H.) does not fit in. See » détuov.
deupa [n.] ‘bow’ (Call.). <?>
*ETYM Assuming an original meaning ‘bowstring’ (cf. » vevpd), explained as an
artificial form for Gua ‘knot, cord’ (to » dattw); this is doubtful.
deTHOV = ATHOS.
aéEw = avbew, avEavw.
dentoc [adj.] of uncertain mg. cf. Gentov- ioxupdv, doikytov (GOixtov) ‘strong,
uninhabited’ (H.). <?>
*VAR Sometimes we find » damtoc or GeAmtog (A. Supp. 908, Ag. 141, etc.).
eETYM Unknown. See Wackernagel Stud. ital. fil. class. 5 (1897): 27ff.
aépoy [m.] Boeotian name for the bird pépoy (sch. Ar. Av. 1354). <PG? (S, V)>
eVAR Also Agpomtec: €8voc, Tpotlijva katoKoivtec. kai gv Maxedova yévog Tt. Kai
dpved tiva ‘people inhabiting Troezen; lineage in Macedonia; kind of bird’ (H.); the
gloss depomdc: KoyAiac ‘snail’ (H.) is corrupted acc. to DELG following Latte.
Variants eipow = pépoy, also Boeotian (Arist.); PN’Héporoc.
*ETYM See Beekes Glotta 73 (1995-1996): 12-34; it is clearly a substrate element.
Chantraine thinks that the a- is long because of Ant. Lib. 18, 3 jépomoc. Fur: 243,
246, 352 assumes the interchange u/ fF and prothesis a-/ é-/ j-: pépom- / apépon- /
eipon- < *éfepon- / ffFépom- (but this remains uncertain; perhaps ei-, t are
secondary lengthenings). Pre-Greek origin of the bird name and the proper name is
probable (cf. the suffix -om-). See » ugpoy, > mvédow.
deoa [v.aor.] ‘to spend (the night)’ (Od.), always with vixta(c). <IE *h,ues- ‘live, dwell,
spend the night’>
*VAR Secondary pres. déoxw (Hdn., H.).
26 decippwv
*ETYM Related to Skt. vdsati ‘to dwell, live, spend the night’, Hitt. huis-* ‘to live’, ToB
was- [verb] ‘to stay, to wait’, Go. wisan ‘to be’, Arm. gom ‘I am’ (but rejected by
Kortlandt AAL 19 (1998): 19f.) etc. There is also an old present iavw < *h,i-h,eus-.
Not related to dotv, éotia.
deot@pwv = adw.
adéoKkw = deoa.
aletov - dmotov. Likedoi ‘not trustworthy (Sicilian)’ (H.). <?>
*DER aletéw in d{etwWewvtt (Delphi, SGDI 2034, 17), but the mg. ‘if they are
persuaded’ poses difficulties, as it is the opposite of the gloss; see DELG.
eETYM Unexplained.
acnxis [adj.] ‘amavotoc, ovvexiis, incessant’, of noise, pain (II.). <GR>
*DER In H. also dayés and dlexéc adidAetttov ‘incessant; atnyéc adtexéc
‘unceasing’ (Suid.).
*ETYM Probably for *aCaexrj¢, which can be read in all places in Homer, from *4-dta-
exis (cf. ovvexrs ‘continuous’) (Schulze 1892: 471, Bechtel 1914 s.v.). But the
contraction *ae > n is irregular in Ionic. DELG therefore suggests the influence of
Nx and compounds like dvonxre, but also remarks that *ae > n may be found in
Thessalian, Lesbian and Arcado-Cyprian. For the meaning, Bechtel assumes ‘der
ohne Einhalt etwas tut’, but it simply means ‘without interrruption’; 6téyw means ‘to
stand apart, be separate’.
aov [adj.] - pédav, bynAdv ‘black or dark, high’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM von Blumenthal 1930: 33 corrects wéAav to péyav. However, his explanation
from *ag-ion (to Gyav and péyac) is quite uncertain.
&Coptar = dytoc.
aw 1 [v.] ‘to dry (IL). 415 *h,ed- ‘dry’>
eVAR Mostly intr. &opat ‘to parch’.
*COMP Gddavov- Enpdv. Adkwvec ‘dry (Lacon.) (H.) would be a compound of aa
(see below) and avog ‘dry’ (Fraenkel Gnomon 21 (1949): 39, Fraenkel Glotta 32 (1953):
22); improbable; Latte corrects the gloss to *dddavov. Cf. alavtdg madatdtys Kat
kOvtc ‘antiquity, dust’ (H.), which remains unclear.
*DER Hell. Ca ‘dryness, heat’, in odkocg ... menakaypévov atn (x 184) often
interpreted as ‘shield defiled with mold’, which seems unnecessary, cf. &Ga- &oporoc
Kévic ‘soot, dust or ashes’, makatdtnc: KOmpoc év ayyeiw bropsivaca ‘filth having
remained behind in a receptacle’ (H.).
Adjective a(ahéog ‘barren, arid’ (IL.), cf. icyadéoc, abotadéoc. Verbs afavopat (h.
Ven.), aCaivw (Nic.) ‘to parch’, both deverbative.
*ETYM Acc. to Frisk, the nearest cognates are found in Slavic: OPol. ozd ‘dried malt’,
Cz., Sln. ozditi ‘to dry malt’ < *h,esd-. Germanic has a group of words with velars in
place of dentals: Go. azgo, OHG asca ‘ashes’. However, it is more probable that Gr.
&Cw is comparable to Hitt. hat-' ‘to dry up’ < *h,od-ei, and should be reconstructed as
*h,ed-ie/o- (cf. Kloekhorst 2008). What is perhaps originally an extension of the
&rjovAoc 27
same root, if *h,eh,s- < pre-PIE *h,eds-, is found in Lat. dreo ‘to be dry’, dra ‘altar’
(OLat. asa), Hitt. hasSa- ‘hearth’ < *h,eh,s-h,. Skt. dsa- [m.] ‘ashes, dust’ probably
continues *h,eh,s-o-. Cf. » aboc, » dvotaAéoc.
aCw 2 [v.] ‘to cry, groan’. +45.
andov, -dvoc [f.] ‘nightingale’ (Od.). < PG?(s)>
eVAR Also anda, -ovc [f.] (S.). Also [m.], but rare.
eETYM From *dépndwv; cf. abnddova: anddva (H.). Connection with »deidw and
> avédr (which is almost universally accepted) is difficult, since a lengthened grade
*h,uéd- is improbable. The word could therefore well be Pre-Greek; for the suffix, cf.
bird and animals names like » yeAidwv ‘swallow’, » tevOprdwv ‘wasp’.
anu [v.] ‘to blow’ (Il.). <1£ *h,ueh,- ‘blow’>
eVAR Forms in Schwyzer: 680.
DER cjtn [f.], aryt¢ [m.] ‘wind’; rare are the verbal nouns di1a, dnoic. A zero grade
ae- << *h,uh,- in detuOv- TO tvedua (H.), whence > dtpdc. Cf. further » deAAa; doc:
Ttvedua T] Ga (cod. ‘fayta) “breath, wind’ (H.) is an innovation. Unrelated is » arp,
which has long a-.
eETYM An old verbal root *h,ueh,- is also reflected in Skt. vati, Go. waian, OHG waen
and OCS 1sg. vé-jo, all ‘to blow’. The word for ‘wind’ is (a thematization of) the
participle of this root: *h,ueh,-nt-o- > Skt. vata- [m.], Av. vata-, both of which must
often be read with three syllables, representing Proto-Indo-Iranian *vaHata-. The
same word is found in Lat. ventus, Go. winds, ToA want, ToB yente; Hitt. huuant- is
from unthematicized *h,uh,-ent-. A form with suffix *-t- has been assumed in in
> arjoupos ‘airy, quick (as wind?)’ (poet.), for which cf. Skt. vatula- ‘windy’, but this
gives formal problems (*tu > ov is not regular). See »dedAa, P atpa, » dijovupoc,
> ATLOS.
arp [f.] ‘mist, haze, clouds’ (IL.), later ‘air, atmosphere’. <1 *h,eus-er->
*VAR Gen. hépos. The nom. dujp (also Att; thence gen. dépoc) arose by dissimilation;
is it an Atticism in Homer? Later Ion. np.
eDIAL Aecol. atnp, Dor. abrp (= abr) (H.).
DER Derivatives: hepdetc, Hepoetdrjc ‘dim, cloudy’, also » aipa.
*ETYM arp is not cognate with dnt. Meillet BSL 26 (1925): 7ff. assumed an original
meaning ‘suspension’ and derived the word from deipw ‘raise’. However, this leaves
the length of the initial vowel unexplained. Kiparsky Lang. 43 (1967): 619, 626 derives
the word from *ausér, arguing that related » atpa < *h,eus-r-h, still means ‘morning
mist’ in € 469. See » TEptoc, > TpL.
aijovAog [adj.] in the hapax ajovAa épya (E 876) ‘criminal acts’. <?, PG?(v)>
VAR airjovAov: Gvopov, Kakortoldv ‘lawless, doing ill’ (H.).
eETYM It has been proposed that the word is a modification of atovAocg ‘unseemly,
evil’ (aiovAa pétewv, E 403, etc.) after dnt or arjovpocs. Different explanations are
found in Bechtel 1914 and Brugmann Sdchs. Ber. 53 (1901): 94. Fraenkel Glotta 34
(1955): 307ff proposed *a(F)ioovAa, connecting it with toocg (highly doubtful). Fur.:
28 anjovpoc
253 points to the variant ai- in the gloss, which may imply a substrate origin
(comparing dntoc, which may have a variant aintoc).
aijoupos [adj.] probably ‘light, agile’, said of ants (A.). < PG2(S)>
eVAR Cf. arjovpov: TO AEMTOV, TO LLeTEwpov Kal KodPOV Tapa TO dépl OvpecOa eri
opvéwv “delicate, elevated, light, after being dragged through the air by birds’ (Suda).
eETYM Connection with » Gnut is improbable; rather a substrate word (where the
suffix -vp- is not infrequent).
antog [adj.] in Papaoc Antov (P 395), mg. uncertain. <PG?(V)>
eVAR Cf. also Odpooc datov (Q. S. 1, 217). Also dytor axdpectot, aitAnotor
‘insatiable, greedy’; arjtovc: pteydAac. AioytAog APdpavt ‘great (Aesch.) (H.),
dntoc: 6 akatamavotosg ‘incessant’ (Hdn. Gr. 1, 220).
*ETYM The first explanation connects the word with dtevai, » doa ‘to satiate’, but
this would mean that it differs from datoc, dtoc by its long vowel, which is
improbable. Perhaps it is the same word as » aintog (in éAwp aintov = 410, said of
Hephaistos). If so, the variation a/ at might point to a substrate word; metrical
lengthening is improbable, and a < at impossible. See Fur: 253, though his
connection with » drjovAoc remains uncertain. Palmer 1963: 339 connects the epithet
of Hephaistos with Myc. a-ja-me-no as ‘artist’; this is improbable. Not related to
dnpu. See Sabbadini Riv. studi class. 15 (1967): 78-84.
a8apn [f.] ‘gruel, porridge’ (Ar.). <?>
VAR Also aOr)pn; -a [f.] (Hell.); influence of » aOrp?
*DER ABapwdnc (Ruf. Med.) and dOrpwua ‘kind of ulcer’ (Gal.).
*ETYM Unexplained; an Egyptian word according to Pliny (N. H. 22, 121). The final -1)
in Attic, which is confirmed by Moeris, would lead us to suppose a pre-form
*48apfa. Connection with &Onp is neither formally nor semantically plausible. Not
related to Lat. ador (Hamp TPS (1968): 106), as this belongs to Go. atisk and Iran.
adu ‘grain’ (Szemerényi 19692: 968f.).
aOeAB- = dBEA yetv.
aOéryetv [v.] - dyédyetv ‘to milk’ (H., EM), (€&)a0éA yetou (Hp.), explained as napieta,
diexAvetat ‘lets go, releases’ by Galen. Also d0éAyntar- OnrAd eta fH BAiBNtat ‘is
suckled, compressed’ (H.), cf. a8éAyntar Baxyeidcg pnot OnAdCetau i} Emtonatau, Kai
eKOAibnta wo Kai Nikavdpoc ‘is suckled, drawn after one; is squeezed (out),
crowded’ (Erotian. 20, 1; see Hp. De med. off. 11). <PG(V)>
eVAR Cf. a8éAPetar- SinPeitou ‘is strained through’ (AB); aOeAPet: €Axet ‘draws’ (H.)
and d0ehBdletv- dinOeiv ‘to strain through’ (H.); further d0éAdetat- dinBeitat ‘id’
(Diocl. Com. fr. 7 Kock, An. Bekk. 350).
eETYM These verbs, meaning ‘to press, draw away, filter’, have no etymology. The
variation B/ 6/ y should not be explained from an IE labiovelar (as per Solmsen 1909:
9"), as contamination leading to three different forms is improbable. Since Pre-Greek
also had labiovelars (cf. BactAetc, Myc. qa-si-re-u), substrate origin is most probably
the source of the alternations. See Beekes Glotta 73 (1995-1996): 12f., and cf. yépupa
beside Séqupa, see Fur.: 388, 390.
a8payévn 29
aOeA5- = aBéA yev.
a8epitw [v.] ‘to disparage, neglect’ (Il.). Originally always with negation. <?>
DER AOEptotoc: Appdvtiotog (Zonar., A. Fr. 128), cod. -itov.
eETYM Unknown. The glosses aQepéc: dvéntov, avdoiov, axpiBéc ‘stupid, not in
order, precise’ (H.) and d8epric¢: 6 aidnpos atetptys Stav Oepitn, etc. ‘indestructible
iron when it is heated’ (H.) seem unrelated in view of their meaning. An older
proposal derives it from *&Oepoc, connecting it with Skt. ddhara- ‘(be)low’ (see
Bechtel 1914). Another proposal (DELG) derives it from » dOr1p, as flocci facio.
Neither is convincing.
AOnvn [f.] the goddess (Il.), a common Greek goddess dating from Minoan times,
protecting the palace, and depicted with a snake. <PG>
*DIAL Myc. a-ta-na- po-ti-ni-ja [dat.sg.]? (see Aura Jorro 1985-1993: 112). Dor. (etc.)
AOdva.
*DER The town AOjvai (Dor. AOavat) contains the same onomastic element; for the
suffix cf. Muxijvai. Thence A®nvatoc ‘Athenian’ (il.), whence fem. A®nvaia, -n,
which is also used as the name of the goddess (88 times im Hom.). This form gave
*A@nvaa (Aeol. ’A@avaa with short va), which was contracted to Att. AOnva.
eETYM Like the goddess itself, the name is pre-Greek. Note the suffix *-dn-. See
> AttiKkdéc.
ap, -Epos [m.] ‘awn’, plur. ‘chaff, barb of a weapon, spine or prickle of a fish’, also
‘edge of a weapon’ (Hes.). <PG(V)>
VAR With a nasal avOépig, -tkoc, etc. with suffix -ewv: dvOepewv, -Wvoc (see below).
*COMP dOnpnAotydc ‘winnowing-fan’, from ‘consumer of chaff (Od. A 128 = 6 275),
but the two 17s are surprising.
*DER dQepivy f., -ivoc m. ‘kind of smelt, Atherina hepsetus’ (Arist.), cf. Chantraine
1933: 204, Thompson 1947 s.v. Also dOepnic, -idoc [f.] ‘prickly’ (Nic.), aBepw@dne
(Thphr.).
Variants with nasal: avOépig, -ixoc [m.] = aO1p, also ‘ear’ (II1.), avOépixoc [m.] ‘stalk
of an asphodel, asphodel plant’ (Hp.), av@epikwdnc (Thphr.). With the suffix of
place -ewv: avOepewv, -@voc [m.] ‘chin’ (II.).
eETYM No etymology. IE ablaut *h,end"- : *h,nd"- is impossible, as both forms would
give Gr. av0- acc. to Rix’s Law. The nasalized forms could be due to folk etymology,
but rather point to Pre-Greek prenasalization. Fur.: 296 further adduces avOepiokoc
= dvOepik- with the interchange ox/ «; perhaps also » GvOpvokov / é- ‘chervil’. Not
related to Lat. ador, both because of the meaning, and because this is kindred with
Iran. ddu, Go. atisk; see Szemerényi 1969a: 958f. The word has nothing to do with
names of the wasp or forest bee (» dvOprjvn, > dvOpndwv), nor with » dvOpwroc.
a8payévn [f.] a plant, ‘Clematis vitalba’ (Thphr.). <PG(v)>
*ETYM Frisk compares » GOpac ‘chariot’, which he thinks would fit a climbing plant
well, but I don’t see what a car has to do with a plant. See Strémberg 1940: 108. Fur.:
288 compares avépaxvn and concludes to a substrate origin (prenasalization), which
is probable anyhow.
30 dOpac
aOpac [m., f.] - dppa. “Pddtot ‘chariot (Rhodian) (H.). <?>
*ETYM Unexplained. Formerly compared with Skt. vandhura- [m.] ‘wagon-seat’,
taken as a wicker basket tied upon the wagon, and connected with MoHG winden,
etc. (Pok.: 1148) as IE *uend"- : und"- >(>) Gr. *fa0-. As the formation of the Sanskrit
word is unclear, and the root is hardly attested outside Germanic, the connection
must be false. Banateanu REIE 3 (1943): 149 calls the word Anatolian. Connection
with kavvaOpov is improbable.
aOpéw [v.] ‘to gaze at, observe’ (IL). <>
eDER dOprpiata: SM@pa epmdpEeva Tapa TOV OVYYEVOV Talc yapLovpevaic TapBEvatc
mapa Agofiots ‘gifts having been sent by kinsfolk to maidens being given in marriage
(Lesbian)’ (H.) (Snell Glotta 37 (1959): 282-287, cf. Renehan Glotta 49 (1971): 66).
*ETYM No etymology. One compares évOpeiv: pvAdocetv ‘to guard’ (H.) and Oproku:
vo@ ‘to perceive’ (H.), Oprnoxebw ‘to observe’ etc., but this leaves the a- unexplained.
It cannot be the zero grade of év-, since a zero grade *h,n- would still yield év-. The
derivation by Hoffmann 1921: 78f. from a noun *dOpo<g “directed at a goal’, from IE
*d'er- ‘to hold’ and copulative a- (cf. »48pdo0c), is most improbable. On the use of
a8péw, see Prévot RPA. 61 (1935): 246f.
&8pdo¢ [adj.] ‘in crowds, gathered together’ (I1.). <?>
*DIAL Att. dOpdoc (spiritus asper perhaps restored after dmac, Gua).
*DER GOpoilw (a-) ‘to gather together’ (Archil.).
*ETYM Compared with Skt. sadhry-aric- ‘united’ (Brugmann 1894: 14ff.), which was
formerly analyzed as containing the root *d'er- ‘to hold’, but this is no longer
maintained by EWAia. It does not belong to » d0péw, nor to » Opdvoc, It is probable
that a- is from *sm-, but the further analysis is uncertain. Risch 1937: 179 compares
&AXO-Bpooc ‘speaking a foreign language’, in which case it would mean ‘calling
together’(?).
aO0pw [v.] ‘to play, sport’ (IL). <2>
eVAR Only present.
*DER GOupya ‘plaything, toy’ (IL), plur. also ‘adornments’, diminutive 4Ouppdtiov.
Deverbative aOupevec8ar: maiCetv, pryvvetv, oKiptav ‘to play, intermingle, leap’ (H.).
*ETYM From *d@up-yw. Compared with Lith. padurmai ‘impetuous’, Ru. dur’
‘foolishness’, from PIE *d"uer(H)- ‘to whirl, rush’. However, d- cannot be the zero
grade of *h,en- ‘in’ (which would not really make sense semantically anyway), and an
initial laryngeal gives the improbable root structure *h,d"uerH-.
ai exclamation of surprise, pain, or sorrow. <ONOM>
eVAR Also aiat.
eETYM Elementary formation, found in many languages.
ai ‘if. ei.
aia 1 [f.] ‘earth’ (I1.). <?>
*ETYM By some considered identical with » aia 2 (Brugmann IF 15 (1903-1904): 94ff.,
Brugmann IF 29 (1911-1912): 206ff.), in which case it would originally mean ‘mother’.
aiytardc 31
The relation with yata and paia is uncertain; cf. Giintert 1914: 126f.,, Brandenstein
1954b: 80. Van Windekens assumed *as-ya from *h,s- ‘dry’ (but this root perhaps did
not exist; see » &(w). Woodhouse KZ 107 (1994): 99f.) assumes *sausia, but cf. » aboc.
aia 2 [f.] ‘mother, grandmother’ (IL, poet.). <?>
VAR Cf. aia: b10 Kupnvaiwv tnBic kat pata kai ddeder] Kpitns. kat putov t1. Ett dé
O KaPTIOS ALTW OLLWVvULLOG (EM 27, 24).
*ETYM Compared with Lat. avia ‘grandmother’; uncertain. Elementary word? See
Paid 1.
aiavis [adj.] ‘horrible’ (Archil.); the mg. ‘eternal’ (A.) through association with > aiei.
<2
eVAR Ion. ainvis.
eETYM There is a speculative hypothesis by Wackernagel 1897: 7, who assumed the
reconstruction *oatf-avijc ‘with terrifying face’ (whence Lat. saevus, the word for
‘face’ seen in » amnvij, etc.). See Degani Helikon 2 (1962): 37-56.
aipot exclamation of disgust (Ar.). <ONOM>
VAR Also aiforfoi, of laughter.
eETYM Onomatopoeic, elementary formation. See Schwyzer: 600.
aiyavén [f.] ‘hunting spear, javelin’ (Il.). <?2>
eETYM For the suffix, cf. the names of trees and animal skins in -én, -éa: undén,
mteAEn, KvvEN etc. (see Chantraine 1933: 91f.). If named after the material, one
compares the word for ‘oak’ in PGm. *aik-, which is also supposed in > aiyiAwy and
Lat. aesculus. Triimpy 1950: 52, 57 explains that the aiyavén was thrown by a strap.
Laser Gymnasium 60 (1953): 115-121 connected it with PIE *h,eig- ‘to stir, set in
movement’, in Skt. éati, to which atyec: Ktpata (see >» ai—) is compared. This is
semantically improbable, and if Skt. ej- belongs to irig- (see Mayrhofer EWAia 1:
264), then the root contained a labiovelar, which would make the connection
impossible. To > aiyyn, acc. to Bechtel 1914.
atyetpos [f.] ‘black poplar’ (Il.). <PG(v)>
*VAR ailyepoc (Com. Adesp. 1276, Kock).
*DER aiyeipwv ‘poplar grove’, aiysiptvoc, aiyetpitne ‘of the poplar’ (all Hell. and late).
*ETYM The connection with > aiyikwy, > aiyavén is uncertain. Sommer IF 55 (1937):
260 pointed to numerous non-IE words like aiyi80c¢ and names in Aiy- (Atytva,
Aiyai, etc.), suggesting a Pre-Greek origin. This would be confirmed by the form
with -e-.
aiytaddc [adj.] “sea-shore, beach’; also TN, e.g. the coast of Achaea (II.). <?>
*DIAL Myc. a,-ki-a,-ri-jo probably /aigihalio-/, see Aura Jorro 1985-1993: 134.
*DER aiyidAetoc, aiyradedc, aiytadtkds, -Aityng, -Awdn¢ all are late derivations. Also
Aiy.aAsic name of the inhabitants of the coast of Achaea Hdt.).
*ETYM The Myc. form seems to confirm that the second element is derived from
> dAc. For the first member, cf. aiyec: Ta Kvpata. Awpteic ‘waves (Dor.) (H.) and
Artem. 2, 12 kai yap Ta peydAa kbpata aiyac év TH ovvnBeia Aéyouev ‘we usually call
32 aliytBoc
large waves aiyac. This in turn is comparable with Skt. ej- ‘to storm’, but see
> aiyaven. It is highly improbable that atyec in the sense of xiiata is a metaphorical
use of at& ‘goat’ (as per Heubeck IF 68 (1963): 13-21). The word is Pre-Greek acc. to
Chantraine 1933: 248, which cannot be excluded, though Chantraine now calls it ‘all
too easy’ in DELG s.v.
atytoc [m.] ‘titmouse (Parusy (Ar.). <PG(S,V)>
*VAR atytv8ocg (Dionys. Av. 1, 12); aiytvOoc tkpdc¢ ‘parra modica’ (gloss.), not
mentioned by Frisk or DELG; aiyio8o¢ (Arist. v.1.), for *aiyroBo0c?
*DER aiyi8addog, -OaAoc (Ar.).
*ETYM A typical substrate word, discernible from its prenasalization and the suffix
-aA(A)- with variation A/ AA. See Fur.: 267, 288, 254%, 304, 387, with further literature.
aiyiAuy [adj.] ‘sheer, steep’ (Il.), also as a TN. <?>
eVAR aiyikuy: bynAT TéEtTpa Kai MdAIG Kai itéa bd Oovpwv ‘high rock, citadel,
willow (Thourian)’ (H.).
*ETYM The Ancients explained it as ‘abandoned even by goats’, which is clearly a folk
etymology. In modern times, it is connected with Lith. lipti ‘to clamber’ (see Solmsen
1901: 73') as ‘what can be climbed only by goats’, which is also highly doubtful. The
meaning ‘clamber’ for the root */eip- is secondary to ‘stick, cleave’, and it is far from
certain that Greek underwent the same development as Lithuanian. The formation
in aiyt- is unexplained as well (see aif). Cf. also »dAtw - métpa ‘rock’ (H.), the
explanation of which from ‘what cannot be climbed’ is doubtful too; the gloss diy-
métpa ag’ ic bSwp otdle ‘rock from which water drips’ may be due to later
interpretation (Solmsen, cf. Persson 1912(1): 152"); Marzullo 1969: 101f thinks it is a
mistake for a[iyi]Auy.
aiyiAwy, -wiog [m.] ‘kind of oak’ (Thphr.), also ‘oat-grass’ (Thphr.); ‘ulcer in the eye,
lacrymal fistula’, for which see » ayyiAwy. On the mg. see Strémberg 1940: 87. <?>
eETYM As the name of a kind of oak, aiyitwy has been connected with the Gm. word
for ‘oak’, PGm. *aik- (Pok.: 13). Kretschmer Glotta 3 (1910-1912): 335 connected -Awy
with Awmn ‘cork’ (cf. Adw- xAatWc ‘cloak, mantle’ H.), adduced from Pliny (H. N. 16,
6, 13): aegilops fert pannos arentes ... non in cortice modo, verum et e ramis
dependentes. Within Greek, it is doubtful whether one can connect it with m aiyavén
and p alyetpoc. Stromberg 1940: 137 derives aiyikwy in the second meaning from
altytAoc ‘havergrass’ (Theoc.), which is certainly correct.
aiyic [f.] ‘goatskin’ (E. Cyc., Hdt. 4, 189), a mantle protecting Zeus and Athena (Il.);
later also ‘storm wind’ (A.); further ‘heart-wood of the Corsican pine or the silver fir
in Arcadia’ (Thphr). Also ‘speck in the eye’ (Hp.), on which see » dyAin). <GR>
*DER aiyioxoc epithet of Zeus (II.), cf. yatapoyoc. With the last mg. ém-atyiCw ‘rush
upon’ (from a storm wind) (Hom).
*ETYM Probably a goatskin in origin (thus Hdt. 4, 189); formation like veBpic ‘fawn-
skin’ (see » veBpdc), etc. In Homer, gods and men are frightened when it is shaken.
For the meaning ‘storm wind’, see Heubeck IF 68 (1963): 13-21. Kretschmer Glotta 27
aidnAos 33
(1939): 28, connected it with aiyAn and aiyec: ta kbuata ‘waves’ (H.); one might
think of Skt. éjati ‘to move, set in motion’.
*aiyAic, -iS0¢ ‘speck in the eye’ (Gall.). <?>
*ETYM The form is reconstructed in order to account for aiyic and ayAir(c); cf. also
aiyiadides (H.). See RPh. 73 (1999) 81f. s.v. aiyic (derived from aiyAn). Or should we
reconstruct *dyAtc?
aiyAn 1 [f.] ‘light (of sun or moon), gleam, radiance’ (Il.). <?>
*DER aiyAnels ‘gleaming’ (Il.), aiyAdtac, -t1N¢ epithet of Apollo (inscr. Anaphe,
Thera; A. R.); aiyAdCw ‘to shine, gleam’ (Man.).
*ETYM The connection with Skt. éati ‘to move, tremble’ (cf. » aiyavén) is rightly
rejected by DELG. The epithets AméAAwv » AoyeAdtacg (Anaphe) and Amdé\\wv
AiyAdtac (Anaphe, Thera) are often compared. In view of the variation aiyA- /
doy(e)A-, the epithets must be Pre-Greek. The noun may be of Pre-Greek origin too
(it has no etymology), but it does not necessarily have the same origin as the
epithets; it is methodically incorrect to clarify the formation of the appellative by that
of a name.
aiyAn 2 [f.] ‘ring’ (deduced from glosses). <?>
*ETYM Lewy KZ 59 (1932) derived it from aiyAac: duidéac Kai wéAta ‘iron rings,
anklets’. ta mepi thyv bvwv tod apdtpov ‘things around the plowshare’ (H.), from
aiy<i>Ata- SaxtvAidia ‘small rings’ (H.), and other words attested in lexicons. He
explained it as a loan from Hebr. ‘gil ‘(ear-)ring’, which remains hypothetical. As
Frisk remarks, metonymic use of » aiyAn 1 ‘gleam, splendor’ is well possible.
aiyumtdg [m.] ‘vulture’ (IL). <PG(v)>
eVAR aiyitoy: detdc bd Maxeddvwv “eagle (Maced.)’ (EM 28, 19).
*ETYM The comparison with Skt. rji-pyd-, epithet of the bird syend- ‘eagle, falcon’,
Av. arazi-fiia- is formally difficult, since we expect *apC-; influence by ai& and yow
‘vulture’ has been assumed, but this seems unlikely. Fur.: 364 compares the gloss
aiyitow, which is evidently a variant of the same word. Variation between i and u is
well-attested in substrate words (cf. » 1apotnmoc/ [Ldpovmmoc), and -ort-is a Pre-
Greek suffix. » yby itself is no doubt a substrate word as well; it may be a variant of
*(@gup-, which also gives aiyvn-, with prothetic vowel and palatalized /g’/. No
conclusion is reached by Meier-Briigger KZ 108 (1995): 50-55.
aiywAtdg [m.] a kind of owl, ‘Stix flammea’ (Arist.). <?>
eVAR Also aiywaAtoc.
*ETYM The reading aitwAtoc (Arist. HA 563* 31) is wrong, as evidenced by forms
from modern southern Italy (agoléo etc.); see Rohlfs ByzZ 37 (1937): 55. Etymology
unknown.
aidmAog [adj.] mg. not quite clear: ‘hated; annihilating, destructive; invisible, unseen’
(Il.). See the discussion in DELG. <GR>
*ETYM It is difficult to decide what the primary meaning is, but it is rather clear that
the word contains a privative a with a form of ideiv. Ivanov 1999: 283-292 compares
34 Aiédne, -ao
Ru. nevidal’ for the semantics and assumes the development ‘invisible’ > ‘strange,
dangerous’.
Aidng¢, -ao [m.] Hades (II.). <1E *n-uid- ‘unseen, invisible’>
eVAR With metathesis of quantity gen. -ew; also gen. ‘Atddc, dat. -i. Att. Aidnc, -ov;
Aténe¢ is found in later Ionic poetry (Semon., Herodas), the Doric form Aiédac, gen.
-a in tragedy. An inscription from Thessaly (SEG 16, 380) gives Afidav.
*DER Aidéwvets (II), see Risch 1937: 158.
*ETYM Thieme proposed (Thieme 1952: 35-55) that the word derives from *s71 uid-
(Skt. sdm vid-) as ‘das Sichzusammenfinden [gathering of the family in the
underworld]’. To my mind, this is not correct, as then Atd- should denote the
Underworld, not the God of the Underworld. In Homer, it rather seems to denote
the God, eg. in formulaic Sd,tov ‘Atdoc efow. The aspiration in Attic is secondary
and arose by contraction from 6 Aiéy¢ (Kamerbeek apud Ruijgh Lingua 25 (1970):
307).
The other explanation, as *y-uid-, ‘the Unseen’, seems the correct one. In Beekes
1998: 17-19, I pointed out that the replacement of a root noun, first in the nominative
(here as the final element of a compound), is parallel to the case of vy : pvyade.
The initial A- is sometimes lengthened for metrical reasons: it is not lengthened
when it is not necessary or impossible, like in Atddo06e.
aidopat [v.] ‘to hold back, be ashamed; to honor, respect’ (II.). <1? *h,eis-d- “honor’>
eVAR aideo, aiddptevoc, aideto, see Chantraine 1942: 310f; more frequent is
denominative aidéopta (from *aides-je/o-).
*DER aidwe [f.] ‘shame, reverence’ (II.), whence 1. aidotog < *-os-jo- ‘inspiring aidwc
(IL, epic poet.) substantivized ntr. to aidoiov, usually plur. ta aidoia ‘private parts’
CL.), whence aidowdn¢g and aidoixdc; 2. compound dv-atdrc¢ ‘shameless’ (II.),
avaideta, etc; 3. aidéoptat < *aides-je/o- ‘to hold back, revere’, as a legal term also ‘to
be reconciled’ (Hom., IA), fut. aidécopat. Thence aideoig ‘mercy, pardon’ (D.,
Arist.), aideotéc ‘honorable’ (Plu.), aideotikdc (sch.); aidrwv ‘modest’ (X., Arist.),
aidnpiowikds and -1oovvn (late and rare). aidéoytocg (post-class. prose) ‘object of
aidwe, also aidijoutoc (Orph.), whence aideoyidtys (pap.). 4. aidootwn =
aidiptoobvn (AB, Phot.).
eETYM It is formally uncertain that a PIE root *h,eisd-, from which Go. aistan ‘to
hold back, respect’ and Skt. idé < PlIr. *Hizd- ‘to praise, honor’ derive, would give
Gr. aid-: we would expect *h,eisd- to appear as Gr. ail- (cf. iw < *si-sd-). Of course,
the connection is semantically very tempting. Without final *-d, the root *h,eis- is
found in MoHG Ehre ‘honor’, ON eir, etc., and in Osc. aisusis [abl.pl.] ‘sacrificiis’,
and perhaps originally in the verb *h,is-ske/o- ‘to demand’ > Skt. icchdti ‘search for’,
OCS iskati ‘to search’, etc.
aidvr0o¢ [adj.] - Opacvc “bold, rash’ (H., EM). <?>
*ETYM A mistake for d&iSAoc (E 897)? Leumann Glotta 32 (1953): 2184 differs. Fur.:
262f. compares alovAoc.
aietéc 35
aidwooa [f.] (cod. aidm@oca): tic adAfic Ta Tetxia ‘the walls of the court or hall’ (H.).
<PG(V)>
*ETYM von Blumenthal 1930: 5f. suggested that the word is Illyrian for ai®ovoa. Latte
thinks it is a corruption (but on three points?). Fur: 197 considers it a a substrate
word, taking » aiSovoa as a variant form, and comparing KriAwooa / Kniotoa, a
mountain in Sicyon.
aigi [adv.] ‘always’ (Il.) <I *h,ei-u- ‘time of living, well-being’>
eVAR aid (A. Ch. 350, AB 363), see below.
eDIAL aire (Cypr., Locr., Phoc.), dei (Att.), aieg (Dor.); ain (Tarent.).
*DER di dtoc ‘eternal’ (Hes., IA), whence ai&i6tn¢ ‘eternity’ (Arist., Hell.).
eETYM From *aiwes-i, the old locative of an s-stem, which is found without ending in
Dor. aiéc, and also in the accus. ai@ < *aiwos-m. Beside the s-stem, Greek had an n-
stem in »aiwv, from which aiév derives. The Tarentine form would be an old
instrumental *h,eiu-eh,, but this is unclear. On the accentuation of the Greek forms
see Hamp Glotta 67 (1989): 41.
The s- and m-stems derive from the old PIE u-stem *h,oi-u- > Av. diiu- ‘life, time of
life’, gen. *h,i-eu-s > OAV. yaos, thematicized *h,ei-u-o- > Lat. aevum, which in Greek
may be found in Aeol. ait(v), di(v) < *aiw-i(n). As Weiss MSS 55 (1994): 151f.
suggested, the zero grade *h,iu- is perhaps found as the first member of Cypr. u-wa-
i-se ‘forever’ < *h,iu(u)-h,ei-s- (but see » b) and of » byujc. Both the s-stem and the n-
stem extensions seem to be found in Sanskrit: dyu-n-i [loc.], and dyu-s- [n.].
aigAovpos [m., f.] probably ‘(wild) cat’ (Hdt. Ar.); domestic cats were not found in
the Greek world. <?>
eVAR Also aiAoupog (Arist.).
*ETYM The explanation as a compound of aiddog (< *aighoc) and otpa ‘with moving
tail’ (cf. EM 34, 8 aidovpoc mapa 16 aidAAetv Kai avayetv tiv obpav Kai Ktvetv) still
seems possible, although the -e- is problematic. The connection with Lat. viverra
‘ferret’ and Lith. vaiveris ‘male of the polecat / pitchew’, starting from *Faifépoupoc
(Ehrlich 1912: 128ff.), should be abandoned. Note that the word may well have been
adapted by folk etymology, and that from aie- we expect an Attic development to
ae-, not the loss of -e-.
aiév [adv.] ‘always’ (epic poet.). > aiwv.
aiés = aici.
aietéc [m.] ‘eagle’ (Il.), also metaph. ‘tympanum, pediment’. <IE *h,eu-i- ‘bird’>
eVAR Att. Getdc; aiPetdc: deTdc, Mepyato (H.), with B = Ff; ainytéc (Arat. 522), which
is artificial (DELG).
*DER detidevc [m.] ‘young eagle’ (Ael. Aesop.), detitng (Ai80c) (Ael.), detwdrjc
(Philostr.), aietéei¢ (Opp.); aietiaiog ‘ptng. to the tympanum’ (inscr.); détwpia
‘tympanum’ (Hp., Att. inscr.), détwotc ‘arched roof of a yeAwvn’.(Ath. Mech.).
eETYM From *aifetoc < *awjetd-, cf. Lat. avis. For the suffix -eto-, cf. vigetdc,
mupetoc. The artificial form airtdc does not allow us to conclude that it is a substrate
word, as per Fur.: 115*. Not a Semitic word (Astour JAOS 86 (1966): 278B).
36 aignds
aitnds [adj.] unknown; ‘strong’? (II.). <?>
eVAR Also aitrjtog; aitnetc (Theopomp. Col.), ailaev- edtpagéc BAdotnpta ‘well-fed
offspring’ (H.).
*ETYM Danielsson 1892 gives no definitive answer. The gloss suggested a connection
with dei and Civ, which may be folk-etymological (DELG). Fur.: 234, who connects it
with Atonrog, is incorrect.
aintog = antoc.
ai8arn [f.] ‘soot’ (Hp.).
eVAR alQadog [m.] (Hp., E.), also as an adj. = aiOaAdeic (Nic. Th. 659).
*DER aiSaddete (Il., poet.) ‘smoky, dark brown’, also of the sheet of lightning (E. Ph.
183 [lyr.]), perhaps ‘fiery, burning’; ai€adgog ‘id’ (A. R., Nic.); aifadiwv, -iwvoc
(Theoc. 7, 138), epithet of the téttiyec, probably a color term with verse-final
metrical lengthening); aidadwdn¢ ‘id. (Arist., Gal.). Unclear aidadidac: ta év tH
oitw ylvopteva, T] Tovs év TH KSaTi otadayptods tod édaiov ‘what is in the food, or
drops of olive oil in the water’ (H.). Denominative verb ai?addéw ‘to make sooty’,
med. -dopat ‘to soot up’ (E., Lyc.); aifakwoetc ‘clouds of sooty smoke’ (Max. Tyr. 41,
4), perhaps directly from ai®ahoc,
*ETYM See > aidw.
aiOnp, -Epos [f., m.] ‘clear sky, heaven’ (II.). <1E *h,eid"- ‘kindle, ignite’>
eCcOMP On aiOrp and ai8pn as a second member (e.g. in d7tai8ptoc, brat8poc) see
Sommer 1948: 1511.
*DER aiOpn; -& ‘id’ (1I.); aidpin, -ia ‘clear sky, nice weather’; ai®ptoc, -ov [adj.] ‘of the
sky, bright’ (IA); the ntr. ai@piov, diminutive ai€pidiov was used in imperial times as
a folk-etymological adaptation of Lat. atrium.
alOpoc ‘fresh, cold air’ (E 318 alOpw Kai kapdtw Sedunpevov). Cf. ai®pei- yeyrdter ‘to
expose to or pass the winter’ (H.), ai€pivév- mpwivdv ‘early’ (H.); improbable
Bouquiaus-Simon Ant. class. 31 (1962): 2s5ff.
With full-grade of the suffix ai®épioc ‘in the air, heavenly’ (trag.), beside which rare
and late aidepwdng, aidepiwdne, aidepitncs, aiPepdopau.
iapdc ‘cheerful, bright’ (Alc.) may contain an old ablauting form of the root. The
verb iOaivetv (A. D., H.) could point to an r/n-stem.
eETYM Generally derived from > ai8w; perhaps the formation was influenced by arp.
Ai8ionec [m.pl.] ethnonym, “‘Ethiopians’(?). <PG(s)>
eDIAL Myc. PN a-i-ti-jo-go /Ait'iok"s/ (or /-6-/); for the u-stem in Me-to-ge-u, Wo-
no-ge-we (/Woinok“éwei/) cf. Aiftonijec (Hom.).
*ETYM Since antiquity explained as ‘(people) with burnt faces’. In Beekes Glotta 73
(1995-1996): 12-34, I objected that ai€- always means ‘burning’ in the sense of
‘brilliant, emitting light’ (cf ai®ow), and never ‘burnt’. Also, the -t- is unexplained,
and -o7t- is a typical substrate suffix (as opposed to ‘face’ = -wm-). Therefore, the
word must be compared with ethnonyms like Apvomec, AdAortec and is of Pre-Greek
origin.
ai8ovoa [f.] ‘portico’ (I1.); also a plant, cf. » ai8w. <PG(V)>
aicdAAw 37
*VAR aiSovooa (Hdn. Gr. 2, 919).
eETYM Generally explained as a ptc. of » ai@w meaning ‘glowing, place where the sun
burns’ or ‘place where fire can be kindled’, which is hardly convincing. A better
explanation is that of Fur.: 197%4, who deems it a substrate word, as a technical term
of building, because of the form with -oo-. The form » aid@ooa confirms this; it can
hardly be a mistake for ai80voa (which would imply three mistakes), and it has -oo-.
Of course, a folk-etymological connection with » ai6w is likely.
ai6w [v.] ‘to kindle’, intr. med. ‘burn (with light) (IL). 415 *h,eid'- ‘kindle’>
VAR Only present.
*COMP Cf. » AiBiomec. On kak-tOrj¢ see on KéyKEel S.V. P KAyKaVOG.
*DER ai8oc [m.] ‘burning heat’ (E.) = Skt. édha- [m.] ‘firewood’, OHG eit [m.], OE ad
‘blaze, pyre’; ai8dc ‘sparkling, glowing’, also ‘dark-colored’; also ai8wv, -wvog (II.)
and aiSoy (on the mgs. see Beekes Glotta 73 (1995-1996): 15-17).
ai8oc [n.] ‘fire’ (A. R.); aiOmetc ‘sooty’ (Nic.), also ai®rjc ‘burning’ (Cratin. 88), if this
does not stand for ai®ijc from aiOretc; al8ivoc (H., EM).
Perhaps related is ai86Atkec ‘pustule, pimple’ (Hp., Gal.), cf. moppddvk ‘bubble’ for
the formation.
ai?voow ‘to stir violently’ (Sapph., Pi.), also prefixed with av-, dt-, Kat-, map-, is
usually considered cognate, but the development of meaning is strange. The verbal
noun ai®vyjta ‘spark, glow’ (Plb.) did not undergo the metaphorical development of
ai€voow, as opposed to aiSuxtip ‘stirring violently’ (Opp.). But note that these are
late derivations. Also katai0v§ dttBpoc: 6 Kata8toowv ‘which is floating down’ (H.);
diff. Pisani Paideia 15 (1960): 245f.
ai®vta [f.] name of a bird (see Thompson 1895 s.v.), also epithet of Athena, see Kock
Arch. f. Religionswiss. 18 (1915): 127ff. but also Kretschmer Glotta 9 (1918): 229f.
mostly explained as a color term, but rather a substrate word (Szemerényi 1964: 207,
Beekes 1998: 25 on the suffix -via.). On aiSovoa ‘hemlock, Conium maculatum’ (Ps.-
Dsc.) see CEG 4 (from “black’). Cf. also » aiOrip, > ai8aAn, > aidovoa.
eETYM Old PIE verbal root, of which the zero grade *h,id'- probably appears in
i®apdc, iBaivw. Sanskrit has the root form idh-, with a nasal present i-n-ddhé ‘to
kindle’. Thematic ai8oc can be of PIE date, cf. Skt. édha- [m.] ‘firewood’, OHG eit
[m.], OE dd ‘glow, funeral pyre’. aifoc [n.] ‘fire’ (A. R.) and Skt. édhas- [n.]
‘firewood’ are independent formations, since the Greek word is late. Remarkable
forms in other languages include Av. aésma- [m.] ‘firewood’, Lith. fesmeé ‘id’, Lat.
aedés ‘dwelling place, temple’, aestds ‘summer’, aestus ‘heat’, and several Germanic
forms, e.g. OHG eit (see above) and ON eisa [f.] ‘burning coals’.
aikacet [v.] « «adel ‘calls’ (H.). <2>
*ETYM Pisani IF 58 (1942): 243 compared it to Osc. aikdafed, which he interpreted as
‘proclamavit’; this is highly dubious. The connection with Latv. aicindt ‘to call’ is
doubted by Pok.: 15. Is it a mistake for » aikdAdw?
aixdd)w [v.] ‘to flatter, fondle’ (trag.), especially said of animals. <?>
eVAR Only present.
38 airs
*DER aixahoc: Koda ‘flatterer’ (H.); aixdAn: amdatn ‘deceit’ (Zonar.).
*ETYM Looks like a denominative of the forms given in the glosses (unless these are
based on the verb). Etymology unknown.
aii [adj.] ‘improper, unseemly’. <GR>
eVAR Att. alk < *d-FiK-1¢, next to detKr¢ (Ion. poet.).
DER detkein, aixeia, aikia ‘unseemly treatment, disrespect’; derxilw, aixitw, -opat ‘to
maltreat’, whence aixiopa (trag. Lys.), aiktopidg (D., LXX). detkéAtoc, aixéAtoc
(Hom., poet.) contain an enlargement of synonymous deixng, aixrs.
*ETYM Privative verbal adjective to gotka, du. ixtov < *we-w(o)ik-. In deuxre, -et- is
probably secondary after ikaw, eikav, etc. See > cikdCw, » Zoika.
aixAot- ai ywviat tod BéAOus ‘the angles of the missile’ (H.). = aixpn.
aixAov [n.] ‘evening meal at Sparta’ (Epich.). <PG(v)>
eVAR dikAov; <ovv>atyhia = ovvaikAia; AvKalxAiacg: 6 AUKdBpwtos “eaten by wolves’
(-Bpotog codd.).
*DER dvaikeia dSetmva ‘supperless’ (H.). Also aixvov: deinvov ‘meal’ (H., Suid.);
éndixAa (PI.).
*ETYM Fur.: 139 points to eikAov- Seinvov and eixei- Setmvel (H.), and compares
ixveiav: tpogeia ‘nourishment’ and ixveioc: tpogetc. “Pddiot “feeder (Rhod.)’ (H.);
he correctly concludes that it is a substrate word. This may be reconstructed as
*(a)wikl/n-: for the prothetic vowel, cf. dépon- / pépom-; the interchange between A
and v may be secondary. A comparison with aikd(et xaAei ‘calls’ (H.) or > aikahdw
is completely uncertain.
aidtvos [m.] ‘song of mourning’ (trag.), sometimes as an adj. ‘plaintive’ (E. Hel. 171).
<2
eVAR aiAtva [adv.] (Call.).
*ETYM Etymology unknown. Boisacq’s postulation of a Phrygian origin lacks support
(cf. » €Aeyoc). It appears to be derived from the interjection > ai and > divoc.
aiAvot = déAton.
aigia [n.] ‘blood’ (IL). <?>
*COMP aipaKkoupiat ‘offerings of blood’ to the dead (Pi.); aipdAwy ‘mass of blood’
(Hp.), see CEG 6.
DER aipiag ‘flow of blood’ (S.); diminutive aipdtiov, also name of a dish (Arr. M.
Ant., inscr. Cos, Miletus, etc.), aipatia “Spartan blood soop’ (Poll.). Derived
adjectives: aiptatdetc ‘bloody’ (epic, poet.); aiptatnpdc¢ (poet.), aipnpdc (Man.);
aipatwdn¢g (Hp. Th. Arist. Hell.), aiwéncg (Luc.), see on Paitiwdéw; aipatixds
(Arist.), aipativoc (Arist.); aipadéoc (AP, Nonnos); aipwv (E.), aipmviocg ‘red as
blood’ (Ath.); aivatityg ‘like blood’ (Hp., Thphr.); aipratwndc (E.), aipwrdc (Ph.). In
a similar meaning compounds like évaipoc, bpatoc. Denominative verbs: 1
aiptdcow, -attw ‘to make or be bloody’ (A.), whence late nouns aivaypdc, atpaktc,
and adjectives aipaxtdéc, aipaxtikdg 2. aipatow (IA), aipatwots (Gal.); 3. aipatiqw
(A., Arist.).
aivoc 39
*ETYM aiua replaces the old IE word for blood éap < *h,esh,-r. It has no established
etymology. The connection with OHG seim ‘virgin honey’, W hufen from the
uncertain PIE root *sei- ‘to drip’ (Pok. 889) is accepted by Weiss HSPh. 98 (1998): 31-
61, but cannot explain the Greek vocalism. Acc. to Sommer 1905: 20ff., it is related to
Skt. is- ‘refreshment’. See Szemerényi Gnomon 43 (1971): 651; cf. also > aiovaw,
> ixwp.
aipaotd [f.] ‘wall around a terrain’, of stone (thus Hdt. 2, 138) or thorns (Od.). <?>
eVAR Cf. aipoi: Spvpoi. AioybAog Aitvaiate ‘copses, thickets (A. Aitnaiai)’ (H.).
eETYM Comparable with Lat. sae pés ‘hedge, fence’, which has p for m. Fur.: 223 finds
the variation in other non-IE loans, eg. Tevéotat / Mevéotau (Schwyzer: 333);
yégupa / Arm. kamurj. On the accentuation, see Scheller 1951: 87f. on the meaning,
Picard Rev. arch. (1946): 68f.
aipwA0og [adj.] conventionally translated as ‘flattering’, mostly said of words (Hes.);
acc. to Giintert 1921: 103, it means ‘wily’; Weiss HSPh. 98 (1998): 31-61 points to the
semantics of spellbinding, e.g. in aiuvAfotot Adyotot // Bédyel. <2>
VAR Also aipvAtog (Od.).
eETYM The suffix is also found in otwpbdAog ‘talkative’. A direct connection with
OHG seim ‘virgin honey’ is impossible (see on >» aipa), as this etymon originally
denoted a ‘thick liquid’. Acc. to Giintert (ibid.), aipbAocg derives from > aiuwv in the
same way as dyKwv relates to ayxbAoc. This idea is integrated by Weiss HSPh. 98
(1998): 31-61 in his account of » inepog and > aipwv.
aiptw5éw [v.] ‘to be set on edge’, of the teeth, as caused by sour stuff (Hp.). <?>
*DER aipwwdia (Hp. Arist. Dsc.); whence aipwdtdaw ‘to have aipwéia’ (Hp. Arist.),
whence aipwdiacpid¢ (H.). aipdn¢ is a back-formation in the sense of ‘having
aiuwdia’ (Gal.). Further aipwdng ‘bloody’, to > aia.
*ETYM The second element can hardly be separated from d6wv ‘tooth’ (Szemerényi
1964: 81). It is difficult to assume that the first part is from » aia, as we would expect
to see a trace of the suffix -at-. Solmsen 1909: 25ff. connected the first member with
Gm. *sai-ra- in Go. sair, OHG sér ‘pain’, ON sdr ‘wound’, positing *ai-poc for Greek.
aipiwv, -ovos [adj.] only in Xkapiavdpiov aipova Opry (E 49), mg. sometimes glossed
as ‘skillful’, but rather ‘eager’ (see below). <IE *seh,i-mon- ‘bond’>
*ETYM The word is found in the Thessalian names ‘Inmaitiwv, Aijovoc (see Bechtel
1921, 1: 203). Weiss HSPh. 98 (1998): 31-61 assumes a pre-form *seh,i-mon-, from the
root *sh.i- ‘to bind’ which he also assumes to be present in > iyepoc ‘longing, love’
and in maiptAoc. The fact that the meaning ‘eager’ fits so well in this passage
confirms Weiss’s proposal.
aivog [m.] ‘meaningful words, praise’ (II.), also ‘decision’ (inscr.). <?>
eVAR aivn (Hdt.). Cf. the primary formation in dvaivoytat ‘to ae refuse’ (Il.), from
*ava-aivouat (cf. dva-vebw), acc. to Bechtel 1914.
*DER aivéw [v.] ‘to approve, praise’, also ‘to decide’ (Il., mainly epic Ion. poet.), fut.
-1\ow, secondarily -éow, etc. (see Wackernagel 1916: 180f.); Att. has ématvéw, Aeol.
(Hes.) aivnpu. From aivéw: ativeoic ‘praise’ (LXX, NT), atvnotc (Ph.). Rare is
40 aivoc
aivifoptat [v.] ‘to praise’ (Hom.); usually aivicoopat (-tt-) (IA) ‘to speak in riddles’,
from ‘to speak words full of content, i.e. difficult to understand’; thence with atviypia
‘dark saying, riddle’ (Pi.); thence aiwypatwdnc, aimypatiotis aivypatiac,
aiwypatikdc also aivypds ‘id’ (Att.); aivitc ‘id? (Plot.). aiviktrp ‘who speaks in
riddles’ (S.), aivixtig (Timo), aivuctypiwes (A.).
*ETYM Etymology unknown. Compared by Pok. 11 with Germanic words for ‘oath’
(Go. aibs, OHG eid), which is mostly rejected.
aivoc [adj.] ‘terrible’ (1L.). <?>
eVAR On ézatvy see Leumann 1950: 258f.
eCOMP Common as the first member of poetic compounds, but no derivatives.
eETYM No etymology. Connected with Skt. énas ‘crime’ by Pok. 10. On the
expression aivd8ev aivac, see Leumann l.c. See also LfgrE.
atvupat [v.] ‘to take, seize’ (Il.). <1E *h,ei- ‘give’>
eVAR Only present.
eDIAL Myc. PN a;-nu-me-no /Ainumenos/.
*COMP Often with é&-, also in the verbal noun é-attog ‘selected’ (II.).
eETYM The verbal noun *aitoc is at the base of » aitéw. The same root is found in
ToB ai-, ToA e- ‘to give (act.), take (med.)’, and it was previously thought to be
reflected in Hitt. pai-' ‘to give’, which was analyzed as *pe-ai-. Recently, however,
Kloekhorst 2008 has given a convincing alternative: an i-present to the root *h,p- ‘to
seize’. Thus, the present root is eliminated as an example for PIE *a. In nominal
form the root is found in Oscan aeteis [gen.sg.] ‘part (of a possession)’. YAv.
aétahmaiius does not contain a noun aéta- ‘punishment’, but rather the pronoun
aéta- ‘that’; cf. Fischer and Ritter MSS 52 (1991): 9-13. See » aioa, » aitia, » diatta.
aivw [v.] ‘winnow’ (Pherecr., Hp.), but see the glosses. <?>
eVAR Aor. fivau; pres. also dvéw (Ar. Fr. 694 (uncertain), Ath.), dgavéw (Ar. Eq. 394
v.L.), dgrva: Exoa ‘struck’, apfjvat- TO Tas Entiopevac KpLBdc yepoi tptwou ‘rubbing
by hand of the winnowed barley-corns’ (H.); further alvwv mticowv ‘winnowing’,
ijvac: Kowac ‘having struck’ and ydvat (= Favat) mepinticat ‘strip off the husk or
skin’ (cod. -mtboat); see Solmsen 1901: 280.
DER Bechtel KZ 46 (1914): 374 compares the name of a phratry favidat (Argos).
eETYM Comparable with Lat. vannus ‘winnowing-basket’, OHG wintén ‘to fan’, Go.
dis-winpjan ‘Aux, to winnow’. The Germanic words seem to derive from the word
for ‘wind’ (cf. Lat. ventilare ‘to fan’), but aivw has no trace of the -t-. Derivation of
the Greek word from *h,ueh,- seems to be excluded by ydavat, which has no vowel
before the f. dvéw has been explained from *&-Fav-éw (Solmsen 1901: 272), which
beside yavat would imply a non-IE word. Note that the exact meaning of the word is
unclear.
aié, aiyds [f.] ‘goat’, rarely msc. (Il). Also a water bird (Janzén 1937: 17, a meteor
(Arist.) and a star (Aratos). <1E? *h,eig- ‘goat’>
*DIAL Myc. a;-ki-pa-ta /aigi-pa(s)tas/ (?) ‘goatherd’; a,-ki-po-de, interpretation
uncertain.
aimuc 41
*COMP aimddocg ‘goatherd’ < *aiy-modoc, see »néAw and »BovKddoc (cf. Meier-
Briigger 1992a: 92); thence aimodéw [v.] ‘to herd goats’ (A., Lys., Theoc.), only
present; aimdAta [n.pl.] ‘herds of goats’ (II.), also -tov [sg.]; aitoAucdg (Theoc.).
Further aiyi-Botoc “browsed by goats’ (Od.); unclear the gloss aimdédoc: Kamndoc
Tapa Kumpiotc “peddlar (Cypr.) (H.), see Leumann 1950: 271ff.; to be rejected is
Latte’s correction di- = dei.
*DER See > aiyic ‘goatskin’. Diminutive of at&: aiyiétov (Pherecr., Antiph.). On aiyec:
To KUELATA ‘waves’. Awpteic (H.), see on » aiytaddc. Connection with toponyms like
Aiyai, Aiyatoc, Aiytva, etc., is at best folk-etymological.
*ETYM The compounds in -- are unexplained (Heubeck IF 69 (1964): 13-21 is
unclear); the type aimdXoc is old in any case. aif is cognate with Arm. ayc ‘goat’ (i-
stem), which is reconstructed as *h,eig-ih, (Clackson 1994: 88-90 after Meillet). The
zero grade is often supposed in Av. izaéna- ‘of leather’, but we do not know if the
word referred to the skin of a goat. If the connection is correct, the word could be IE.
However, Skt. ajd- ‘goat’ looks similar, but is formally deviant. This could suggest
that Avestan, Greek and Armenian borrowed the word from a common source,
perhaps Anatolian. On the distribution, see Mallory & Adams 1997 s.v. Connection
with *h,eig- as ‘jumper’ (Thieme 1953: 571) is rejected by Mayrhofer EW Aia 1: 264,
since Skt. éjati did not have a palatovelar, nor does it mean ‘to jump’. Cf. » atytAoc,
Paiyihwiyp, » dita.
aidAos [adj.] ‘agile, glittering, variegated’ (II.). <?>
*DIAL Myc. a;-wo-ro /Aiwolos/ name of a cow.
«COMP As a second member, e.g. kopv8aiodog ‘with glittering (colorful) helmet’.
*DER Denominaitve aidAdw [v.] ‘to move quickly to and fro’ (v 27), (med.) ‘to change
color’ (Hes. Sc. 399), ‘to make colorful’ (Nic. Th. 155); aiokéw = moixiddw (Pl. Cra.
409a), aidAnots ‘rapid movement’ (sch. Pi. P. 4, 412); aioAilw ‘to trick with words’ (S.
fr. 912), aidAtopta ‘varied tones’ (S. Ichn. 319); aioAdopat ‘to be restless’ (Hp. Mul. 2,
174b, uncertain). aiodiac [m.] fish name (cf. Stromberg 1943: 23, Thompson 1947
s.v.), aidAetog (EM), aiodidac: motkidous, taxetc ‘variegated, quick’ (H.). PN Atodoc,
EN AioAeic.
*ETYM Etymology unknown. Benveniste BSL 38 (1937): 107 connected aidv, Skt. ayu-
‘vital force’ (formally improbable); Risch Mus. Helv. 29 (1972): 97 argued that the
original meaning was a color. On » aigAoupos, see s.v. For the type *Cai-CoR-, cf.
Paiwpa, > aiovdw.
aiovaw [v.] ‘to moisten, bathe (a wound)’ (Hp.). <4?
eDER Verbal nouns aidvijots and aidvryta.
*ETYM Etymology unknown.
aimoAos = aif.
aimvc [adj.] ‘steep, sheer’ (IL, mostly epic and poet.) < PG(v)>
evar A different stem in ainda (ainda pée8pa © 369) and ainny (mdALV ... ainrv y 130,
etc.), maybe a metrical device.
42 aipa 1
*DER aimtjet¢ (Hom.), is an enlargement of aimtc, see Schwyzer: 527. Further ainoc
[n.] ‘steepness, precipice’ (E.), whence aimetvdc < *aineo-vds ‘steep’.
eETYM Paiwa probably belongs here, too. Furthermore, Fur.: 158 connects it with
éEaigvns and » éanivng, as well as »d~vw and » dgap, which is highly convincing.
Variations shown here include r/q, labial / y (cf. » dépw / Séyw and Pittaxog /
ytttaKdc), and anticipation of a palatalized consonant *ap”- as ai-.
aipa 1 [f.] ‘sledgehammer (Call. fr. 115, 12), = o~odpa, a&ivn ‘hammer, axe-head’ (H.),
otpa (Et. Gen.). <?>
*ETYM Unknown. Acc. to Schwyzer: 474, it is from » aipw (improbable).
aipa 2 [f.] ‘rye-grass, darnel, Lolium temulentum’ (Thphr.). <?>
VAR Often plur. aipat.
*DER aiptvoc ‘of rye-grass’ (Dsc.), aipwdn¢ ‘mixed with rye-grass’ (Thphr.).
Denominative é&-aipdouat [v.] ‘to change into rye-grass’ (Thphr.).
*ETYM Specht KZ 66 (1939): 12 connected it with Skt. eraka- [f.] a kind of grass,
assuming that both languages borrowed the word from an Oriental language; this is
rejected by Thieme 1953: 586. Berger WZKSS 3 (1959): 48 thinks that the Sanskrit
word is of Austro-Asiatic origin. On eraka-, see now Klaus MSS 57 (1997): 49-64; see
> aipdomivov.
aipéw [v.] ‘to take, grasp, seize’, med. ‘to take for oneself, choose’ (II.). <?>
eVAR Except for late forms like av-ijpnoa (Q. S.), Ȏdeiv is used as a suppletive
aorist.
*DIAL Cret. aidéw is a contamination of aipéw and éA\eiv; Pamphyl. ayAéo8w from
aypéw and éXeiv; for other such forms see Vendryes 1938: 331ff.
*DER aipeotc ‘capture, choice, party, philosophical school (whence heresy)’ (1A),
aipéoutog ‘pregnable’ (X.); aipetdc ‘what can be taken or chosen’ (IA), aipetixdc ‘to
be chosen, causing schisms’ (late); aipetrj¢ “who chooses’ (Vett. Val.), xaBatpétng
‘destroyer’ (Th.), aipetic [f.] ‘who chooses’ (LXX), back-formation to aipetiCw [v.] ‘to
elect’ (Hell.), which is a denominative to aipetéc. From aipetitw also aipetiotic
‘adherent’ (PIb., D. L.).
*ETYM No etymology.
aipdémtvov [n.] ‘sieve’ (Ar. fr. 480). <GR?>
*VAR Cf. aipémivov- oKotetvov, Kai kdoKtvov év @ mupoi ofPovtat ‘dark, also a sieve
through which wheat is sieved’; An. Bk. 359, 24 continues with bnép tot tac aipac
dtehOeiv ‘because it passes through the rye-grass’ also aipdmivov- TO dpaldov
KOOKLVOV: Tapa TO Tas aipac MotEiv Ameiva Kai xwpiterv 7} dia TO aiperv Tov mivov 6
éotl TOV PUTOV ‘a porous sieve, after its making the rye-grass go apart; or after its
removing the mivov, ie. the dirt’ (EM 38, 42), the first part of which is clearly folk-
etymological.
eETYM DELG thinks that it consists of aipw ‘to remove’ and mivog ‘filth’, like the
latter part of the final gloss; for the type of compound, see Schwyzer: 442.
Alternatively, it may be a Pre-Greek word reshaped by folk etymology.
aipw = deipw 1.
dicbwv 43
aioa [f.] ‘share, destiny, decree’ (IL, epic and lyr.). <IE *h,ei- ‘give, take’>
*DIAL Myc. a,-sa /aisa/; also found in Arc.-Cypr.
*DER aiotog ‘auspicious, opportune’; also with év-, 2&-, kat-, map-, whence aicidopat
[v.] ‘to take as a good omen’ (Plu., App.); aicwog ‘destined, fitting’ (Hom.),
évaicuwoc, avaioytoc (Emp.).
Thence prefixed denominative a&v-cioiudw [v.] ‘to consume (the apportioned share)’
(Ion.), whence dvatcinwpata ‘expenses’ (Hdt.); kataicidw [v.] ‘to consume
entirely’ (com.). Adjectival abstract aiowiot mAobtov ‘the due apportionment of
wealth’ (A. Eu. 996). See on > aiciuvaw, > aiovpvaw, > aiovpvitns.
Some PNs: Aiowv, Aiciac, etc.
*ETYM aioa is from the root seen in atvupa, derived with -1a from a form in -t-
found in Osc. aeteis [gen.sg.] ‘part’, Gr. *aitocg (see > aitéw), aittoc. An ablauting
root shape could be found in me iccacBat - KAnpotobat. AgoBtor (H.).
aicaxos [?] - 6 tis Saqpvng KAddog, Sv katéxovtes buvovv tovbs Beovs ‘the branch of
the sweet bay; while grasping these, the gods were praised’ (H.). Cf. Plu. Mor. 615b.
Acc. to EM 38, 49 it indicates the bird épi8axoc. <PG(S,0)>
*ETYM Etymology unknown. The word is Pre-Greek (or Anatolian), acc. to Nehring
Glotta 14 (1925): 183 and Krause KZ 67 (1942): 2144. Note the initial ai-, intervocalic
-o-, and the suffix -ax-. See » aiddhwv.
aiodAwv [m.] kind of falcon (Arist.); see Thompson 1895. <PG(V)>
VAR Cf. aicdpwv- eidog igpaxog ‘id’ (H.).
eETYM Fur.: 387 gives it as Pre-Greek form with the variation p/ A, of which he has
more than 30 examples.
Aionros [m.] HN in Mysia (II); also PN (IL). <PG>
eETYM Fur.: 234 compares ai(ndc. No doubt a Pre-Greek name.
aicO8avopat [v.] ‘to perceive, apprehend, note’ (IA). <IE *h,eu-is- ‘perceive’>
eVAR Incidentally pres. aio8opat (Th.); aor. aicbéo8a, fut. aicOrjoecOat (IA).
*DER aicOnotc ‘perception, knowledge’ (Hp., Pl, etc.), both the act and the object of
perception (cf. E. JA 1243, Arist.); aioOnoin (Aret.) = aic8notg; aioOntdc ‘perceptible’
and aic8nttkdg ‘able to perceive’, both mainly philosophical terms; aicOntHpiov ‘one
of the senses’ (Arist.), aicOnt1\¢ [m.] ‘who perceives’ (P1.).
*ETYM Interpreted as PGr. *awis-t"-, and connected with » dtw ‘to perceive, hear’ <
*awis-je/o-. A similar pre-form is found in Lat. audio ‘to hear’ < *h,eui-d"h,-ie/o- (see
De Vaan 2008 s.v.), oboedi6 ‘to obey’. It is probable that the Greek suffix -8-, which
builds resultative verbal forms, is from *d"h, ‘to do, etc.’ as well. Further related to
Skt. avis, Av. duuis ‘manifestly’, OCS ()avé ‘evidently’, which are adverbial forms in
-is.
aicBwv [ptc.] ‘to breathe out, exhale’ (IL.). <?>
VAR Or rather *dicOwv (II 468), dice (Y 403), of Pupdv.
eETYM We can connect it with diov (= 16 aménveov Eust.) in émtei pidov diov ttop (O
252), but much remains uncertain. See Bechtel 1914 and DELG.
44 aioow
dicow [v.] ‘to move quickly, dart, rush (upon)’ (II.). <?>
eVAR Pres. doow (Pi.), dttw (Att.), fut. di&w. The a- is always long in Hom., except in
bnaifet (D 126), see Chantraine 1942: 110, and in din (A. R. 3, 1302); elsewhere it is
mostly short.
*COMP As a second member in moAv-aif, kopvO-dik; also in » tptydikec?
*DER dik ‘rush’ (O 709); root noun dif in dvéuwv dukacg (A. R. 4, 820), or dikac?
Both a and tare long.
eETYM Unexplained. Comparison with Skt. vevijydte ‘to raise, flee, move quickly’ is
formally impossible (no trace of a F in Homer, and the long t remains unexplained).
Danielsson IF 14 (1903): 386ff. reconstructs *aif-ik- and compares > aidAoc.
aiovAosg [adj.] ‘unseemly, evi? (Hom.), in aiovAa péletv, eidéva, wvOjoac8at (opposed
to aiowa). <PG?>
*COMP aiovAo-epydc (Max. Astrol.) after aiovAa péCetv (Hom.).
eETYM The overall appearance is Pre-Greek: initial ai-, intervocalic -o-, suffix -vA-.
Cf. » ajovAos,
aioupvaw [v.] ‘to be ruler’ (Hom.). <PG(v)>
eVAR aiovpvitnp (QO 347) has a variant aiov()tNp, now preferred by West Glotta 77
(1999): 119f. Also PNs Aiovuvos, Aiourtns (Hom.).
eDIAL Meg. aiouivaw.
*DER aiovpvytyp (QO 347 v.L), aiovuvijtis (aioyvatac) title of a high magistrate in
several towns (inscr., Arist.), in Homer 0 258 a referee of games; fem. aiovpvijtic
(Suid.); aiovpvyteia ‘office of aiovpviyty¢ (Arist.), Verbal noun aiovpvnyttc
(Miletus). Further aiobuviov = BovAeuvtriptov in Megara (Paus.), from the verb or
from *alovupvoc.
*ETYM Previously derived from > aioa, aicytoc, *aicyvoc by Solmsen 1909: 36ff. and
Fraenkel 1910: 172f. However, Chantraine 1933: 216 and von Blumenthal 1930: 33
assume a Pre-Greek origin, which must be correct: it explains the interchanges p/ F
(cf. Fur: 244) and v/ t. The word and its derivations are reminiscent of » kuBepvdw.
Further details are in the LfgrE.
Deroy Ant. class. 26 (1958): 404-410 compares Lat. aerumna ‘task, distress’.
aioveios = doverroc.
aisxog [n.] ‘shame, ugliness’, plur. ‘disgraceful deeds’ (I1.). <?>
eVAR Comp. aicxiwv, superl. aicyiotos.
*DER aicxpdc ‘dishonoring, ugly’, denominative aioxbvw ‘to dishonor’, med. ‘to be
ashamed’ (Il.), back-formation aioytvyn ‘shame’ (IA). PN AioxvAoc, perhaps an
enlargement of an old u-stem. Further derivatives: 1. from aisxpdc: aicypdtnc¢
‘ugliness’ (Pl. Gorg. 525a, Ep. Eph. 5, 4), aioxpoovvn (Tz.). 2. from aicytvu:
aioxvvtip ‘violator’ (A. Ch. 998), aioyuvtnAds ‘timid, shy’, also ‘disgraceful’ (Pl.
Arist.), aicyvvtnAia (Plu.); it has -t- from the opposite dv-aioyvvtog (Alc., Att.),
whence davatoxyuvtia, -téw, -tya; secondary aioyvvtdc (Ps. Phoc.). Rare
aioxvvtnpds and aicyvvtikds.
aixun 45
*ETYM The older comparison with Go. aiwiski [n.] ‘aioybvi? is generally abandoned
in view of obvious formal difficulties. De Lamberterie 1990: 835-840 plausibly
compares Pb aidopat, positing *aid-sk- for Greek next to *aid-st- in Go. aistan.
aitas [m.] ‘eromenos’ (Ar.), also a fish (pap. Tebt. 701, 44). <?>
eVAR Fem. ditic (Hdn. Gr., Alcm. 34 Page). Also deitav- tov étaipov ‘companion’.
Aptotopaviys 5é tov Epwyevov ‘eromenos’ (Ar. fr. 738; also Theocr. 12, 14, where it is
called Thessalian).
eDIAL A Doric or Thessalian word.
*ETYM Uncertain. From > diw ‘to hear’ acc. to Diels Herm. 31 (1896): 372 and Bechtel
1921, 1: 201; see also Arena Riv. fil. class. 96 (1968): 257f.
aitéw [v.] ‘to ask, request, beg’ (II.). <GR>
*COMP Often prefixed with dm-, &&-, map-, etc.
*DER 1. aitnots ‘demand, request’ (IA), aitrooc; 2. aitnua ‘demand, claim’ (Pl.
Arist.), aitypatixds and aitrnpatwdng; 3. aitntys ‘requestor’ (pap., D. C.); aitrytiKd¢
(Arist. D. L.), 4. aitiGw = aitéw (epic since Od.).
*ETYM A denominative of*aitog; see > aivupat, » aioa and > aittoc.
aittos [adj.] ‘guilty, responsible’ (Il.). <GR>
*DER Thence (or directly from *aitoc): aitia [f.] ‘responsibility, guilt, cause;
accusation’, also ‘disease’; thence denominative aitidoj1ct ‘to accuse, charge with’,
secondary aitidCouat (X., D. C.).
To aitidopat: aitiactc (Antipho, Arist.) and aitiapa (A., Th.) ‘accusation, charge’;
aitiatdg (Arist., Plot.) ‘having a cause’ (10 aittatév ‘effect’ as opposed to TO aitiov
‘cause’) is rather directly from aitia because of the meaning; from 10 aitiatév, the
grammarians created 1) aitiatiki) mtWotc ‘accusative case’, so properly ‘case of what is
effectuated’ (Wackernagel 1920-1924(1): 19).
From aitia (or 16 aitiov): aitiwdr¢ ‘causal’, philosophical term (Hell. and late),
likewise aitiwpa (pap., Act. Ap.) = aitiajia, and with the same vocalism aitiwotc
(Eust.) = aitiaotc.
*ETYM aitioc, aitia and aitéw were derived from *aitog ‘share’ (see > aivupat,
> aitéw), which is semantically understandable. The suffix -tog may have been added
to ait- after the change of *ti > ou.
aipvns [adv.] ‘suddenly’ (E. [A 1581, Hp. Int. 39). <PG(v)>
eDER More common as well as more archaic is éaipvng (Hom., Pi, trag., etc.). The
adjective aipvidioc (A., Th. Arist.), on the other hand, is more common and more
archaic than éEatpvidtoc (Pl, Gal.). Adverbial forms aipvndic, -56v (Hdn.).
*ETYM Related to > aiya, s.v., and also to » dev, > dgap, » é&arivis, etc.
aixun [f.] ‘point of a spear, spear’ (Il.). On its use in Homer, see Triimpy 1950: 52ff. <IE
*h,eik-(s)m- ‘spear’>
eDIAL Myc. a;-ka-sa-ma /aiksmans/.
*COMP aixy-dAwtocg ‘prisoner of war’ (Pi.), whence fem. aiypwadwtic, adj.
aixuahwtixdc, abstract aixyadwoia. Thence denominative verbs aiyywadwtifw and
46 aiwa
aixnadwtetw (Hell. and late); from aixpadwrtitw: aixyadwtiotig and
aixuadwtiopdc. °
*DER aixuretc ‘armed with a spear’ (A., Opp.); aiyptis ‘spearman, warrior’ (II.),
aixynta (E 197), fem. aixprtic (EM); with secondary suffix aiyuntyip (Opp. Q. S.,
Nonn.); aixuntipioc ‘armed with a spear, war-like’ (Lyc. 454 verse-final).
Denominative aixpdlw [v.] ‘to throw the spear, to arm with a spear’ (II).
eETYM The Mycenaean form proves PGr. *aiksma. The word is connected with
aixAot ai ywviat tod BéAous ‘points of the arrow’ (H.) and with Lith. iéSmas, OPr.
aysmis ‘spit’ which may derive from *h,eik-(s)m-. The original meaning must have
been ‘point’. Within Greek, we further find Cypr. ixpapévoc ‘wounded’ (Ruijgh 1957:
136), iktéa: dkdévtiov ‘javelin’ (H.), and perhaps »iktap ‘near’. Uncertain is the
appurtenance of tydic [f.] (Sol.), ty6n (Hp.) ‘mortar’, but cf. Fur.: 321.
aiya [adv.] ‘quickly, suddenly’ (Il, poet.) <PG>
DER aiynpdc ‘quick’ (IL. Pi.).
*ETYM Sommer IF 11 (1900): 243 connected the word with » aintc ‘steep’ as *ain-o-a;
the forms can also be understood in substrate terms (with Fur.: 158) as alternation of
a labial with w. Furnée further connects it with éaipvijs, » eEanivis, > dap, > dpvw,
etc.
diw [v.] ‘perceive, hear’ (Il.). «IE *h,euis- ‘perceive’>
VAR Ipf. diov (see below); verbal adj. ém-diiotoc ‘perceived, detected’ (Hdt.) to
énaiw, éndw (Att. prose), whence aor. éntjoa (énmioa).
DIAL Cypr. fut. awiyésomai.
*ETYM The ipf. diov was considered by Schulze KZ 29 (1888): 251ff. to be an original
aorist, from which a present diw was formed secondarily. Schulze found traces of an
original pres. *deiw in det dkovel, dete: dxovoate (H.), and in én-delv (E. HF 773),
but this is difficult to fit in with the etymology prevailing today: diov < *awis-e/o- is
generally connected with Skt. avis [adv.] ‘evidently, manifestly’ and OCS ({)avé ‘id’,
so the Greek verb is probably a denominative from this adverb. As Kloekhorst
recently showed, the Hitt. verb au-'/ u- ‘to see’ (see Kloekhorst 2008 s.v.) can also be
connected with it, since in o-grade forms *h,ou-, the laryngeal would regularly be
lost. Noteworthy, though improbable, is the connection by Szemerényi Glotta 38
(1960): 243 with the word for ‘ear’. Within Greek, compare aor. joOduryv, pres.
> aic8avopat, with -0- indicating the completion of a process.
aid = aie.
aidwv, -@voc [m., f.] ‘(life)time, long period of time, eternity’ (Il.). «IE *h,ei-u- ‘time of
living, well-being’>
VAR aiév [adv.] ‘always’.
*DER aiwvioc ‘enduring, eternal’ (Pl. Hell. NT), aiwvotne¢ ‘perpetuitas’ (gloss.);
aiwviCeww ‘to make or be eternal’ (Dam., Phot., Suid.), aiwvicpa ‘perpetuation,
monument’ (Ostr.).
*ETYM From *aifwv, an n-stem also found in the old locative » aiév ‘always’, which
coexisted with the s-stem in aid, aigc, » aii ‘id.’. See also » ob. On the meaning, see
aKkakanic, -idoc¢ 47
Stadtmiiller Saeculum 2 (1951): 315ff. A neuter u-stem is found in Skt. dyu-, Av. diiu
‘(life)time’, OAv. gen. yaos, dat. yauudi < *h,oi-u, *h,i-eu-s, *h,i-eu-ei. Latin has
thematicized aevus < *h,ei-u-o-; Gothic has an i-stem aiwins [acc.pl.]. An old
derivation is Lat. iuvenis, Skt. yuvan- ‘young man’ from *h,iu-Hen- with the
Hoffmann suffix (‘having vital strength’). Derived from this are Lith. jdunas, OCS
juno ‘young’ and Go. jund ‘youth’ < *h,iu-Hn-ti-.
aiwpa [f.] ‘swing, hammock, noose, halter’ (Pl.). <?>
*DER aiwpéw ‘to raise, hang’ (Pi., IA), also -€opat ‘to hand, hover’, also prefixed with
ovv-, bmep-. Thence aiwpnotc (mainly medic.), ovv- (PI.), bitep- (Hp.); aimprpa (E.
[lyr.], Lyc.).
*ETYM Previously, an intensive (iterative) verb *Fat-Fwp-éw was reconstructed, from
which *Fatfwpa > aiwpa was a derivation. This type is not accepted anymore.
Taillardat RPh. 57 (1983): 21-25 assumes *h,udr-eie- > *afwpéw (formation as in
TIwA€w, etc. to the root of deipw ‘to hang’); reduplication would then have resulted in
*arpafwp-, which would have given *afatwp- > aiwp- (like *afaipw > aipw). The
reduplication with af-af- seems uncertain to me, just like the development to *aFaj-
and its continuation as (df)-at- before a vowel.
Axddnuog [m.] name of a hero. <?>
*DER Axadrpeta the gymnasium in Athens where Plato taught, the Platonic school
(Ar.), hexadnpetac (Att. inscr., see LSJ Supp.).
*ETYM Generally identified with the first element of Exdepyoc (which derives from
*uek-m); and with the PN Boeot. rhexaSapoc, Thess. Fexe-; in Attic this form may
have been ‘Exadrpog (D. L., St. Byz.); but see Lejeune 1972: $2543, who objects that
the aspiration was lost.
Fur.: 309 separates it from these words and connects the Lydian TN Axadapic and
the Carian PN Axtadnuoc. Cf. also Tapkovéroc (Cilicia)? However, the names in
Greece seem to have (had) a F-, of which there is no trace in the Anatolian names.
The meaning of -dap- is unknown. If the word was Pre-Greek, the varying vocalism
can be better understood (assimilations are rare in Greek).
dxatva [f.] ‘spike, prick, goad’ (A. R.), Also ‘ten-foot rod’ in Thessaly (Bechtel 1921, 1:
116, 204), cf. dxatva dé got wETpov Sexamovv Oecodhwv evpepa (sch. A. R. 3, 1323;
Call. fr. 24, 6). In Egypt a measure of 100 square ft. (Hero, pap.). <GR?, PG?>
*ETYM Traditionally derived from the n-stem > dkwyv with the suffix -ta. However, it
may also contain the Pre-Greek suffix -atva (see Fur.: 171"”) added directly to the
stem dx-. The measure is in origin the same word; for the semantics, DELG
compares kahapoc, Lat. pertica, MoFr. perche.
axakaric, -idoc [f.] name of several plants (Dsc.). <PG(V)>
eVAR Cf. dkakaAdAic: d&v80cg vapxicoov. Kpijtec ‘flower of narcissus (Cret.)’ (H.).
kakadic: vapKiooog (H.), Kakkatia = otpbxvov brvwtikdv ‘sleepy nightshade,
Withania somnifera’ (Dsc. 4, 72 and 122). Further kaykavov = kax(k)ahia
“Mercurialis tomentosa’ (Gal., Paul. Aeg.).
48 aKaKnta
*ETYM Frisk assumes an Oriental origin, possibly Egyptian, but why? Fur.: 371, 277
(see also 138) compares kakahic and xaykavov, variants which prove a Pre-Greek
origin. Cf. also » dKkaxia.
a&kaxnta [adj.] epithet of Hermes (Il. Hes.) and Prometheus (Hes.), of unknown mg.
<>
*DER dkaKrotoc (Call.).
*ETYM If the glosses dxaxietc: ovvieic and dkaxtet ovwei are reliable, the word could
mean ‘ovvetéc (Hoffmann BB 17 (1891): 328). DELG rejects the glosses without
reason and assumes a meaning ‘benevolent’. Risch 1954: 395f. thinks it was built on
dkakosg, axaKag after untieta (which is not easy). See also Fraenkel 1956b: 168, and
LfgrE.
axaxia [f.] name of a tree or plant, ‘acacia’ or ‘Genista acanthoclada’ (Dsc.). <PG(V)>
eETYM Probably a substrate word; cf. » dxakahic. Fur.: 321 compares kaxKtoc. There is
no reason for an Oriental origin, as DELG assumes. Kramer ZPE 97 (1993): 146
compares Coptic kaxe, keke, keke ‘dark’, the color of the wood of the acacia; the a-
would have been taken from &KkavOoc. This is unconvincing.
aKkadavOic eVAR = dxavic. = dkavOa.
axadappeitns [adj] only in é dxadappeitao Babvppdov Oxeavoio (H 422, T 434).
<GRP>
*COMP Similar axaddppooc (Orph.).
*DER The adverbial first member is only sparsely attested (Hes., Sapph.), and in
glosses like dkaAdv: ovyov, Mpaov, padaKdv ‘quiet, mild, soft’ (H.), axaddc [adv.]
(Eust.).
eETYM From dxaha-ppefé-tij¢, a compound of dkahda and » péw with suffixal -tn¢>.
Meier-Briigger Glotta 73 (1995): 9-11, derives the first member from the root *kelh,-,
seen in kéAadoc as ‘rauschend dahineilen’, and interprets 4-kadappeitis as ‘kein
rauschendes Fliessen habend, still fliessend’. See » a1} 2.
axaAngn [f.] ‘stinging nettle, sea anemone’ (Eup.). <PG?(v)>
eVAR Thphr. (HP 7, 7, 2) has axadvon.
eETYM Unknown; cf. Thompson 1947 s.v. There is no reason to suppose the influence
of dkav@a, etc. (Frisk). Semitic etymology in Lewy 1895: 50. Suffixal -b". is quite
common in names of trees and plants. The variation v/ 1 could point to a Pre-Greek
word, although there are no clear parallels to it.
dxavOa [f.] ‘thorn, thistle’, name of different thorny plants (Strémberg 1940: 17), also
‘backbone, spine’ of fish, snake, or man (Od.). < PG?>
eV AR Note dxavOoc [m.] ‘acanthus’ (Acanthus mollis).
*DER Many derived adjektives: dxdv@tvoc, dkavOwdijc, akavOiKdc, daxavOnpdc,
akavOrets ‘provided with thorns, etc.’. Further diminutive dxdav@tov; dxavOiac kind
of shark or grasshopper (cf. Stromberg 1943: 47, Stromberg 1944: 17); akavOic name
of a bird (‘goldfinch’ or ‘linnet’, cf. Thompson 1895 s.v.), also a plant name;
akavOvAXic bird name (Thompson s.v.), axavOiwv ‘hedgehog’, dxavOéa a plant,
aKkapdc 49
axavOewv and -O6wv ‘thorny break, spinetum’ dxavOnAr) mg. unknown.
Denominative verb dxkavOdopat ‘to be thorny’ (Thphr.).
*ETYM The basic meaning is ‘thorn’, whence ‘backbone, spine’. Usually, dxavoc
‘pine-thistle’ is considered basic, but a connection with dv@oc (as *akan-ant"o-; see
Frisk) is improbable. Analysis as a compound *a&x-av@a ‘sharp flower’ (Kretschmer
1896: 403 A. 1) is a type of etymology of the past. Belardi Rend. Acc. Linc. 10 (1955):
309-331 assumes an Indo-Mediterranean substrate word, connecting Skt. kant(h)a-,
but such combinations with Sanskrit are mostly incorrect, and the Indo-
Mediterranean hypothesis is quite doubtful. Most probable is a Pre-Greek substrate
element, though in this case there is no positive indication except for the ending in
short -a (see Pre-Greek); in this respect, there is no reason to assume a secondary
Greek formation (as per DELG). Niedermann Glotta 19 (1931): 8ff. connected it with
axahavOic = akavOic (Ar.), by metathesis of *axavOaNic.
dkavog [m.] a thistle, ‘Atractylis gummifera’, ‘dorniger Fruchtkopf (Thphr.).
<PG?(S)>
eVAR Also d&tkav, -voc (LXX).
DER dkavikds, dkavwdre, axaviw (all Thphr.), dkavov (H.).
*ETYM For the formation, cf. mAdtavoc, Papavoc, Tbavoc, etc; the word is mostly
derived from the root ax- ‘sharp’, but the suffix -avoc rather points to a non-IE word
(words like dxwv, dxovn confirm that the -a- is foreign).
dxaprs, -é [adj.] ‘small, tiny’ (Ar.). <2>
VAR Mostly in fixed expressions, e.g. €v akapet (xpdvov), dKapf ‘a moment’, of time
(Ar.); also katémecov dKapis TH déet ‘it was a hair-breadth escape’; odk dxapij ‘not
at all’. A form dkap is attributed to Antiphon (Taillardat 1962: $248).
DER cikaptatoc id. (D.), cf. Chantraine 1933: 49.
*ETYM Traditionally derived from xeipw, éxdpryv ‘to cut’ as ‘too short to cut’: TO
Bpayd, 6 obdé Keipat ofdv te (H.); this is doubtful. Perhaps ‘(not even a) louse’? See
PaKapt.
akapi [n.] ‘mite’ (Arist.). <PG?>
*ETYM Fur.: 371 connects it with kapvoc = @eip ‘louse’ (H.), which is quite attractive.
It is usually connected with » dxapric, s.v. DELG suggests a contamination of dKkapric
with xdpic ‘bug’. I would rather think that kdpic is cognate, as a substrate word, with
prothetic vowel and a/o interchange.
dxapva [f.] - dapvn ‘sweet bay’ (H.). <PG?>
*ETYM The word has been connected with » dxaotoc ‘maple’ (and further with OHG
ahorn), but this must be explained differently. dxapva is most probably a substrate
word (note the sequence -pv-).
akdpvav = axapvwe.
adkapov = dyxpav.
aKkapdc [m.]? - onpaiver tov éyKépadov tiv Ke@aAry ‘brain, head’ (EM 45, 13). <?>
50 adkaoKka
*ETYM Cf. éykapoc and {yxpoc, with the same mg, which point to év and xdpn
‘head’. It would be the only relatively certain instance of *h,nC- yielding a-, but
Nussbaum 1986: 72f. remains sceptical, as one would expect *dxpoc instead of
axapdc if the form is old.
akaoKka > ak1 2.
akaotog [m.] - 1] opévdap voc ‘maple’ (H.). <PG(V)>
eETYM We may posit *&Kap-otoc and assume that the word is cognate with Lat. acer,
-ris ‘maple’, OHG ahorn (which is sometimes connected with » dxkapva + dagvn H.,
s.v.), and Gallo-Rom. *akar(n)os ‘id.’ (Hubschmied Rev. celt. 50 (1933): 263f.); see
Pok. 20. For the formation, we may compare mAatdwotos, but the derivation from
*-id-to- (cf. Chantraine 1933: 302) may well be wrong. Since plant names are often
borrowed, and the formation is unclear, we may envisage a substrate origin. Fur.: 371
compares kdotov: EbAov. A®apiavec ‘wood’ (H.), and for the meaning o~évdauvov-
Evdov (H.), 0.c. 164. A further comparison with kdotov ‘wooden parts of a wagon’
(0.c. 343) is less certain.
dkatos [f., m.] ‘light vessel’ (Thgn.), ‘boat-shaped cup’ (com.). <?>
*DER Diminutives axdatiov, which also denotes a kind of women’s shoe (Ar.), and
akatnvdptov (Olsson AfP 11 (1935): 219); further dakdtetoc, Ta aKatela (sc. iotia)
‘small sails’ (X.); axatic [f.] ‘millipede’ (Steph. Med.), see Stromberg 1944: 11.
*ETYM Probably a technical loanword. Often connected with dk- ‘sharp’ (see » ak),
but without any obvious reason. Winter 1950: 12 connected it with Kntryw; MAoIov
Ug ya we Kijtoc (H.), which could perhaps belong with > kijtoc instead.
axaxifw = dy ota.
a&Kxaxptévog [perf.ptc.] ‘sharpened’ (II.). <1? *h,ek- ‘sharp’>
eETYM From the root *h,ek- ‘sharp’; a reduplicated formation *aKx-ax-o-pévoc has
been suggested, which remains speculative.
oe
a&Kkéavoc [m.] a kind of leguminous vegetable (Pherecr.). <?>
eETYM Unexplained. For the overall structure, cf. ’Qxeavoc.
akevet = aKovw.
akéwv eVAR Also -Eovoa, -Eovte. = Akt 2.
ax 1 [f.] - aku) ot6pov ‘point of an iron tool’ (Suid., H.), cod. aixpr. <IE *h.ek-
‘point, sharp’>
VAR A parallel formation is axic, -ido¢ [f.] ‘needle, arrow, barb’ (Hp.).
eCOMP On -1k1)9¢ see > KN.
*DER From akic: axidtov ‘small barb’ (BCH 29, 572), axidwdn¢ ‘pointed’ (Thphr.),
axidwtdc ‘id.’ (Paul. Aeg.), also plant names like dxiSwtdv (Dsc.), passive verbal adj.
Ktdwpuéevoc (IG 2, 807), also compounded in axidoetdij¢ (Procl.). akioxAwv [gen.pl.]
(BGU 1028, 12; 16 [II?]), mg. uncertain, was borrowed from Lat. acisculum ‘small
pointed hammer of a stonemason’, cf. Schubart’s comment ad loc. Reduplicated
form in » dkwkr ‘point (of a lance, sword, etc.)’ (Hom., Theoc., Opp.), cf. dywyr.
akivaKns 51
*ETYM Probably from a root noun; see Schwyzer: 465. Derived from a root dk-
‘sharp’, seen in several other etyma. Not related to » dkatva, > dkavoc. See > dkwv,
P AKLT, P AKON, P AKpOG, & AKWV.
aKn 2 [f.] ‘silence, quiet’ (IL). <?>
eVAR Beside the instr. axa, ak@ (Pi.) only acc. axrv; in Hom. adverbial in axiv
éyévovto owwitn, which shows that the original mg. was ‘quiet, calm’; cf. dkiv hyec-
tovyiav tyyec ‘were bringing quiet or calm’ (H.).
*DER akéwv, -Eovte, -Eovoa is a ptc; the form in -wv became indeclinable (A 422).
The optative dxéotc (A. R. 1, 765) is a late creation.
akrviov- Tovxov “quiet? (EM 48, 1); dkaoka = movxwc ‘quietly’ (H., Crat. 126),
axaoKd (Pi. fr. 28), formation unexplained; akahd [n.pl., adv.] (Hes. fr. 218, Sappho
43 LP); dxadav (Sappho 68, 86 LP); axaddv: ijovxov, mpdov, LaAakdv “quiet, mild,
soft’ (H.); this adverb also in dkahappeitao < dkada-pefe- (Il.).
*ETYM It may be connected with » ha, assuming ablaut.
akrpatos [adj.] ‘undamaged, intact’ (Il.). <?>
eVAR aképatoc ‘id.’ (Hdt.).
*DER &knpdotoc ‘pure’ (Od.), ‘untouched’ (h. Merc., AP). Similar formations are
axrpioc ‘undamaged (by the xijpec)’ (Od., epic), axépatoc ‘unharmed, undamaged’
(IA). From aképatoc: aKepaidti (Plb.), dkepatoovvn (Suid.), akepatdopat (Eust.).
eETYM An epic and poetic word. It is unnecessary to assume a second, independent
word meaning ‘pure’ (Od.), as Frisk does. DELG pleads for a unified meaning
‘intact, pure’. Perhaps, axrpatoc (not from kypaivw, A. Supp. 999) was metrically
lengthened from *axépatoc, from the stem of xepa-iCw ‘to destroy’, but influence of
knp is improbable. In some cases, the meaning may have been influenced by
> Kepdvvupt ‘to mix’. Lee Glotta 39 (1961): 191-205 connects it with » xeipw, but this
leaves the formation unexplained.
aKtdvdc [adj.] “weak, small’ (Od.). < PG?>
eVARAKLOpOc (Cyr.).
DER AktdpwrdCw: duBAvwita ‘to be dim-sighted’ (H.).
*ETYM Unexplained. The element -5v- may point to a substrate word. In view of the
variant with -p-, Fur.: 388 assumes a substrate word with v/ p, though the
interchange is rare (cf. mpdxvic). At 360, he compares oxidapdv- dpatdv ‘thin,
slender’ (H.), which cannot be considered certain. Frisk also compares dKipdc ‘weak’
(Theoc.); cf. dkipi do8evij, odk émtetapéva “weak, not stretched’ (H.) and akipwc:
evrAabac, atpépuac “discreet, quiet’ (H.); but axipdc: Boppac ‘the north wind’ (H.)
cannot belong here. For the interchange 6/ p, Fur.: 388 gives only oifda, where it is
probably conditioned by the preceding 6.
akivakngs [m.] ‘short sword of Persians and Scythians’ (Hdt.). <LWw Pers.?, PG?>
eVAR Kivaxne (S. fr. 1061); the t was long in Hor. Od. 1, 27, 5.
*ETYM Perhaps an Iranian loan: Benveniste 1940b: 202 compares kyn’k; see further
Bailey TPS 1955: 69. However, kivaxrj¢ in Sophocles (Belardi 1969: 202) could suggest
that the word is Pre-Greek rather than Iranian. It is supposed that dxivayya =
52 aKipic
tivaypia (Lyr. Adesp. 30 B) and daxivaytdc: tivayidc, Kivnots ‘stirring, movement’
(HL) arose under influence of axtvaxng (Mansion 1904: 64).
axtpic [2] - Abyvoc ‘lamp’ (H.). <PG?>
eVAR Cf. kippic (Lacon.) for Ady voc (EM 515, 17), also xiptc (H.).
eETYM Unknown, but it may well be Pre-Greek in view of the variations.
dxtvog [m.] ‘wild basil, Calamintha graveolens’ (Dsc. 3, 43). <PG(V)>
eVAR Also dkovog (ibid.).
eETYM The vowel interchange, though rare, may point to a substrate word. See Fur:
191.
aKipds = aKidvdc.
aka, -ov¢ [f.] ‘bogey’ (Plu. 2, 1040b), acc. to others (Zen. 1, 53) ‘vain woman’. <PG,
ONOM>
DER Also as a PN (Plu.); axxiCoptct [v.] ‘to adorn oneself (P1.).
*ETYM A ‘Lallwort’ or nursery word; cf. Lat. Acca (Larentia) and Skt. akka (gramm.).
Cf. also axka: yuvi} érti trwpia StaBahAopevn, i] paotv évontpiCoptevnyy TH idia eikdve
we Etépa SiahéyeoBat ‘woman slandered to be crazy, etc.’ (Suda 1, 87).
ax} [f.] ‘point, edge; culminating point, prime, zenith’ (II). <1E *h,ek- ‘point, sharp’>
eVAR The acc. cpu is used adverbially in the sense ‘as yet, still’.
DER dxjtatog ‘in full bloom, timely’ (A.), axunvoc ‘full-grown’ (191). Denominative
verb axpdtw [v.] ‘to be in one’s prime’ (IA); thence: 1. axtacti¢ = axpatog (Hdn.),
oi akpaotai name of a gymnastic club in Thyatira (inscr.); 2. dxpiaotikdg = axuatoc
(Hp., Gal.).
*ETYM Derivative in - 1) of the root in » dxn, » dKpos, etc.
a&ixpnvog [adj.] ‘fasting (from food) (II, only in T). <1E *kemh,- ‘get tired’>
eETYM A scholion on T 163 derives it from Aeol. dxjta, which Hesychius explains as
vijoteia, évdeia ‘fasting, need’. Bechtel 1914 compares koiWoa- yétovoa ‘filling’ (H.),
which would point to privative d- and a zero grade -x- ‘to fill’; this is highly
uncertain. Fur.: 369 compares Old Georg. si-qmili ‘hunger’, etc., which is very
uncertain too. Blanc 1999: 317-338 proposes a derivation from *kemh,- (kdutvw) in the
sense ‘to care (for)’, which yields ‘not properly cared for, neglected’ (see also DELG
Supp.). This seems attractive (cf. toAdKtNTOG).
akpwv, -ovosc [m.] ‘anvil’ (l.), also ‘meteoric stone’ (Hes. Th. 722), = ovpavdc fj
oiSipov ‘heaven, iron’ (H.), = ddetpiBavoc, Kimptot ‘pestle (Cypr.) (H.). IE *h,ek-
mon- ‘stone, heaven’>
*COMP axjt6-8etov [n.] (Hom.) ‘base of an anvil’, with the root of » tiOnu.
eDER Diminutive ak,oviov (Aisop.).
*ETYM Old word for ‘stone’, found in several languages: Skt. dsman- [m.] ‘stone,
heaven’, cf. the glosses meaning of diqwv as ‘heaven’; Av. asman- ‘stone, heaven’,
OP asman- ‘heaven’; Lith. akmuod, -efis ‘stone’ (with regular depalatalization before
m; asmens ‘sharp side, edge’ with as- from other positions). The relation of these
words to OCS kamy, -ene ‘stone’ and the Germanic group ON hamarr ‘hammer’
aKOVITOV 53
(originally made of stone) is much discussed. One supposes the root ak- ‘sharp’ in
> ax, etc. On these questions see the litt. in Mayrhofer EWAia 1: 137, e.g. Maher JIES
1 (1973): 441ff. and Mallory & Adams 1997: 547.
> om»
akviyotis [f.] ‘backbone’ (A. R. 4, 1403: én’ Gxvyotiv); name of a plant (Nic. Th. 52).
<GRPE
*ETYM It is supposed that kat’ dkvijotiv stands for older kata kvijottv ‘rasp’ (K 161),
(Wackernagel Glotta 2 (1910): 1, Fraenkel Glotta 4 (1913): 42, Leumann 1950: 49); on
KVIJOTIC see & -Kvaiw.
dKotty¢, -ov [m.] “bedfellow, husband’ (Il). <1£ *kei- ‘lie, be situated’>
*COMP mapdaKottic (I].).
*ETYM Secondarily built on dkortic [f.], on which see Chantraine REGr. 59-60 (1946-
1947): 225f.: the idea that the woman is the one sharing the bed of the man is more
natural than the other way around; also, the feminine is more frequent. With
copulative a- and Koit1 or Koitog ‘bed’ (Chantraine 1933: 26ff. and 113f.). The psilosis
may be analogical after dAoxoc or dialectal (Lesbian, Ionic). See > keipa.
aKoAog [m.] ‘bit, morsel’ (p 222.). <PG?>
eVAR Boeot. acc. to Stratt. 47, 7.
*ETYM Possibly of foreign origin; cf. Phrygian Bexocg axxahoc (Haas 1966: 84). A
connection with Skt. agndti ‘to eat’ does not explain the formation. A suggestion by
Fur.: 371 is to connect it to KdAov, a type of food preserved in pots (pap. III*); Ath. 6,
262a and Eust. explain it as 7 tpogr. Nothing suggests an identity with d«vAoc
acorn’.
ax6Xov8o¢ [adj.] ‘following; corresponding’ (Att., com.).
eVAR Often substantivized [m., f.] ‘follower, companion’.
*DER Diminutive dxoAovBicxocg (Ptol. Euerg.), abstract dKodov@ia ‘retinue,
attendants; sequence, succession, consequence’ (S., Pl.), mostly as a philosophical
term. Denominative dxoAov0éw [v.] ‘to follow’ (Ar.), whence axkodovOnotc (Arist.)
and dxodovOntikdc [adj.] (Arist.).
*ETYM Derived from » ké\ev80¢ ‘path’ with copulative a-. The double ablaut seems
surprising, but there are parallels (see Van Beek fthc.b); it does not point to vowel
assimilation.
ax6évn [f.] ‘whetstone’ (Pi.). <IE *h.ek- ‘sharp, point’>
*DER akovaw [v.] ‘to whet’ (IA), nominal derivations axévnotg (H., Suid.), axovnti¢
(Ed. Diocl., Hdn.); further dxéviov name of a medicine for the eye (Dsc.), dkoviac
fish name (Numen. apud Ath. 17, 326a).
*ETYM Formation in -dvn like nepdvn, BeAovn, etc. (Chantraine 1933: 207), with ax-
as in P dKn, » dk}, etc. For the suffix -n-, cf. Pdkwv.
akovitov [n.] the poisonous plant ‘Aconitum’ (Thphr.), but also other plants, see
André 1956. <PG?>
*DER dkowitikdc (X.).
54 aKopva
*ETYM Derived by the ancients from dxowti ‘without dust’, ie. without struggle /
fight (axkévitog Q. S.), therefore ‘invincible’, because of its deadly effect.
Semantically, this is hardly possible. Cf. Jiithner Glotta 29 (1942): 73ff., Stromberg
1940: 150 A.1. Fur. 121 connects it with kovi, k@voc. A substrate word is in any case
probable.
axopva [f.] ‘fish thistle, Cnicus Acarna’ (Thphr.). <PG(v)>
VAR (0) dpvog, see below.
eETYM On the final short -a, see Chantraine 1933: 100ff. Stromberg 1944: 17 compares
KOpvoc: KevTpoLtupoivn, Likedoi ‘butcher’s broom (plant name)’ (H.) and oxdpvoc:
Kdpvoc, [tupoivn TO @uTdv ‘myrtle’. It seems possible that dxopvdécg (OKopvdc)
‘grasshopper’ derives from dxopva (Stromberg), cf. dxavOiac ‘grasshopper’ beside
d&xava ‘thorn, thistle’. The a- is a Pre-Greek prothetic vowel, and did not arise by
connection with dk- ‘sharp’. The variation 4-/ o-/ zero, the cluster -pv- and the short
-a all point to a Pre-Greek word.
dkopov [n.] ‘yellow flag, Iris Pseudacorus’ (Dsc., Gal.). <?2>
*ETYM The ancients derived the word from Kdpn ‘pupil of the eye’; it would be used
to care for the pupil. See Stromberg 1940: 98. Fur. 359 compares kvpa, which would
be the Libyan form (Ps.-Dsc. 2, 169).
dog [n.] ‘cure, medicine’ (Il.). <?>
*DIAL Myc. a.-ke-te-re /hakestéres/, ja-ke-te-re /jakestéres/.
*COMP d@-, €p-aKéopat (Delph.).
*DER Denominative verb axéop.au ‘to cure; repair’ (Il.). Thence 1. dxéopata ‘remedy’
(Il, Pi, A, inscr.); dxeopuds ‘healing’ (Call.), axéoptov- idowov ‘healing’ (H.); 2.
axeotc ‘healing’ (Hdt., inscr.); dxéowog ‘id.’ (Plu.) and dxéotocg epithet of Apollo
(Paus.), dxeoiac: iatpdc ‘healer’ (Phot.). 3. dxéotwp epithet of Apollo (E. Andr. 900),
fem. dxeotopic (Hp.), abstract dxeotopia ‘art of healing’ (A. R.). 4. dxeotrip
‘tranquilizing’ (yadtvdc, S. OC 714 [lyr.]), daxeotipiog ‘healing’ (App.) and
akeotHptov ‘tailor’s shop’ (Lib.); Axeotnpidnc PN (Styra). Feminines dxeortpic
‘midwife’ (Hp.) and dxéotpia ‘tailor woman’ (Antiph., Luc.). 5. akeoti¢ [m.]
‘patcher, tailor’ (X., Lyc.), fem. axeotidec “bars in furnaces’ (Dsc. 5, 74). Instrument
nouns: 6. dxéotpa [f.] ‘darning needle’ (Luc., pap.), 7. dxeotpov [n.] ‘medicine’ (S.).
Adjectives: axeotdég ‘curable’ (N 115, Hp., Antipho), originally from dxoc, but
interpreted as derived from dxéopai; akeotikh Téxvn ‘tailor’s trade’ (Democr., Pl.).
Also axn ‘healing’ (Hp.), probably from axéouat. From axr perhaps *&xuog (Cic.
Att. 10, 12a, 4), see Arbenz 1933: 93, Thomas 1912: 125ff. Also vijxeotoc (Hes.), which
(beside dvaxeotoc, Avrjkectoc) seems to be from *n-h,k-, but could be analogical in
view of the Myc. form with j-. PN’E&nxiac (Attica; Pailler Lettre de Pallas 4 (1996):
8).
*ETYM Etymology unknown. The compounds with dg- and éq-, as well as the Myc.
form with j-, seem to point to original yod. DELG’s reconstruction *iék-/iak- is
impossible, as *eh,/ h, would have resulted in *éx-. An original root *Hieh.k- seems
possible. It is quite thinkable that the psilotic forms are epicisms or Ionic forms. A
akpapvra 55
connection with Olr. hicc ‘healing’ has been suggested, but its relation to MW iach
‘healthy’ is uncertain (Schrijver 1995: 103).
axooth [f.] ‘barley’ (Nic. Al. 106). <2>
eVAR Gyootai, -éw (AB 213 [gramm.]).
*DER Denominative verb in the ptc. dxootijoac (Z 506, O 263) ‘well-fed’, of inmoc.
Unclear is dxéoTiAa- éXay.oTa ‘slightest, not at all’ (H.). kootai = dxoot (H.) may
have lost its vowel, see Kuiper 1956: 221.
eETYM Hesychius calls the word Cyprian; the scholion on Z 506, Thessalian, as a
word for food in general (cf. Bechtel 1921, 1: 204). It is compared with Lat. acus -eris
[n.] ‘chaff, Go. ahs and OHG ahir [n.] ‘ear (of corn) (see Frisk), but the analysis, in
which a suffix -tr with substantivizing function is added to *akos- (comparing Lat.
onus-tus, venus-tus and perhaps locus-ta), is rather weak; an e-grade *akes- would be
expected. Szemerényi Gnomon 43 (1961): 652 proposes *ako(n)sta < *akont-ta
‘barbed’, from the word for ‘javelin’, »dxwv. However, the forms with -y- and
kootai, if these are old, rather point to foreign origin. See » dyvn.
axotw [v.] ‘to hear’, also ‘to obey, be called’ (II.). <1E *h,keus- ‘hear’>
eVAR Perf. axijkoa. dkevet- THpel, KUmptot ‘watches (over), observes (Cypr.)’ (H.).
*COMP vynkovotéw < *y-h,k-. Often prefixed: bnaxovw ‘to be obedient’, bm1Koo<,
ETAKOV, ET]KOOG, KATAKODW, KATI}KOOS, etc.
*DER dkovur (Il.), aor ‘hearing, tiding; ear’ (with shortening in hiatus) < *akda <
akoha < *akowha < *akowsd. Diminutive dxotdtov (gloss.), denominative verb
axoaly akovets (H.), cf. the discussion on dxovd{oytat below, whence axoactijpec:
apxt] Tic mapa Metanovtiotc ‘kind of magistrature (Metap.) (H.). 2. dkovotc
‘hearing’, plur. ‘sounds’ (Arist.),.axotoylog ‘fit for hearing’ (S.). 3. dxovopa ‘sound,
rumor, (oral) teachings’ (S. OC 518 [lyr.], X., Arist.). Diminutive adxovopdtiov (Ps.-
Luc. Philopatr.), akovopatixds (Iamb.). 4. akovotiig ‘listener, pupil (Men., D. H.,
Phlid.), dxovotrptov ‘lecture hall, audience’ (Gal., Them., Porph.). 5. dkovotdc
‘audible’ (h. Merc. IA), dxovotitw ‘to make hear’ (LXX); dxovotixds ‘ptng. to
hearing’ (Arist., Epic.). Deverbative dxovd{opat [v.] ‘to hear, listen’ (Hom., Hp.),
rarely act. -d(w; formally, this could also derive from daxovr). Desiderative dxovoeiw
(S., H.).
*ETYM Related to Go. hausjan ‘to hear’ as *h,kous-ie/o-. dxobw is from *axovo-yu; cf.
a&Kovotds, Tikovopat. The primary verb may be found in the gloss dxevet. The word
has often been explained as a compound from dx- ‘sharp’ and otc, but this is not
certain. In support of such a compound, wt-akovotéw ‘to eavesdrop’ may be
compared within Greek. See > koéw.
axpars, -Ec = axpoc.
aKpatpvijc, -éc [adj.] ‘unmixed, pure, sheer; untouched, inviolate’ (E.). <PG(V)>
*ETYM Fur.: 159 compares axpanvijic (mss. Lysipp. fr. 9 apud EM 531, 56 = Et. Gud.
338, 15). If this is reliable, it is a substrate word (1/ @, a/ at).
akpauwAa = dypadauvaAa. ,
56 axpatifopat
akpatiCopat = kepavvyju.
aKpaXoAog [adj.] ‘raging passionately’ (Ar.). <1E *kerh,- ‘mix’>
DER Abstract axpaxonia, Ion. axpnyodin (Hp.); denominative axpayoréw [v.] (Pl.).
eETYM Literally “with unmixed bile”, from *axpat-xoAog, with *axpac = akpatog, cf.
&Kpntd-xodoc (Hp.) and ebkpac = etkpatoc ‘well-mixed’. Later, it was changed to
axpdxoAog (Arist.). Brugmann IF 17 (1904-1905): 174ff. assumes the same first
member occurs in axpryedoc: 7 ayabr (scil. yi) (H.). See > kepavvuLL.
aKpeuav, -dvoc [m.] ‘bough, branch’ (Simon.); on the mg. see Stroémberg 1937: 141f.,
54f. <PG(v)>
eVAR Accentuation after Hdn. Gr. 1, 33; the mss. mostly have -é,twv.
eETYM The old etymology with dxpoc is improbable, as the formation is unclear (see
Chantraine 1933: 172f.). It is most improbable that xpejidv (Eratosth.) is due to
> Kpeudvvupu. Like the etymology, it is a desperate attempt to reduce the word to
known elements. Fur.: 115 adduces dypepta@v: Kdpiak, Acyimtdc, Sdpv ‘pole, torch, shaft’
(H.), which shows that it is a substrate word.
axpibre, -g [adj.] “exact, precise’ (Hp.). <GR?>
eCOMP axpiBo-Aoyia (Arist.).
*DER axpiBeta ‘precision’ (IA); denominatives: 1. axpiBdw [v.] ‘to investigate
accurately, etc. (Att.), also intr. ‘to be exact’ (Arist.). Thence axpipwotc ‘exact
observance’ (J.) and axpiBwua “precise account, exact knowledge’ (Phld., Epicur.). 2.
axptiBevw [v.] ‘to use accurately, give precise instructions’ (S. E, Did., pap.). 3.
axpiBatw [v.] ‘to investigate accurately, etc.’, also pass. ‘to be proud’ (LXX, Aq.,
Thd.), whence axpiBaopidc, -acjta ‘precise investigation’, also ‘law, legislation’,
-aoTr¢ ‘investigator’, also ‘legislator’.
eETYM The explanation by Schwyzer Glotta 12 (1923): 12ff. that the word is from
axpoc and eibw with early itacism, is hardly acceptable. Tichy MSS 36 (1977): 151-172
explains the word from dxptc ‘mountain top’, in the dative-locative in -i, and Bijvat
‘to go’.
axpic, -ido¢ [f.] ‘grasshopper’ (Il.). <PG(V)>
*ETYM Hardly related to xpifw ‘creak’ (Strémberg 1944: 15ff), which leaves the 4-
unexplained. Winter 1950: 15 connects it to képxa: axpic (H.); Fur.: 127 accepts this,
comparing yéAytc next to dyAtc for the variation. Of course, a substrate word for a
grasshopper is not unexpected. However, Furnée’s further comparison with dxnpov-
axpida (H.) (< *axepdov [Bechtel 1921, 2: 671]) is less convincing.
akptotiv - KAémTplav, GAetpida, Ppvyrot ‘female thief, female slave who grinds corn
(Phrygian)’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Unknown. Kretschmer Glotta 22 (1934): 205f. suggested that the suffix -(i)stis
is Phrygian; a suffix -st- could be Pre-Greek.
axpodouai [v.] ‘to hearken, obey’ (X.), 6 axpowpevocg may secondarily mean ‘reader’
(Philostr.). <GR>
aktaivw 57
eDER axpdaotc ‘hearing, obeying’, also ‘lecture (hall)’ (IA). axpdéajta ‘what is heard’,
e.g. ‘rumor, lecture, song’ (X., Arist., Plb.), plur. also personified as ‘lecturer, singer’
(Plb.); thence axpoapatikds ‘fit (only) for hearing’ (Plu.); axpoatig ‘listener, pupil’,
also ‘reader’ (Att., Hell.), whence axpoatikdc; axpoatrptov ‘lecture hall, audience’
(Act. Ap. Ph., Plu.); axpodopat (Epich.).
eETYM Commonly derived from a univerbation of » dkpoc and » otc that denoted
the top of the ear, whence ‘to prick the ears, be keen to hear’ (Frisk GHA 56 : 3
(1950): 21); however, cf. Szemerényi SMEA 3 (1967): 69ff. The derivation is
straightforward semantically, but some formal difficulties remain.
akpoBvotia = 71608n.
axpos, -a, -ov [adj.] ‘at the farthest point, topmost, outermost’ (II.). <1E *h.ek- ‘sharp,
point’>
eVAR Old substantivized forms dxpa [f.], axpov [n.] ‘highest or farthest point,
headland, cape’, Hom. kat’ &xpng (1t6Atoc) ‘from the highest point down’, hence
‘completely, utterly’, also kat’ dxpnBev (which became kata xpfPev by association
with xapa); see Leumann 1950: 56ff.
eCOMP axpdmoAtc (Od.), the Iliad still has dxpr i6Atc, see Risch IF 59 (1949): 20;
axpars epithet of the wind (8 421, — 253, Hes. Op. 594) is often interpreted as
‘blowing vehemently’, but probably originally ‘blowing on/ from the heights’; also
adverbial axpaci mAetv (Arr.).
DER dixpte, -tog [f.] ‘hill-top, mountain peak’ (Od.), always plur., see on » 6«ptc; sing.
only Epigr. Gr. 1035, 8. akpatog ‘dwelling on heights’, epithet of several gods, also =
dxpoc (Opp.). axpia- AOnva év ‘Apyet (H.), also name of other goddesses, axpiat-
Ta dkpa tHv Opéwv ‘mountain-tops’ (H.). Substantives: dxpdtn¢ ‘highest point,
completion, perfection’ (Hp., Arist., Phld.). dxpwv, -wvoc [m.] ‘extremity’ (Hippiatr.
7), diminutive adxpwvdptov (ibid.), abstract dxpwvia (A. Eu. 188), probably
‘mutilation’ (cf. the discussion on dxpwtnptacpds below). axpwtrpiov ‘projecting
part, e.g. promontory, sternpost of a ship, etc.’, plur. also ‘extremities of the body’
(1A), probably directly from dxpoc, cf. deopde: Seopwtptov. From aKpwtrptov:
daxpwtnpiatw ‘to remove the stern, mutilate, amputate’ (IA), cf. daxpwtepijoat Kowau
i) Axpe@oat ‘to beat, render useless’ (H.), also ‘to jut out like a promontory’ (Plb.,
Str.). Verbal nouns dxpwtnptacpds (Dsc.), axpwtnpiacis (gloss.). Denominative
verbs to dxpoc: axpitw ‘to go on tiptoe’ (E.), ‘tad axpa éoBietv’ (sch. ® 12); on
aKpdooe akpoatat, Exwv oby bitaKovel, MpooToLeital (H.) see Frisk GHA 56 : 3
(1950): 22.
*ETYM The root *h,ek- is widespread in IE, and several r-derivatives from it are
found: Skt. dsri- [f.] “corner, sharp side’, catur-asra- ‘quadrangular’, Lat. acer, -ris, -re
(with unexplained length), Gaul. Ayrotalus PN ‘with high forehead’, Olr. ér ‘high’,
OLith. astras, OCS ostro ‘sharp’. Hitt. hekur ‘rock sanctuary’ is unrelated; cf. Puhvel
HED sv. See further > &kn, » aku, and » Sxpic. A connection with the root *h,ek-
has been assumed unjustly for many words, e.g. » akan, » akdoTn, and > dKopva.
axtaivw [v.] ‘to erect’ (A.), of otdotv, Baotv. <?>
58 axtéa
eVAR Aor. axtatv@oat (Anacr.), see Immisch PhW 48 (1928): 908. Unclear are
axtailwv: axtatwy, mpo8vuotpeEvos, 7} Oppijs TANPav, H pretewpiCwv ‘willing, full of
impulse, or lifting (the spirit? (H.), axtaiverv- etewpiletv ‘to lift (the spirit)’ (H.);
broaKktaivovto: étpeliov ‘were trembling’ (H.), as a v.l. for brepuctaivovto (w 3), of
166ec. Also anaktaivwv: 6 ktiveioBat 1 Svvdttevoc ‘unable to move’ (H.).
*ETYM The only suggestion is that it derives from dyw through *axtdw or *dKtw (cf.
Schwyzer: 705f., Schwyzer 1937: 70), but this is doubted by DELG. Cf. Bechtel 1914.
axtéa [f.] “elder-tree, Sambucus nigra’ (Emp.). <?>
°VAR Contracted axti}; also axtéog [m.].
*DER GKttvoc (Thphr.).
eETYM On the suffix -éa, which forms tree names, see Chantraine 1933: 92 (itéa,
mtedéa). Witczak Linguistica Baltica 1 (1992): 201-211) connects it with Arm. haci
‘ash’, which he disassociates from » 6&ba. Borrowed from Greek are Lat. acte (Plin.)
and OHG atuh, at(t)ah.
dtr 1 [f.] ‘promontory, rocky coast, rough shore, edge’ (II.). <PG?, IE?>
eDER dktatog, -a, -ov ‘located at or belonging to the coast’ (Th., Hp., Call.); the fem.
axtaia is also the name of a plant (Plin.); see Stromberg 1940: 115 (also on dktiov and
axtivn). dxtiog epithet of Pan (Theoc.) and Apollo (A. R.), dktiov = daxti} (Ael.).
axtitng [m.] ‘who lives on the coast’ (A. P.), axtitng Ai8oc “stone from Piraeus or
Argolis’ (IG, S.). axtaCw [v.] ‘to banquet’ (which would derive from *‘to banquet on
the shore’, Plu. 2, 668b) is rather from > axtr 2.
eETYM Derivation from ax- ‘sharp’ is possible acc. to Friskand DELG, but if Fur.: 127
is right in comparing 6x9n, -oc¢ ‘shore, bank’ (which seems quite convincing), it
could be a substrate word (variations a/ 0, «t/ x8). Cf. > aKtH 2.
ath 2 [f.] ‘corn’ (IL), often Anpttepos or aAgitov ath, for which reason it cannot
mean ‘flour’, as DELG rightly points out. Cf. axtr; tpogr ‘nourishment’ (H.).
<PG(V)>
*ETYM There is no trace of initial digamma. Fur.: 127 compares *6x0n in » evox8oc;
see also ibid. 320 on doxn. This evidence cannot be ignored, and dxth ‘corn’ is a
substrate word. Skoda 1993: 275-283 thinks that the word means ‘ear (of corn) and
therefore belongs to ax- ‘sharp’.
axtnpic, -idog [f.] ‘staff (Achae. 21), ‘bar of wood supporting a chariot-pole’ (Poll. 10,
157). <>
eETYM Unknown. The explanation as a univerbation of axtaivw (*axtdw) and
épeidw (Frisk) seems most improbable.
atic, -ivog [f.] ‘ray, beam of light’ (IL), also ‘spoke of a wheel’ (AP). <?>
*COMP Frequent as a first member.
*DER aktivwtdc ‘provided with axtivec (inscr. Delos IV* Michel 815, Ph.), axtiv@dn¢
[adj.] ‘like beams’ (Philostr.), axtivnddv [adv.] ‘id’ (Luc.).
*ETYM atic is built like dedgic, yAwyic, and wédic, and probably derived from a noun.
It resembles Skt. aktu-, but the meaning of the latter is very difficult (see Renou 1937:
6; Kuiper Vak 2 (1953): 81f., 89f.); one meaning seems to be ‘night’, another has been
ahaBaotoc 59
derived from afij- ‘to smear’, but Kuiper thinks it means ‘ray, light’. This has been
connected with *no/ek"t- ‘night’, the zero grade of which is also found in Go. uhtwo
[f:] < PGm. *uyytwon- < *gk”t-u-n-) ‘dawn’ (Lith. anksti ‘early’ requires an initial
laryngeal, which excludes derivation from ‘night’, as Gr. vi& shows that there was no
laryngeal.) Relation of axtic to the word for ‘night’ is excluded, however, as it shows
no trace of a labiovelar. Thus it remains without an etymology.
dxvdog [m., f] the edible acorn of the Quercus Ilex (k 242). <PG(S)>
eETYM Connection with Skt. asndti ‘eat’ or with » dkoXoc is improbable. It is rather a
substrate word (Fur.: 255) because of aKvAaiov, since -vA- is a frequent Pre-Greek
suffix.
axwx1 [f.] ‘point of a lance or sword, etc. (IL, Theoc., Opp.). <I *h,ek- ‘sharp, point’>
*ETYM Reduplicated formation of unknown structure: *h,(e)k-h,ok- or (hardly
feasible) *h,k-o-h,k-, from the root *h,ek- ‘sharp’ (see » x1).
c&ixwv, -ovtog [m.] ‘javelin, dart’ (Il.). <1E? *h,ek- ‘sharp, point’>
eDER Diminutive dxdévttov (h. Merc. 460, Hdt., Pl.), dxovtiac [m.] ‘kind of snake’,
also ‘meteor’, because of its speed (Nic.), dxovtiAog [m.] = aKkovtiac ‘id’ (H.). Verb
akovtiCw [v.] ‘to throw a javelin’ (II.), verbal nouns 1. dxovtiotuc ‘game of the dart’
(IL.); 2. axdévttotc ‘throwing the javelin’ (X.); 3. dxovtiopdc ‘id., shooting (of stars)’
(X., Str, Arr.); 4. dxdvtiopta “distance of a dart’s throw’ (X.), ‘javelin’ (Str. Plu.); 5.
axovtioia = axdvticig (SIG 1060, 1062), cf. Chantraine 1933: 86. Agent nouns:
akovttotii¢ [m.] (Il.), cf. Schwyzer: 500a; more recent axovtiotip ‘id.’ (E.); also used
as an adjective in Opp. and Nonn.; axovttotip also as ‘spring, fountain’, see Zingerle
Glotta 19 (1931): 72f. Further dxovtiotnptov ‘ballista’ (Agath.); axovtiotikds ‘ptng. to
throwing the dart’ (Pl., X.).
eETYM dkwv is considered to be a derivative -n- of the root in » axi, etc. But there is
no proof for this, as » dxatva need not be a derivation of the stem of dxwv, so
perhaps the -vt-suffix is original. From other languages, we can compare Skt. asdni-
‘point of an arrow’, Lat. agna ‘ear (of corn)’ (which could be a substrate word, cf. De
Vaan 2008 s.v.), Gm., e.g. Go. ahana ‘chaff, and ON 9gn, pl. agnar ‘id’.
GAGBa - pédav G ypaqopev ‘black [stuff] with which we write’ (H.); dAGBr: Atyvis,
onoddc, KapKivoc ‘soot, embers, crab’, bn 5& Kumpiwv papiAn ‘coal-dust (Cypr.)
(H.); GAGBn; GvOpaxec ‘coals’ (H.). <PG?>
eETYM See Petersson IF 34 (1914/1915): 241. Because of its structure, it is probably a
Pre-Greek word (note -aB-).
GAdBaotos [m.] ‘vase without handles for storing perfumes’, often made of alabaster
(Hdt.). <Lw>
eVAR Later dAaBdotpoc [m.], -tpov [n.].
*DER Diminutive dAaBdotiov (Eub.); further ahaBdotpiov [n.] and dAaBactpivn
(scil. AWotopia) ‘alabaster quarry’ (pap.); ddaBaotpitns (AiBoc) [m.] ‘alabaster’,
drkaBaotitic métpa (Callix.); ddaBdotpivoc (pap.); a\aBactpwv [m.] ‘alabaster
quarry’, dAoBaotpwvitng ‘worker in an alabaster quarry’ (pap.).
60 ahaBns
eETYM Sethe Berl.Ak.Sb. 1933: 888f. explained the form as Egyptian: *‘a-la-baste ‘vase
of the goddess .Ebaste’ (= Bubastis); this is doubtful. Fur.: 3297 uses the -p- as
evidence for a substrate word, but it could be analogical. The sequence -st- could be
Pre-Greek.
GAABNS > GAAGBN«.
dXalwv, -dvoc [m., f.] ‘charlatan, quack, braggart, boaster’ (Arist.). <?>
VAR Also as a adjective.
*DER GAalowxds ‘boastful’ (Hp., X., Arist.), dAafoviag = ahaCwv (Hdn.), ddafoobvn
‘bragging’ (Aq.).
*ETYM GAatwv is identical with the Thracian EN A\aCwyv. Perhaps it simply became
an appellative, just like vandal (though with a different meaning). See Burkert RhM
105 (1962): 5of. Of course, this interpretation remains uncertain. Implausible is the
connection with Hitt. halzai-' ‘to cry, invoke’ by Van Windekens KZ 100 (1987):
307f., which Kloekhorst 2008: 276f. analyses as *h,It-(0)i-.
aAaBepse [adj.] - yALapdv, NAtoBepéc ‘warm, warmed in the sun’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM Unknown.
aAaka interjection (Pi.), also personified AAaAG. <ONOM>
eVAR Also dAadai (Ar.), also as a plur. substantive ‘war cry, exultation’ (Pi.).
*DER GAaAntdc [m.] ‘cry of war, of fear, of victory’ (Il.); improbable Leumann 1950:
211 (connecting dAdAnpat ‘to wander’). Denominative verb dhahdtw ‘to call ddara’
(mainly poetic), whence dAaAaypid¢ (Hdt., E, Arr.), dAdAaypta (Call. Plu.), ddadkayn
(S.).
eETYM An elementary cry, like Skt. alala-bhdvant- (RV, ‘making cheerful’, of water).
See Theander Eranos 15 (1915): 98ff. and Kretschmer Glotta 9 (1918): 228ff. Cf.
> éXeAed, & OAOAVTW.
GAaAvyé, -vyyos [f.] ‘gulping, choking’ (Nic. Al. 18). <ONOM>
eETYM One suggests contamination of \vy§ ‘hiccup’ and another word, like » dAtw
or Pp dAdoptat; this is not very convincing. Does it contain dAaAd? It is rather a
primary onomatopoeic formation (with the Pre-Greek element -v[y]y-).
aAdopat [v.] ‘to wander, roam; to be banished’ (Il.). <IE *h,elh,- ‘wander, roam
about’>
eVAR Aor. dAnOnv (Hom.), perf. dAdAnoBa, adaAnpevoc (Hom.) with present mg.
(cf. the accent, see Wackernagel Gott. Nachr. 1914: 117f., Chantraine 1942: 190). Late
ddaivw (see Schwyzer: 733).
DER Deverbal An (Od., Hp., trag.), whence ddeia (AB, H.); aArty¢ [m.], also [adj-]
‘wanderer, rover; vagrant’ (Od.), Dor. dddtac, also a PN; dAjjttc, -50¢ [f.] ‘beggar,
refugee; roaming about’ (Od, Hdt, trag.), aAntkdg (D. Chr.). To dArrtns
denominative aAntevw [v.] ‘to roam about (as a beggar or refugee)’, thence aAnteia,
dAateia (A., E. [lyr.]). Rare dAntip name of a dance (Aristox.), dAntwp: iepetc
‘priest’ (H.), perhaps originally “beggar priest”, on which see Masson RPh. 89 (1963):
214-218.
GAACTOSG 61
Further aAnpwv ‘roving’ (Od.), aAnptootvn (Man.). Action nouns: dAnti¢ ‘roving’
(Call., Man.), GAna Odoitopia ‘journey’ (H.). dAdAayé 7 wWAGvn ‘wandering’ (H.)
has a strange formation; acc. to Leumann 1950: 211 also GAaAnt® (II 78), but cf. on
> dada.
eETYM cAcoptat is an old intensive verb in -dojtat, which can be compared with Latv.
aludt ‘id’ and PIt. *ala- in Lat. ambulo ‘to walk’, U amb-oltu ‘must go around’. LIV”
reconstructs a root *h,elh,- for PIE. See » dAgoptal, > dALoG, & AAW, » RAdoKW.
dA.adc [adj.] ‘blind’ (IL, trag. [lyr.], A. R.). <2
eVAR Cf. kK 493 = | 267 LdvtLog (-No0¢?) dAaod, which provides a metrical problem.
*DER Denominative verb dAadw (Od., AP), cf. Wackernagel 1916: 127. Thence
aAawtuc (i 503) ‘blinding, blindness’.
*ETYM No etymology. The explanation from » Adw ‘see’ is problematic, as a privative
formation should have barytone accentuation. A. B. 1095 says that the word was
Cypriot, which may mean that it belongs to the Achaean layer in Homer (Ruijgh
1957: 160). The usual word for ‘blind’ is » tupAdc.
dXanatw [v.] ‘to drain, plunder, destroy’ (Hom.). <PG(V)>
evAR Aor. GAdmaka, fut. dAamdEw. The future Aandketv is found twice in A. (Th. 47,
531; doubtful in Ag. 130); pres. A\attacow ‘to empty’ is used as a medical term. A. Eu.
562 probably has Aamadvév (cod. Aén-) = aAanadvdév. Cf. further AaMdCerv:
ékkevodv, ag’ ob Kai TO Spvyia ‘to empty out, whence also digging’ (H.).
*DER GAattadvoc ‘exhausted, feeble’ (Hom.), often with negation, and with analogical
-6- (Schwyzer: 489); dAantadvootvn (Q. S.).
eETYM A connection with Skt. dlpa- ‘small’ and Lith. alpstu ‘to faint’ is formally
impossible. The interchange of the prothetic vowel points to a substrate word. Fur.:
371 compares Aattapdc (like axtdvdc : dxipdc), which is not evident semantically. The
original meaning seems to have been ‘to empty’; cf. the compounds with é-. The
word has been compared (but hardly correctly) with Aama8oc, Aandpn by DELG and
Fur.: 371.
drapa : TO tod Sdpatos eic TOV abAOv Tij¢ EtSopatidoc gunisttov. Kapva TlovtiKcd.
<kai dévdpa dAdapiat> ag’ dv yivetat Ta Sdpata (H.), cf. EM 57, 53. <PG(V)>
eVAR éAdpal: TA év TH ALVAD TOV Sopatwv appoCdpeva (H.).
eETYM The interchange a/ ¢ clearly points to a substrate word. See Fur.: 347.
GAactos [adj.] uncertain mg. (also of related words), see DELG. Perhaps ‘insufferable’,
as an epithet of mévOoc and dyoc? Perhaps ‘accursed’ as a vocative (GAaote, e.g. X
261)? <%>
eDER Original noun aAdotwp ‘avenging spirit’ or ‘he who does deeds which merit
vengeance’, either from dAaotéw or directly from d&aotosg; attributively of gods, but
also of men; a PN in Hom. Also addotoposg (A., S.); derivative ddaotopia (J.).
Denominative verb dkaotéw (Hom., Call.), émadaotioacs (a 252), denoting an
emotion, perhaps ‘full of wrath’, or ‘distraught’? Also d\actaivw- Svorabéw ‘to
suffer a hard fate’ (H.).
62 dAyoc
eETYM Uncertain. One connects » AavOdvw, assuming an original meaning ‘one who
cannot forget or be forgotten’. Frisk correctly considers it formally impeccable, but
hypothetical with regard to the meaning. DELG accepts it. Muller’s explanation
(Muller in Teeuwen 1929: 640ff., Muller Mnem. 57 (1929): u16ff.), that it is from
> Adw ‘to see’ with a- from *y-, zero grade of év (“invisus, invisor, qui invidendo
nocet”), is artificial and formally problematic (*h,n- giving év-).
dA yos [n.] ‘pain, grief (IL). <?>
*DER GAyetvéc ‘painful, grievous’ (A.) < *dAyeo-vdc, dAeyetvdc (epic), see > dAEyu;
aAyivoetc ‘id.’ (poet.), metrical device, see Chantraine 1933: 271; dAynpdc “id.” (LXX)
belongs to dAyéw (see below); dpyadéog ‘id.’ (Hom.), dissimilated from *&Ayad€o;
thence dpyaAedtn¢ (Ph., Eust.). Denominative verbs: 1. dA yéw ‘to suffer, be worried’
(IA), fut. -r}ow. Thence dAynotc ‘suffering’ (S. Ar.) and GAynpa ‘pain’ (Hp, S. E.,
Men.), further dAyndwv ‘pain’ (Ion. poet., Pl.); on adAynpdc see above. 2. dAybvw ‘to
cause pain’, , -oot ‘to suffer pain’ (trag.). Thence dAyvvoic (Phlp., Olymp.) and
aAyvvttip (Zos.). Primary grades of comparison dAyiwv and dAyiotoc (Hom., trag.).
eETYM The words is often connected with >» dAéyw. Although this has a different
meaning ‘to take care, mind, heed’, a development to ‘worry, grief is conceivable (cf.
MoDnu. zorgen ‘to take care’ beside MoE sorrow). Cf. Seiler 1950: 85, Seiler Word 1
(1955): 288, and Szemerényi 1964: 148ff, who defends the identity.
aXSdaivw [v.] ‘to make grow, strengthen’ (A.). <IE *h,el- ‘feed, rear’>
VAR TAdave (0 70 = w 368), rather impf. of dAdavw.
*COMP As a second member -aAdrj¢, in avaddije ‘infertile’ (Hp., Ar., Arat.), veaddrjc
(Opp.) and veoaAdij¢ (H.) ‘newly grown’, all direct derivations from the verb.
DER GA Sroxw intr. ‘grow’ (Y 599), also trans. (Theoc.), dAdtoxavw (Hdn. Gr. 2, 716).
Iterative preterite aAdrjoaoKxe (Orph. L. 370). Deverbal &ASn ‘growth’ (Hdn. Gr. 1,
311); GASreEls ‘growing’ (Max.), dAdrtoc ‘causing growth’ (Method. apud EM).
eETYM GAdaivw, HAdave, and dddrjoxw replace an unattested root verb, an extension
in -6- from the root of »dvaltog and »vedaArc; cf. » dAOaivw. The root *h,el- is
found in Lat. ald ‘to feed’ and Go. alan ‘to grow up’.
aA€a1 [f.] ‘warmth’, specifically of the sun (Hom.). <IE *suelH- ‘singe, burn’>
eVAR Ion. dAén. Perhaps also adéa, cf. on dAeaiverv below.
*COMP See > émaAr\c.
*DER dAgetvdcg ‘exposed to the sun, hot’ (Jon., X., Arist.), after @aeivdc etc.
(Chantraine 1933: 196); dAvKpdc ‘lukewarm’ (Nic.), after PaduKpdc or from false split
of 8 dAvKpdc? Cf. dAvKtpdv: evdtvov ‘splendid (of weather) (H.); dAedv- Beppov jj
xAtapdv ‘hot, warm’ (H.); dAerjc (S. Ph. 859), not aderjc as per Reiske. Denominative
verb: dAeaivw ‘to warm (oneself) (Hp., Archil., Ar. etc.), aspirated aA- in Attic acc.
to Eust. 1636. Thence dAeavtixds ‘fit for warming’ (S. E.). 2. dAedtw ‘to be warm,
warm up’ (Arist., Gal. H.).
eETYM Derived from the verb seen in Germanic and Baltic (OE swelan ‘to burn
slowly’, MoHG schwelen, Lith. svilti intr. ‘to singe’), with a suffix -éa (Chantraine
1933: 91). For *hpad-, this implies a reconstruction *sylH-e-, see »eiAn. The
etymology was rejected by Szemerényi Gnomon 43 (1971): 653, who connects it with
dheitns 63
MIr. allas ‘sweat’, Hitt. allaniia-* ‘to sweat, perspire’, as well as Lat. adoleo ‘to burn
(as an offering)’.
dAéa 2 = drEéopat.
aAéyw [v.] ‘to care for, mind, heed’ (Il), mostly with negation. <IE *h,leg- ‘care,
mind’>
VAR Only pres.
eCOMP 6vo-nieyrjs originally ‘who does not care, pitiless’, secondarily associated
with dAyocg (Hom.); av-nAeyrs ‘id’ (Q. S.), to be read for Hom. tavndeyric (Bechtel
Herm. 39 (1904): 155f., Leumann 1950: 45; cf. dvndeyéc: agpovtiotov ‘unmindful’,
probably for older *vnAeyne < *y-hleg-.
DER Enlargements dAeyitw and dAeybvw, both only pres. and impf.
eETYM Although there is no etymology, the structure of the word suggests an IE
origin. An identity with dAyoc is semantically improbable. De Lamberterie RPh. 71
(1997): 150 defends the connection with A€yw, which is unacceptable from the
perspective of laryngeal theory.
dAetoov [n.] ‘drinking cup with two handles’ (II.), also ‘hip socket’ (Marsyas apud Ath.
479C). <2>
VAR GtAetoog [m.] (Ar.).
*ETYM No etymology; probably a loan.
aAsitng [m.] ‘offender, criminal’ (Il.). <1E *h,leit- ‘offense’ (?)>
*COMP From the stem of the aorist dAtt6-Eevoc ‘offending against a friend’ (Pi.), with
metrical lengthening, e.g. HAtté-NVvog ‘missing the right month’, ie. ‘born untimely’
(IL.). vnAeitidec (Od.) to be read *vnAeiteec (Beekes 1969: 108f., 289), cf. vnAeitns
Antim. 177W; vnAgitnc: dvapdpty tos ‘blameless’ LSJ Supp; vnAttéec: dvap.dptntot,
avaitiot, [Axpro tot] “blameless, guiltless, [useless]’ (H.) with vn- < *g-h-leit-.
DER GAetteia: 1 duaptia ‘fault’ (Suid.); ablauting aAoitng ‘avenger’ (Emp.), Adofttic
epithet of Athena (Lyc. 936); dAortédcg ‘criminal’ (Lyk. 136); dAottai: Kotval,
auaptwAai, motvai “common, faults, requitals’ (H.); dAottiecoav Kotviyv, dvavdpov
‘common, husbandless’ (EM).
Zero grade aor. TjAttov, secondary pres. ddttaivw ‘to offend against, transgress’
(Hom.). From dAtteiv: ddttipwv ‘criminal but also ‘cursed’ (Il.), adAttnpootvn
‘crime’ (Opp.), dAitnpa ‘id. (AP). Also a&Attrptog ‘breaking the law’ (Att.); *aArtiip is
unattested, but is also suggested by dAitpia: 1) GuaptwAdc ‘transgressing woman’ (Et.
Gud. 2) and dditpdc (below); dAttnpds ‘id, (S. OC 371), if not a mistake for -rptoc in
aAttnpiwdng ‘cursed’ (Pl, D. C.). From dAttaivw further dAttpdc [m.] “criminal,
rogue’, also [adj.] (Hom.). Thence dAttpaivw = dAttaivw (epic poet.), also aAttpéw
(A. Eu. 316: dAttp@v codd, but ddttwv Dorat). Abstracts dAttpia (S, Ar.),
adttpoobvn (A. R., AP).
*ETYM On the relation of the Greek forms, see Tichy Glotta 55 (1977): 160ff. The
ablaut suggests an old IE form. The only cognate proposed is PGm. *laiba- in OHG
leid ‘harm’ and ON leidr ‘offensive’. On d\tthLwv, Keany Glotta 59 (1981): 76-69 is of
doubtful value.
64 aheigw
&Aigw [v.] ‘to anoint with oil’ (IL). <1E? *h,leib"- ‘ointment’, PG?>
eDIAL Myc. e-na-ri-po-to /en-aliptos/; a-re-pa-te /aleip"atei/; a-re-pa-zo-o /aleip*a-
zohos/ ‘boiler (Céw) of unguent’.
*DER 1. GAetpap, -atoc [n.] ‘unguent, anointing oil’ (Il) and GAepa [n.] (> Lat.
adeps), with -a perhaps from *-gt, Szemerényi SMEA 2 (1967): 23°. Thence
aderpatitns (4ptoc) “bread baked with oil’ (Epich.). 2. dAoipr ‘anointing, ointment,
grease’ (IA), adotpatoc [adj.] (Lyc. 579), also dAoigeiov ‘Salbungszimmer’ (Eust.), see
Chantraine 1933: 60f., and dAo1paw [v.] ‘to smear with pitch’ (Aq.). 3. dAeyic
‘anointing’ (Ion. Hell.). 4. dAewpa ‘ointment, unguent’ (IA), dAeimpdtiov (Diog.
apud D. L.) and dAepwpatw@dng (Hp.); Aeol. GAimma (EM 64, 40). 5. aAeipac [f.]
‘spreading [of ointment], shaving’ (pap.). 6. dAeiqiov @ yp@vtat oi dreintat ‘which
is used by anointers’ (H.). Agent nouns: dAeimtng ‘anointer, trainer of athletes’
(Arist. Hell.), dAeimtixdg (Plu.); aAeimtp ‘id.’ (Man.), fem. dAeiztpia (Lys., com.).
Thence, or directly from dAgigu, adeimt ptov (Alex. Com.). dAetpetc (inscr. Priene).
eETYM Generally connected with > Ainog ‘fat’, but this is impossible because of the
*-p- and the “prothetic” a-. A connection with » dAivw is formally (*h,lei(b")-) and
semantically easier. The suggestions by Szemerényi Gnomon 42 (1971): 653 are
improbable. Semantically close is Skt. limpdti ‘smear, stick, adhere’ (cf. Mayrhofer
EWAia sx. rep-), but Gr. -g- makes the comparison impossible (see »Aimoc);
perhaps it is rather related to Go. bileiban ‘to stick’, etc.? Cf. Pok. 670 (*leip-). In
principle, the interchanges observed could also point to substrate origin.
dAEKtpvwy, -6vos [m., f.] ‘cock’ (Thgn.). <GR?>
eDIAL Myc. PN a-re-ku-tu-ru-wo /Alektrudn/.
*ETYM The word seems to be built on dAéKtwp, -opoc [m.] ‘cock’ (Pi.), with the suffix
-vwvy, as in » dAKvwv ‘kingfisher’; however, note that the suffix is rare. dAék twp itself
is an agent noun from > dAé&w ‘to ward off.
aA€Ew [v.] ‘to ward off, defend’ (II.). <1E *h.elk-, *h,lek-s- ‘ward off >
VAR GAeEtjow, -noa (Hom.); without -n- med. aor. dAéFac8ai (Hom.), fut. dréFopsat
(S.).
eDIAL Myc. A-re-ke-se-u /Alekseus/; a-re-ko-to-re /Alektorei/.
*COMP As a first member dAe&(t-), e.g. in dreki-Kaxog (Hom.); also AAgbavdpoc,
from which comes the Hittite rendering Alaksandus. Sommer’s view that it is
Anatolian in origin (Sommer IF 55 (1937): 187ff., Sommer 1948: 186ff.) is now
abandoned.
*DER dAébtov ‘medicine’ (Nik.), GAektc “Hilfe, Abwehr’ (Aristid, EM). On ddéxtwp,
from which > dAextpvwv is derived.
From the stem with -n- (cf. dAeEjow): ddAgEnoic ‘defense, help’ (Jon.), aAéEnua
‘defense, medicine’ (Ion. poet.); dAeEntnp ‘defender’ (Hom.), fem. dAetrteipa (AP,
Nonn.), derivations dAe—ntrptog ‘helping out’, dAentipiov ‘medicine’ (Hp.,
Thphr.); dAeErtwp (S.); dAe—ntiKdc (Alex. Aphr.).
eETYM GAék- corresponds exactly with Skt. rdksati ‘to protect’. Besides dhe&-, a stem
a\k- exists in Greek; see » GAK1}. These continue *h,(e)lk-: *h,lek-s-, with a different
adn Bri 65
full-grade slot as in *h,eug-: *h,ueg-s-. A connection with Lat. ulciscor ‘to avenge’
presupposes *h,]- > *ol- (LIV? s.v. *h,elk-), and is not likely from the semantic side.
aA€optau [v.] ‘to avoid, shun, flee’ (I].). <1£? *h,Jeu- “escape, ward off (?)>
eVAR Also dAevetat (Hom.); aor. rAevato (Hom.); act. dAebw (trag. [lyr.]).
*COMP vers (Hom.) ‘inescapable’ < *y-h,leu-.
*DER Verbal noun ddéa ‘avoiding, escape, shelter’; - dAewpr “escape, shelter’ (l.),
dissimilated from *aAef-wAn (Chantraine 1933: 243). Denominative verb dAeeivw =
agonal, from a noun *dAef-ev-, perhaps an r/n-stem (cf. GAeap: ddewpiav A
moAvwpiav “a. or consideration’ H.), for which one expects *h,leu-r, gen. *h,lu-en-s.
dredtev Kptrtev i mpobddAev, Kal elpyerv, agavivew ‘hide, ward off, make
invisible’ (H.) either denominative to Aga or deverbative to dAgopau. A zero grade
of the root in dAvoxw (epic, trag.) ‘to avoid, flee’, fut. dAvEw with analogical &.
Enlargements to this are dAvoKdtw and dAvoKdvw (epic).
eETYM A connection with » dAbw is very doubtful because of its deviant mg. ‘to be
distraught, beside oneself’. LIV? s.v. *h,ley- ‘fernhalten’ follows Hackstein 1995:
214-216, who connects it with ToB dlyintrd [subj.] ‘they shall keep away’.
aA€w [v.] ‘to grind’ (Od., with kat-). <1E *h,elh,- ‘grind’>
eVAR Aor. fea (IA), epic dAeooa, perf. dAnAexa, -e(o)pat.
*DER 1. GAgata ‘wheat-groats’ (inscr. Milete [VI*]) < *aAéfata, also dAeiata (Hom.)
with metrical lengthening, cf. Schulze 1892: 226 and Hdn. 2, 472, 12, who explains
ddeiap from dAeap. Thematicized in dAevp-ov, mostly plur. dAevpa ‘flour’ (Hdt.).
Thence dAevptvog and ddevpwdn¢ (medic.), dAevpitns (Aptos). 2. dAntov, -ta ‘flour’
(Hp., Sophr.) with n after dtntoc or as the result of contraction of dAeat-. Thence
dAnowov: Mav TO GAnAEoLEevov ‘anything ground’ (H.), Lacon. dAnhtov (with h < *s <
*t before i). 3. dAetdc [m.] (Plu.) and a&Antdc¢ (Babr.) ‘mealing’. 4. GAgoic and c&Anotc
‘id’ (Gp.). 5. dAeoptdc ‘id.’ (J.) and GAeopa (EM), with secondary -o-. 6. dAnpa [n.]
‘flour’ (S.).
Agent nouns: évoc dA€étn¢ ‘grinder (upper millstone) (Gortyn, X.), also dvoc dAetwv
(Alexis). 2. dAetpic ‘woman who grinds corn’ (Hom.), dAetpebw ‘to mill’ (ep.).
Instrument noun: dAeotpov ‘fee for milling’ (pap.); adj. dAetixdc ‘of milling’ (pap.).
On dAetpiBavoc [m.] ‘pestle’ (Ar.) cf. Schwyzer: 263, 438.
Lengthened verbal stem aAn8w (Hp. Thphr.). Unclear ddivw = Xentbvw ‘to crush,
pound’ (Phot. ex S.); cf. dAtv[v] 6v- Guvdpov ‘dim’ (H.), see Giintert IF 45 (1927): 345.
eETYM dAéw is probably an athematic present *dAe- < *h,elh,- The formation of *dAe-
fap may be compared with Arm. aliwr ‘flour’ < *h,leh,-ur. The verb is Arm. atam.
Further cognates are found in Indo-Iranian, e.g. MInd. dtd ‘flour’ (+ Hindi, Bengali),
MoP ard ‘id’, Av. asa- ‘ground’ < *arta-. Cf. the PIE root *melH-, with the same
meaning, and > pdAevpov.
&AnOij¢ [adj.] ‘true, real’ (II.). <1E *leh,d"- ‘be hidden’>
DIAL Dor. GAGOr<. ;
*DER GAnOein, -eia ‘truth, reality’; younger is dAn@ed, Schwyzer: 469. Denominative
verb GAnOevw ‘to speak the truth’ (S.), dAnOiCopar ‘id’ (Hdt.); dAnBiCw (PHolm.) in
the technical meaning ‘to dye with genuine purple’. Late derivatives: dAnSevoic
66 adic
‘Wahrhaftigkeit’ (S. E.) and aAnQevtiic ‘who always speaks the truth’ (Max. Tyr.);
adj. dAnBevtikds ‘truthful, who loves the truth’ (Arist.). Enlarged aAnOtvdc (IA) and
&Ar8xd¢ (Ps.-Callisth.).
eETYM GAnOrj¢ is a compound with privative a-; the second member is either from
*hF]80¢ (Dor. AG80c¢) or ANP (Hom.), or from the verb An8w, AaB- ‘to be hidden, be
unknown’. Cf. Luther 1935.
aArjc [adj.] ‘thronged, crowded’ (Hdt.). IE *uel- ‘press’>
*VAR Or GAr¢: the spiritus asper is uncertain. It is regular in adr, but not for Dor.
ania.
*DER aXifw ‘to gather’ (Ion. poet.); abstract aAin “(public) assembly’ (Dor. dAia).
From it Dor. dAtaia ‘id’, Att. fAtata ‘tribunal’, where the f- must be a false Ionicism
of a Doric LW, see Meyer Phil. 48 (1889): 187. Thence tAtdCopat [v.] ‘to be seated in
the mAtaia’ (Ar.) with Ataoti¢ (Dor. aA-) ‘member of the 1, which may also be
derived directly from the noun after dtkaotijc: dikn, etc; adj. hAtaotikdc. Action
nouns: tAiaotc ‘being a member of the 1.’ (Att.), dAiacotg (Tegea) ‘meeting’; dAiacpa
unclear mg. (Gela). ddtaxtrp- tom0g év @ AOpoitovtat oi Likedoi ‘place where
Sicilians convene’ (H.). Cf. the month name AAtaiog (Dreros), to aXia.
*ETYM Aeol. > doAArjc has the same meaning as GAr\¢. If the formations are identical,
both may go back to *d-faAvij¢ or *4-FoAviic, with copulative d-, a- < *sm- and
*wa/oln- < QUE *-uJ-n-. We may suppose a noun *FéA-voc ‘crowd, throng’, suffixed
like €8voc, opfivoc (Chantraine 1933: 420), which would belong to »eidw. The
expected full grade may be found in the hapax deAAnc (I 13). Finally, dAavéwe:
odooxepa@c, Tapavtivot ‘completely (Tarant.) (H.) and afAavewc (meaning
uncertain, Elis) might also be the same word. Cf. » GAtc, » GoAAT<.
G&ABaive, -opat [v.] ‘to cure’, med. ‘to become whole and sound’ (Hp.). <IE? *h.el-
‘grow >
eVAR G)Oeto (II.). Fut. dASroopat, -ow (Il.). The fut. aA8éEopat (Aret.) was perhaps
formed after its opposite mupéEopat of mupéoow (but DELG comments: “Phypothése
reste en lair”); cf. also dA@eEtc ‘healing’ (Hp.). On these forms see van Brock 1961:
198-207 (“capricieuses formations’, all late).
Note dAGeiv: byidfev ‘to make sound’ (Hp. apud Gal. 19, 76); further presents
adOrjokw and ad8ioxw (Hp.).
*DER Glosses: GAOa: Beppacia i} Sepameia “warmth or heat, service’ (H.); GA8oc
pappakov ‘drug’ (EM); ad8evc: iatpdc ‘physician’ (H.); dABaivet at&e, Sepanevet,
bytaiver: pappakov yap dAGoc ‘increases, attends to, for dA80c means “drug” (H.).
aAOieIc ‘curing’ (Nic.) was formed directly to the verb. Probably the mythical name
Ad8aia, also a plant name, a kind of mallow (Thphr.), cf. Strémberg-1940: 81 (partly
incorrect); dAGicoxocg (Ps.-Dsc.), cf. synonymous iPioxoc. dA8eotrpia ‘medicine’
(Nic.), cf. yaptotrptia, etc. (Chantraine 1933: 63f.).
On the PN ‘AAO@ntoc, also ‘AAOn@oc, see Bechtel Herm. 56 (1921): 228 and the
mythical name Ad@aia, see below.
dria 67
*ETYM AA@aivw has often been connected to the root of » cvadtog (Schwyzer: 703 ),
*h,el-, seen in Lat. ald ‘to rear’, Go. alands ‘growing up’, etc. (see LIV’ s.v. and also on
> dddaivw).
However, DELG remarks that the word was originally used for the growth of scar
tissue, translating GA8eto xeip with “le bras se guérit”. The meaning ‘to heal’ is not
evidently connected with dA- ‘grow, feed’; the glosses systematically give the
meaning ‘to heal’ etc. Sepaneia may mean “medical or surgical treatment’; Beppacia
is less clear (is it a false reading?), and atfe also deviates semantically (is it for
> drhdaivw?).
The name AAOnr/@os is clearly Pre-Greek (cf. the river Aionmtoc), and perhaps the
mythical name AAOaia as well (the suffix -aia, -eta is also known in Pre-Greek
words); at any rate, we cannot be sure that the names belong to the verb.
An alternative etymology connects it with Skt. rdhnoti ‘to succeed, accomplish,
thrive’ (Rix MSS 27 (1970): 88 and Mayrhofer EWAia 1: 118 [taken up in LIV’ as
*held'-]).
aAiPac, -avtog [m.] ‘corpse, dead person’ (PI. Resp. 387c, H.), also of the Styx (S. Fr.
790) and metaph. of wine-vinegar (Hippon.). <PG>
eVAR dAiBac: veKpdc 1] Bpodxoc Tf MoTapds 1] Skog ‘corpse, Bpodxos, river, vinegar’
(H.); for other glosses see Peiffer ad Call. fr. 216 (v.l. a-; perhaps the vowel is long).
eETYM The ancient explanation as ‘sapless’, with privative a- and AiBdc, is based on
popular etymology. The conjecture of Immisch Arch. f. Religionswiss. 14 (1911): 449f.)
is incorrect. Kretschmer Glotta 28 (1940): 269 connected it with Etr. lupu ‘he died’
and Lat. Libitina, which is possible but uncertain. The deviant shape of the word, as
well as forms like dxpipac, KtAAiBac, AvKaBacs and KopbBavteg (which does not
belong to > Baivw), clearly point to a substrate origin.
aA1Bdvw [v.] ‘to sink, submerge into the sea; to hide’ (Lyc.). <PG>
eVAR Tzetzes ad Lyc. 351 gives aA up dijoa.
eETYM The ancients connected the word with dAc and *Bdv0w, which is allegedly
Aeolic for Svw, but this must be a popular etymology. The strange structure of the
word and the group -B5- make substrate origin almost certain. The elements aAt-
and -5tw may have been influenced by the Greek words.
aAiyKtos [adj.] ‘like, resembling’ (II.). <?>
eVAR More frequent is évaAtyxtoc.
eETYM Unexplained. The comparison with OCS lice ‘face, cheek’ etc. is uncertain.
The a- has been interpreted as the zero grade of év-, but this is not likely. See Beekes
1969: 25ff. contra Seiler KZ 75 (1957): 11-16. Note that an IE root cannot have the
structure *lein(k)-.
adila [f.] - AevKy tO dévdpov (tov -W@v ms.), Maxeddvec ‘Populus alba, abele
(Maced.)’ (H.). <EUR?>
*ETYM Kretschmer (Kretschmer Glotta 15 (1927): 305f., Kretschmer Glotta 22 (1934):
104f.) compared OHG elira, Go. *alisa in Span. alisa and Ru. ol’xa ‘alder’, as well as
old Germanic TNs and HNs, e.g. Alisa (Krahe Beitr. z. Namenforsch. 3 (1951-1952):
68 arin
165ff.); we may also compare the Thessalian place name OAtCwv. Hatzidakis Glotta 23
(1935): 268ff. assumes a loan in Macedonian from a northern language, supposing
that the suffix is the same as in pifa, pvla, Kdvuta. The word seems non-Indo-
European. For European substrate words in Greek, see Beekes 2000: 2iff.
ain - KamIpoc, Maxeddvec “boar (Maced.)’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Unexplained. E. Maaf’’s suggestion (Maaf§ RhM 74 (1925): 472) that it
originally means doOevic, advvatoc ‘weak’, and belongs to »dAtv (= HAiOlov,
Latatov, kevov, Aagpov [H.], s.v.) makes no sense.
adtxakKaBos [?] plant name, ‘Physalis Alkekengi’ (Dsc., BGU 1 120, 37). <GR>
eVAR Also -KaxaBoc, -KdkaBov? Cf. aAtkdxkaBa: 6 tod Awtobd Kapmdc. Kai mda¢
eldog ‘fruit of various plants; kind of grass’ (H.).
eETYM Plant of which the fruit resembles a kaxkaBoc; dAt- would mean ‘salt’, thus
‘salt-cellar’? See Amigues Journal des Savants 1984: 151-154.
GAuKvpKys - PvAAG UNKwvoc pETA SEovG AetavOEévta. i} DTdTPIWYWLA EK TAELOVWV KPEWV
‘leaves of the poppy pounded with vinegar, dish consisting of various kinds of meat’
(FL). <2>
eETYM There is no support for Latte’s proposal to read -Kixnv, which would
resemble kukewv. DELG suggests a connection with kupxavav ‘to mix’, which is
quite probable.
GAtv [adj.] - HAiBtov. uatatov. kevov. €Aagpdv ‘vain, empty, idle, light’ (H.). <?>
eVAR Or is it an adverb?
*ETYM Fur. 391 compares forms with 6-: daAdc¢ = pwpdc (Cyr.), as well as dadrc¢ (H.,
Cyr. acc. to Wendel and Latte), dadic (codd.); cf. dadeic = oi duaBetc (sch. Theocr. 9,
33e). See » dAin.
aAtvdéo [v.] ‘to roll’, med. ‘torollin the dust; roam’ (Ar.). <PG?>
eVAR Also dAivdu; aor. HAloa.
*DER GAtvdov: Spdpov appatwv ‘race of chariots’ (EM, H.), aAivénotc ‘rolling’ (in the
dust, of athletes; Hp.), aAtvé18pa ‘place for rolling’ (Ar., Phryn.).
*ETYM Formation like >» kvAivéw, kvAtvdéw, which are close in meaning, but the
nature of their relationship with dAtvdéw is uncertain. One connects the latter with
> cihéw, > AAW, etc. comparing FaAn (cod. ban): okwANé ‘worm, larva’ (H.). DELG
assumes the root *uel- which, lengthened with -d-, is seen in OS wealtan, OHG
walzan (Pok. 1140). Taillardat REA 58 (1956): 1913 reconstructs a present *ul-n-ed-mi
with anaptyictic -i-. The i-epenthesis is without parallel, and an old nasal present is
improbable. The suffix -ind- is rather non-Indo-European; even in this case,
however, the root could still be Indo-European. Yet Fur.: 130°° compares kaAtvdéopat
‘id’ as a variant with initial k-; several words with variation k/ zero exist among the
substrate words.
aXivetv [v.] (cod. -veiv)- dAeigetv ‘to anoint the skin with oil (H.). ddivat: émadetpat
‘to smear over’ (H.). iv-aAadtovéva ‘engraved’ (Cyprus). katadivat katadeiyat “to
ahioxopat 69
pour down’ (H.) is now confirmed by an inscr. from Selinous, see RPh. 69 (1995) 128,
1. 16. <1 *h,lei(H)- ‘smear’>
DER Verbal noun dAtvoic tot épyaotnpiov (Epid.).
eETYM dAivw, which probably derives from < *dAtv-tw, is cognate with Lat. lind ‘to
smear, rub’, which is originally an n-present; the root is *h,li- > adt-. One would like
to reconstruct *h,li-n-H-, but Lat. litus has short i (cf. the discussion in De Vaan
2008, as well as LIV? s.v. *h,leiH-, with more forms). Probably the same root as in
> areiqu.
aAtvov [adj.] - duvdpov, Kpijtec ‘weak, faint’ (Cret.)’ (H.). <?
eVAR Cf. dAwetv = Aemtbvw ‘to crush’ (S. fr. 995).
*ETYM See Giintert IF 45 (1927): 345. DELG mentions the word s.v. » dAéw.
aXu&, -Kog [m.] ‘groats of rice-wheat’ (Chrysipp. Tyan. apud Ath.), also a fish sauce,
called halléc in Latin (Dsc 4, 148). <LW?>
eETYM Walde i910: 25 derived the word from »dAéw; this is unconvincing. The
formation is like €\.&, yOAt§ (Chantraine 1933: 382f.). The nature of the connection
with Lat. alica is unknown. A loanword from an unknown language.
GAog, -a, -ov [adj.] fruitless, idle’ (Hom.). <?>
eVAR Also [adv.] ‘in vain’.
*DER GAL6w ‘to prevent’ (epic, S.).
eETYM An old term, which was gradually replaced By pdtatoc. The connection with
Pm AiBloc, > HAdoKw, and further to » dAdopat is correctly rejected by DELG; it does
not explain the spiritus asper. There are no traces of F-; cf. Sommer 1905: 98.
Schwyzer: 461 points to the expression eic téwp ypdgetv, suggesting the word
belongs to GXc ‘sea’. DELG supports this by remarking that the word is often used of
BéAoc, indicating an arrow that misses its target and falls into the sea - but why
would it fall into the sea?
atc [adv.] ‘in crowds, enough’ (Il.). <1£ *uel- ‘turn, wind’>
VAR The form ydAt- ixavov ‘sufficient’ (H.) shows initial F-.
*ETYM Connected with peidw ‘to press’, »GArc, » GoAArc. It could be an old
nominative, but the form ydaAt rather suggests that the -s is an adverbial marker like
in duc, xwpic (cf. Skt. bahih).
aAioBry [f.] - amaty ‘deceit’ (H.). <?¢>
*ETYM Unknown. The sequence -of- is hardly Indo-European.
aAtoyéw [v.] ‘to pollute’ (LXX). <?>
eETYM Ritual term of unknown origin. Fur. 298 compares Atyvtc ‘smoke, soot’,
which supposes a prothetic vowel and interchange o/zero before velar (highly
uncertain). Still, the group -oy- often occurs in substrate words, see Pre-Greek 2a, 17.
aXioxoztat [v.] ‘to be caught’ (Il.). <1 *uelh,- ‘seize, catch’>
eVAR Homer only has the aor. oe further fut. dkwoopat, aor. &awv < *-Fadw-
(IA).
eDIAL Thess. fadtooxétai and Arc. Faddvtots prove the initial f-.
70 GAtopa
*DER GAwotc ‘capture’ (Pi.), dAwoutog ‘seizable, etc.’; GAwua = avdAwpa ‘expenses’
(Boeot. inscr.), .cf. dvadioxw. The gloss dkwvakry avadwya. Xadkideic (H.) is
probably corrupt.
*ETYM The initial aspiration may have been taken from aipeiv, éAeiv. The aor. éG4wv
is from *h-FaAwv. adlokopa has the suffix -tox-. A root *uelh, explains all the
forms: the zero grade *ulh,- gives *Fhw- before a consonant (eg. 1/2pl. aor.) and
*rah- before a vowel (e.g. 3pl. aor.); contamination then gives *fakw-. Perhaps it is
better to assume a passive aorist with -1-: *ulh,-eh,- > *fadw- like *g”ih,-eh,- > Biw-
(defended by Normier KZ 92 (1978): 132ff.; cf. Hardarson 1993a: 208); an objection
could be that this form must be terribly old. Cognates are Lat. vell6 ‘to pluck, tear
out’, Hitt. ualh-* ‘to strike’, ToA wailldstar [3sg.pres.] ‘to die’ (see LIV? s.v. *yelh;-),
and perhaps also Go. wilwan ‘to rob, plunder’, Arm. gotanam ‘to steal’. Cf.
> dvahioxw and > eidwtec.
dAtopa [n.] ‘water-plantain, Alisma Plantago’ (Dsc. 3, 152). <?>
*ETYM The word does not contain » dc. See Stromberg 1940: 115.
adigandos [?] - yévoc dpvdc ‘species of tree’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Cf. » dAipAotoc. However, it seems less probable that adi~adoc would be just
a corruption of that word (Latte); rather, the word in -Aotocg is a secondary
formation.
aAipAotos [m., f.] ‘sea-bark oak, Quercus pseudosuber’ (Thphr. HP 3, 8, 2). <?>
*ETYM Belongs with @dAotdc ‘bark’, but hardly with GAtc, as suggested by DELG. A
different name for » evOU@Aotoc. See > AXipadoc.
aAtyw [adj.] - tétpa ‘rock’ (H.). <PG2(v)>
*ETYM Beside Aiy: métpa (H.), Fur. 372, 378 also compares nAiBatoc, which in
Homer is always said of nétp17. Quite possible, but not certain. If » aiyiAty also
belongs here, its second element is certainly non-Indo-European, whereas its first
part probably is.
aA x11 [f.] ‘defense, help’ (Il.). <1£ *helk-, *h,lek-s- ‘ward off, defend’>
eVAR Aor. GAadkeiv (Hom.), late epic forms: fut. ddaAKrjow (A. R.), present dAdAKw
(Q.8.).
*COMP As a second member, after the s-stems, in étep-aAxrjc ‘helping one side’ (epic
poet.), etc. Old i-stem in dv-aAxtc (epic), with avaAkein (epic) after other nouns in
-ein.
*DER TN AdaAkouevai (Boeotia), or is the resemblance fortuitous? Thence
AhaAkopevnic epithet of Athena ‘from A.’ (Il; the interpretation ‘protectress’ is
probably secondary).
A root noun only in GAK- [dat.sg.] (Hom.).
Thence dAxnets ‘brave’ (h. Hom., Pi.), Dor. dAKac, enlarged ddxnotic¢ (Opp.) after
aderotie, wynothc; dAKatoc (E. Hel. 1152 [lyr.]).
The basis of &AKtoc¢ (poet. since Hom.) is unclear (see Arbenz 1933: 13 and 31. The
gloss dAKuaioc: veavioxos ‘boy’ (H.) is probably a mistake for or a contamination
with dxuaioc ‘in one’s prime’.
ad\Adoow, -attw 71
dAkap [n.] ‘defense’ (epic, lyr.).
Agent noun: dAxtijp, -fjpoc ‘warden, protector’ (Hom., Pi.), dAKtrptoc ‘curing’
(Nonn.) and ddxtrjptov [n.] ‘medicine’ (Nic.).
Also from GAk-: GAKxd8w [v.] ‘to assist’ (A., S. [acc. to gramm.]), cf. duvvd0w; further
adkatw [v.] ‘to show strength’ (EM), iAKaCovto: hpdvovto ‘they warded off (H.);
thence aAkdopata (S.).
PNs: AAkpdy, -Léwv (-patwv, cf. Bjorck 1950: 111), -prvn, etc.
*ETYM From the same root as » GAéEw, with *h,(e)lk- beside *h,lek-s-.
GAxn 2 [f.] ‘elk’ (Paus.). <IE? *h,el- ‘red, brown’>
*ETYM Like Lat. alcés, alcé (Caesar), An is a loan from Germanic: ON elgr < PGm.
*alzi-, besides which a form PGm. *dly- with initial stress is supposed, from which
alcés and d\xn could be traced. West Germanic forms like OHG elahho, OE eolh
presuppose the stem PGm. *élya(n)-, which arose secondarily. Slavic forms like Ru.
los’ ‘elk’ presuppose PIE “*olki-, and are compared with ON elgr. The root is
connected with a great number of words for animals, e.g. » ZAa@og (s.v.; see Pok.
302), and it is assumed that the root indicated a color. I think that an IE word or root
must be doubted; it may well be a loan from a non-Indo-European language.
dAkvwv, -6vog [f.] ‘kingfisher, Alcedo ispida’ (I1.). <PG?>
VAR Also dAKuwv (after GAc).
*DER Thence dAkvovic ‘id. (A. R.), dAkvovides (Epat) ‘period of the wintersolstice,
when the kingfisher nests’ (Ar.), also called GAxvovetot (Arist.). dAkvéwv (Hdn. Gr.
2, 285) is after other bird names in -6wv (thence Lat. alcédo).
*ETYM See Thompson 1895 s.v. Origin unknown; probably a loan from a non-IE
language (cf. Fur.: 303° on substrate words in -wv.) For the suffix, cf. » dAextpvwv
(Ruijgh Minos 9 (1968): 152f.).
aAAa [adv.] ‘but, however’ (II.). <1E *h,el-io- ‘other’>
eDIAL Cypr. aida.
*ETYM The acc.pl. of &AAoc, used as an adverb. Cf. MoHG iibrigens, Lat. ceterum, etc.
GAAGBN¢ [f.] “Nile fish, Labeo Niloticus’ (Str.). <PG?>
eVAR Also adaBrs.
*ETYM From Eg. repi or lepi (Thompson 1947 s.v.). Fur.: 145 etc. connects » €\Aoy
(with *a realized as e before *”) and dAdoning, and concludes that it is a substrate
word. The aAAdBnc¢ must not be an Egyptian fish.
aAAac, -avtos [m.] ‘sausage, black pudding’ (Hippon.). <?>
*ETYM Unknown. Kretschmer Glotta 1 (1909): 323 compared GAAnv: Adyavov. TraAoi,
kal émi Tod dptvvOevtocg TeptKdupatoc, € od dAAavtonw@Ans (H.), and assumes
*aAda-fevt-. This would contain an Oscan word; cf. Lat. dlium ‘garlic’. But
Szemerێnyi Gnomon 43 (1971): 653 notes that origin in southern Italy is implausible
for a word from Hipponax.
ddAdoow, -attw [v.] ‘to change, alter’ (Hom.). <GR>
eVAR Aor. GAAGEAL
72 GAATAOUG, -WV, -OLG
*DER GAAayn (cf. dAAayijvat) ‘(ex)change’ (Att.); GAAaypa ‘exchange, price’ (Hp.,
LXX), dAAayuds. ‘id.’ (Man.). dAdAaktc ‘exchange, trade’ (Arist.), dAAdEa (pap.,
gloss.), scil. indtia, ‘changes of raiment’. dAAakttkdc ‘pertaining to exchange’ (Pl.
Arist.), dAAGyOny ‘alternating’ (Hdn.). Note dAAd& évinAayptevwcg ‘exchanged’ (H.),
ém-, Map-, du@-adAGE (Hp., Th, S., X.).
eETYM dAAdoow is derived from dAAog, either through a stem in a velar (for which,
compare dAAd& and ddAaxod, -xf [though direct connection is improbable]) or with
a suffix -doow.
GAAAovG, -wv, -otc [adj.] ‘each other’ (II.). IE *h,el-io- ‘other’>
eETYM From repeated dAAoc, ie. *adAo-adAo-, in which the color of the second
initial vowel was restored. Cf. Lat. alius alium, Skt. anyo’nyam. On the single second
-h- see Schwyzer: 260.
GAA, -ixoc [f.] ‘men’s upper garment’ (Euph.), = yAautc ‘a short mantle’, also =
éumdopmnia ‘garment secured by a brooch’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM For the glosses (EM, Suid.), see DELG. Origin unknown. The word is
supposed to be Thessalian. Lat. alicula also belongs here.
&AAodSandc [adj.] ‘from another land, foreign’ (IL). <?>
eETYM Derived from dAdoc; for the formation, see tndedamdc, mavtodamdc,
todamdc, twedamdc. It has been explained as 4AA05-andc, preserving the old neuter
pronominal marker *-d (Lat. aliud); the latter part would be the same as Lat. -inquus
< PIE *-nk"o- in longinquus, etc. Meillet BSL 28 (1927-1928): 42ff. expresses doubt:
-damdoc is an unknown suffix. Moreover, suffixes are not added to case forms like the
neutral -d.
GAoytat [v.] ‘to jump, leap’ (II.). <1E *sel- ‘jump’>
eVAR Hom. has an aor. dAto, of unknown quantity, which could be an unaugmented
Aeolic form (Schwyzer: 751°).
*COMP tpoaArj¢ (Hom.) ‘sloping, rushing forward’
*DER dAuia ‘jump’ (Hom.), dAotc ‘jumping’ (Hp., Arist.); dAtip (Crates Com.), in
sports, ‘weights kept in the hands while jumping’.
*ETYM From *hal-je/o-. A yod-present is probably also found in Lat. salié, which
could perhaps derive from *sj-ie/o- (LIV’, who reconstruct a root *sel-). A root *sal-
is impossible, as PIE had no phoneme a, but De Vaan suggests a root *sh,/- in order
to account for the Italo-Celtic reflexes like Olr. saltraid ‘to trample’ < *sal-tro-. Also
related to Skt. dsarat [3sg.aor.] ‘to run, rush’ (Narten MSS 26 (1969): 77ff.), ToB
salate [med.pret.] ‘jumped’; further forms in LIV’ s.v. 1. *sel-. See » MdAAOLLAL.
GAAog [adj.] ‘other’ (Il.). IE *h,el-io- ‘other’>
DIAL Cypr. athoc.
*COMP dAAompdcaAdog ‘unreliable, fickle’ from ddA mpdc GAAOV A€ywv, Bechtel
1914; dAAogpovEéw ‘to give no heed, be senseless’ with a special development of &AAo-
(improbable Aeol. aAAog = tAedc, Bechtel 1914); dAAo@doow ‘to be delirious’ (Hp.)
with an unclear second element. Cf. s.v. » HAdoKw.
dAok, -Koc 73
*DER Abstract d&dAOtn¢ [f.] (comm. Arist.); dAAoiog ‘of another kind, different’
(Hom., IA), an adjectival formation in -otog after toioc, moioc, oto; thence
aAotdtng¢ ‘being different’ (Hp. Pl.) and adAowwédng¢ ‘of strange appearance’ (Aret.,
Vett. Val.). Denominative verb dAdoidw ‘to change’ (IA), GAAoiwoic ‘change,
difference’ (Pl. Arist.), dAAoiwpa ‘id” (Damox.) and dAAowTiKdc (Arist., Gal.). On
> dAAdOOW, see S.V.
Several adverbs: dAoBev, dAAayf, etc. On » dAAOSamdc and » aAATAoOUG, see s.v.
From an adverb with -tp- (cf. Skt. anyd-tra ‘elsewhere’) comes dAAdtptog ‘alien,
strange, belonging to someone else’ (Il.). Thence dAAortpiétng (Pl, Arist.),
addoTpidw [v.] (IA), whence &dAotpiwotc (Th., Hell.).
*ETYM GiAAOs < *h,el-io- ‘other’, like in Lat. alius, Go. aljis, Olr. aile, ToB alyek, ToA
alak (depalatalized) < *h,el-io-k-, Arm. ayl. Beside *h,el-io-, a similar adjective is
reconstructed for Ilr. *Hania- > Skt. anyd- ‘other’, etc., but this form is most
probably due to contamination of *h,elio- with the comparative *h,entero-.
dda [n.] ‘(sacred) grove’ (Lyc. 319). <?>
*ETYM The word has the same meaning as » GAcoc. Is it from the root dA- ‘to feed’ in
> dddaivu, etc.?
dAodw ‘to thresh’. = dAwn.
aA6n [f.] ‘bitter aloe, Aloe vera’ (Dsc.). <LW Or.>
*ETYM As for » dydAoxov, an Oriental loanword is suspected (Lewy 1895: 36).
dXof, -Kos [f.] ‘furrow’ (trag., com.). <PG>
eVAR Also atAag (Hes.), wAka [acc.sg.], -a¢ [acc.pl.] (Hom.), Dor. wAak (EM 625,
37), also in Ou-WAaxec (A. R. 2, 396). Further evAdKa ‘plough’, with Lacon. evAakeiv
[inf.fut.] (Orac. apud Th. 5, 16); abAdya: 1) bvvic ‘plowshare’ (H.) and *ddoxec (cod.
odoxetc): abAakes ‘furrows’ (H.).
*DER dAoKitw [v.] ‘to draw furrows, plough’ (Ar., Lyc.); avAaxitw ‘id’ (pap.), verbal
noun avAakiopdc (pap.). Rare and late abAakdeic (Max.), abAakwdnco (Eust.),
diminutive abAdxtov (schol.).
eETYM The exact relation between this cluster of forms has always been unclear.
Solmsen 1901: 258ff. explained @Aka as from *&foAKa (kata @AKa N 707 for original
*xat’ dpoAKa), but it is strange that there are no further traces of this form. The zero
grade of *d4poAK- would then give *dpAak-, seen in avdak. In laryngealistic terms, a
root *h,uelk- has been supposed in Lith. velku, OCS vlékg, Av. varak- ‘to draw’. This
is tempting, but cannot be correct. If the Balto-Slavic words are isolated (there is
further only Av. varac-), the verb may be non-IE. Moreover, for Balto-Slavic and
Iranian we would rather reconstruct *uelk”- with a labiovelar, which is impossible
for Greek. Furthermore, there is no trace of the verbal root in Greek, which has éAkw
‘to draw’ < *selk-.
Pisani IF 53 (1935): 29 derived atAak from avaAdc and separated it from dAoé, etc.,
which is improbable. The variants are strongly reminiscent of substrate words, as
Beekes 1969: 40 maintained (withdrawn ibid. 275-7). Variation of prothetic ¢/ a/ o/
av/ ev, and also that of « and x (atvAdya), are what one often finds in substrate
74 ahoovdvny
words, so Pre-Greek origin is most probable. The Homeric form is the only one
without a vowel between A and x, and therefore it is suspect. If we assume labialized
phonemes like /I”/ for Pre-Greek, a reconstruction *al”ak- can explain all the
different variants: abAak (by anticipation of the labial feature), which gives @Aak by
contraction; ddo& (coloring of the second vowel by the labialized liquid), dAoK-
(influence on both vowels; I see no reason not to take the gloss seriously). Cf.
> dpacxddec, etc. The interchange of initial a/ « (which gave evAax-) is difficult to
understand phonetically, but it may be related to plain a/ .
aAoovdvn [adj.] epithet of Thetis (Y 207), of the Nereids (A. R. 4, 1599), name of a sea
goddess (6 404). Mg. unknown. <IE? *seh,-I- ‘salt’, *ud-n- ‘water’, PG?>
DIAL Myc. a.-ro[ Ju-do-pi has been interpreted as /halos hudo(t)p'i/.
eETYM Connected with » GAc and » bdwp as “wave of the sea”. The glosses bdvat-
éyyovol, obvtpo@ot ‘born inside, raised together with (?) and tévne- eidwe, éumtetpoc
‘knowing, experienced’ (H.) may have been extracted from dAootdvn. The relevance
of the Myc. words is unclear; cf. DELG. Since the meaning is not very clear, and the
structure aCVC-udn- is typically Pre-Greek, we may doubt the traditional
interpretation. Chantraine’s Kadvéwv, -b6va (which is typically Pre-Greek) is an
example; cf. Kakvxadvoc. Schwyzer: 475, 5 wonders if the nom. was -vdva, in which
case Pre-Greek origin would be even more probable.
GANOXOG = AExXETAL.
dAnviotos [adj.] see below (Pi. I. 5 (4), 12). <?>
*VAR émaArtvoc ‘amiable’ (Pi. P. 8, 84) = Ndvc, mpoonvijs ‘sweet, gentle’ (sch.);
aAnadéov: ayanntov ‘amiable’ (H.), from which perhaps aprtadéog, by influence of
apndtw; the gloss andAma- apmaxta, mpoo@iAt ‘robbed, beloved’ shows the double
mg; cf. also aprtahiGopat- dopévwc Séxoutat ‘to accept gladly’ (H.). Here also the PN
AdAnovidng (inscr. Karthaia), see Bechtel 1917: 5f., from AATwv.
DIAL Uncertain dArtap (inscr. Crete).
*ETYM Wackernagel KZ 43 (1910): 377 reads *déAmotog for dAitvotoc: a primary
superlative formation, which could be attested as a PN in A. Pers. 982 (but the text is
uncertain). The assumption of an old r/n-stem, to which the Cretan form would
point, is unnecessary. It is doubtful to interpret GAn- as *fadn-, a zero grade of
*FeXm- in » EATIopaL, > EATtic (for wouldn’t one expect *FAan-?).
GAc, aAdc [m.] ‘salt’ (I1.), very often plur. <1E *seh,-l- ‘salt’>
eVAR As fem. (only sg.) a poetical word for the sea (after O4Aacoa, or as a
collective?). Since Arist. also GAac, -atog [n.] from the acc.pl., see Leumann 1950:
160f.
*DIAL Myc. o-pi-a.-ra /opi-hala/ ‘coastal regions’ cf. »&pahoc; a-pi-a.-ro
/Amp'ihalos/, a,-ri-e perhaps /halién/, see Perpillou 1973: 617, 161.
«COMP dXi-1thooc, -ndp@upoc (for aA- after the i-stems, not locatival with Schwyzer:
476 : 5, 1. On GAt-pvprets see LKpopat. On adoupydc ‘who exploits a salt mine’ see
DELG Supp.
advKtorédy 75
DER 1. GAun ‘seawater, brine’ (Od.), whence aApaia ‘id’ (Ar., Nic.), aud (édaic)
‘pickled olive’ (com.), dApupdc ‘salty, bitter’ (Od.), which would stand for *4Avpdéc
(Schwyzer: 482: 6); thence dApvpwdrc, ddpvpdtys and verbs GApvpitw, aApvpdw,
further GApupic [f.] ‘brackish soil, salty liquid’, cf. mAnpupic and aAmuprietc (see
Puvpopat); from GAun also dApmetc (A.) and aduebw ‘to pickle’ (Dsc.), whence
GApevotc, GApevtijs.
2. GAtog, (-a), -ov “of the sea’ (epic poet.), aAtdc [f.] ‘fishing boat’ (Arist. D. S.). 3.
ania [f.] ‘salt tub’ (com., Hell.). 4. GAtvog ‘consisting of salt’ (Hdt., Str.). 5. GAyoc ‘of
the sea’ (Trag. Adesp., LXX), dAmov plant name, cf. Stromberg 1940: 97, 114. 6.
aXitng ‘salty, of the sea’. 7. Ghilw ‘to salt? (Arist.), GAtoudg (Sor.), but not ddtopa
‘Alisma plantago’ (Dsc.), see Strémberg 1940: 115, which is unexplained. 8. After
GAtoc, GAtvog and adt- as a first member for GA-: GAtetc ‘fisherman’ (Od.), adiebw
[v.] ‘to fish’ (LXX, NT, Plu.), -evouat (also com.), adtevtixdc “belonging to
fish(ermen)’ (Pl., X., Hell.); from aAtebw: adtevtis ‘fisherman’ (Cerc.), from adtebs
or dAtebw: adtela ‘fishery’ (Arist. Str.), from aAtetw: drievpa ‘id. (Str.). 9. GAt-4614¢
‘sailor’ (S. [lyr.]). 10. dAtapdc ‘salty’ (Eust.). 11. dAvKdc ‘salty’ (Hp., Arist.), dAvK6t1¢
(Arist.), dAvkic [f] ‘salt mine’ (Str., GAvK@dn¢ (Hp; also in Thphr. HP 9, 11, 2
instead of codd. aAtkwdnc¢), dAv«eia ‘pickling’ (Ptol.). 12. From the neuter to GAac,
late formations like aAdtiov (diminutive), GAdtivoc, ddatif(w and ddatiKkdv
‘salarium’ (gloss.) are derived.
*ETYM Old word found in most IE languages: Lat. sal, Olr. salann, Arm. at, Latv. sdls,
OCS solb ‘salt’, as well as OCS slanz ‘salted’ < *solnv), ToB salyiye, ToA sale. An
enlargement in -d is found in Germanic (Go. salt), Arm. att, and Balto-Slavic, eg.
Lith. sald-tis ‘sweet’, OCS sladz-ko ‘id’. Lith. sdlymas is an important form, since it
points to *seh,I-, while other languages require *sh,-el. This points to an original
paradigm of nom. *seh,-(6)l, acc. sh.-el-m, gen. *sh,-l-os. On possible Sanskrit
cognates, see Thieme ZDMG 111 (1961): 94ff. » dhoobdvn.
dAoos [n.] ‘sacred grove’ (II.). <PG?(v)>
*DER dAoWSn¢ ‘belonging to the grove’ CE. [lyr.], Thphr.), adonidec viugat (A. R.),
after Nypridec, etc; GAowpwa and ddAowv = ddoocg (Aq.). Further dAcivn a plant
(Dsc.), see André 1985, and cf. CEG 6.
*ETYM AXttc [f.], the name of the temple domain in Olympia, would be identical
with GAgog (see Paus. 5, 10, 1); on this basis one reconstructs GAcoc as *altios. Fur.:
249, 253 accepts the equation, but interprets it in the context of other instances of an
interchange of dental and sibilant in substrate words (4vvnSov/ avnoov). Van
Windekens KZ 100 (1987): 308f. connects it with Hitt. als- ‘owe fealty, give
allegiance’, which is hardly convincing. See » dApa.
aAvéa [f.] -dAvmov ‘herb terrible, Globularia alypum’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM The hypothesis of von Blumenthal 1930: 34 (from *a-Avy-ta to Avypdc,
Aevyahéoc) is doubtful.
aAvK(p)ov = Barv«pdc.
aAvKtonédn [f.] ‘bond’ (Hes., A. R, etc.). <2?
76 advoic
*ETYM Designation of a shackle. For the formation, we may compare iotortédn (Od.);
see Risch IF 59 (1949): 26. Schulze KZ 28 (1887): 280 connects the first element with
Skt. ruj- ‘to break’, which Risch doubts. The latter assumes the contamination of
dAvtos and dppyktos (médac ... appriktoug dAbtouG N 36f.) under the influence of
adtoKkw (see on » dAvw). All of this remains highly uncertain.
aAvote [f.] ‘chain’, also as a woman’s ornament (Hdt.). <1£ *uel- ‘wind’>
eDER Thence Hell. diminutives GAvowov and dAvoidiov, further dAvoidwtdc
‘consisting of chains’ (Plb., D. S.), dAvonddv ‘in chains’ (Man.).
eETYM Originally ‘winding’, derived from *fdaAv-tic, belonging to *féAvtpov,
meiAvw, etc; see Frisk Eranos 43 (1945): 225ff. However, the a-vocalism remains
unexplained, as the root contained no final laryngeal. For the aspiration, cf. » été.
dAvooov [n.] name of a plant (Dsc.). <GR?>
eETYM With privative a from Avooa ‘rage’, because of the curing effect of the seeds
(Dsc. 3, 91). Cf. Strémberg 1940: 91.
aAvtas [m.] = paBdSo@dpog 7) paottyopdpoc (EM 72, 15), policemen in Elis (inscr.).
<EURP>
*COMP dAvtTdpxns ‘commander of the aAvta’ (inscr., Luc.).
eDER Denominative aAvtatat (cod. dAbtatat): mapatnpel ‘observes’ (H.).
*ETYM Explained as *fadv-tac ‘staff-bearer’ with Go. walus ‘staff, ON volr ‘id’; see
Bechtel 1921, 2: 863. The Greek word is hardly inherited, in which case it would have
to be from *ulHu-. A direct loan from Germanic is improbable, so there may have
been a third intermediary source. Krahe Glotta 22 (1954): 123f. supposed an Illyrian
origin, but the word may also be non-IE (words with this meaning are very
frequently borrowed).
aAvw [v.] ‘to be distraught, be beside oneself, from pain, anguish, etc. (II.). <?>
eVAR only present, except dhadvobat- goPeioBat, dAvetv ‘put to flight, scare; be
excited’ (H.).
*DER Medical terms dAvopdc, whence ddvopwdng, GAvotc, dAvKN ‘fear, agitation’, see
> dAdAvyét. Backformation dAug ‘id. (Hp.); with -x-: dAv«n ‘distress, anguish’; see
also » dAdAvys.
Verbs: ddtoxw (on dAvoKdtw and dAvoxdvw see > ddéa 2), dAvoow, fut. dAvEW =
adbw (Hom.), perhaps all from an enlarged stem dAvx-, which is also found in
ddvKktéw, perf. dAaddKtNLaL ‘to be afraid’ (Hom.), dAvKTaCw ‘to be afraid, wander’
(B, Hdt.), cf. Bechtel 1914 s.v. dAbw. Further dAvotdatw, dAvotaivw (H., EM), cf.
perhaps dAvoQéveia: do8évera (EM 70, 45); also dAvo8paivw ‘to be weak’ (Call.),
aAvdpaivetv: advetv, aitopetv ‘to be beside oneself (H.).
eETYM GA tw is considered to be a derivation in -u- from the root dA- in » dAdopat,
and / or from dAgopat. This remains just a guess. Puhvel’s connection with Hitt.
alyanz- ‘bewitched’ is doubtful (see Kloekhorst 2008 s.v.).
adpog 77
*ETYM From Hebr. ’aleph (see Schwyzer: 140 y and Schwyzer KZ 58 (1931): 177-183).
For the final vowel, cf. Bryra, from Hebr. béth. See Einarson Class. Phil.62 (1967): 1-24
and 262f.
éAQavw [v.] ‘to earn, gain’ (E.). <1E *h,elg”"- ‘earn’>
eVAR dAgaivw (H., EM); Aor. dAgeiv (Hom.).
*COMP dAgecifotog of girls, ‘bringing in (many) oxen’; type tepwipbpotoc, with
shortening for *aAgnot- as in éAxecinertoc.
*DER GAgr ‘produce, gain’ (Lyc.).
eETYM A counterpart to the thematic aorist dAgeiv is found in the Indo-Iranian
present Skt. drhati ‘to earn’, YAv. arajaiti ‘is worth’ < *h,elg”"-. Further, dAgy
formally corresponds with Lith. alga ‘wages’, but they are probably independent
formations. From Hittite, one adduces halkuessar ‘supplies for a festival’. The Greek
aor. is from the zero grade *h,Jg”"- with Rix’s Law. On dAgaivw = dpeiBw in Aetius,
see Benveniste L’année sociologique 5 (1951): 19-20.
aAgnotis, -ov [m.] ‘grain-eating’, in the epic expression avépec adgnotai (Od.).
<GRP
*DIAL Also a fish name in Dor. dAgnotac ‘Labrus cinaedus’ (Epich.); also called
kivatdoc, cf. Stromberg 1943: 56; also Thompson 1947.
eETYM Clearly from dA, in opposition to wpnotic, plus *h,ed- ‘eat’, in the
expression davépec dAgnotai. In antiquity, the word was strangely enough not
understood; cf. the strange gloss dA@notijot toic evpetixoic Kai ovvetoic ‘intelligent’
(H.). The -t- was lost for metrical reasons; see Fraenkel 1910: 38.
dA qt [n.] ‘barley-groats’ (h. Cer. 208). <1E? *h,elb'i ‘barley’>
eVAR Plur. dAguta (Il.), from which the sing. dAgitov, in Hom. only in dAgitov aKth.
*DER dAgitnpds (Antiph., Herod.), dAgitetc ‘miller’ (Hyp.), dAgitedw ‘to grind
barley’ (Hippon.), dAgiteia (Hyp., Poll.) and ‘dAgiteiov (Poll, AB). Further
aAgitioudc ‘mixing with barley groats’ (inscr. Delos) as if from *dAguitiCew;
aAgitnddov (Dsc.).
*ETYM One previously assumed an i/n-stem dAgqu, plur. *aAgata, as in Skt. dsthi, gen.
asthnds ‘bone’, on the basis of ddigata: GAgita i GAevpa (H.). But i/n-stems are
doubtful, and dAigata has been read as *aAngata (Latte); cf. DELG, which
compares dAnpatov dvoc éAaing (Peek 1897); the form would have been derived
from dAéw ‘to grind’.
&\@t may be identical with Alb. elb, -i ‘barley’ from *alb"i; see Demiraj 1997. Further
origin is uncertain; perhaps the word is from PIE *h,(e)lb"-i. Also related is Turc.
arpa ‘barley’, which is perhaps from an Iranian form *arbi; see Vasmer 1921: 16ff. See
Mallory & Adams 1997: 51 for Iranian forms.
On the meaning, see Moritz Class. Quart. 43 (1949): 113ff., who connected dAgt with
adgavw, but this is judged improbable by DELG. Connection with » aA@és ‘leprosy’
and Lat. albus ‘white’ (cf. Aevw’ GAgita =X 560) is rejected by Demiraj 1997.
dAqga [n.] name of the first letter of the alphabet (Pl.). <Lw Sem.>
eCOMP Collocation adpaBntos [m., f.]; also [n-pl.]? (Irenaeus of Lyon), see Schwyzer
KZ58 (1931): 199ff.
&A@odc [m.] ‘dull-white leprosy’ (Hes.). <1E *h,elb"o- ‘white’>
78 dwt
*DER dA@wdis ‘leprous’ (Gal.). As an adjective dd@ovc: AevKkots ‘white’ (H.),
adwepotc: AevKots ‘id.’ (see below). Thence aAgtvia: 1 Abin}. Teppaupoi (H.).
eETYM Identical with Lat. albus and U alfu ‘alba’. Extended forms with PIE *d may be
found in the word for ‘swan’, e.g. OHG albiz, OCS lebed», but this could also be a
European substrate word. The main comparanda are geographical names, especially
river-names like AAgetdc, Lat. Albula; Lat. Albis = MoHG Elbe; also ON elfr ‘river’.
On the river names, see Krahe Beitr. z. Namenforsch. 4 (1953): 40ff. Most of these
names, however, are probably of non-IE origin.
The word plays a role in discussions about the existence of PIE *a, since Hittite has
alpa- ‘cloud’. However, if this is related, it could easily represent thematic *h,olb'o-.
IE *b" is frequent in color terms (e.g. &pyv@oc).
The form &wedc (H.) was compared with Arm. atawni ‘pigeon’ < IE *alH-b'-n-, but
now there is a different explanation of the word: *p[h,-b'-ni- (see Klingenschmitt
1982: 68"). The relation between d&A@dc and dAw@dc cannot be explained in Indo-
European terms; perhaps dAw@oc is a simple mistake due to misreading of @ as w?
dA.wn [f.] ‘threshing floor, garden’ (II.), also ‘halo’ (around sun and moon) (Arat.); also
‘disk’ of the sun or moon, or of a shield. <?>
eVAR Also GAwse, gen. -w, -woc or -wvog; recent dAwv.
*DIAL Cypr. dAova: xiftot ‘gardens’ (H.), probably ntr. plur; Cypr. gen. alawo, =
GAFw? Dor. ado in Sicily is probably from *alwo-.
*COMP Untp-aAoidc ‘matricide’ (A.); Schwyzer 451: 4.
*DER dAwevc ‘farmer’ (A. R., Arat.), also PN in Hom.; dAweivdc (AP) and adwioc
(Nic.) ‘of the threshing floor’, AXwidc epithet of Anw (Nonn.). GAwvia ‘(grain on the)
threshing floor’ (pap., Ath.), diminutive GA@vov (Gp., Hdn.); dhwvikds (pap.;, Ed.
Diocl.). Denominative verbs GAwvevouat (App.), dAwvitw (H.) ‘to work at the
threshing floor’; further dAodw, dAotdw (II.) ‘to thresh, crush’, epic -ot- stands for
original length; as a second member in matp-adoiac etc. (Att. and late), see
Schwyzer: 451: 4. Thence dAonouds ‘threshing’, dAontis ‘thresher’, aAd1tpa [pl.]
‘wages for threshing’, all known from papyri. Auch dAontip ‘thresher’ (Nonnos,
AP), ado(i)natc (EM, gloss.).
eETYM Perhaps from earlier *dAwfn. GAws and the Cypr. forms might derive from a
hysterodynamic noun of the type matpwe, with nom. *-6u-s, acc. -ou-m, gen. -u-0s;
see Beekes Mnem. 24 (1972): 350-2. If MoSw. lo ‘threshing floor’ is cognate, we might
also reconstruct a root *h,(e)l-. The explanation by Schwyzer: 479: 7 (from PIE
uel(u)- ‘to wind’, original meaning ‘round’) must be rejected, as it does not explain
the Cyprian forms without initial w-, nor the meaning ‘garden’. Semantically, we
probably have to think of a small piece of land near the farm, used for growing fruits
and vegetables (garden) and for threshing. From threshing-floor, we can understand
the development to ‘disk’ and then to ‘halo’; see Ure Class. Quart. 49 (1955): 225-230.
The conjecture of Van Windekens KZ 100 (1987): 309f. is to be rejected.
dAwnné, -exos [f.] ‘fox (Archil.). <1E *h,lop- ‘fox’>
eVAR On the gender see DELG. A shortened form is dAwndé (Alc.), dkwid¢ (Hdn.);
on its origin see Sommer 1948: 5. Denominative dAwmevet: avixvevel ‘tracks’ (H.).
&uaBoc 79
eDER Diminutive dAwnéktov (Ar.); dAwnexén, -f) fox-skin’ (Hdt.); ddAwmexia a
disease of the skin (Arist.); also dAwmexiaoic (Gal.) in the same meaning; dAwnexiac
[m.] ‘branded with a fox’ (Luc.); dAwnexic f. = kvvada@mn€é (X.), also ‘head-gear of
fox-skin’ (X.) and ‘kind of vine’ (Plin.), see details in Strémberg 1940: 139;
dhwrexidev; [m.] ‘young fox’ (Ar.); dAwméKetog [adj.] (Gal.), dAwnexwdn¢ (H., EM).
Denominative dAwmexiCw [v.] ‘to behave like a fox’, ie. ‘to be cunning’.
eETYM dAwnNs may correspond to Arm. alués, gen. -esu ‘fox’. Cf. further Lith. lapé
and Latv. lapsa. Schrijver JIES 26 (1998): 421-434 connects it with the Celtic words
like W Ilywarn, etc., which he derives from *lop-erno-, and reconstructs *h,lop-. The
Greek long 6 is explained from an old nom. *h,Jop-s. (Skt. lopasd- ‘jackal? and MP
ropas ‘fox’ have an original diphthong in the root and cannot be connected; Lat.
vol pes ‘fox’, Lith. vilpisys ‘wild cat’ should also be kept apart; Schrijver starts from a
root *ulp-).
The inflection aAwmnné, -exoc is unique in Greek. There is no support for the
paradigm -6k-s, -ek-os assumed by Rix 1976: 143. In the Armenian form, the é
presents difficulties and is probably secondary, the word rather showing old short e;
see Clackson 1994: 95.
De Vaan IIJ 43 (2000): 279-293, disassociates the suffix from the Indo-Ir. one (as
above the words were disassociated) and doubts that Skt. -dsa- etc. are of IE origin.
He follows Chantraine 1933: 376 in assuming that the Greek (and Armenian) suffix
-ek- was taken from a non-IE language; Greek would have lengthened the vowel in
the nominative. But this does not explain the Greek ablaut: one would expect that
the long vowel had been introduced everywhere. Rather, the suffixes are IE, and the
long vowel of Sanskrit and the short one of Armenian confirm the Greek ablaut as
archaic. See also Blazek Linguistica Baltica 7 (1998): 25-31.
awa [prep., adv] ‘at the same time (with), together (with) (1I.). «IE *sem-‘one’>
*DIAL Dor. dua, originally instrumental, see Schwyzer: 550. duet [loc.] (Delphi).
audxic: dak, Kpijtes ‘once (Cret.Y (H.); Tarent. audtic ‘together’ (H.).
*COMP auapiAic plant growing at the same time as the apple tree, ‘medlar’, =
emis.
DER dwdic (Aeol.) ‘together’.
*ETYM Probably the zero grade of the root *sem-, *som- in » cic, » 6udc: perhaps from
*smh,- (see » Ou6c). For the adverbial ending -a, see Schwyzer: 622 : 8; on Kdpta,
Ruijgh 1980: 189ff. See > dudouat 2, > duaka.
auddpva = uddpva.
dpaGog [f.] ‘sand’ (Il.). <EUR>
*DER Guaditic [f.] ‘living in the sand’ (Epich.), of k6yxoc; also TN (J.); Gua8wdne
‘sandy’ (Str.); TNs HuaGin (Il.), Aua8otc (Cyprus) < *-ofevt-, cf. Hades ‘sandy’
(Od.). Denominative verb aua8bvw ‘to turn into dust, etc.’ (epic poet.).
*ETYM It is mostly assumed that woaua8oc was created from dua8oc on the model of
wauuoc, and that dupoc was secondarily created to wdusoc. Beekes 2000: 26 finds
these assumptions far from convincing, as they depend on the etymology of waupoc.
&a8oc has been connected with MHG sampt, and a pre-form PIE *samad"o- was
80 AUaLLLaKetos, (-1), -OV
reconstructed. But DELG already warned that the connection does not guarantee IE
origin. Kuiper NOWELE 25 (1995): 67 favors European substrate origin because of
the a-vocalism and the varying consonantism. On possible Albanian connections,
see Cabej 1969: 174f. See > dittoc, & wapaboc, & WaptLLoc,
d&poupdaketos, (-1), -ov [adj.] Homeric epithet of unknown mg. (IL). <?>
*ETYM Unknown. Connections with praKpds, [1oupid, [1axoLtat should probably all be
rejected; see discussion in Tichy 1983: 314ff. One might conceive of a Pre-Greek
word, *a-mai-mak-eto- (with prothetic vowel and reduplication).
APLAKP@TIs = LOKPwv.
aarAdbvw [v.] “to destroy, weaken’ (II.). <?>
*ETYM One assumes that the verb is a denominative from an otherwise unknown
pre-form *dtaAduc. The first question is whether the word has the same root as
> BAadeic. The a- must then have been added after the privative formations (which
always express some lack), but this is not very probable; influence of diaAdc is not
very likely either. Connection with péASopat ‘to smelt’ is not compelling because of
the meaning. However, it has a variant dutéAdetv, which shows the same problem as
in dpaddbvw / BAaduc, and in this case we are certain of cognate forms with s-, viz.
OHG smelzan. Does this point to an old interchange of *h,m-/ sm-? The question has
not yet been solved. [tadBakdc, Larakdc, cytardcg and auBrvc differ too much to be
useful. BAEvva and [bAn do not belong here.
GuadAa [f.] ‘sheaf (Soph.). < PG?>
*COMP GutaAAodetip ‘binder of sheaves’ (II.).
*DER dtahAebw ‘to bind sheaves’ (EM) and dtadAeiov (dpidAAtov) (Call. Com., H.,
Eust.).
eETYM Considered to be a derivation in -1a from an older /-stem, eventually from the
verb » didopat ‘to gather’. However, if didopat is used primarily for drawing
liquids, it can hardly be connected with dtadAa. One might also think of > dytdw 1 ‘to
reap corn’. Words in -AAa may well be Pre-Greek. See > dun.
apadoyia [f.] see below (v.l. for d410- Alciphr. 4, 18, 10). <?>
eVAR = &Pdnpttiottds ‘foolery’, garrulitas (gloss.); dytaddyoc: pAbapos ‘id.’, garrulus
(gloss.).
*ETYM According to Latte Glotta 32 (1953): 37f. it is haplological for *d,tadAoAoyia,
which properly meant ‘collecting sheaves’, then ‘the accompanying song’ >
‘bragging’. This is rightly called “sehr hypothetisch” by Frisk. Grogelj Ziva Ant. 7
(1957): 40 assumed *dtLaAo-Aoyia.
Gadde [adj.] ‘weak, soft’ (epic poet.), said of young animals and men (lIl.). <PG?>
*DER Perhaps here dutaAfA]oi- apaviCet ‘makes invisible’ (H.) and auaddntw (S.),
which would equal dtadd0vw ‘to soften’ (H.), after »BAdntTw, »>dantw, see
Debrunner IF 21 (1907): 212.
eETYM Uncertain. Mostly connected with > diakdv0vu, but this is just a guess. One
further connects diBAUc < *dpAvc, but this, too, is doubtful. Fur.: 224 connects it
&pakta 81
with > dmahdc, with the Pre-Greek interchange labial / p. This is possible, but
remains uncertain.
Gdakuc, -voc [f.] ‘vine trained on two poles’ (Epich., Sapph.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Also gen. -vdoc¢ (Sapph.). Acc. to H. = dtmedoc i) yévoc otapvAic ‘grape-vine
or kind of grape-bunch’; otagvAfic¢ yévoc, oi 5é tiv avadevdpada obtw Kareio8at
‘kind of grape-bunch, thus a vine that grows up trees’ (Suid.).
eETYM Fur.: 212 compares duakic: yévoc otagvaAijc amo avadevdpadoc (H.), which
must be correct. It is a typical substrate word, showing reduplication. Furnée’s
further connection with Bika avadevdpac (H.) is very doubtful; better, though still
doubtful, is the comparison with Hitt. mahla-‘grape-vine’ (see Kloekhorst 2008 s.v.).
Cf. also Kuiper 1956: 215°.
GutayinAic, -id0c [f.] ‘a tree or bush with edible fruits’, probably ‘medlar, Mespilus
germanica’ (Hp.). <GR>
eETYM Description in Ath. 14, 650 c-e; the speakers are uncertain about the plant,
and also about the name: we also find 6popunric ‘which resembles the tt’, and
émtunric. It should probably be analyzed as ‘which blossoms at the same time as the
apple tree’. See Stromberg 1944: 32.
Gpdvav [f.] - GytaEav ‘chassis, wagon’ (H.). <PG(v)>
eETYM von Blumenthal 1930: 34 assumes a loan from an unknown IE language, from
*sm-aks-na (cf. » Gytaka); this is highly uncertain. We may compare » amin ‘id,
(s.v., cf. also » kamtdva), with Kuiper 1956: 213 and Fur.: 224. A variation m/ u is well-
known in substrate words. Latte’s suggestion of a corruption is therefore gratuitous.
G&pdvdadrov [adj.] = agavéc map’ AAKaiw ‘unseen (Alcaeus)’ (Hdn; Et. Gen. A p. 20
Reitzenstein; EM 76, 52). <?>
DER dutavdadoi: apaviter, BAdntet ‘makes unseen, damages’ (H.).
eETYM Acc. to Hdn. it belongs to qaAdvvu; is it then dissimilated from *dpiakdadoc
(Schwyzer: 258)? This is doubtful.
apavitat [m.pl.] ‘kind of mushroom’ (Nic.). <?>
eETYM Perhaps derived from a place name, e.g. the mountain ‘Ajtavoc in Asia Minor,
but it occurs frequently (Koukoules Ep. Et. Byz. 17 (1948): 75; Chantraine RPh. 91
(1965): 201-3). For the suffix, cf. adxovitov, BwAitys. The gloss dudvopec: doBtijvec
‘small abscess, boil’ (H.) may be unrelated.
cyidvopEs = aavitat
dtaka [f.] ‘framework, chassis of a four-wheeled wagon; wagon’ (Il.). <PG(v)>
*COMP dutakitdc ‘practicable for a wagon’ (06dc, Pi.), mostly substantivized [f.]
‘carriage-road’ (Il.), from iévat ‘to go’ and a suffix -to-.
*ETYM Usually derived from Gta and &&- (in » dEwv) with a suffix -1a, eg. Adrados
Emerita 17: 146f. However, the interpretation as ‘one-axler’ (Meringer KZ 40 (1907):
217ff.) does not fit the Gt1aEa; one would rather expect ‘two-axler’ (cf. » dippoc). It
hardly belongs to ToB amdkspdnta ‘wagon-master’ (for which, Adams 1999: 19
reconstructs unclear IE *h,em-), unless as a loan from Greek. Also improbable is
82 dpdopa
Adams KZ 97 (1984): 230-232 (‘containing axles’). Finally, Forssman 1966: 8-11 argues
that the aspiration is late, which suggests that the word does not contain dua.
Fur.: 221 compares &BakAry Gaba (Cyr.), ie. the interchange dpiaK-/ dBak-, from
which we must conclude that the etymon is Pre-Greek. Note that Banateanu REIE 3
(1943): 136f. already assumed an Anatolian origin.
d&pcoptcu [v.] ‘to draw (milk), gather’ (Od.). <2
eVAR The act. cyidw occurs late only.
eCOMP In compounds with é1-, kat-, etc.
*DER Gun ‘shovel’ (Ar.), ‘hod’ (inscr.), ‘water-bucket, pail’ (Plu; Lat. hama, Cato),
‘spade’ (Gp.); probably derived from the verb, not the other way around; from here
atic f. “chamber-pot’ (Hp.).
*ETYM Mostly connected with dun, but even this seems not quite certain (Schulze
1892: 365) and Solmsen 1909: 195 separate them). As the basic meaning of the verb
and of dun are unclear, the etymology is uncertain. It has further been connected
with » cuiviov and » dvtiog; a relationship with > duaAAa has also been suggested; all
are uncertain. Cf. Bechtel 1914 and Solmsen 1909: 18o0ff. Originally, the meaning was
no doubt quite specific, so the verb should not be connected with » dpa. Connection
with Skt. dmatra- [n.] ‘vase’ is also quite uncertain (the treatment of Mayrhofer
EWaAia is unsatisfactory; words for vases mostly have no etymology). One has
connected it with Lith. sémti, 1sg. semiu ‘to scoop, ladle’, sdmtis ‘ladle’ < *semH-, to
which perhaps belongs Lat. sentina ‘bilge-water’ (see » &vtAoc). See > Gudw.
étdpa [f.] ‘trench, channef (II.). <?>
eVAR Gu-? (Frisk); Ion. dyidpn. Cf. dudpevpa: a8poiopata BopBdpov “collection of
filth’ (H.) and 1) év totic Kiynoic Ddpopdn, Mapa 16 Gta Kai tows Kai Guards petv, 7
olov é1apdn tic oboa ‘irrigation in gardens (...)’ (H.).
eETYM The second gloss from Hesychius is a typical example of folk etymology.
Formerly connected with d1-, é&-apdav in the meaning ‘to dig out’, and with dn
‘shovel’ (Schulze 1892: 365f., Solmsen 1909: 194ff.), which is improbable. Others
considered a relationship with Hitt. amiiar(a)- ‘canal’: see Puhvel HED s.v. But note
that the words only have initial am- in common. The word could belong to the
Greek-Anatolian substrate. A third option is a connection with Alb. amé ‘river-bed,
source’ and river names like Amantia, Amana, Amara, etc; see Krahe Beitr. z.
Namenforsch. 4 (1953): 52f. and Kuiper NOWELE 25 (1995): 73-5. This comparison is
formally better than that with Hittite. See > dtapia.
&ptapaKov [n.] “Origanum Majorana, marjoram’ (Pherecr.). <PG?>
eVAR Also -Gp-, -o¢ [m.].
*ETYM The long @ in Ionic-Attic points to recent origin; cf. dBapt- dpiyavov <td Ev>
Maxedovia (H.). If this is accepted, the variation B/u points to a Pre-Greek substrate
word, which is probable anyhow. Connection with Skt. maruva(ka)- ‘id.’ must be
wrong. See Fur.: 210f., who further compares Bapoc/v ‘a kind of spice’. From Greek
comes Lat. amaracum, -us, MLat. maioracus, maiorana, whence the modern forms.
d&Lapvoow 83
Gutapeiv [v.] - dxoAovdeiv, meiPeoB8a1, dpraptdvetv ‘to follow, believe, miss the mark’
(H.). <GR, IE *sm- ‘one’ and *h,er- ‘join’>
*ETYM The last explanation of the gloss can hardly be reconciled with the first, so
they should be separated. One may compare Audptog, epithet of Zeus and Athena in
Achaia (Aymard 1938: 455-470); the word might mean ‘who brings together’ (cf.
‘Otaybptoc). Further comparison with > a..apti, » Ouaptéw and > Sunpoc. —
Gpiapia [2] - d.L00, mapaywywe ‘together, by a slight change’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Not understandable. One would think that the meaning belongs to another
gloss, as dtapfa can hardly be an adverb.
aptaptavw [v.] ‘to miss the mark, fail (1].). <1E *h,mert- ‘miss, fail’>
eVAR Aor. aiiaptetv.
*DIAL Aeol. ubpotov (Hom.).
*COMP vmleptic, vatt- (Hom.) ‘infallible, unmistakable’, Dor. vapépteia (S.).
Younger dvapidptntos ‘without fault’.
*DER Guiaptia ‘fault’ (Att.); audptiov (A.), apaptds (Ion. and late), apaptna (Att.,
Hell.), GutaptwAn (Thgn.), auaptwAia (Hp., com.); secondary duaptwAdc ‘sinner’
(Arist. Hell.), whence dtaptwaAdc “erroneous, erring’ (Arist.).
eETYM viLleptis presupposes *y-h,mert-, and seems old because of the full grade
root (cf. dvaydptrytoc). Probably, the -ap- in dutaptavw replaces -pa- after the full
grade (note that Aeolic has du1[B]pot-). The aspiration must be analogical. The word
has no known cognates, but the reconstructed root looks perfectly IE. Cf. Ruijgh
Lingua 25 (1970): 308f.
Gprapti [adv.] ‘at the same time, together’ (II].). <IE *sm-h,er-t-, GR>
eVAR -1 in Aristarchus; elsewhere -ij, -1j, but probably wrongly.
*DER dGuaptrénv (sch. ® 162, H.), which is also a probable reading of N 584
OptaptHonv (Wackernagel 1916: 70).
*ETYM Old instrumental (in *-eh, > -4, which also explains the accent) of a verbal
adjective *dtaptoc ‘joined together, meeting’ (dj1a and dpapicxw). Also from here
probably comes Guaptéw ‘to meet, get together’, which is mostly written > éuaptéw
(I1.). See also > épinpos.
dptapvoow [v.] ‘to sparkle, twinkle’ (of the eye) (h. Merc. Hes.). <PG>
VAR Only present.
*DER Gtapvyr ‘twinkling’ (h. Merc.), dudpvyua ‘id” (Hes., Sappho), with 0 by
metrical lengthening, while Aeolic has -x,1a; didpvy§ ‘id’? (Hdn.). Perhaps a
nasalized form in Aiapvykets (¥ 630) and in duapvyKvoia: Bootpuxia ‘curly things’
(H.) (rather unclear; mistake?). dpapbtta: tobc dpOadpotc ‘eyes’ (H.); taken as a
Cret. dual = cytapbxta ‘the twinkling ones’.
*ETYM Compare with > uappaipw (s.v5 cf. Lappapvyr). As -boow is typically Greek
(Schwyzer: 733), a comparison with Lith. mérkti ‘to close the eyes, twinkle’, etc. is not
admissible. The word may well be of Pre-Greek origin, with a- interchanging with
reduplication and the suffix -v&/-vy§, which is typical of the substrate language and
shows prenasalization. See Kuiper 1956: 221.
84 duata
grata [n.pl.]? disputed; hapax in SIG 421 A 5 and 26 (III*). <IE *h,eh,(s)-m6r ‘day’>
eETYM Leumann 1950: 276 reinstated the view that this form is simply juata ‘days’,
which is no doubt correct.
ctavpdc [adj.] ‘hardly seen, dim, faint’ (Od.); on the mg. see McKinley Ant. class. 26
(1957): 12-39, Neugebauer Ant. class. 27 (1968): 373f. <PG?>
eVAR Rarely padpocg or pavpdc (Hdn., Gal., H.), probably from pavpdopa, -dw
(Hes.).
*DER duavpdtiys (Gal.), auavpia = caligo (gloss.). Denominative verb duavpdopat ‘to
become dim’, rarely c4tavpdw ‘to make dim’ (Ion., poet., Hell.). Thence cutavpwotc
‘obfuscation’ (Hp., Arist.), dpravpwta ‘id.’ (Plu.).
*ETYM It is assumed that uavpdoiat arose through loss of the initial vowel (see the
material in Strémberg 1944: 44f.). However, it could also be a case of a prothetic
vowel vs. its absence, and therefore a substrate phenomenon. Substrate origin is
probable anyhow, as the word has no etymology. It is a Scythian loan acc. to Puhvel
1957: 237: from maurva-.
dtdw 1 [v.] ‘to reap corn, cut, mow down’ (II.). IE? *h,meh,- ‘mow’>
eVAR Homer often has long a-, no doubt metrical (Chantraine 1942: 111).
eCOMP Especially in am-, dtapdw ‘to cut off; mow, harvest’ (Od.).
*DER dito [m.] “(time of) harvest’ (Hom.), on the accent see LSJ; dyuytic [f]
(Hymn. Is.); outntip ‘reaper’ (Il.), dyujteipa [f.] (EM), cymytpic [f.] (Poll. 1, 222).
Daneben cyutnths (Porph.). Instrument noun dytntrpiov ‘sickle’ (Max. Tyr.),
Gpuyttxdc [adj.] ‘made for cutting’.
*ETYM Connected with OHG mden, OE mawan ‘to mow’, which means we have a
root *h,meh,-; Guytoc could then be identical with MHG mat, OE med ‘reaping’.
The Anatolian form Hitt. hamesha(nt)- ‘spring, time of harvest’ is important, as it
shows that the *h, belonged to the root. dudaw probably derives from dy < *h,mh,-
eh,-, acc. to Schrijver 1991: 20 (no vowel assimilation from *amé-, as per Peters 1980a:
91"). For dn, Morgenstierne Acta orientalia 7 (1929): 200 connects Pashto yam
‘spade’ (cf. Pok. 502, but it is doubtful whether a PIE root *ieh,m- is permissible).
The verb di-ajtaw is separated from dytdw ‘to mow’ by Irigoin in the LfgrE. On
> dyutahda ‘sheaf and » dytdpa ‘canal’, see s.vv.
GpLdw 2 = ALLcoptatt.
GuBy = dBwv.
Gps, -ixos [m.] ‘spouted vessel’ (Ath. 11, 480d), also ‘alembic’ (Zos. Alch.). <?>
VAR Also GtBtkoc m. (Posid.).
eETYM Explained as ‘pokixetAocg kvm and eic o&b dvnypévn (Ath. 11, 480d); see
Diehl on Semon. fr. 24. Statements about these words in the handbooks are unclear.
The suffix is no doubt a substrate element, as it is in KUALE. It is often connected with
> GuB1, » GBwv, but correctly so? Chantraine 1933: 376 calls these words Semitic, but
without references. Derivation from avaBaivw seems most improbable.
uBAaKiokw = duimAakiokw and daBrioKw.
dueipw, -opat 85
atBAioKw [v.] ‘to cause to miscarry’ (S.). <1E? *h,mlh;->
eVAR Pres. also (&&-)aytBASoptau, -dw (IA), -dw (Max.), -Woxetv: TO dtehic yevvijoat,
TO @Oeipa Bpépoc ‘uneffected birth, miscarriage of a foetus’ (Suid.), -wooetv:
@potoKeiv ‘to miscarry’ (H.); aor. (2€-)aptBA@oau.
*DER From cpAdopat: d&BAwotc ‘miscarriage’ (Lys., Arist.), atBAWoytoc (Max.),
&tBAwpa (Antipho Soph., Aret.), apBAwoytdc (Aret.); instrument noun autBAwTrpLov
(Orib.), adjective auiBAwtikdc (Gal.). The formation of dtBAwOpidiov ‘abortive child’
(Ph.), “drug causing abortion’ (Poll.), also -iétoc¢ [adj.] (Aret.), looks strange. A
secondary suffix -i5tov was added to -Opo- (Chantraine 1933: 373 and 68ff.).
*ETYM The connection with «An as ‘miscarriage’ (Hp.), recte ‘hard formation in a
woman’s womb’, should be given up; Chantraine thinks it may be the same word as
‘mill’, and Frisk, who gives the suggestion under dutBAioKw, does not mention it s.v.
t0AN. Rix MSS 27 (1970): 105" considers the root *h,mlh,- and a connection with
> GBAtc (but see there).
autBAds, -eta, -v [adj.] “blunt; dim, faint (of sight) (IA). <?>
*DER GBAvTHIs “bluntness, weakness’ (Arist., Plu.); denominative verbs: 1. auBAtvw
[v.] ‘to make blunt, weaken’ (IA); d&uBAvvoic (comm. Arist.), auBAvvtTHp (Poeta de
herb.), auBAvvtiKds ‘causing weakness’ (Dsc.). 2. diBAvWoow (-WTTw) [v.] ‘to be
short-sighted’ (Hp., P1.), from *apBAv-wy, cf. dtBAv-widc, also tiBAwmdc, apBAdy;
Schwyzer: 733 ¢, Sommer 1948: 3ff.
eETYM GtBAtc can be from *&A-vc. It cannot be from *h,mlhju-, as per Rix MSS 27
(1970): 90, as this would give *djtadvc. The connection with dtaAdc is a mere guess
and it explains nothing. Perhaps related to aBA(ax)ioxw; there have also been
attempts to compare it to aptaAdbva, lastly Nikolaev 2005.
auBpdotoc = Bpotdc.
GuBwv, -wvoc [m.] ‘rim or edge of a cup (especially one that curves inwards)’ (A.).
<2>
VAR Attic for Ion. dB ‘raised edge, protuberance’ (Gal. 18a 340); tbr: 1) Tic iTvOG
dgpic TOV KVAA@V donidwv ‘rim of a shield (...)’ (H.), ‘rim of a wheel’ (Democr.).
One compares also avaBwvec: Ba.ob eidoc ‘kind of step or threshold’ (H.).
eETYM On the formation, see Chantraine 1933: 162 and Schwyzer: 487; on the
meaning, Ross Glotta 49 (1971): 244-258. Probably a loanword. Connection with Lat.
umbo is quite uncertain; Chantraine (and, tentatively, Frisk) connect it with » apie.
&utgBvotos, -ov [adj.] ‘not drunken, not intoxicating’ (Plu., Dsc.); substantivized
‘remedy against drunkenness’ (Plu.), also as the name of a plant, see Stromberg 1940:
91; ‘amethyst’ (LXX). <1E *med"u ‘sweet; honey, wine’>
*ETYM Compound of privative a- and té6v. The stone ‘amethyst’ was named after its
color: the red of wine diluted with water such that it is no longer intoxicating
(Clausing Glotta 20 (1932): 292).
GtziBw, -opct [v.] ‘to change, exchange’, med. also ‘to answer, repay’ (lIl.). <IE
*h,meig”-‘change>
VAR dteiBovtec ‘rafters that meet and cross each other’ (‘Y 712).
86 dpeivwv
*DER dolby ‘change, exchange, requital, recompense, answer, etc., dpotpaioc
‘abwechselnd’ (Pi, Emp., Hdt.), dpoibddiog ‘id’ (Opp.); dpoBipaiov ‘payment,
reward’ (IGRom., Lydia). duoiBetc name of Poseidon in Lyc. 617. Adverbs:
apoibndic, (ém)apoBadic (Hom.), cf. Schwyzer 631. Late denominative duoiacw [v.]
‘to swap’ (Men. Prot.). dueryic (Plb., LXX) ‘(ex)change, etc.’, dptermtixdc. apoibdc
‘one who exchanges’ (lIl.), also adjective ‘in requital’ (S.), frequent as a second
member.
*ETYM No exact correspondence. It has been compared to Lat. migrare ‘to wander’ as
if from *migros ‘changing (place)’. The -B- probably goes back to *g”, as *b is rare in
PIE. Therefore, the root was *h,meig”-, which may be an extension of *h,mei- ‘to
change’ (as in Skt. md yate and Lat. com-miunis), but an enlargement -g”- is rare.
dueivwv [adj.] ‘better, stronger, more advantageous’ (II.). <?>
eETYM No etymology. Attic proper names with Ajtetv- are supposed to show that the
-el- is a real diphthong, so it does not derive from *dteviwv. DELG therefore
remarks that the word could be an old positive. Seiler 1950: 120 assumed *d-Ltetviwv,
from *\uvtc with privative a-; this is improbable. Note that a root *h.mein- would
violate the IE root structure constraints, so it would have to be from *h,mei-n-.
auteipw [v.] ‘to bereave’ (Pi.). <?>
*COMP dmapteipw (p 322 v. |., Hes.).
*ETYM Solmsen KZ 29 (1888): 354 took the verb as an innovation for dp1épdw to
dpepoat, dtepOijvat. Perhaps related to » duépdw. A reconstruction *h,mer-ie/o- is
perfectly possible.
apéryw [v.] ‘milk (IL). IE *h,melg- ‘milk’>
eCOMP imtt-1),toA yoi “Mare Milker’, name of Scythians and other nomads (N 5, Hes.).
DER GteAktc ‘milking’ (Pi. LXX); plant name dteA€ivyn (Ps.-Dsc.), see Stromberg
1940: 160 (who compares dylepoivn, and éAkivn). dpteAKthpa (H.) explaining
apaxtijpa.
autor ydc, GuoAyr (Hdn.); cytoAyevs and dytdAytov ‘milking pail’ (Theoc.), dptoAyadec
Bdec ‘dairy cows’ (S. Ichn. 5). On attoAyaiog, dpodydaCet see > GpLoAydc.
*ETYM An old verb, also found with full grade root in OHG melchan, OE melcan,
Alb. mjel, ToA malkant [ptc.], Lith. mélZu, with the acute due to the following *¢
(Winter’s Law). The zero grade root appears in OCS mlozo, MIv. bligim, Lat. mulgeo.
This points to an old ablauting athematic root present sing. *h,mél¢-ti, plur. *hmlg-
énti. Not connected with Skt. marjmi, myjdnti ‘to wipe off (see » Oudpyvujtt).
apeveu [v.] ‘to satiate, take one’s fill’. > Goat.
atevnvdc [adj.] ‘without power’ (Il.). <GR, IE *men-s->
DER atevijvwoev (N 562).
eETYM Built on dutevrie (E.), from ptévoc, perhaps modelled after akprvdc (Od.).
apépyw [v.] ‘to pluck’, of flowers (Sapph.), also of olives = “squeeze out’? (Com. Adesp.
437); Gplepyw: TO éxrtelw ‘to press out’ (Hdn.). <1E?, PG?>
GUNS, -1TOS 87
*DER Gtdpyn ‘watery part which runs out when olives are pressed’ (Hp.), borrowed
as Lat. amurca, amurga; also dtdpyrc, dtopyoc, dttopyic. Agent noun dytopyot:
m6AEewc SAEOpot ‘destructions of a city’ (Cratin.). dtopyevc ‘squeezer of olive oil’
(Poll.), duopyua: obAAEypya, dptupia ‘collection, condiment’ (H.). Unclear duopyic,
-(60¢ [f.] ‘stalks of mallow, Malva silvestris’ (Ar.); perhaps named after the island
Amorgos (Taillardat RPh. 33 (1959): 66; cf. also Taillardat REGr. 64 (1951): uff.).
Adjective attdpytvocg epithet of yitwv and other garments (com., Aeschin.), cf.
Gdpyeta: xpwpatos eidoc, and vijoov Ajtopyodvtos ‘kind of color, from the island
of Amorgos’ (Suid.).
*ETYM Lat. mergae ‘pitchfork’ could be related. It seems that the Greek root is related
to Skt. marj- (see » Oudpyvuu), but it is unclear how the initial vocalism could be
explained. Although a PIE root *h,merg- is perfectly possible, the word may also be a
technical term borrowed from the substrate language.
aépdw [v.] ‘to deprive of (Il.). <1E *h,merd- ‘cause injury’>
eVAR lépdet- KwAvet, PAGTTE ‘hinders, disables’ (H.); prepOeioa- oteprOeioa
‘deprived’ (H.).
*ETYM If the form without the initial vowel is secondary, the root may have been
*h.merd-, which is cognate with Skt. mrdnati, mardati ‘zerreiben, zerdriicken’ (cf.
> tapaivw), OAv. mérandat ‘destroys’, Lat. morded ‘to bite’, OE smeortan ‘to cause
pain’ (with initial s- of Germanic origin). Perhaps related to > deipw.
GEO + WpLotAdTaL ‘shoulder blades’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM Compare with » og; if this represents *Hom(e)s-, we could assume *h.mes-,
but then the language can hardly be Greek, given the preserved intervocalic -o-. Is it
then Macedonian? It can hardly be Phrygian, which does not preserve intervocalic
-s- either. The word may have quite a different origin (see Beekes Sprache 18 (1972):
127).
auevoao8at [v.] ‘to surpass, go beyond’ (Pi., Euph.), also ‘to trade, exchange’ in Cret.,
cf. Bechtel 1921, 2: 778. <IE? *h,meu(H)- ‘move, push’>
eVAR Staptevotac: dAaldvac ‘vagrants’ (H.); dtaytevtic: wevornc, anatewv ‘liar, cheat’
*DER GleVoulocg = mopevoiog (A. R. 4, 297 after EM 82, 11), cf. attevoimopos, -emtc
(Pi.).
eETYM The meaning ‘trade’ could derive from ‘to go to the other side’. The
comparison with d0vw ‘to push back’, further with Lat. moved, Lith. mduti, 1s.
mduju ‘to tear off, Skt. mivati ‘move, push’ < *miH-(e)u- (the European forms
continuing *mieu-), is rather uncertain. If it is Indo-European, the root may be
*h,meu-, cf. Heubeck Glotta 65 (1987): 37-44 and s.v. > du0LLwv.
ci = Aytdopta.
Gpukwa [adj.] - Serva. Tapavtivot ‘fearful (Tarantian) (H.). <?>
*ETYM Acc. to von Blumenthal 1930: 14, the word is Messapian. A mere guess.
Gung; -1t0g [m.] ‘cake’ (Ar.). 4%
88 aula
*DER Diminutive duntioxos ‘kind of cake’ (com.).
eETYM Unknown. It has been compared to »du8a. The latter word has a
reduplicated variant dpau8ddec, typical of substrate words, but it need not be
cognate with dyu)<.
tia [f.] ‘kind of tunny which swims up rivers’, perhaps ‘bonito’ (Sotad. Com.). <?>
eVAR Also -iac [m.].
*ETYM Unknown. Thompson 1947 s.v. supposes an Egyptian origin (mehi, mhit
name of a fish). Cf. Stromberg 1943: 128 and De Saint Denis1947 s.v.
ayuda [f.] - ESeopa tov, kal dptvupa wo Avaxpéwv ‘kind of meat, condiment’ (H.); for
Anacr. see 467 Page. < PG(V)>
eVAR P. Hamb. 90, 18 has an acc. pl. Gu8ac. Cf. dpap8dde¢ iSvopd tt okevactov
dia Kpewv eic pucpa Kekoppévwv S aptvpatwv (Photius 86 R.).
eETYM The variant with reduplication is typical of substrate words. The word has
been connected with dung, but this is quite uncertain.
quuAAa [f.] ‘contest’ (Pi.). < PG(S)>
*DER Denominative verb ap1AA dopa ‘to compete’ (IA); apuAAntihp ‘competing’ (S.),
GutAANtHptog ‘of the competition’ (Philostr., Aristid.); GpwAAntikdg ‘id.’ (PI.);
apiAArpa ‘competition’ (S. [lyr.], inscr. Cyr.).
*ETYM Derived from *dp-tA-1a by Frisk (comparing OveAAa, GpadAa), but this is
problematic. All words in -tAA(a) look non-IE (i.e. Pre-Greek), so an IE suffix of this
shape is very doubtful (cf. Benveniste 1935: 41). For the form, cf. dyiAdaxav: oivov
‘wine’ (H.).
apidAakav [f.]? - oivov. OrnBaiot ‘wine (Theban)’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM Unknown. See Fur.: 221 (also on » GBiAALov). Cf. > Biya.
&tux8addeooa [adj.] ‘rich in almonds’, epithet of Lemnos (CO 753). < PG>
eETYM Call. fr. 18, 8 has dpty8ardeooav ... Hépa, so he connects opixAn. This must be
a folk etymology, since 0- comes from *h,-. Scholion BT on QO. 753 gives = evdaipwv,
which is no more than a noncommittal guess (*dpuxto0-8adoecoa [Lagercrantz IF 50
(1932): 277-80] is a construct that would hardly have been syncopated to our form).
The ancient interpretation as dmpdoptktos ‘inhospitable’ does not explain the form
of the word. The connection with Go. maihstus ‘mist’ has the objection that the latter
word is not known in Greek. Leumann 1950: 214 and 273), accepts the solution of
Doederlein, who identified the form with apbydaov ‘almond’. This explanation fits
well and gives no difficulties for the formation. The variation may be confirmed by
duvKto: yAvKd oi dé Guixtov (H.) and duvKdic: yAukic, Sbc¢ (H.); for Kt/ KA, cf.
apaKtn / dpoKdov etc. See Fur.: 140, 388.
cuysd [f.] ‘mamma, mother; nurse’, tpogdc kal utnp Ka®’ bnoKoptopdv ‘rearer and
mother (hypocoristic) (EM 84, 22). <ONOM>
eVAR appiia (Hdt.).
eETYM Nursery word. Cf. Lat. amma, and Chantraine REGr. 59-60 (1946-7): 242ff.
dpotva 89
*dyuk - ovyKopuotdg dptoc, Tapavtivot ‘bread of unbolted meal (Tarantian)’ (H.).
<2
*ETYM Gloss 3662 has aUtkovid tog, 3702 G|LLLOKOLLOTOV; thus *dt(¢)?
Gutos [f.] ‘sand’ (Pl.). <Lw>
DER Gtytwdijg (Hp. Arist.), dpptvoc (Peripl. M. Rubr.), dupitrs [m.] (sc. ioc), also
dupitic [f.] ‘sandstone’ (Plin.).
*ETYM Considered to be a contamination of »dpa8oc and »wappoc, but this
assumed starting point fails to appreciate that the word is non-Indo-European and,
as such, may not have followed the sound laws of IE words. On Appitng as a river
name, see Redard 1949: 130 etc.
dvaytos [m., f.] ‘grandchild’ (Call.). <«GR>
eVAR Also duvapipog; plur. duvdpoves (Poll. 3, 19). Cf. the gloss cited by DELG.
eDIAL Oros in Reitzenstein 1897: 5: Guvayiot- oi andyovor Kupiwc Tapa thv TOV
Kupryvaiwv didAextov of TOV duv@v duvoi Gvapot A€yovtat: TOVTEGTLY TOV ApVa@v
dpvec: (...).
*ETYM Probably a reduplicated form of cyivdc; cf. mouddmatc (DELG). See Dobias-
Lalou REGr. 111 (1998): 403-417.
autviov [n.] ‘patera, vase to receive the blood of a sacrifice’ (y 444); see Brommer
Herm. 77 (1942): 357 and 364. <?>
*ETYM Connection with djdopat is no more than a guess.
&ttvdc [m., f.] ‘lamb’ (S.). <1 *h.eg’-n-, *h,og’-n- ‘lamb’>
eVAR Guvoa: tpdpatov, oi dé cyLvdc ‘cattle, lamb’ (H.), unreliable.
*COMP duvoKdv ‘stupid like a sheep’ (from Koéw, Taillardat 1962: § 453) dyvoKdpoc
(Latte for -K670¢). mous ‘herdsman’ (H.).
*DER Special feminine forms: duvi, -4 (Cos, Gortyn, etc.), dpvdcg (LXX), dpvic
(Theoc.). Adjectives: duvetog (Theoc.), apvatoc (pap.) ‘made of lambskin’; thence
duveiov, duviov, also duveidc, dpvoc ‘inner membrane surrounding the foetus’
(Emp.), also -dc.
eETYM Identical with Lat. agnus < *h,eg’-no-, Olr. uan < *h,og’-no-, OCS agne <
*h,eg”-n-ent- (with long vowel and acute from Winter’s Law). OE éanian, E yean,
Du. oonen < PGm. *awnén seem to presuppose -g”'-, but see Schrijver 1991: 39, 438.
G1o- ‘some, someone, somebody’, indefinite pronominal stem in oddapdc, etc. <IE
*smH-o- ‘some’>
eVAR Also in Gpod, api, dpot, 4uwo-yé-mwe; also pndapo-.
eETYM Identical with Skt. sama- ‘someone’ and Go. sums ‘id’. The Greek and
Germanic forms require *smH-o-, and the Skt. form may also go back to this. A
similar form is at the basis of Olr. samail and Lat. similis ‘like’ < *semh,-I-, see on
> Ouaddc. The forms seem to be an enlargement of *sem- ‘one’ (see » ec), but the
exact relation is unclear.
dysotva [?] unknown (only IG 5(2), 4: 22). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
90 GLOLoc
drotog [adj.] - Kaxdc. LixeAot ‘bad (Sicilian) (H.). <PG(V)>
*VAR LLoioc: oKvOpwrdc ‘sullen, sad’ (H.), see on > opoldg = oKvOpwitdc (Hdn. Gr. 1,
109), Opoiog (Theognost.), ouvdc (H.).
*ETYM Given the plausible connection with » cpotdc (see above and s.v.), the initial
displays a number of variations, which are typical for Pre-Greek (Fur.: 368). Not
related to » poitoc (s.v; pace von Blumenthal 1930: 15f.).
&toA-yoc [m.] ‘darkness’. Only (év) vvKtdc dody@ (A 173, O 324, X 28 and 317, 6 841).
<>
eVAR OLOAY@: Cow ‘in darkness’ (H.), where the ms. has 6poA0y@. As an adjective
(which is probably a secondary, learned development) in E. fr. 104: duoAyov vixta:
Evpinidyg AAKurvyn Copepav Kai oKotetviyy ‘dark’. of 5& pépog tig vuKtdg Ka? 6
auéAyovotv ‘part of the night during which they milk’ (H.).
*DER GuoAyaios in wala apoAyain ‘barley-cake made with milk’ (Hes. Op. 590), see
below; duoAyaiov pactov avacy devo ‘who held up a breast full of milk’ (AP7, 657,
Leon.). auoAyacer peonpBpitet ‘passes the noon’ (H.).
eETYM The meaning had already been lost in antiquity. If a verbal noun of apéA yu,
auoAydc, it means ‘the milking’ (and the oxytonesis has to be secondary). The
expression pala dyoAyain in Hesiod is interpreted by Proclus and in EM s.v. waa as
axuaia ‘at its height, in full bloom’: 16 yap dpoAyov éni tod axpuaiov tiBeta. Thus
also Eustathius on O 324: Ayatoi d6& kata tobe yAWoooypdgous apoAyov TI AKL}
aot. However, this meaning may have been derived from the text (see Leumann
1950: 274). Nilsson 1920: 35f. took it as the time of milking at the beginning of the
night. DELG judges this interpretation to be more probable than that of ‘fullness’.
Older literature is mentioned in DELG and Frisk; see also Bolling AmJPh. 78 (1958):
165-172; Szemerényi Gnomon 43 (1971): 654. Parvulescu Glotta 63 (1985): 152-158
argues that vuktdc dyuoAy@ indicates the evening twilight, and adduces parallels
from other languages for an original meaning ‘night milking’. Still, if dpoAoy@
points to *dpo0A yc, the alternation 4-/6- could point to a substrate word.
audpa [f.] ‘sweet cake’ (Philet.). <?>
eVAR adpa: cepidadic epOr obv pEAtTI ‘fine wheat flour boiled with honey’ (H.).
*DER apopitng dptog (LXX), also written duopBitns (Ath.) and dpopyitac:
mAaKkovvtas ‘flat cakes’ (H.), both = auopritne, with a suffix -ity¢.
*ETYM From original *ayd6pfa. Etymology unknown; perhaps Pre-Greek *(a)mar’-a?
aopBdc [m., f.] “follower, shepherd’ (Call.). <?>
*DER Adjective ayopBaioc, said of xapddpat ‘gravel’ (Nic. Th. 28, 489), mg. unclear;
scholiasts render it with moievixat ‘of herdsmen’ or oxotetwwdetc ‘dark’ (which may
be mere guesses); cf. EM 85, 20: auopBij¢ kai duopBéc- onpatvet TO LEGOVUKTIOV 71apa
tiv dp@viy ... onpaiver kai Tov aKdAovov ‘the time of midnight; companion’.
Denominative verbs apoppéw (Antim.) and dyoppebw (Nic.) ‘to accompany’.
auopBitns belongs to » audpa.
eETYM Unknown. Improbable analysis by Pisani RILomb. 77 (1943-44): 541.
cquLopyn >apépyw.
apmtdaKioxw 91
auopyic [f.] kind of dress (Cratin. fr. 96). <PG>
*VAR Aaumtipes Guopyotvc (Emp. fr. 84), perhaps lanterns clothed in muslin (cf. Lat.
lintea lanterna, P|. Bacch. 446).
*DER Unclear duopyic, -idoc [f.] ‘stalks of mallow, Malva silvestris’ (Ar.); perhaps
named after the island Amorgos (Taillardat RPh. 33 (1959): 66; cf. also Taillardat
REGr. 64 (1951): uff.). Adjective audpytvocg epithet of yit#v and other garments
(com., Aeschin.), cf. dudpyeta: xpwpatog eidoc, amd vijcov Auopyobvtos ‘kind of
color, after the island of Amorgos’ (Suid.).
eETYM The name of the island may have been used to designate clothes, cf. MoE
jersey, jeans, etc. Cf. Taillardat 1962: section 262.
dutotov [adv.] ‘incessantly, without pause’ (Il.), especially in the phrase dyotov
LeLaws. <IE *meh,- ‘get tired’>
eVAR Thence the adj. ctotoc (Theoc.).
*ETYM Uncertain, as the exact meaning is unknown. Seiler KZ 75 (1957): 17-20
assumes zero grade of év + zero grade of plev-, like in éupepawe; yet a zero grade of
év is uncertain. Forssman 1986: 329-339 explains it as *y-my-tom memmnuos as
‘Unerstrebtes/-bares erstrebend’, with Greek and Sanskrit parallels. This is tempting,
but for the oldest formula with Eris (twice at verse end), the proposed meaning does
not fit. There, it clearly means ‘incessantly, indefatigable’, which rather suggests a
connection with *meh,-, as seen in » u@Aoc, OHG muojan ‘to tire’, muodi ‘tired’, Go.
af-mauips ‘id.’ < *m0-etos), Ru. mdjat’, sg. mdju ‘to wear out’ (LIV’ s.v. *meh,-).
dimeAog [f.] ‘grape-vine, Vitis vinifera’ (Il.). <PG?>
eDER Diminutives: aurtédov (Ar., Hp.), aumedic (Ar.), also a bird name = aunediwv,
see below.
Adjectives: aumeAdets ‘rich in vines’ (Il.); autéAtvog ‘of the vine’ (Hdt., Arist., Plb.),
aumteduxdg ‘id’ (Hell.), cysttéAtog ‘id’ (Ph., Ach. Tat.), dumeA@dne ‘rich in vines’
(Poll. H.). dune itis (yi, xépoos) ‘viniculture’ (pap.), dpmteAttucdc (pap.).
gumeAw@v [m.] ‘vineyard’ (Aeschin. 2, 156 [vl], Hell.); aumeXemv (Theoc., AP),
diminutive dumedwvidtov (pap.); aumede(a ‘id.’ (inscr. Cherson.), after @uteia.
dumeAiwv [m.] name of an unknown bird (Dionys. Av.), see Thompson 1895 s.v.
eETYM Cannot be explained in IE terms, and generally considered to be a substrate
word (although there are no further indications for this).
aumtAaxiokw [v.] ‘to miss, fail; to be bereft of; to transgress’ (Archil.). <PG(V)>
eVAR Also auBAaxioxu; late and rare present to the aor. fumAakov (also fuB-), pass.
perf. humAdKnuat. Note amAaxwv (E. Alc. 242, 1A 124) and avanAdkntosg (S. OT 472).
eDIAL Does not occur in Attic.
*DER GumAakia ‘fault? (Hp.) with dutAaki@tic f. = iepa vdcooc (Poet. de herb.).
Further dumAdk.ov (Pi. P. 11, 26) and gumAdKnpa (poet., late prose).
eETYM Compared with » duBAioxw, which DELG rejects for both formal and
semantic reasons. are typical for substrate words (see Fur.: 28:f.). Blanc 1994: 79-85
connects it with »mAdCopa. As Van Beek suggests to me (p.c.), this is quite
attractive, provided that mAdopwat (which has no convincing etymology) is a
substrate word. The group would then display a prothetic vowel (which is otherwise
92 cuUTIpOV
rare in verbal forms!), prenasalization, and interchange B/ 1m (if we include
attBAiokw), and we could reconstruct a Pre-Greek verbal root *(a)"pla'k-.
aunpov [n.] ‘rope for drawing loads’ (inscr. V-IV*). <?>
eVAR Accentuation after Et. Gen., H.
DER dttpevbw [v.] ‘to draw along, drag’ (E. apud Phot., Call.); ¢&-aumpedw (Ar. Lys.
289), whence a retrograde derivative éEapnpov ‘team of oxen’ (gloss.); cvv-atimpedw
(Arist.). apimpevtis Svoc (S. apud Phot.).
eETYM Technical term of unknown origin.
adc, -bd0¢ 93
*DER Gtvdpretc ‘id.’ (Nic.); dytvdpdtng ‘darkness, weakness, etc.’ (Ph., Gal. Plot.).
Denominative cytvdpdopat ‘become dark’, -6w ‘to make dark’ (Ph. comm. Arist.);
thence cutdpwotc (comm. Arist.).
eETYM Unknown. duavpdc is close in meaning and form, but the two cannot be
combined in Indo-European terms. Influence of gatdpdc has been proposed, but
such contaminations are often rather gratuitous. In principle, ajiv6- may continue a
root *h,mud-. The Slavic root *mod- ‘weakness etc.’ cannot continue *mud- in view
of Winter’s Law (so it is from *mud"-).
‘ ‘ pias fig Sine ; auvKapic = LOK.
durvk, -vKoc [f., m.] “women’s diadem; horse’s bit; rim of a wheel’ (II.). <PG> vai
eDIAL Myc. a-pu-ke /ampukei/ in a context of horses’ harnesses, a-na-pu-ke /an- GuvdAog [m.] ‘cake of fine meal’ (Ar.). <GR?>
ampukes/ of tyviat, a-pu-ko-wo-ko /ampuk(o)-worgos/.
*COMP xpvo-dunv§ ‘with a golden bit’ (I1.).
*DER cuimuKtijpes (A.), dpvKtipia and dumvKwpiata (S.) are poetic enlargements.
Denominative dytmvKdCw [v.] ‘to tie up with a headband’ (AP, EM).
*ETYM Formerly considered to be a root noun mv& prefixed with d- = dva-,
belonging to i10xa ‘solidly’, nuxvéc, etc., and cognate with Av. pusd ‘diadem’ < IE
* pukeh,- (Lidén 1932: 148ff.); this is seconded by Benveniste BSL 34 (1933): 41, who
adduced further forms and borrowings from Iranian. However, Szemerényi Gnomon
43 (1971): 655 points out that dva- would not fit the meaning, as *dgi-mvK- would be
expected. As this form could hardly give cyimvx-, the etymology is doubtful. The
notion ‘thick, solid’ does not seem to fit the objects in question. Szemerényi also
doubts the connection with Iranian.
A word for such objects is easily borrowed. If we analyze the word as *amp-uk-, it
contains a typical substrate suffix (Beekes 2003: 12-15).
Gunwrtic [f.] ‘ebb’ (Hp.). <GR>
*DER Gimwtifw ‘to ebb’ (Ph., Eust.).
*ETYM Variant of dvanwtic (Pi.), a fem. agent noun of dvamivw; dumwtic (OdAacoa)
= resorbens unda (Hor.). See Schulze KZ 56 (1929): 287, Schulze KZ 57 (1930): 275, as
well as Fraenkel 1910: 116; but see also the critical notes in DELG.
é&pvydaAn [f.] ‘almond’ (Hp.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Guwydadov [n.], dptvySadoc [f.] (Luc.). Also &tvoyéAa, -vAa (Cyrene).
*DER duvydahic [f.] = duvydadr (Philox., Plu.), diminutive djtvydadtov (Hp.).
Adjectives: cytvydda\tvoc ‘made of almond’ (X., Thphr.), dytvyddAtoc ‘almond-
shaped’ (pap.), dprwydaddetc ‘id.’ (Nic.), dtwydar@dne¢ ‘id. (Thphr.). cyvydaréa, -i
‘almond tree’ (Eup., Hp., Arist., Thphr.), dytvydaAitye¢ ‘spurge’ (Dsc., Plin.).
*ETYM A typical substrate word (note -y6-, which interchanges with--oy-), which is
confirmed by the identification with » dtux8aAdeooa; on the variation see Pre-Greek.
Fur. 140 further compares »t0Knpoc and Hitt. mitgaimi- ‘sweet bread’, Luw.
mitgaimi- ‘sweet(ened)’. Borrowed into Lat. as amygdala; also amiddula, amyndala,
amandula, whence OHG mandala.
auvdpdc [adj.] ‘dim, faint, obscure’ (Archil.). <?>
eVAR cutvda-vat- Kpvya ‘hide, cover’ (H.).
eVAR Guvdov [n.] ‘starch’ (Dsc.).
*DER Diminutive dt0Atov 1 [n.] ‘cake’ (Plu.), whence d&uvdatov ‘id,’ (sch. Ar. Pax
1195); &t0Atov 2 ‘starch’ (Hp., Arist.), whence dttvAidwtov ‘kind of (starched) chiton’
(Hermipp.). For the formation cf. dAvotdwtdc, xeiptSwtdc (Chantraine 1933: 305).
eETYM Starch is made from unground grain, which suggests that d&tvAoc derives
from pW0An (cf. dtvAOv- oteppdv, dkAaotov ‘firm, unbroken’ EM) with privative a-.
However, given the form, we expect a basic meaning ‘having no mill’, not
‘unground’, which casts some doubts on the etymology. Lat. LW amulum > MoFr.
amidon.
&pdpuwv [adj] ‘noble, excellent’ (Il.), never of gods. <1E *h,meu->
eVAR Gtuploc. AyaGdc, GpmEI]TOG, dpepTTOs Kai dtwpLwv ‘good, blameless’ (H.).
eETYM Traditionally connected with pipiap: aicxoc, pdBoc, woyoc ‘shame, fear,
blame’ (H.) and puptapiter yedoudlet ‘jests’, which is taken to be Aeolic for paptap,
> LL@ptoc ‘blame’. cytvptwv would then originally mean ‘without blame’, and relate to
LwpLap as dmteipwv to meipap. However, Heubeck Glotta 65 (1987): 37-44 proposed a
derivation from dtv- < *h,mu- in d&tevoac@at ‘to surpass’, ie. ‘who surpasses others’
(with metrically lengthened v in the sequence of three shorts). This seems to be an
improvement. The root (Pok. 743) would mean ‘to bend the motion, (re)move’,
found in Lat. moved and in d1bvw ‘to ward off, but this is not entirely convincing.
&pdvw [v.] ‘to ward off, defend, help’ (I1.). <?>
eVAR Pret. nptvva8ov (impf. or aor.? See Schwyzer: 703).
*DER Gudvtwp “warden, defender’ (II.), also as a PN; cytuvtijpec ‘brow tines of a stag’s
antlers’ (Arist.); duvvtijptog ‘fit for warding off (PI. Hell.), duvvtijptov (PL, Hell.);
givvtixdg ‘id’ (PL, Arist.). duvvtpdv (A. apud Phot.), not glossed. dwvti¢
‘defender’ (Phot. Hdn.), also PN, cf. xnp-aprovtng (Lyc.); dprvviac ‘id’ (Ar. Eg. 570).
duuvva “defense, revenge’, etc. (Theopomp. Com.); retrograde formation, see
Schwyzer: 475, Chantraine 1933: 101. xelLt-Gtvva = xAaiva maxeta (A. fr. and S. fr.).
eETYM If the nasal is originally a present marker, as in kAivw, tAbvw, we have a root
dttv-, which may be found in » d&tetoac8at ‘to excel, transcend’, but the semantics
are not quite clear. So a thematicized nasal present *dtv-vf-w? -
aude, -05oc [f.] ‘freshwater turtle’, xeAd@vn Aytvaia (Archig. apud Gal.). < PG(v)>
VAR Also gu0c (Arist. HA 588a 8, H.).
94 ayvoow
*ETYM Considered to be a contamination of ec ‘id’? and duia ‘tunny’ by Strémberg
1943: 81, but this is improbable. The form with é- rather shows a substrate origin; see
Fur.: 347. Perhaps found in » mrAapivc?
&tboow [v.] ‘to scratch, tear, lacerate’ (Il.). <PG(v)>
eVAR cuivoxecBat. 16 Egetv Tag GdpKacg Toic dvuEtv ‘the laceration of the flesh with
claws’ (H.).; dutvyn ‘rent, wound’.
eDER 1. dulvyr ‘rent, wound’ (Hp.), dvxiaiog mg. uncertain (Pl. Ax. 366a) and
auvx@dn¢ ‘cracked’ (Hp. Thphr.), dytvyndov ‘superficially, lightly’ (EM); 2. dpvxpdc
‘id? (Theoc.), dtvypidg (conj. in A. Ch. 24); 3. Gywypta ‘rending’ (S., E.); 4. dprvEtc
‘scratching’ (Orph., Ach. Tat.). Adverb a& (éupioa Nic.) = pddic (Euph.);
adjective dytvKtiKdc ‘scratching, irritating’ (Plu., medic.). Also apivKdrat ai daidec
tav Bed@v ‘the barbs of arrows’ (H., EM), cf. Chantraine 1933: 245ff., Schwyzer: 483.
Cf. duivoxec8a. 16 Egetv tac odpKac Toi Svvetv ‘laceration of flesh with claws’ (H.).
*ETYM A root *auvK/x- is assumed, which would continue IE *h,muk/g"-; this is then
compared with Lat. micro ‘sharp point, sword’ (cf. De Vaan 2008 s.v.). Further
comparanda include Lith. musti ‘to beat? and OE gemyscan ‘to afflict, tease’
(Holthausen IF 48 (1930): 266). This seems a rather small basis for reconstructing an
IE root. Fur.: 347 accepts the comparison with Latin, but as a substrate word (though
his assimilation rule a- > e- before v/ t [34633] seems doubtful to me). The form
auvox- shows a typical Pre-Greek variation (insertion of -o- before stop).
cuiwoti = pw.
dtvoxpdc [adj.] ‘immaculate, pure’ (Parth.). <PG(v)>
VAR Also dutvxpdc (S. apud Phot. Suid.) and duvxvoc, divyvdc, dptboKapos (Suid.);
dovxa: KaBapevovoa. Adxwvec ‘clean or pure (Lacon.) (H.). cytvoyfivat Ka8apau,
ayvicat ‘to cleanse’ (H.).
eETYM The variations «/ y/ x and o/ zero suggest a Pre-Greek origin (Fur.: 299);
perhaps also ox/ &, if Furnée is right in connecting apv&avoc: dvdctoc ‘impure’ (H.),
with privative a- (cf. Fur.: 393). Also related is twwoKoc: ttiaopia, KfjSo0¢ ‘defilement,
care’ (H.). Not related to dmopvoow (see > pWooopat and L0Ea). See > ptboo<.
aqydw >To.
a&ugaoin [f.] “speechlessness’ (P 695 = 6 704), of énéwv. 4GRE
*ETYM Equivalent of apacin (E.) from dgatog (> ryt), with dt- indicating a long
syllable, acc. to Chantraine 1942: 99. Perhaps modelled after dutBpooin.
AMLPNV, -EvOG =adyihV.
dtgi [adv., prep.] ‘around, on both sides’ (I1.). <1E *h,nt-b'i ‘on both sides, around’>
VAR Also dytgic [adv] ‘id., apart’, more rare as a prep. ‘around, outside of (epic).
*DIAL Myc. a-pi, e.g. in a-pi-qo-ro-i /amp*i-k’oloi*i/ ‘servants’ [dat.pl.]. Also in PNs,
e.g. a-pi-a,-ro /Amptihalos/.
eETYM This old adverb is originally a case form of the word for ‘face’, as is clearly
shown by the cognate ToB dntpi, antapi ‘both’ < *h,ent-bo(i)-; cf. Jasanoff BSL 71
(1976): 123-131 (see > Gipw). Greek dui and Lat. amb(i)-, am-, an-, continue the
aupiobntéw 95
instrumental *h,nt-b"i. Further forms: Alb. mbi ‘at’, W ambi-, Olr. imb-, OHG umbi
‘around’, Skt. abhi, OAv. aibi ‘towards’. Grassmann’s dissimilation law gave am- in
atm-Exw etc. The word is important in historical phonology, because it shows that a
zero grade *h,n- (cf. the OHG and IIr. forms) gives av- in Greek (so-called Lex Rix).
Grpidatw [v.] ‘to clothe, put on’ (Alciphr.). <GR>
*ETYM Hellenistic innovation for ayipiévvupu beside dyipiéCw, which was built on the
aor. Apipl-Eoat.
aurqrac, -ov [m.] name of a mediocre Sicilian wine (com.); cf. Ath. 31e, Suid. <GR>
eVAR Cf. dtgric: olvov AvOoc: oi dé ttéAava oivov ‘the flower of the vine; red wine’
*ETYM -tac is a suffix used in names of wines. See Baunack Phil. 70 (1911): 356; is
there a.connection with di, -w? Fur.: 341 connects the gloss with dpidc, and also
> Stipa ‘unripe grape’, which is quite possible.
cuipiyvos >ydr\<.
Gprqeefwo —apiracw.
qugucéAguvov [m., n.] - dupipapéc: oi dé tov Pactaldpevov dnd dbo avOpwnwv
Sigpov,- GAAor SE augikotAov EvAov ‘chariot-board borne by two men; wood
hollowed on both sides’ (H.). <?>
VAR Gurqucedguivic: Kat OBEeh@v Tepikpépacic icoppdmwe ‘hanging down from a bar
in equipoise’ (H.).
*DIAL Myc. o-pi-ke-re-mi-ni-ja-pi /opi-kelemniap"i/ [ins.pl.] part of a chair
(connection with kpepiavvupu, supposing /-krémn-/, is impossible; see » kpr|Lvdc).
eETYM Connected with » xeAgovtec by Fur.: 245. This seems quite possible, but he
assumes a variation u/ F, which is unlikely. One might rather assume a suffix -1v-
beside another formation.
cuipiragns =Adgupa.
&tpiov [n.] ‘garment’ (S.). <GR>
eVAR Or dtgtov (sch. D. T. 196).
*ETYM Shortened form of cuicopa. See Grégoire Byzantion 13 (1938): 396ff.
apitoAog [f., m.] ‘servant, handmaid’ (I1.), also ‘priest(essy (Pi.), ie. ‘one who takes
care of the gods’. <1E *h,mb'i-k"ol(h,)-o- ‘servant’>
*DIAL Myc. a-pi-qo-ro /amp"i-k"olos/.
eDER GugitoAetov ‘servant dwelling’ (IG 4, 39 [Aigina V*]), dugutoAia ‘servanthood’
(D. S.). Denominatives dtiqitoAebw [v.] ‘to work as a servant, ply, take care of (epic,
Hadt.), duupitoAéw ‘id. (Pi., B.).
*ETYM From *h,mbi-k”ol(h,)-o-, identical in origin with Lat. anculus ‘servant’ and
Skt. abhicdra- ‘witchcraft’ (AV+); cf. Lat. anc(u)ldre ‘to serve the gods’ and Ved.
pari-card- ‘servant’. See » mé\ojtat and » BouKdAos,
aupioBytéw [v.] ‘to go asunder, disagree, dispute’ (Att., Hdt.). <GR>
VAR Also -B&téw (Ion., perhaps also Lesb., Rhod.?).
96 Ajigitpbwv
*DER dytgioBrityotc ‘dispute, controversy, claim’, juridical term (Att.),
GiptoPr{troutos..‘controversial’; dpipioBytrtixdc¢ ‘belonging to the dispute’ (PI.).
GtpioBrytrpta ‘dispute’ (Pl. Arist.), aprpioBrytnpatikdc (Aps.). From apgiopatéw:
diptoBacin (Hdt.).
*ETYM Compounded from dytgic and Baivetv (Bfivat) ‘to go apart’, as if from
*duqroBiytnys or *atpioBatijs ‘who goes apart’ (cf. épeupiBrytNs, Mapat-Bat¢).
Augitptwv [m.] name of a king of Tiryns, later Thebes (II.). <?>
eETYM Neumann 1983: 334 rejects the connection with tptw, and starts from
*Am phi-tor, with a suffix -u6n like in » dAextpbwv.
augopedte [m.] ‘jar with two handles’, also a measure (Ar., Hdt.). <GR>
VAR Also cyipi@opedts (Il.). ,
*DIAL Myc. (KN) a-pi-po-re-we /amp*i-p"oréwes/, a-po-re-we /amp*oréwe/ [du.].
*DER duqopidtov (Ar.), or -eidtov, see Schwyzer 471; d4tpoptcxos [m.] (D., inscr.);
aLpdptov (gloss.); unclear dupopeiw- poptiw ‘load’ (H.). cpipopitys as an adjective,
of aywv, ‘contest with an a. as a prize’, Call. fr. 80); as a substantive of uncertain mg.
(PSI 5, 535, 31 see Redard 1949: 106f. dyrpopikdc (sch.); ay@opi— [adv.] (Eust.),
whence a verb cypopiCw was derived (Eust.).
*ETYM From dutgt-poperts, ie. ‘born on two sides’, but with -evc from the instrument
nouns. Borrowed as Lat. amphora, diminutive ampulla.
augovdic [adv.] hapax of uncertain mg. (p 237): apipovdic deipac. <?>
*ETYM Interpreted as if duqwéic, from *dytpwradic ‘by both ears’. Cf. e&whadia:
évotia. Adkwvec ‘earrings (Lacon.)’ (H.). See Bechtel 1914 s.v. and DELG.
&u@w [pron.] ‘both’ (IL). <1E *h,(e)nt-b"oh>
VAR Later replaced by dtipdtepoc.
*ETYM Identical with Lat. ambo. The original form of the anlaut is found in ToA
am pi (ToB antapi, antpi; see » digi). Other languages have forms without the nasal:
Skt. ubhdu, Av. uua; OCS oba, Lith. abt. Germanic has no initial vowel, e.g. Go. bai.
There is no overall explanation for the forms, but connection with atti seems clear.
d&pwpov [n.] an Indian spice-plant, ‘Amomum subulatum’ (Hp.). <Lw India>
DER dytwptic [f.] ‘false Amomum’ (Dsc.), from Armenia; dpiwpitys AiBavoc (Dsc.).
eETYM An Oriental loanword; cf. » kivvdpiwptov. See André 1956 s.v. amémum and E.
Masson 1967: 503.
d&uwoas [v.] - Kpepidoac, Tapavtivot ‘hung up (Tarantian)’ (H.). <GR?>
*ETYM Immisch Leipz. Stud. 8 (1885): 276 thinks this is an allegro-form of dvepimoac.
Latte suggests dtytwoac from *dyt6w, which would be a denominative from Gupta
‘something tied’. Possible, but hypothetical.
Guwoyérws ‘in some way’.
*ETYM From Gjtwe yé ttwc. See > a6-.
GQUWTOV = KAOTAVELOV. > LOT.
av [pcl.] modal particle (IA, Arc.). <?>
avatvopat 97
*ETYM The identification with the questioning particle Lat. an, Go. an (see Lee
AmJPh. 88 (1967): 45ff.) becomes superfluous because of the ingenious connection
with xe(v), which derives from *ken. We have to assume that *ov kav < *Hoiu ky was
analyzed as obk av; see Forbes Glotta 37 (1958): 179-182.
ava [prep.] ‘up along’ (Il.). <IE *h,en- ‘up, on high’>
eVAR With elision and apocope Gv, av; adverbial ava.
*DIAL Myc. a-na-ke-e /an-age"en/ [inf.]; perhaps /an6-/, in a-no-qa-si-a /and-g"asia/
‘expedition (?)’, etc. Lesb, Thess., Arc. and Cypr. have ov, giving bv- in Arc. and
Cypr., cf. Ruijgh Lingua 25 (1970): 309.
*DER Adverb d&vw, whence dvwiev, avwtépw, dvwtdtw; on -w see Schwyzer: 550.
*ETYM On the use of ava, see DELG. It is an old adverb, also found in Iranian and
Germanic: Av. ana, OP and ‘upwards, along’; Go. ana, OHG an(a), OE on ‘on, at’.
Perhaps also in Lat. an-héldre, an-testari , Arm. am-barnam ‘to raise’, etc. It is
doubtful that Skt. dnu ‘along’ derives from *h,enu.
avayaAnic, -i50g =ayahnic.
avaykn [f.] ‘force, necessity’ (II.). <?>
eVAR avayKain (IL) cf. Schwyzer: 469
*DER dvaykatog ‘constrained, forced’, also ‘related by kinship’ (since II.), whence
avaykadty¢ [f.] ‘kinship’ (Att, Hell.), also ‘necessity’ (S. E.); davaykouwd1¢
‘indispensable’ (4vayxatwdéotepa sch.). Denominative verb: avayxaCw [v.] ‘to force,
compel’ (IA, not in Hom.), whence avéykaopa ‘means of coercion’ (J.); dvaykaotip
‘coercer’ (Amorgos), dvaykaotrptoc ‘compelling’ (D. H.); avaykaotikds ‘id. (PL.
Arist.). katavay«n kind of vetch, ‘Ornithopus compressus’, used in making philtres.
*ETYM The word has been compared with Celtic words for ‘necessity, fate’ (Olr. écen,
W angen), which may go back to *ank- < *h,enk-, and also the Germanic group of
OHG ahta, MoHG Acht ‘outlawry’. However, Matasovié 2008 sv. *anku-
reconstructs the Celtic group as belonging to *neku- ‘violent death’. NPhr. avavkat
has an uncertain meaning and possibly a Greek loanword. Oettinger 1979: 175f.
argued for the connection with Hitt. henkan- ‘death’ (with he- < *h,é- by Eichner’s
Law), but acc. to Kloekhorst 2008 s.v. hai(n)k-", the -e- must go back to a
diphthong.
It is not excluded that dvayxn is a substrate word; for the field of meaning, cf.
> iBpic, which has no good etymology either.
avayvpos [m.] ‘stinking bean-trefoil, Anagyris foetida’ (Ar.) <?>
eVAR -t¢ [m.], also 6véyupoc (Nic.), where folk etymology after dvoc (Stromberg
1940: 155) is improbable, as ava- is very common in Greek.
*DER Thence the Attic deme Avayvupoisc (Ar., Pl.).
eETYM Unknown. The form with dvo- might point to a substrate word, as a/ 0 is
frequent in such words. Amigues RPh. 73 (1999): 147-154 starts from MLat. faba
inversa ‘inverted bean’ and connects it with yupdc (CEG 6).
avaivopat =aivoc.
98 AVALoY1OW
avatoidw =aioa.
avaxapdtov —Kdpdajtov.
avakds [adv.] ‘attentively, heedfully (Hdt.). <GR>
eVAR Only in dvaxdc éxetv tLvdc ‘to pay attention to sth’.
*ETYM From *dvaxdwe, adverb of *ava-Kdoc, which is a verbal adjective from *dva-
Koéw ‘to look after’; see » koéw. Cf. dutvo-K@v ‘simpleton’, literally “sheep-minded’
(Ar.) < *aLivo-KOwv.
avakwXi] =AvoKwy Nh}.
avanei [v.] - cxoAdCet, Tapavtivot ‘is at leisure (Tarantian)’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM Unknown. Latte corrects it to dvaAeaivet ‘to brush, crush’ (highly uncertain,
see DELG).
avaAioKw [v.] ‘to use up, spend, consume’ (A.). <GR>
VAR Fut. dvaAwow, aor. dvijAwoa, new present dvaAdw.
*DER dva\wotc ‘expenditure, consumption’ (Thgn.), dvaAwpa ‘id. (Att), avipwpa
(pap., inscr.); secondary simplex dAwta (Boeot.), see Fraenkel 1910: 119; diminutive
avahwiatiov (Ph., pap.). dvahwtij¢ ‘squanderer’ (Pl.), whence avahwttkdc (Pl. Ph.).
*ETYM From *dva-Fahioxw, originally ‘to tear up’; cf. HG verzehren ‘to consume’. See
> aAioKoptal.
avaAtog [adj.] ‘insatiable’ (Od.). <1E *h,el- ‘grow; make grow, feed’>
eVAR Cf. GATpOV: [uc8dc ‘reward’ (H.); from ‘what guarantees food’ (DELG)?
eETYM Negative verbal adjective of the root seen in Lat. ald, OIr. alim, ON ala ‘to
feed’ and Go. alands ‘tpepotevoc, nourished’, which in Greek only exists as a verbal
root in enlarged form: » d\Saivw, perhaps » dA8aivw. Perhaps » vedArc¢ ‘fresh, not
tired’ is from the same root as well.
dvak, -Ktog [m.] ‘lord, ruler’ (II.). <PG>
VAR Voc. dva (II.); plur. (F)avaxecg name of the Dioskouroi (Hom.); fem. (F)avacoa
< *wanak(t)-ia ‘mistress’ (II.).
eDIAL Myc. wa-na-ka /wanaks/; wa-na-ka-te /wanaktei/; wa-na-ka-te-ro =
FavaKtepoc, -ov, with -tepoc indicating opposition like in dypdtepoc, dpéotepos.
wa-na-so-i /wanassoiin/ [dat.du.], also wa-na-se-wi-jo /wanass-éwios/, -e-wi-ja /-
éwia/, of vases.
*COMP Avakaydpag, etc., Intmavak, etc.
*DER dvakia ‘command, rule’ (Pi, A.), which may also derive from avdacou; adjective
avaEioc ‘royal’ (sch.). From (p)dvaxec derives (F)avdxetov ‘temple of the
Dioskouroi’ (Att. NWGr.), Avdxeta [pl.] festival for the Dioskouroi (Lys.),
avaxwotoc [adj.] (Rhegion). Denominative avacow [v.] ‘to be lord, rule’ (II.).
eETYM No IE etymology, and probably a substrate word. Are OPhr. vanaktei, NPhr.
ovavaktav loans from Greek? The word is important for the interpretation of the
Myc. signs of the z- and s-series: is wa-na-s° derived from the stem in -kt-, or from
the stem in -k-? See Crespo Minos 19 (1985): 91-104, and Viredaz 1993. It is probable
a&Vvavposc 99
that the forms without -t- are younger, but see e.g. Ruijgh 1957: 112 and Ruijgh
Lingua 25 (1970): 300ff.
avakupides [f.] long, wide trousers’, worn by the Persians and other eastern peoples
(Hdt.). <Lw Iran.>
*ETYM Persian loanword. Cf. R. Schmitt Glotta 49 (1971): 96.
avakupic = d€ahic ‘sour wine’ (Dsc.). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
avapityns =vipitne.
a&vapptxdoytat [v.] ‘to climb with hands and feet’ (Ar.). <?>
eVAR Also apptydoptat (Hippon.); called obsolete by Lucian; perhaps shortened from
avapp-.
*ETYM Unknown. See Solmsen I F13 (1902/03): 132ff. and Ehrlich 1912: 53.
avapotog [adj., m.] ‘incongruous’, hence ‘strange, hostile’ (Il.); equivalent of Svoptevic.
<GRP
*DER Cf. cipotov: Sixatov ‘just, lawful (H.), which is explained as a back-formation to
avapotoc (see Frisk 1941: 7).
eETYM Generally assumed to be a derivative of » dpapiokw ‘not fitting’.
avaotadvtw [v.] ‘to burst into tears’ (Anacr. 43, 4). <PG?(V)>
eVAR dotvAdlet Avrtel peta KAavOLLOb “grieves with weeping’ (H.) probably stands
for *dotaA let.
*ETYM Cf. dotadbyetv (read -Wletv?) aval[B]AvCetv, KAalerv ‘weep’ (H.), vedotadve:
veodaKputoc ‘who just cried’ (H.); cf. also otdAvk, to be read for otéAné in Zonar., =
otadayptdc ‘drop’. Cf. »otakdoow, -dCw ‘to drip, drop’. The suffix is also in other
words for ‘crying etc.’: ypv0Gw, ivfw, dAoAw, dtoTKCw. The prothetic a- of dotahvy-
beside otdAv& could be a prothetic vowel; if so, this points to substrate origin.
avaotidwvos [adj.] - dvatetaptévos ‘lifted up’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
avacuptodric >ovpw.
avatei =dadw.
dvavposg [m.] ‘torrent’ (Mosch.); also a river name in Thessaly (Hes. Sc. 477) and
Acarnania. <PG>
*ETYM Kretschmer Glotta 10 (1920): 5iff. interpreted the word as “waterless”, from
the dried up river-bed in summer, comparing dvavpoc: 6 && dbetWv CVVIOTaLLEVOG
motap.ds ‘river arising out of heavy showers’ (EM); see discussion on xapddpa.s.v.
> xépadoc. It was therefore analyzed as a privative av- and a word for ‘water’, which
is not attested but supposed in » A” yAaupog (but see there), and further in @noavpdc
and Kévtavpoc¢ (Kretschmer l.c.). The source name Atpa (Nonnos) was also
compared, and Krahe IF 48 (1930): 216 connected it with Italic (Illyrian?) HNs like
Metaurus, Pisaurus, as well as HNs like Avara, Avantia (Krahe Beitr. z. Namenforsch.
100 avddavw
4 (1953): 49 and 115). Having thus been etymologized, the second element was further
compared with Skt. var(i) and the Gm. group of ON aurr [m.] ‘whet, water’ (Pok.
8of.), but since that root contains no initial laryngeal, it could never yield Gr. av-. No
doubt, the word is non-Greek, and probably non-lE (if the connection with Krahe’s
river names is correct). The assumption of a privative av- is highly improbable; such
assumptions are due to the desire to interpret everything as Greek and as Indo-
European as possible, even when all facts point in a different direction. The further
comparison with HNs without -r- in Fur.: 230 is doubtful.
avdavw [v.] ‘to please’ (Il.); used in a political context as ‘it pleased the people (to
decide)’, hence ‘to decide’. <1E *sueh,d->
eVAR Aor. adeiv (Aeol. eiiadov in Hom.), perf. ada. Present also Att. > Sopa.
*DIAL Dor. &5avw should perhaps be assumed on the basis of dSavovta: dpéoKovta
‘pleasing’ (H.); Baunack Phil. 70 (1911): 353; cf. AnOavw.
*COMP avOddn¢ (see s.v.).
*DER Gog ‘decision, resolution’ (Halic.,, Thasos), &dnua: wrgiopa “decree, law’ (H.);
also FadiEtc in yadtEtc: GpoAoyia and ddiEt¢: GuoAoyia napa Tapavtivots ‘agreement
(Tarantian)’ (H.) (to *Fadiopat).
eETYM The initial f- is seen in Aeol. evade, Cret. Fade < PGr. *e-swad-e and in Locr.
fefadnqota. The root is that of » Sopa, » duc; see also » avOGSnc. Sanskrit has
svddati ‘to make savory’, which derives from *suh,-y-d- acc. to LIV, but is rather
from *sueh,d-e- with loss of laryngeal per Lubotsky’s Law (Lubotsky MSS 40 (1981):
133). The factitive in Lat. suddeo ‘to advise, recommend’ is reminiscent of the Greek
meaning ‘to decide’.
a&vd5npa [n.pl.] ‘raised bank of a river or ditch; dike, border of the sea, seed-bed’
(Hyp.). <PG?>
eVAR Rarely sing. dvénpov.
*DER avdnpevtiis ‘workman employed on dikes’ (pap.).
eETYM Neumann 1961: 91 points to the fact that many words connected with
irrigation look non-Indo-European: beside dvdnpa, he mentions dpdw ‘to irrigate’
and yopytpa ‘underground drain’. Fur.: 204"° thinks that -npov is a non-IE suffix.
Ibid. 347, he compares the Thracian place name "Evdnpov, but there is little support
for this.
dvdtvog [m.]? + mepimatog (cod. mepi mavtdc) ‘walking about’ (H.); acc. to
Hemsterhuis, <napa Tapavtivoic> from the following line belongs in this gloss too.
<>
DER vdiviw (cod. avadiviw): nepitate ‘to walk up and down’ (H.) is Doric.
eETYM Uncertain. On Illyrian and Messapian hypotheses, see Frisk s.v. Alternatively,
is it from dtvéw (s.v. » Sivn)? See Forssman 1966: 61f.
avdpanodov [n.] ‘prisoner of war sold as a slave, slave’ (I].); on the spread of the word
see Kretschmer Glotta 18 (1930): 76. <GR>
*DER Diminutive avépandéiov (Hyp., Diph., pap.). Adjective avéparodwéng ‘slave-
like’ (Pl, Arist.), whence avépanodwéia ‘servile attitude’ (Arist. Plu.). Denominative
GvELog 101
verb avdpamoditw, -opat [v.] ‘to enslave, sell as slaves’ (IA); thence avdpanddtotc
‘enslavement’ (Xen.), -topdc ‘id’ (Att.). avdpanodiotic¢ ‘slave trader’ (Att.);
avdpamodiotikds ‘ptng. to slave trade’ (Pl, Eup.); avdpanodiotrptos ‘id. (Tz.).
eETYM The plural avépanoda ‘of whom only the feet are human’ is original; this
form was modelled after tetpdmoda ‘quadruped’ and is originally a consonant stem
(cf. [dat.pl] avépanddeoot [H 475]). From dvdépdnoda, the thematic sing.
avdpamodov was derived. See Wackernagel KZ 30 (1890): 298 and Leumann 1950:
157f. On the -a-, see Bader RPh. 43 (1969): 31.
avSpaxvn [f.] plant name ‘Portulaca oleracea’, also ‘Sedum stellatum’ (Thphr.).
<PG(V)>
VAR With dissimilation avépayAn (Thphr.); also dvépayvos [f.] (Paus.).
eETYM Fur: 288 compares d0payévn, which is formally quite acceptable, ice.
*(a)"trak(V)n/I-, with metathesis of aspiration (1977, 393), variation n/ | (388), the
common phenomenon of prenasalization, and anaptyxis of e. Substrate origin is
probable anyhow.
avdpeipovty [adj.] in Evvadiw &. (B 651). <1E *hnr-g”"on-teh,- ‘man-slayer’>
eETYM The epithet was changed after » dpyeipdvtne: it should be read as avr@ovt-
‘slaying men’, with an extremely old zero grade of *h,ny-. Cf. » avSpotijc, and see R.
Schmitt 1967: 124f.
avdpiac =avijp.
Avdpouaxn [f.] the wife of Hektor (II.). <GR>
*ETYM Called this way because her husband is a famous warrior. Likewise, Hektor’s
son has the name Aotvdvaé (‘ruler, protector of the city’), after his father’s deeds.
See Kretschmer Glotta 12 (1923): 103.
avdpountov - cvotiactov éyxeipidtov tpayixov ‘stage-dagger (in tragedy) (H.). <?>
*ETYM A Tarentine gloss; see Latte. DELG derives the word from ava and dpdp0c,
which seems doubtful; the structure remains unclear.
avdpotis [m.] ‘manhood, strength’ (IT 857, etc.). <IE *h.ner- ‘man’>
*ETYM avdpotita only fits the hexameter if it is read *anrtata, with old vocalic *-y.
Arguments in favor of the antiquity of this epithet are found in Ruijgh 1995: 85-91.
Arguments against this interpretation were developed by Berg following Tichy
Glotta 59 (1981): 55.
dvepoc [m.] ‘wind’ (Il.). <IE *h,enh,-mo- ‘wind’>
*DIAL Myc. (KN) a-ne-mo (i-je-re-ja) /anem6n (‘iereia)/.
eCOMP vnvepin ‘calm’ < *y-h.n-, see on » vijvELoc.
*DER tveudeic ‘windy’ (epic poet.), metrically lengthened; dveuwAtog ‘idle, useless’
(1l.), after dtopwAtog (Bechtel 1914, Chantraine 1933: 43; Risch 1937: 122 reminds of
amMatHALos); see on pEetaywvioc. Further daveywwdno ‘windy’ (Hp., Arist. Hell.);
aveutaiog ‘windy, vain’ (Pl. com. Alciphr.), after adjectives of measure in -taioc?
aven@tac: Svoc apEtos, iepdc, Toig avéuotg BvdpEvoc év Tapavtivots ‘a donkey let
loose, sacred, being offered to the winds (Tarent.)’ (H.); dveu@tic epithet of Athena
102 avewovn
(who calms the wind; Paus.). dvepia ‘flatulence’ (Hp.); on Pm dvepnwvn sv.
Denominative verbs: dveydopat ‘to be(come) inflated’ (Hp., PL); dvepiGopou ‘to be
driven with the wind’ (Ep. Jak.).
eETYM Gr. dvepoc agrees with Lat. animus < *anamo-; Skt. dnila- [m.] ‘wind, air’ has
-lo-. Further, Arm. hotm ‘wind’ arose by dissimilation of n--m and has o-vocalism.
This may point to an original m-stem nom. *h,onh,-m, obl. *h,nh,-em-. The verbal
root *h,enh,- is present in Skt. dniti ‘breathes’, Olr. anaid, -ana ‘to wait, remain’ and
in Go. us-anan ‘to exhale’; a different present formation is in PTo. *anask- < QIE
*h,enh,-ske/o-. See > &oOpa, » dvtau.
aveudvi [f.] the plant ‘anemone’ (Cratin.). <Lw?>
DER avepwvic [f.] = avepdvn HpEepos (Nic.).
eETYM Derivation from dvepoc is supported by Strémberg 1940: 77. An improbable
Semitic etymology was proposed by Lewy 1895: 49. It is more likely a loanword,
perhaps from the substrate.
avevetei [v.] - dpveitat ‘denies’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM Acc. to von Blumenthal 1930: 34, we should read *davatvetei (cf. dvaivouat); or
is it rather misspelled for avaiveta?
dvev [adv.] far from, without’ (IL). <1£ *sn(H)- ‘without’>
DIAL dvevv (Epidauros), dvevg (Olympia), vig (Megara apud Ar.); cf. ywpic.
DER dvevGe(v) (Il.) and andavevev.
eETYM No exact correspondence exists. dvev looks like the old locative of a u-stem.
The comparison with Germanic forms like Go. inu ‘without’ < *enu and OHG anu
‘id’ < *énu cannot explain the Greek a- (the suggestion that the Germanic forms
contain a lengthened grade *h,én(e)u- (Nikolaev 2007: 165) is morphologically
unwarranted, and Eichner’s Law that long vowels are not colored by an adjacent
laryngeal is unacceptable).
A better comparison is with Skt. sanutdr ‘away, off, aside’ < *sen(H)u-ter (or *snHu-
2), Lat. sine ‘without’ < *seni < *snH-i, and ToA sne, ToB snai < *snH-i. Thus, the
Greek form could be from *snh,-eu > *saneu. In this case, dvev must be a psilotic
form. Within Greek, » dtep may be cognate, but it would exclude a root-final
laryngeal. I have no solution for this problem.
avewtds [m.] ‘cousin’ (I.). <1E *(h,)nepot- ‘grandson’>
*DER Secondary fem. dvewid ‘id.’ (Isoc., X.). Further avewtadotcs [m.] ‘cousin’s son’
(com., D.), cf. adeAgidodc; also dveytadnco (Pachnemunis, Iamb.), to which aveyadh)
‘cousin’s daughter’ (Ar.). avewtdtn¢, -1to¢ [f.] “cousinhood’ (P1.).
*ETYM Corresponds with Av. naptiia- ‘descendant’ and OCS netii ‘nephew’, derived
from the word for ‘grandson, nephew’ seen in Skt. nd pat, Lat. ne pds, etc. The a- can
be *h,, but possibly represents *sm-, expressing the reciprocity of the relation
(Benveniste 1969(1): 234). Not related to » vérrodec.
dvew, dvew [adv.] ‘silent(lyy (IL), a predicate of plural subjects except in w 93 dvew
TOTO. <GR?>
eVAR Recent divewe: d@wvoc ‘mute’ (Gal. Lex. Hp.).
avrip 103
*COMP dveootaoin: 8BauBoc ‘amazement’ (H.).
*ETYM Eust. ad Y 93 takes the form as an adverb (perhaps Aristarchus as well, see
Buttmann 1825(2): 2); the notation with -t was supposed to be due to the
interpretation as an adjective with plural subjects. Acc. to traditional interpretation
(see Chantraine 1942: 249), it is an old instrumental in -w. However, Peters 1993b:
85ff. asserts that it is an occidental Ionic form continuing *an-adwo- ‘without voice’
(with quantitative metathesis), for which he compares the gloss &Ba- Bor. The form
dvew is the original nom.pl., while dvew arose by reanalysis as an adverb.
avn8ov [n.] ‘dill, Anethum Graveolens’ (Aeol., Att.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Also dvvnBov (Ar.); dviytov (Alc.), dvvntov (Thphr.).
DER dv1Otvoc ‘made of dill’ (Theoc., Dsc.), dvn8itn¢ otvoc (Gp.).
*ETYM Cf. Admta8ov and other plant names in -8ov (-60c) (Chantraine 1933: 368). The
word is Egyptian, acc. to Hemmerdinger Glotta 46 (1968): 240. Fur.: 254 compares
> dvvnoov; for the equation, cf. the gloss s.v. » dv8pvoxov. On the gemination, see
ibid. 387; for variation 8/o, see ibid. 253ff.
avijvo8ev [v.] ‘gushed forth, mounted up’ (A 266, p 270). <?>
eETYM The relation of this form to ém-ev-rjvo8e and map-ev-ryvo8e is unclear, and
therefore the etymology uncertain. See »évQeiv; not related to »dvO0c. Nikolaev
2007: 165% assumes a root *h,ned'- ‘to move/stick out’ [not in LIV], but the
Schwebeablaut makes connection with dv@oc improbable.
aviyredin =vynedéw.
a&vip [m.] ‘man’ (II.). <IE *h,ner- ‘man’>
eVAR Gen. avdpdc, acc. dvdpa (analogical; Hom. has the old form avépa < *h,ner-m,
whence gen. dvépos, etc.).
*DIAL Myc. a-di-ri-ja-te /andriantei/, a-di-ri-ja- pi /andrian(t)p"i/, A-ta-no (see below
on compounds).
eCOMP As a first member davdpo-: -Kpntoc, -Ktacia; on » dvdpdamnodov s.v. As a
second member -rvup, eg. png-, pOetc- (Hom.); in PNs Ay-ryvwp, Myc. A-ta-no
/Antanor/; fem. dvti-dveipa, Kvdi-dveipa; as a second member -dvdpocg in av-
avdpoc, éA-avdpoc; PNs especially in Asia Minor and Cyprus:'Hyro-avépoc, Tépm-;
Hom. AAéé-.
*DER Diminutive avdpiov (com.), whence (with an unclear suffix -nt-) avdpidac,
-avtoc ‘statue’ (Pi., IA). avdpic [f.] ‘woman’ (Sm.); avdp(e)wv [m.] ‘men’s room’
(Hdt.), avépwviov (Delos) and avdpwvitic ‘id.’ (Lys., X.).
Abstracts: avdpeia (-nin, -ia) ‘manliness, courage’ (A.); avdpotie, -tito¢ ‘id.’ (IT 857,
Q. 6), on which see Ruijgh 1995: 88ff.; yvopén ‘id. (Hom.) for Aeolic dvopéa < *-pia,
perhaps from a compound, cf. edavopia (Pi.). Thence avdpeos (S.).
Adjectives: avdpetoc (Ion. avdpriioc, cf. Chantraine 1933: 52, Schwyzer: 468 : 3)
‘manly, courageous’, whence avdpetow [v.] ‘to make courageous’ (LXX); avdpikdc ‘of
the man, manly’ (Att.), avdpdueo¢ ‘human’ (II.), with -eog = Skt. -maya- (2);
avdpwdn¢ ‘manly’ (Emp.).
104 avOeLov
Denominative verbs: dvdpdopat [v.] ‘to become a man’ (Hdt., Hp., E.), -dw ‘to turn
into a man (trans.)’ (Lyc.); avépbvopat [v.] ‘to become a man’ (Ps. Callisth.);
avdpiCopat [v.] ‘to become a man, represent a man’ (Att.), -ifw ‘to turn into a man
(trans.)’ (X.).
*ETYM dvi is identical with Arm. ayr, gen. arn ‘man’, Skt. nd, obl. ndr-, NPhr. avap,
Italic ner- in Osc. nerum ‘virorum’, Lat. Nerd (Sabellic), W ner ‘chief, and Alb. njeri
‘human being, person’. The gloss » vwpei does not belong here.
avOenov >dv80c.
avOepewv VAR avOEpiE. = dOrip.
av@iac, -ov [m.] a fish, “Labrus anthias’ (Anan.). <?>
eETYM Connected with dv@oc ‘flower’ by Stromberg 1943: 26 because of its color;
Thompson 1947 s.v. differs on this.
&vOo¢ [n.] ‘flower’ (IL). <1E? *h,end"- ‘sprout’>
*DER 1. Substantives. Diminutives avO0AMov (M. Ant. Dsc.), also a plant, like
avOvAnic (Dsc.) and &vOvAXov (Ps.-Dsc.); dvOrAtov v.l. for dvOvAAOv (Dsc. 3, 156; 4;
121), also = kavOrAtov (Charax); avOdtov a plant, cf. Chantraine 1933: 74; dvOdpiov-
épvOrpa ‘redness, blush’ (H.).
Further av61\n ‘a crown of flowers’ (Thphr.), or from avOéw? Thence avOnhdc [m.]
‘flower trader’ vel sim.; avOewv [m.] ‘flowerbed’ (Amasia), dvOwv (gloss.).
avOndwv [f.] ‘bee’ (cf. avOpndwv and Chantraine 1933: 361), also a plant. avOoobvvn
‘Bliite’ (AP). On » dvOiac see there. AvOeotrpia [n.pl.] ‘spring festival’ (IA), see
Chantraine 1933: 63, Schwyzer: 470), month name AvOeotnpidbv.
Independent formation &vOepov [n.] ‘flower, rosette’ (Sappho); acc. to Frisk, it
cannot be a recent back-formation (as per Leumann 1950: 249ff.), as there are many
derivatives; for the formation cf. dpyepov and Chantraine 1933: 132, Ruijgh 1957: 102f.
Thence &vOepwdrj¢ ‘rich in flowers’ (poet. since Sappho), avOeywrtéc ‘id.’ (Attica),
avOepic plant name, also ‘little flower’ (Nic.), av@epioiov plant name (Alex. Trall.),
av@éuov ‘blossom’ (X., Thphr.); Hom. PNs Av@epiwv and AvOepidry¢ (acc. to
Leumann l.c.), TN AvOepodc¢ (Macedonia). Derived poetic verbs avOepiGopat and
éravOepiCw (A, S. [lyr.]).
2. Adjectives: GvOtvoc ‘made of flowers, variegated’ (1 84, Hp., Arist.); avOnpdc ‘rich
in flowers’, metaph. ‘fresh, lush’ (S., E., Ar, etc.) is rather from &v0éw (Chantraine
1933: 232). Other adjectives are isolated and late (see Frisk).
3. Verb avOéw ‘to bloom, blossom’ (Od., IA), often metaph. thence dvOnotc
‘blossom’ (Thphr., Plu.), 2&-avOéw, ¢&avOnoic (Hp. Th.) and é&avOrnpa (Hp. Arist.).
Backformation &v01 ‘flowering’ (Pl. Nic., Ael.); verbal adj. avOntixd¢ = avOiKdc
(Thphr.). av@ifw ‘to cover with flowers, decorate’, with several preverbs (Hdt., S., E.,
Arist.).
eETYM GvOoc has been equated with Skt. dndhas- [n.] ‘sprout of the soma plant’, but
see the objections by Burrow Archiv. Linguist. 6 (1954): 61 and Chantraine. Uncertain
is the appurtenance of Alb. endé ‘flour’; see Meyer 1891: 5. The word is perhaps also
related to Arm. and ‘field’. The comparison with EFris. dndul ‘marsh grass’ and its
avOprdwv, -Ovoc 105
Germanic cognates does not inspire confidence. A connection with » dvijvo0ev
(Schwebeablaut *h,end"- : h,nod"-) is improbable.
dvOpak, -aKoc [m.] ‘charcoal’ (Ar.), metaph. ‘carbuncle’ (Arist.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Mostly plur. &vOpaxec.
*DER Many derivatives: diminutive avOpaxiov (Thphr.), dv@paxid ‘heap of coals’ (1
213); dvOpakiacg “coal-man” (Luc.); dvOpaxitns [m.] name of a gem (Plin.), -ittc [f.]
‘kind of coal’ (Plin.); av@paxwv [m.] ‘heap of coals’ (Hdn.), dvOpaxwpa ‘id’ (Dsc.);
avOpaKkdptoc: carbonarius (gloss.). Adjectives: dvOpaxwdre¢ ‘like charcoal’ (Hp.,
Arist.), dvOpaxnpdc ‘of charcoal’ (Alex., Delos), av@pdxivoc ‘of carbuncle’ (LXX,
pap.).
Denominative verbs: 1. dvOpaxdéopat ‘to be burnt to coals’ (A., E., Thphr.), ‘to
develop an ulcer’ (Aét.); thence dvOpaxwotc ‘carbonization’ (Dsc.), also ‘ulcer’ (Paul.
Aeg., Gal.). 2. dv@paxetw ‘to burn charcoal, carbonize’ (Ar., Thphr.); deverbal
avOpaxets ‘charcoal burner’ (App., Aesop., Them.; gtkavOpaxketc already in Ar.);
avOpaxkevtie, ‘id.’ (And., Ael.), avOpaxeia ‘carbonization’ (Thphr.). 3. dvOpakilw ‘to
roast on charcoal’ (Ar., pap.); back-formation dv@pakidec ‘small fish for roasting’
(Philyll.); cf. émavOpaxidec ‘id? (Ar.) to érravOpaxifw.
eETYM One compares Arm. ant‘el ‘charcoal’, and further Georg. *nt‘ in v-a-nt‘-ab ‘to
kindle’ (Vogt NTS 9 (1962/63): 333), but the formations are different. Fur.: 197, 393
compares avdépaxAn ‘warming-pan, brazier’ (Eust.) (cf. avOpaxtov ‘brazier’), and
furter (391) kavdapoc: &vOpak (H.), with the interchange K/ zero. Also note the suffix
-ax- (see Pre-Greek). Therefore, a substrate origin is clear; a comparison with Hitt.
aant- ‘warny is useless, as it does not explain the formation of the Greek word.
avOprdwv, -dvog [f.] ‘hornet’ (D. S.). <PG(V)>
*DER avOprjvn [f.] ‘bee, wasp’ (Ar., Arist.); thence avOpryviov [n.] ‘wasps’ nest’ (Ar.),
avOprywadr¢ ‘built like a wasps’ nest’ (Plu.).
avOndwv [f.] ‘bee’ (Damocr. apud Gal.).
Further > tevOpr)5wv [f.] (Arist., Dsc.), » ten@prdwv [f.] ‘kind of wasp’ (Nic.).
*ETYM No doubt a substrate word. Beside avOprjdwv, avOprivn, we find tevOprdwv
(Arist.), tevOprjvn (Nic.); tevOprviov (Arist.). There are several forms which lack the
first nasal: teOprywwdry¢ (Hp.), dOpryvn (Suidas, etc.), and forms without
reduplication or initial a-, e.g. Oprjv (Eust.) and Oprjvwdnc¢ (Democr. apud Ael.). Cf.
further Op@vak kneriv. Adkwvec ‘drone (Lacon.) (H.), though I know of no other
cases with the interchange 1/ w. Further note 7tep@prdwv [f.] a wasp (Nic.).
In sum, we have a root @pr/wv- with a prothetic vowel or reduplication (cf.
Kexpvpadoc, Liov~oc) and prenasalization; see Kuiper 1956: 221f. We may
reconstruct PG *(a)Ntrdan-, *ta-Ntrdn-. For the interchange v/ 5, we may perhaps
compare gArvagdw : pAnéd@vta. Teu@prndmv could show that the word had a
labiovelar (see Beekes Glotta 73 (1995-1996): 12f.). There is no ground to assume that
tevOprjvi, tevOprjSwv are dissimilated from *tepOp-; relation to dnp, avOEpie is
improbable. Needless to say, the connection with »@pégopal, »Odpvpoc (Frisk)
makes no sense. teOprjdwv- tipwpetc ‘officer in command at the bow’ (H.) is a joking
106 a&vOpvoKov
formation from the language of sailors, modelled after animal names in -1)5wv (see
Chantraine 1933:'360f.).
A difficult problem is the relation to Germanic and Balto-Slavic words for ‘drone’:
OS dren, drano, MoHG Drohne, Lith. tradnas; on this, see Kuiper 1956: 222.
avOpvoxov [n.] ‘chervil, Scandix australis’ (Sapph.). <PG(v)>
VAR Also évOpvoxKov (Pherecr.).
*DER avOpicKos [m.] (Pollux 6, 106); avOpioxtov: Adxavov Exov Av8oc, we avinBov, T}
TO Gvvioov ‘garden herbs, such as dill’ (H.).
eETYM No etymology. Connected with d&81p, avOépi— because of the prickly fruits
(Frisk). Fur: 364 points to the interchange 1/ v; for ¢/ a, he considers the assimilation
a > € before / v, which is doubtful. He rejects Opvoxa: dypia Adyava ‘wild herbs’
(H.) as a mistake for dvOpvoKa. Because of the variations, a substrate origin seems
certain.
avOpwrtos [m.] ‘man’ (II.). <PG(s)>
*DIAL Myc. a-to-ro-go /ant*rdk"os/.
*DER Diminutives, usually depreciatory: dvOpwinov (E., com.), dvOpwmiokos (E., Ar.
Pl.), avOpwitdpiov (com.).
Further derivatives: dvOpwrw 1) yovi) mapa Adkwotv ‘woman (Lacon.)’ (H.);
avOpwnén, -77) [f.] “human skin’ (Hdt. Poll.); dvOpwrdtne [f] ‘humanity’ (Ph, S.
E.). Adjectives: dvOpwmetog ‘human’ (Ion. etc. -1toc), avOpwittvocg ‘id’ (IA),
avOpwmds ‘id’ (Pl, Arist.). Denominative verbs: 1. dvOpwriCopat ‘to behave like a
man’ (Ar., Luc.); thence av@pwatoptdc ‘humankind’ (Aristipp.); 2. dvOpwrevouat [v.]
‘to behave like a man’ (Arist.); 3. dv8pw7tdopat ‘to be human’ (Plu.).
eETYM dvOpwitoc resembles Hitt. antuyahhas-/ antubs- ‘man’, but it has nothing to
do with it, as the latter derives from a compound *h,en-d'u(e)h,-s- ‘having
breath/spirit inside’ (cf. 8vjidg < *d"uh,-m6-). As no IE explanation has been found,
the word is probably of substrate origin. The occurrence of -oq- in Mycenaean does
not prove Indo-European origin, as the substrate language also had labiovelars (e.g.
BaotAetc, Myc. qa-si-re-u). Kuiper had already given a substrate interpretation on
the basis of Spay (Kuiper 1956: 211f and Kuiper Lingua 21 (1968): 275f. defended by
Beekes Glotta 73 (1995-1996): 13-15). Rosén KZ 99 (1986): 243f., incorrectly assumes
that the laryngeals had an aspirating effect. Improbable suggestions are offered by
Ruijgh Lingua 25 (1970): 312 and Szemerényi Gnomon 43 (1971): 655f.
avia [f.] ‘grief, distress’ (Od.). <?>
°VAR Att. either i or i; Hom. always -in. dvia [n.pl.] ‘id’ (A. Pers. [lyr.]) is taken to be
a back-formation after e.g. ptdia: piAtoc.
DIAL Aecol. dvia (Sappho 1, 3).
*DER awiapdc, -npdc (Od., IA) ‘uncomfortable, grievous’. Denominative verbs: dviaw
‘to grieve, distress’ (Od., IA); also awdlw (epic since II.).
eETYM The connection with Skt. dmiva [f] ‘disease, pain’ requires an unwarranted
dissimilation m - u > n - u, and should be rejected. Kuiper AION 1 (1959): 157ff.
assumes a pre-from *an-is-yd < *y-is-io-, from the root of Skt. is- ‘to desire’,
comparing Skt. an-ista- ‘unwished for’.
avta 107
As remarked by Nikolaev 2006, derivation from *h,eis- ‘to search’ is semantically not
very convincing. He proposes instead to connect the root *h,eis(h,)- ‘to refresh, etc.’,
reconstructing *y-(h,)is(h.)-ijo- (sic!). The suffix -iio- is assumed to explain the
length of i, but a collective *n-His-ih, > PGr. *anihja would do better both formally
and semantically (the transition to a feminine is trivial).
The reflex of the vocalized nasal in Aeolic is debated: see the discussion by Nikolaev
(ibid: fn. 21), who adduces a suggestion by Bechtel that the PNs Ilavoaviac and
Avoaviac contain the genuine Aeolic variant.
aviypog [adj.] ‘unpleasant’ (Nic.). <?>
eVAR dviypdv- aka8aptov, gadAov, Kakdv, Svowdec, doeBéc ‘foul, mean, bad,
malodorous, impure’ (H.).
*ETYM Unexplained. Connection with » viCw is improbable, as this had a labiovelar
*.g¥.,
dvvioov [n.] ‘anise, Pimpinella Anisum’ (Hp.). <PG(v)>
VAR Gvnjoov (v.l. in codd.); dvijooov (Dsc.); dvvyjooov (inscr. Delos II*).
eETYM Probably the same word as » &vnSov. The variation v/vv (perhaps also o/oo)
and the intervocalic -o- demonstrate substrate origin.
avvic [f.] + ptpdc i} matpdc pu{TNHP ‘mother of one’s mother or father’ (H; also IG 7,
3380 [Boeotia]). <1E *h,en- ‘grandmother’>
eVAR Av@ in acc. dvwv (IG 9(2), 877 [Larisa]).
eETYM Perhaps an elementary formation, like Hitt. anna- ‘mother’. However, Hitt.
hanna- and Lyc. yfina- ‘grandmother’ have an initial laryngeal, like Arm. han
‘grandmother’, Lat. anna ‘foster-mother’ and OHG ana ‘grandmother, ancestor’.
avoxatov - bnep@ov ‘upper part of a house’. ypagetat kai dvwyetov (H.). = avwyatov.
avoxw xh [f.] ‘cessation’, especially “cessation of arms, truce’ (Th.). <GR>
eVAR Also dvaKw 1}.
*DER Denominative dvoxwxetw [v.] ‘to hold back, hinder’ (Hdt, S., etc.), also dvak-;
avaKkwyéw (Hp.).
eETYM Reduplicated derivative of avéyu, like Stoxwxn from dtéxa; cf. » dkw@Kn. The
form with dva- was introduced after the formation had become opaque. The
formation is clearly recent, as there is no trace of the initial aspiration (root *hek"-).
See > Ex.
avornata [adv.]? hapax of uncertain mg. (a 320); also the mountain (in the Oeta) and
the pass through which the Persians circumvented the pass of Thermopylae (Hat. 7,
216). <GR?>
eVAR Gvortaia Hdn. 2, 133; dvoratoc epithet of fire (Emp. 51), perhaps ‘up by the hole
in the roof(?).
*ETYM Already unclear in antiquity (see DELG). Bechtel 1914 thinks that it is a
hypostasis of ava ti om ‘on high through the hole of the roof; Chantraine thinks it
must be an adverb (ntr.plur.) because of the short -a.
dvta [adv.] ‘over against, face to face’ (II.). <1E *h,ent- ‘face’>
108 Avtat
eVAR Also dvtnyy.
*DER dvtaeic ‘hostile’ (Pi.). Denominative verb avtdw ‘to come towards, meet with’
(1l.); amt-avtdw ‘to meet’ (IA), andavtnots ‘encounter’ (S., Arist.) and andvtna ‘id.’
(E., LXX).
*ETYM The root noun *avt- gave rise to a derivative Gvtopat ‘to meet, implore’ (Il.).
avta is the accusative of this noun; the locative is » avti, and the old instrumental
*h.nt-b'i is continued in » dug; see there for further etymology. &vmv was perhaps
formed after div, Ary, etc; the case form is still apparent in vavta = év dvta, etc.
For the meaning, we may compare especially Go. and(a)- ‘against’, Lith. aft and
OLith. anta ‘towards’.
dvtat [f.pl.] - dvepot ‘winds’ (H.). <1E? *h,veh,- ‘blow’>
*VAR dvtdc: Mvods ‘breezes, breaths’ (H.).
*ETYM To be corrected to dfjtat, darytac? Derivation from *h.enh,- ‘breathe’ (see
> dvetoc) is impossible, as this would give *avetat < *h,enh,t- or *atat < *h.yh,t-).
See discussion on drjt1j¢ s.v. > dy.
avtakaios [m.] a kind of sturgeon (Hdt.). <Lw>
VAR Also adjectival (Antiph.).
eETYM Unknown. Probably an adapted foreign word; cf. Hdt. 4, 53: kryted Te pleydAa
avakavOa, Ta dvtakaioug Kadéovot (the fish is found in the Borysthenes = Dniepr).
avtap [n.] - detdc b10 Tupprvav ‘eagle (Etruscan). Ed~opiwv dé Siaopa ‘warp’ (H.)
<Etr., GR?>
eETYM These are clearly two glosses. The first is Etruscan; for the second, cf. dvtiov
‘(part of the) loom’, so it probably derives from dvt- in avti etc., with the inanimate
suffix -ap (or from > dpapiokw?).
avtdatas m. ‘surety, guarantor (Cretan)’. <GR>
*ETYM Lit. “who pays (gets the damage, dtm) for another”; see Kretschmer Glotta 18
(1930): 91.
avtipns [adj.] “set over against, opposite’ (S.). <GR>
*ETYM From dvtaeipw ‘to raise against’, thus *avt(1)-afép-1¢ (cf. *FeAtoc > TALoc),
acc. to Blanc RPh. 66 (1992): 247-254.
avtnpic, -idoc [f.] ‘prop, support’ (E.). <GR>
eVAR AVTIploc: OTHHWV, Kal Kavwv 6 TpOOKEiLEVOS TH Bdpa ‘warp; bar placed on a
door’ (H.).
*ETYM Backformation from davtepeidw ‘to lean against’, with lengthening of the
initial root vowel, and reshaping of -petd- after the suffix -16- (as in éyKpic); cf. éyKAic
to éykAivw, éumic to gumtvw. For the formation in -toc, cf. mayic : mdyioc, Bwpic :
Bwptoc.
avtnotis [?] ‘confronting’, only in kat’ dvtnotiv Sepévn mepikadAéa dSippov (v 387).
<GRE
*ETYM From &vtnv totac8at, with dvtn- as a first member. The second member is
the zero grade -ot- with suffixal -t-, cf. aortic < *8§-av-ot-t¢. See Bechtel 1914 s.v.
GVTOLLOG 109
avti [prep.] ‘opposite, over against; instead of (II.). <IE *h,ent- ‘front, face’>
DIAL Myc. a-ti-pa-mo /Antip*amos/, etc.
*COMP évavtl, amévavtt, Katévavtt (Dor., Hell.); avavtng ‘uphill, steep’ (Hdt.); see
also » avtidvelpa.
*DER dvtiog ‘opposite, opposed to’ (Il; Att. prose has évavtioc), thence avtiddec
[f.pl.] ‘tonsils’ (medic.). Denominative avtidopat [v.] ‘to oppose’ (Hdt.). avtidw ‘to
come towards, participate, etc.’ (epic Ion. poet.) was derived from the ntr.plur. avtia
[adv.] ‘opposite’; post-Homeric is dvtidw.
*ETYM Identical with Skt. dnti ‘facing’, Lat. ante ‘before’, and Hitt. hanti ‘opposite,
separate’. It is the old locative of a root noun preserved in Hitt. hant- ‘front,
forehead’. Another case form of the same noun is > dvta.
avudvetpa [f.] epithet of the Amazons (IL); further only in Pi. Ol. 12, 16, otdotc
avtidvetpa “(faction) in which man is set against man’. <GR>
eETYM Cf. xvdi-dveipa and Bwrti-dveipa. The words is a compound from avti and
avnp, with the original meaning ‘a match for men’ (cf. avti8eoc “godlike’), but often
taken as ‘hostile to men’.
avtxkpd [adv.] ‘right opposite’ (II.). <PG?>
eVAR Att. Givtikpuc, katavtxKpd (with stress after i002).
*DIAL Att. KatT-, dm-avtpoKv (IG 2?, 1672: 25 and 1668: 88) perhaps from *avta-Kpv
.(see Beekes and Cuypers below).
*ETYM Assuming a compound with davti- does not help much (the connection with
avtixpobw ‘to come into collision’ by Kretschmer Glotta 4 (1913): 356 is improbable,
as are other attempts). Beekes and Cuypers Mnem. 56 (2003) argue that the -v is
short, but metrically lengthened in Homer.
The Attic form may have developed from d&vta-kpv with anticipation of the p and
assimilation a > o.
dvtioc [m.] ‘bilge-water’ (Od.). <?>
DIAL Myc. a-ta-ra, a vase, has been interpreted as /antla/, but this may be doubted.
*DER avtiia ‘bilge-water, hold of a ship’ (S. Ar.), ‘container’ (pap.), dvtAiov ‘id.’
(Ar.). Denominative verb avtAéw ‘to bale out bilge-water, pump’ (Hdt.); late verbal
nouns GvtArjotc, avtAnopdc; AvtAna ‘bucket’.
*ETYM Connection with Lat. sentina ‘bilge-water’ (Solmsen 1909: 189; Chantraine
1933: 375), for which preforms *&vtdoc (psilosis) < *é&u-8Ao- are assumed, is
impossible in Indo-European terms, as *sm- would give a-, not av-. If reliable, the
Myc. form would exclude an original *s-. Quite convincing is the proposal by
Benveniste BSL 50 (1954): 39 to compare Hitt. han-' ‘to draw water’, although it
requires an unusual suffix -thoc (cf. DELG). This is accepted by both Puhvel HED
and Kloekhorst 2008 s.v. The comparsion with Lat. sentina remains tempting, but in
this case the word cannot be Indo-European, which seems quite well possible for a
technical term. °
avtoptat =dvta.
Gvtoptog [m.] ‘country road’ (Tab. Heracl. 1, 12), probably not ‘palisade’. <?>
110 a&VTpPOV
*VAR AvtOpouc oKdAoTac. Likedoi ‘anything pointed (Sicilian) (H.).
eETYM Explained as *avdtopoc to dvatéuvw ‘to cut open’, but the semantics are not
very convincing. Hardly related to Lat. antemna ‘yard’ (as per von Blumenthal 1930:
16).
dvtpov [n.] ‘cave’ (Od.). <PG?>
*DER avtpwdy¢ ‘with many caves’ (X., Arist.), dvtpaiog ‘living in caves’ (E.),
avtptddec [f.pl.] ‘cave nymphs’ (AP, Phryn.), cf. xpywddes, dpeotiadeg; avtpric [f]
‘living in caves’ (Antip. Sid.). ,
*ETYM Derivation of dvtpov and Arm. ayr ‘grotto’ from a pre-form *antér (De
Lamberterie BSL 73 (1978): 243f.) is impossible, as was shown by Clackson 1994: 98.
Connection with dveyoc (Schwyzer: 532) is formally impossible since the root is
dissyllabic *h,enh,-. Giannakis Glotta 76 (2000): 192-198 incorrectly explains the
form as from *anti-trh,-om, with the root *terh,- ‘to cross’. The disappearance of *-ti-
and the loss of the laryngeal are both improbable. Lat. antrum is a loan from Greek.
It is best to return to Chantraine 1933: 331 and assume a substrate word.
avr, -yos [f.] ‘edge, rim of anything round; rail of a chariot’ (II.), cf. Delebecque 1951:
177f. <2>
*ETYM Previously explained as dvd plus a root noun -tv& as belonging to tevyw,
tetuketv. However, since these have -y- or -k-, the etymology is highly questionable.
The word resembles » dyimv& (gen. -Koc), which has no etymology either; see also on
> Kataitvt, which is unclear as well.
avout [v.] ‘to effect, accomplish’ (Il.). <1£ *senH- ‘win, accomplish’>
*VAR Thematic aviw, avbw; *&vpw > avu; enlarged with dental avitw, Att. avitw
(see Schwyzer: 704: 1), aor. f}vvoa (secondary, see below), tiveoa (Strunk, below).
Glosses kaodvetc: avibeic, AdKwvec (H.) < *kaBaveic; davéc: od teAeoOrjodUEVvov ‘not
about to be fulfilled’ (H.).
*DIAL Myc. a-nu-to /Anutos/; a.-nu-me-no /*anumenos/.
*DER dvvoic ‘success, accomplishment’ (epic poet., late prose), whence avbotmoc »
‘successful’ (X., Pl); &vvopa ‘id? (sch.). dv-tvu(o)toc ‘unfeasible, without end’
(Od.); from this avvortdg (av-) ‘feasible’ (E. X.), avu(o)tucdg ‘effective’ (X., Arist.).
avutts = Lat. exactor (Just.).
eETYM Gvuut is related to Skt. sancti ‘to win, obtain’ < *sy-n-eu-. Acc. to Strunk 1967:
116, the aorist tjveoa < *senh,-s- is old and corresponds to Skt. asdnisam. If this is
correct, Hitt. Sa(n)h-* ‘to search, try, mean’ < *senh,- cannot be related. Cf. also the
group of OHG sinnan ‘to strive for’. See » abOévti.
a&vwya [v.] ‘to command, order’ (IL), perf. with present mg. <IE *h,eg- ‘say’, or *h.eg->
VAR Plpf. yvwyea; secondary pres. dvwyw, aor. -Fa (Schwyzer: 767).
eDIAL An Achaean word, see Ruijgh 1957: 128ff.
eETYM Originally, a compound dv-wya ‘to proclaim loudly’ < *-h,e-h,og-, ablauting
with 1 ‘he said’ < *h,e-h,eg-t. Related to Lat. aid < *ag-io-H (probably from *h,g-, but
the development remains difficult; see Schrijver 1991: 485; adagid ‘proverb’ is
probably unrelated; see De Vaan 2008 sv. aid). Also related to Arm. afac
goloc 1
‘proverbium’, pres. asem ‘say’ (s < *g); Arm. a- < *h, before consonant would be
regular. Hackstein 1995: 332-4 assumes initial *h,- because of ToB aksdm, but his
connection with Gr. » &(w is improbable; this is followed by LIV? s.v. *h,eg- ‘sagen’.
Cf. > Hut.
a&vwyatov [n.] ‘anything raised from the ground’ (X.), ‘prison’. <GR>
eVAR Also avayatov and > avéKatov.
*ETYM Clearly a compound of yij with vw. See > yi}.
a&&ivy [f] ‘axe’ (I1.), Siotopoc méAeKug ‘two-edged axe’ (H.). <Lw>
*ETYM Compared with Lat. ascia ‘axe’ and Germanic words for ‘axe’, Go. aqizi, etc.,
but this does not lead to an JE reconstruction. Ruijgh BiOrbis 54 (1997): 540” notes
that -in- is a typical substrate suffix, and that the sign for a in Linear B is a double
axe. Szemerényi Gnomon 43 (1971): 656 remarks that Akk. hassinu and Aram.
hassina are so close that they must be the same word. I propose that the Semitic and
Greek words are loans from an Anatolian language.
doc [adj.] ‘worth’ (IL). <1£? *h,eg- ‘carry’>
*DER Abstract d&ia ‘value, wages’ (IA). Denominative d&tdw, -dopat [v.] ‘to deem
worthy, esteem; require’ (S. IA); thence d&iwua ‘estimation, requirement, decree,
etc. (Att, Hell.), diminutive d&twpdtiov (Arr.), adjective a&twuatixdg ‘high in rank
(Hell.); aEiwotc ‘valuation, assessment, opinion’ (Hdt., Th. E.).
*ETYM Generally assumed to be derived from dyw in the sense of ‘to weigh’ (cf. Lat.
agina), perhaps first from *d&tc ‘weight’. Some doubts remain, as no such derivative
in -ti- is known from dyw, and the semantics are not really strong.
aEovyyia +dbbyytov.
aEwv, -ovoc [m.] ‘axle, axis’ (Il.). <1E *h,eks->
eDIAL Myc. a-ko-so-ne /aksones/.
eETYM Old noun, also found in Skt. dksa- [m.], Lat. axis, Lith. asis, OCS osp; OHG
ahsa [f.], all ‘axle, axis’. Derivatives in -I- are found in ON gxull [m.], W echel [f.],
Lat. dla ‘arm-pit, wing’ < *aks-la (cf. axilla). The word has been connected with dyw
(Benveniste 1935: 7, 24, 121), but this is uncertain. It is improbable that d€wv is
contained in > Gaga.
doloc [m.] ‘servant (of a god) (A. Ag. 231 [lyr.], Call. fr. 353, IG 9(1), 976 [Corcyra,
metr. inscr.]). <PG?(V)>
eVAR dolor brrpéetal, Oepamovtec, axdAovGot ‘servants, attendants, followers’ (H.);
&Coc = Sepanwv or Gepdaratva (Seleucus, gloss. apud Ath. 6, 267c = Eust. 1024, 44
and 1090, 56).
eDIAL Myc. a-o-ze-jo probably does not belong here.
*DER dotia ‘service of a god’ (epigr.); denominative doCéw [v.] ‘to serve’ (A. fr. 54,
*ETYM In the same sense as S(oc in epic doc ‘Apnosg, if this means Bepanwv; cf. dela
(cod. ofetéa): Separeia (H.). This dGoc has been considered identical with » doc
‘branch’ from antiquity onwards: 6 KAkddoc¢ tod moAgpov ‘the branch of war’ (H.).
112 GoAAns, -€¢
Modern scholars have taken it as ‘sprout’, but DELG notes that dfoc¢ does not have
this meaning. Although DELG accepts the connection with {oc < *o-sd-o- (prefix o-
and zero grade of sed- ‘sit down’), but it is not very convincing semantically.
Brugmann IF 19 (1906): 379 argues against Schulze 1892: 498, who explained doCoc
from *4-006-L0-¢ (to 666¢), but Frisk and DELG do not reject this.
Fur.: 341 cites the form doc, and concludes from the interchange a/ o that the word
is Pre-Greek. He assumes (374, following Frisk) that dofoc has a secondary
copulative a- under influence of » doooéw ‘to accompany’, but this must remain
uncertain, as it could also be a real Pre-Greek prothetic vowel.
GoAAIj<, -Ec [adj.] ‘all together, in throngs’ (II.). <1E *uel- ‘press’>
*DER aodAitw [v.] ‘to press together, assemble’ (epic poet.) and doAAei- ovvayet
‘brings together’ (H.), whence a6AAnotc (EM). Adverb aodAnéryy ‘together’ (Mosch.,
Opp.).
*ETYM GoAAti¢ < *4-FoAvi¢ is probably the Acol. form of *4-Fadvijc; see & Arc.
dop, -opos [n.] ‘sword’ (II.). <1E? *gs- ‘sword’>
eVAR For Gopac [acc.pl.] p 222 read dopa y’. See Triimpy 1950: 6off.
*DIAL Note the tribe of the Aopeic in Corinth and the Afopoi on Corcyra.
*COMP xpvodopos, also xpvodop-a, ~ (Il), epithet of gods and godesses, also of
Orpheus, ‘with golden sword’, but others take it as ‘with golden pendant’ (below);
also PN Xpvodwp (Hes.).
*ETYM Gop was taken as a root noun related to deipw with the original meaning ‘what ©
hangs’; this would fit ypvodopoc well. Ruijgh Lingua 25 (1970): 312f. rejected this,
assuming *ys-r, with the o-grade from an Aeolic (or Achaean) zero grade. This
would be cognate with Lat. énsis ‘sword’ and Skt. asi- (both from *ys-i-), though the
Skt. word means ‘butcher’s knife’. Scholars have also pointed to Pal. hasira- ‘dagger’,
but *h,ns- would have given Gr. *dv-. All in all, the etymology remains a bit
uncertain.
dopov [m.] - LoxAdv, TLA@Va, Bupwpdv. KUmptot ‘bar or bolt, gateway, porter (Cypr.)
(H.). <1E? *h,uer- ‘shut, cover’>
eETYM Comparable forms are OCS za-voro ‘joxAdc’, Ru. za-vér ‘passage blocked
with bars’, related to OCS za-vréti ‘to shut’ < earlier *ver-ti, and Lith. su-vérti ‘id.’,
Skt. api-vynoti ‘to lock’, and Lat. operi6 ‘id’. Previously, an action noun *si-uoro-
‘locking’ was assumed for the Greek word, but the meaning of *si- would be
unclear. Therefore, a root *h,uer- is preferable, which nicely confirms Lubotsky’s
analysis of Skt. vynoti ‘to shut’ as *Huer- in view of forms like avar, dpavrta-,
dpivrta-, see Lubotsky 2000a: 315-325. The acute in the Balto-Slavic forms is probably
secondary.
doptH *VAR aoptip. = deipw 2.
dooo€éw [v.] ‘to help, support’. <IE *sek”- ‘follow’>
*VAR Only aor. dooofjoat (Mosch. 4, 110).
anaty 113
eDER dooonthp [m.] ‘helper, protector’ (Il); cf. dcontijpa: Bon8ov ‘assistant’ and
Eooontip: Emikoupos, tiwwpdc, avti tod docontip ‘ally, avenger (instead of &.)’ (H.),
but the forms are unexplained.
eETYM doooéw is an iterative deverbative or denominative from *&oococ < *sm-sok”-
io- (an old formation, cf. Lat. socius) from the root of » énopau, Lat. sequor. On
account of the aspiration in Skt. sdkhi- ‘ally, associate’, one often finds the
reconstruction *sok”h,-i-. Pinault therefore adduced this word as an example for his
rule that a laryngeal was lost between consonant and yod in PIE (Pinault 1982: 265-
272), but the so-called Lex Pinault is still under debate. See on Ȏnopa, > dmdwv,
and Myc. e-qe-ta.
amaNde [adj.] ‘tender, weak’ (II.). <?>
eDER dmadia ‘tenderness’ (Gp.) and amadiag ‘sucking-pig’ (D. L. 8, 20; uncertain);
anddiov. Gdpa, SeApaktov ‘victim; sucking-pig’ (H.) (but the text is doubtful).
Denominative verb ama\tvw ‘to soften’ (X., Hp. usw.), amadvopds (Hp.), amadvvti|s
(Zonar.).
eETYM Unknown. The formation may be compared with dpaddc, ataddc, see
Chantraine 1933: 245. Fur.: 224 compares duaddc, assuming variation 1/ py; this is
possible, but uncertain.
anavtaw >dvta.
anak [adv.] ‘once’ (Od.). < IE *peh.g- ‘firm, solid’>
eETYM From a- < *sm- ‘one’ (cf. »eic) and -nak, related to »mrhyvupt ‘to fix,
coagulate’, with adverbial -c.
anapyia [f.] a plant which has its leaves on the ground (Thphr. HP 7, 8, 3). <?>
eETYM Strémberg 1944: 30f. thinks it comes from dpydc¢ ‘brilliant, white’ (cf.
> dpyeov, > dpyepwvij) because of the color; unfortunately, we know nothing about
the latter.
anapivn [f.] the plant ‘cleavers, Gallium aparine’ (Thphr.). <PG?(s)>
eETYM André Latomus 15 (1956): 295 connects it with dpryv (?). However, note the
suffix -tv-, which is typical of the substrate language.
anac [adj.] ‘all, whole’ (II.). <GR>
eETYM From d- (cf. gic) and » mae, s.v.
anatn [f.] ‘fraud, deceit’ (Il.); on the mg. see Luther 1935: 97ff. < PG(S,V)>
eDER imatnAds ‘fraudulent, deceitful (Il, IA), perhaps from anatéw (Chantraine
1933: 241f.), with the metrical variant dmatiAtoc (Od.); anatemv, -@voc [m.]
‘deceiver’ (Hp., Democr., Pl.); amatvAAa (Cerc., POxy. 1082 fr. 39) is found in
eEantatbAdw (Ar.), cf. Leumann Glotta 32 (1953): 219.
Denominative anatdw [v.] ‘to deceive’ (Il.). Thence andtnoic ‘deception’ (LXX,
Phid.), anatnpa ‘deceit’ (Gorg.), anatipwv ‘deceitful’ (Orac. apud Zos.), anatnttKdc
‘id’ (PL. Arist.), anatyti¢ ‘fraud’ (gloss.); amatebw = amataw (Xenoph. 11).
eETYM Kuiper Glotta 21 (1933): 283 connected rneponevc, explaining andty as *ary-
ta from an r/n-stem *&nap, *anvdc. This is morphologically unconvincing.
114 Aratovpia
Connection with mdvtoc, matog and Go. finban as per Pedersen 1926: 65 is
improbable.
Fur. 234f. connected dt < *aFa-11, with the substrate variation m/ F, which is
possible but not compelling either. His comparison with anagetv is attractive (for
which the variant a&nogetv shows substrate origin, see » dnagioxw), as this has the
same meaning. If ryep-on-evw is cognate, note the suffix -on-, which is also a
substrate element (Beekes Glotta 73 (1995-1996): 18-25).
Anatovpta [n.pl.] the festival “Apatouria’. <GR, IE *sm-ph,tor-uo->
eDER As a name of Aphrodite Anatovpia, Anatovptdc, also the back-formation
Anatotpr) (Troezen, Pantikapaion, Phanagoria); further Andtovpov ‘td tij¢
Agpoditngs iepdov’ (Str. 11, 2, 10). Month name Anatovptwv, -ewv, also Atatopiwv
(Amorgos).
eETYM Old celebration of the Ionians, on the occasion of which new members were
accepted to the phratries. It derives from an intermediary adjective *amatovpog (e.g.
Kretschmer Glotta 4 (1913): 336) < *amatopfoc, which consists of copulative a- and
the o-grade of mati\p, so *sm-ph,tor-u- ‘of the same father’. The -f- is compared with
Skt. pitrvya- ‘father’s brother’, Lat. patruus ‘id’, etc. (see on » pnytpuia). Differently
Szemerényi Gnomon 43 (1971): 656.
anagivov [n.] - Adkwvec kapdomov AGiviy (...) ‘stone kneading-trough (Lacon.)
(HL). 42>
eETYM Unknown. DELG compares agiwdte, of which the explanation is lost.
anagiokw [v.] ‘to deceive’ (Od.). <PG?>
VAR Aor. dnagetv, also anagijoat (h. Ap.); dtogeiv: dnatijoat ‘to deceive’ (H.).
eETYM The present was probably built on the aorist. Van Windekens connects it with
pEétpoptau, but reduplication of a@- < *mb'- is highly improbable. The form danogeiv,
if it was not influenced by a6, suggests substrate origin, as assumed by Fur.: 341; he
also connects it with amatn (234). Perhaps here > dno@wAtoc.
dnagos [m.] -Enoy td dpveov ‘hoopoe, Upupa epops’ (H.). <PG>
eETYM Onomatopoeic, with the suffix -agoc frequent in animal names (see
Chantraine 1933: 263). The variation with énow, -moc suggests a substrate word. Cf.
Lat. upupa.
anagoviriorwp [?] - ctapudAtvoc Adkwvec ‘carrot (Lacon.)’ (H.). <2
eETYM Latte comments: “ag~-vAtotwp cum wl. an-”; but the meaning of avaAifetv ‘to
strain, filter’ does not fit semantically. Could it stand for *otapovaA-?
ametAy [f.] ‘threat’, also ‘promise’ (I].). <IE? *h, pelH- (?) ‘speak publicly’>
*DER dmtethéw [v.] ‘to promise, threaten’ (Il. IA). ametAntip [m.] ‘threatener, boaster’
CL, poet.), fem. dameiArteipa (Nonn.); dmetAntic ‘id’ (D. S, J.). Adjectives:
ametkitipioc ‘threatening’ (Hdt.) and dmetAntikds ‘id.’ (Pl, X.); agent nouns:
aneAnpata ‘threats’ (S.), ameiAnots ‘threat’ (Phld.).
*ETYM If related to Latv. pelt ‘to revile’, the root would be *h,pel(H)-. Assuming s-
mobile, dmetAn has further been compared with the Germanic group of Go. spill [n.]
amEepaw 115
‘fable’, and also with Arm. ara-s pel ‘legend, proverb’, in which case the s- would pose
difficulties as Armenian also vocalizes the initial laryngeal. LIV? assumes a nasal
present *(s) pelnH- with secondary full grade and copulative a-, and compares ToA
pallantdr, ToB pdllatdr ‘to praise’. In view of the many additional hypotheses
required, this seems rather far-fetched.
aneipéotoc [adv.] ‘endless, immense’ (Il.). <GR>
VAR dimepeiotog; also asteipitoc (Od.).
eETYM For *dmepéotoc, a derivation in -to- from *d-7tep-etoc, a privative verbal
adjective to » meipw, with metrical lengthening (Chantraine 1942: 101). dmteipitocg (Kk
195, Hes. Th. 109, etc.), with unclear -t-, has the same meaning. As Vine 1998: 26ff.
remarks, the e-grade root is remarkable in a formation in *-eto-.
anéAAau [f.pl.] ‘(people’s) assembly’ (IG 5(1), 1144: 21, 1146: 41 [Gytheion I*]). <?>
eVAR = onkoi, éxkAnoiat, dpxatpeciat ‘precincts, assemblies, elections of magistrates’
eDIAL Doric.
*DER AmteAAatoc, -aiwv Doric month name (Delphi, Epidauros; Tenos); ta ameAAaia
‘sacrifice at the apellai’ (Delphi); ameAAaxde: iep@v Kotvwvotcs (H.). Denominative
ameAAGCw, Laconian for éxxAnowdtw (Plu., H.).
eETYM Formally, a connection with IE *h,pel- would be the most easy solution, but
there are no obvious cognates for such a root. In Greek, we find a gloss amé\Aetv-
anoxAgietv, and this may well provide us with the original meaning of anéAAau,
enclosed space, meeting place’. Note that onxoi in the gloss cited above means ‘pen,
fold’, and compare odkwoe: améK\eloev.
I have argued that the name of Apollo (see on » An6AAwv) has nothing to do with
the anéAAau (Beekes JANER 3 (2003): 1-21).
amehXov [n.] - aiyetpoc ‘black poplar’ (H.). <?>
eETYM The word has been connected with Lat. populus. Although IE origin is
improbable, a reconstruction *h, pel- > &neA- is possible in principle, with po-h,pel-o-
> *popelo- > Lat. populus. Does HG Vielbaum also belong here (Kluge and Seebold
1989 s.v. Pappel)?
ameXog [n.] ‘wound’ (Call. fr. 343). <2>
eETYM Unknown. A derivation from néAac ‘skin’ with privative 4-, or from the root
of Lat. pellé ‘to push’, is improbable. Van Windekens Orbis 15 (1966): 256 compared
ToB pile, ToA pal ‘wound’, on which see Adams 1999; highly uncertain.
anepaw [v.] ‘to pour out’ (A.). <GR?>
DER attépaoic (Thphr.). Beside it &&-epdw ‘pour out, vomit’ (Hp.), é&épaya ‘spittle,
vomit’ (NT), é&épaotc ‘dye extract’ (PHolm. 15, 39). Also 51-, kat-, kateg-, wet-, OVV-
epdw (Hell.).
eETYM Acc. to Debrunner IF 48 (1930): 282, the word is a denominative of épa ‘earth’
(cf. » pate), cf. the scholion to Ar. Vesp. 993: éEepdow: eic ti yiv petaBara- gpa
yap 1) yi. In this case, é&epav originally meant ‘to pour out on the earth’, which is
possible. On MoGr. Eepva, é&épaca, see Grégoire Byzantion 13 (1938): 399f.
116 amepelotoc
amepeiovos >dnelpéctoc.
arjviy [f.] ‘four-wheeled wagon’ (Il.), synonymous with dpaka, see Delebecque 1951:
174f. <PG(V)>
eVAR mNva- catty ‘four-wheeled wagon’ (H.). Myc. a-pe-ne-wo /apénéwon/ [gen.pl.]
would be an attribute of drawing animals, but anrvn probably had -ava (see below).
*ETYM The gloss mrva: ann (H.) suggests that the a- is a real prothetic vowel and
that the word is Pre-Greek. This excludes a morphological analysis am-1yv1. Further,
there is the synonym kanava (Xenarch. 1, Thess.), with interchange x-/ zero. Fur.:
224° compares ydmtoc: dyna. Tupprvoi ‘wagon (Etr.)’ (H.), also adducing (285)
AapTHVN ‘id’, which has a variant Aanivn without prenasalization; on variation \/
zero see Fur.: 392. Further, one has compared dpavav: Guatav (H.).
Banateanu REIE 3 (1943): 141 thought the word is Anatolian (which amounts to
saying that it is a substrate word); Szemerényi JHS 94 (1947): 149f. thought it could
be Semitic.
The comparison with kandva is the most convincing and shows foreign (substrate)
origin, because of the variation k-/ zero, see Fur.: 391f. This means that some of the
other variants adduced by Furnée must be left aside.
amnvijc, -éc [adj.] ‘unfriendly, harsh’ (Il.). <1E? *h,en-os- ‘face’>
DER amnveta [f.] ‘harshness’ (Thphr., A. R.).
*ETYM Formation like mpavijc (npnvic) and mpoonvijs (mpooavijc), from and (mpd,
mpdc¢) with a second element for which *tvoc [n.] ‘face’ is traditionally assumed. A
problem with this analysis is that Skt. *@nas- does not exist, and that dnana- [n.]
‘mouth’ is of uncertain interpretation. Blanc CEG 1 connects » dvaivopat, which is
doubtful. So there is no clear etymology.
anmnipwv >atovpac.
ANIVVGOOW > TETVULLAL.
amuov [n.] ‘pear’ (Pl.). <?>
eVAR Gmtoc [f.] ‘pear tree’ (Thphr.), but these are not always distinguished, cf.
Wackernagel 1920-1924(2): 17.
eETYM Related to Lat. pirum, pirus. Generally considered to be a Mediterranian LW.
See Hubschmid 1963: 121. Berger MSS 9 (1956): 15ff compares Burushaski pheso,
which is improbable. Steinbauer 1989: 68 argues that the word could be from IE
*h,pis-o-, which seems even less likely.
dntos [adj.] ‘distant, far away’ (Il.). <GR>
*ETYM From an6; for the formation, cf. avtioc. The word appears in the formula
(tnAdGev) 2 aring yairc. In S. OC 1685 it has a long a-, probably under influence of
Ania ‘Peloponnese’; see » Aric. See » dtd.
amXetog [adj.] ‘boundless, immense’ (Emp., S., IA prose), said of the sky, height, time,
gold. <?>
eETYM Privative d- plus an unknown second member; not related to » mA€Opov, as
per DELG.
aMOKUVOV 117
amA6o¢ [adj.] ‘single, simple’ (A.). <?>
eVAR Contracted amAodc; hapax amAdc (An. Ox. 2, 231).
*COMP dimAdog, dttA0v¢ ‘twofold, double, twice’ (since II.), also SutAdc (Opp.).
*DER amAoic [f.] (Il), of xAaiva. Diminutive dmAoldiov (pap.); amoikdc ‘simple,
plain’ (Hell.). amAdtng [f.] ‘simplicity, plainness’ (X., Arist.). Denominative verbs: 1.
anhdw [v.] ‘to develop, unfold’, whence &mAwoic and dnAwpa, atAwTIKds (all late); 2.
amAoifouat ‘to act modestly’ (X., D. C.).
*ETYM amAdoc is the opposite of SttAdoc, SttA0d¢ ‘twofold, double’ (Il.) and late
dtmd¢ (Opp.). Direct connection of amdc with Lat. sim plus, duplus, and Gm. forms
like Go. tweifl [acc.] ‘doubt’ (assuming a root *pel- ‘to fold’) is problematic, as Gr.
-tAocg is late and rare compared to -mAdoc. Kretschmer Glotta 12 (1923): 218
considered secondary influence of -mAdfoc ‘sailing’, related to »mréw. Cf.
> dit douoc.
ano [prep.] ‘far away, away from’ (II.) <IE *h.e po ‘from’>
eVAR mo [adv.].
eDIAL Arc.-Cypr. Aeol. amv. Note Myc. a-pu-do-ke, a-pe-do-ke /apu-doke/, /ap-
eddke/.
*DER Beside dimo-ev also GnwOev ‘from afar, far from’ (Schwyzer: 628, Lejeune 1939:
332).
eETYM Old adverb and preverb, identical with Skt. dpa ‘away from’, Lat. ab, and Go.
af ‘down’; probably also to Hitt. appa ‘after’ (see Kloekhorst 2008 s.v.). From PIE
h,épo, which has a variant *h.pd- > OCS po, >> PGm. fana that would also have
given amo. See > amo.
arodiSpaokw =di6paoKw.
andepoe [v.] ‘swept away’ (II.). <IE? *uer- ‘tear’>
eVAR Only this form occurs.
*ETYM Formerly interpreted as the s-aorist from a root *ver- or *uers- (Gil Emerita 32
(1964): 181), which was also supposed in » dnovpac, but this probably has a root *ur-
eh,-. Forssman 1980: 192 more convincingly reconstructs dmdepoe as *uert-s- from
the root for ‘turn’, also seen in » ppw < *uert-ie/o-.
an68eoto¢ [adj.] “despised, uncared for’, said of Odysseus’s dog (p 296). <GR>
*ETYM The opposite moAv-8eotoc ‘much desired’ (Call.) and PNs such as ‘Epjt6-
Beotoc, Boeot. @16-getotoc, and d-Oeotoc (of "Epivic, H.) show that the word
belongs to »@éooac8a, root *g”ed".. Incorrect hypothesis (4-168eotoc) by
Leumann 1950: 64f.
dnotva [n.pl.] ‘ransom, fine’ (Il.). <GR>
eVAR Sing. dmtotvov (IG 14, 1389: 15 10).
eETYM Formerly analyzed as *éndmotvog with haplology, so derived from dmotivw ‘to
pay, atone’, modelled after noivy : tivw. Rather, it is simply from *sm- in the sense of
‘equalizing payment, atonement’, see West Glotta 77 (1999): 121.
anokvvov [n.] plant name “Cynanchum erectum’ or “Marsdenia erecta’ (Dsc.). <GR>
118 AmoAAVTLOV
eVAR = dla [leLypevn PappaKw mpd dvaipeotv kvvwv ‘cake mixed with a drug
against the killing of dogs’ (H.).
eETYM Substantivized from an adjective *amdxvvoc ‘hostile to dogs’, acc. to
Stromberg 1944: 26.
anoAdvttov [n.] probably a herb, in omdpta amodavtiov (PMag. Lond. 1, 121, 209
(III?]). <PG(v)>
°VAR TaAavttov (Hippiatr. 66).
eETYM The proposal of Strémberg 1944: 27 to connect A€évtiov ‘linen cloth’ is
improbable. Fur.: 344 compares taA\dvttov, a kind of grass, which suggests that the
words are Pre-Greek.
anokatw [v.] ‘to enjoy’ (Ar.), “von Haus aus kein feines Wort” (Wackernagel 1916:
229). <IE? *leh,u- ‘seize, capture’>
eDER Verbal nouns dmdAavotc (Att.), amdAavopa (late) ‘enjoyment’, adjective
amoAavotikds ‘producing enjoyment’ (Arist., PIb.).
eETYM Mostly connected with Xeia ‘booty’, Dor. aia (< *haf-ia) ‘booty’, for which
an IE root *leh,u- could be assumed. This root is also assumed in Lat. lucrum ‘gain’,
which could be from *luklo- < *Ih,u-tl6- (Schrijver 1991: 240), and in Go. laun [n.]
‘reward’ < *leh,u-no-. However, the appurtenance of OCS love ‘catch, chase’, loviti
‘to catch, chase’ would require */h,eu-, which is an improbable formation. Unrelated
is Skt. lotra-, lota- ‘booty’ (lex.), which is from MInd. loptra-, see Wackernagel 1896:
91. The appurtenance of »\dpdc ‘delicious’ is uncertain.
It is best to assume that anteconsonantal *Jeh,u-C- (eg. in the s-aorist) yielded
*havC-, which was generalized to the other tense forms.
See > Agia.
anodeiv[a] [2] - dnootpépetv. Adkwvec ‘turn away (Lacon.)’ (H.). <?>
eETYM From dmo-moAetv (Thurneysen Glotta 12 (1922): 145). Cf. » amvAL@val.
AmddAwv, -wvog [m.] theonym (I1.). <PG(V)>
eVAR Voc. ‘AntoA\ov.
eDIAL AméAAwv (Dor.), Amteihwv (Cypr.), ‘Amdovv (Thess.). Perhaps in Myc. ]pe-rjo[
/AJpeljo[n-/, see Ruijgh 1967a: 56.
eETYM Schmidt KZ 32 (1893): 327ff. assumed that the vocative “AmoA\ov was
assimilated from ‘AmeAAov with unaccented ¢, and that the other cases (with accented
€) introduced the o analogically. However, such vowel assimilations cannot be
assumed so easily in Greek (cf. Van Beek fthc.b). The e-vocalism is found in the PNs
AneAXwv, AnmeAdfjc, etc. Moreover, Cypr. AneiAwv points to a pre-form *AnéALwv
for Dor. Amé\\wv; Thess. ‘AmtAovv perhaps derives from Pre-Greek *Apel’6n with
syncope and -ovv from *-6n (Ruijgh apud Beekes JANER 3 (2003), see below).
In spite of repeated attempts, there is no IE etymology. As Apollo was assumed to
come from Asia Minor, one looked there for a connection. But Lyd. PAdans Artimuk
(see on »’Apteic) had initial qg-. Burkert’s idea that the name was derived from
anéAXat is impossible (see detailed argumentation in Beekes JANER 3 (2003)). The
name is probably Pre-Greek, and Hitt. ?NS"Appaliunag, mentioned in a treaty
anpryda 119
between Alaksandus of Wilusa and the Hittite king, may well be the Pre-Greek
proto-form Apal’un. The Hittite rendering shows that the oldest Pre-Greek form
had *a. This became e before the palatal */’. The e was then assimilated (in Pre-
Greek) to o by the following -6n.
amopedt [n.] kind of mead, made from the water used to wash honeycombs (Dsc.).
<GRP>
eETYM Derived from \té\; the prefix has a pejorative meaning (Strémberg 1944: 20f.).
aTtopVoow = LWWooo}Lal.
anovpas [aor.ptc.] ‘taking away, depriving’ (Il.). <1E? *ureh,- ‘draw, tear’ (?)>
VAR Ind. root aorist 2sg. dmnupdc, 38g. -d, 18g. -wv (after the type étiia : étiwv);
fut. dmovprjoovot or -ptocovot (X 489); see Strunk Glotta 37 (1958): 118-127. Ptc. med.
&movpaevoc (Hes. Sc. 173), which is analogical since a zero grade -urh,- would have
yielded -Fpa-.
eETYM For *a&mo-Fpac (see Lejeune 1972: 181 and 228), as if from a root *ureh,-, which
is not known from other languages. The 3sg. amt-nvpa is supposed to stand for *a1-n-
Fea with long augment. The barytonesis is Aeolic (Wackernagel Gott. Nachr. 1914:
119). See further on » amdéepoe, which is unrelated.
anogpac, -ddo¢ [adj.] ‘unlucky, wicked’ (P1.). <GR>
°VAR Mostly fem. (of fuépa), but also msc. (Eup. 309).
eETYM From ppdalw, ppadr, ppadpywv, with -ppac after the nouns in -4c¢ (Chantraine
1933: 351, Schwyzer: 507).
anogpaon [f.] term for dovAn (Seleuc. apud Ath. 6, 267e). <?>
eVAR -@patn in Eust. 1090, 57.
eETYM Unknown.
a&mogwAtos [adj.] ‘worthless (?)’ (Od.). <GR?>
eETYM Glossed as civepi@Atoc, ptatatog ‘futile, idle’. Not related to d@edoc ‘use’.
Probably connected to anogeiv: anatijoat ‘to deceive’ (H.), in which case the word
originally meant ‘deceiving’. For the formation cf. dutaptwAdc, see Chantraine 1933:
43. Derivation from *amto-pafo-Atog (as per Neitzel Glotta 57 (1979): 1-20), like in
Tavo-pdpot Aiodeic igpetat ‘priestesses’ (H.), is doubtful. See » anagiokw.
anoxetpoPiotos [adj.] ‘living from his hands’ < ‘who obtains his livelihood by his
hands’ (Hdt.). <GR>
eVAR Also amoyetpdBtog (Poll.), not -Biwtoc; see Wackernagel Glotta 14 (1925): 55.
*ETYM Compounded of Biotoc and and xelpav.
anna [m.] ‘father’ (Call.). <ONOM>
DER Ginmac title of a priest (Magnesia, Lydia); Christian priest; also = tpo@etc “foster
father’ (H.). :
eETYM Acc. to EM 167, 32, the word is Macedonian, but this is doubtful. An
elementary word, cf. nanna, dtta, dnpa, and ToB appa-kke ‘father’.
anptySa [adv.] ‘fast, tight; continously’ (A. Pers. [lyr.]). <?>
120 ampokic, -ido¢
eVAR anpig ‘id’ (S,, P1.).
*DIALEM 132, 53 also yEvoc tt dkavOng (Kbrptot); see Gpmeé.
DER AmplySdmtA1Kto¢ (also -t6-) ‘struck unceasingly’ (A.).
*ETYM For adverbs in -(y)da, -&, see Schwyzer: 620, 626. Frisk analyzed it as
containing intensive a- and » mpiw ‘to saw’, assuming an original mg. ‘as tight as the
teeth of a saw’; this is rather dubious, both formally (mpty- is attested only late, cf.
DELG) and semantically.
anpotic, -id0oc [f.] name of a shrub, ‘Dictamnus albus’ (Pythag. apud Plin. HN 24, 158).
<2>
eETYM Unexplained.
antepéwe [adv.] ‘promptly, as quick as lightning’ (Hes., Parm.). <GR>
*DER amtepvooouat [v.] ‘to flap the wings’ (Archil.), cf. ntepvooopat to mtépvk;
antepvoptat (Arat.) after dpbw : dpvoow, etc.
*ETYM From dmtepoc ‘winged, quick’ (Trag. Adesp., H.), which is built on copulative
a- and mtepdv. The ending -éwe is metrically conditioned. Cf. » mtepov.
artoemis [adj.] said of Hera (© 209), exact mg. unknown. <IE? *seng”'- ‘sing’>
*ETYM Analyzed by Wackernagel BB 4 (1878): 283f. as *d-ento-entjc ‘who speaks
words that should not be spoken’ (*y-uek”to-uek”-es-), which is not really
convincing. Meier-Briigger MSS 50 (1989): 91-96 suggests that it contains *y-sng”"-
to- ‘what cannot be sung’, from the root *seng”'- in E sing; *y-sng’"-to- would also
occur in » Gamtoc. Neither hypothesis is really evident.
antw [v.] ‘to join, attach, grasp; kindle’ (Il.). <1E *h,ep- ‘join, fit’>
eVAR Mostly med.
*DER a@r ‘kindling, touching, grip, etc.” (Hdt., Pl. etc.); thence apaw ‘to handle,
treat’ (Il), only pres; further dgdoow ‘id? (Ion. Hell.) and apae avadéyetat
‘undertake, give security, etc.’ (H.).
ayic ‘handling’ (Hp., Pl. Arist.); dyoc [n.] ‘connection’, plur. ‘joints’ (Od.), see
Chantraine 1933: 421; dtyta ‘noose, cord’ (Hp., Hdt., et al), whence late dyratifw,
Aupatiopdc, diminutive apytdtiov (Gal.). ayic, -i50¢ [f.] ‘mesh, rim, etc.’, lengthened
from dic ‘connection’.
Perhaps » advayn and yopdaydc (s.v. » xopdr)) contain a derivative of dntw, but this
may be doubted.
eETYM Fur.: 324, 353 took d@dw as evidence for Pre-Greek origin, but it is rather a
denominative to an, which has analogical aspiration. As will be argued in Van Beek
fthc.a, dntw derives from the root *h,ep- seen in Hitt. happ-“ ‘to join’ and Lat. aptus
‘fit, apt’. The initial aspiration is secondary after verbs like émw ‘to take care of <
*sep-, and the root-final aspirate -~- can be explained by analogy with taqg-, oxag-,
etc. The same proposal was done already by Kretschmer Glotta 7 (1916): 352, but it
was neglected e.g. by Frisk.
On the relation between dyog ‘joint’ and other Indo-European forms, see Clackson
1994: 98ff. Szemerényi Gnomon 43 (1971): 656 separated two meanings: he connected
‘to fasten’ with Lat. apio and ‘to kindle’ with Gm. sengen ‘to singe’, OCS pré-sociti ‘to
d&papoc 121
dry’ < *senk”-. This is now abandoned, as its root is reconstructed as *sek- ‘to dry up’,
with a pure velar (see LIV’ s.v.).
arvAt@vat [v.] uncertain (IG 5(2) p. xxxvi D1, 20 [Tegea IV*]). <GR?>
*ETYM Thurneysen Glotta 12 (1922): 145 supposed haplology from *damv-moAl@vat ‘to
give back’; cf. » dnoXeiv[a]. A better hypothesis is that of Buck 1955: $162, 10, who
understands it as ‘to regulate, cancel’ and connects it with amo-Aetdw ‘to erase’ (see
> \eioc), with iotacism and the ending -wvat of the infinitive.
an@a [m.] endearing address between brothers and sisters or beloved ones (Eust.).
<ONOM>
eDER angiov (Eust.), ampdapiov (Xenarch., Smyrna), am@idiov (sch.); amgia (Poll.
H.), am@ic [m.] ‘papa’ (Theoc.), expressive but unexplained.
eETYM An elementary form of address; cf. unaspirated Gama, etc. See Chantraine
REGr. 59-60 (1946-1947): 245 and Kretschmer Glotta 16 (1928): 184.
dpa [adv.] ‘of course, then, so’ (II.). <1E *h,(e)r ‘thus, so’>
eVAR Also dp, enclitic pa, with elision 6’.
*DIAL Cypr. ép(a) (H.), against Latte; see Ruijgh 1971: 4337°.
*ETYM On final -a, see Schwyzer: 622f. Related to Lith. i7, Latv. ir ‘and, also; even’ and
(with full grade) the question particle Lith. a7, Latv. ar. Connection with the root of
> dpapiokw, » dpti is possible, assuming an original sense ‘accordingly’ vel sim., and
would require *h,r. However, Cypr. ép(a) (if trustworthy) would point to *h,er, but
this is impossible since *h,r would have given *épa, not dpa.
apa [f.] ‘prayer, curse’ (Il.). «IE? *h,eru- ‘prostrate’>
*DIAL Ion. dp, Arc. Katapfoc ‘cursed’; the interpretation of Myc. ka-ta-wo is
doubtful.
*COMP moAvadiprtos (Od.) ‘much prayed for’.
*DER dipaiog ‘belonging to a.’ (trag.); dpatdc (-17-) ‘prayed for, accursed’ (Il. poet.).
Denominative apdopat [v.] ‘id’ (I1.), which often occurs with preverbs, e.g. ém-, KaT-
apdopict (IA). Thence a&prytrp [m.] ‘who prays, priest’ (Il.), fem. dpryteipa (Call. A.
R.), aprtiptov ‘place for praying, etc.’ (Plu.).
eETYM Arcadian shows a pre-form *dpfa, which neatly explains the difference in
quantity of a- in Ionic and Attic. The final -a in Attic dpa poses problems, however,
since we expect -1 after *F. Perhaps it is from (-)4pdopat or from the frequent plural
dapat (cf. Schwyzer: 1887).
Meillet BSL 26 (1925): 19f. compared dpvet ‘cry’. Not connected to Arm. uranam ‘to
deny’ < *6r- (see Clackson 1994: 102f.). The connection with Hitt. aruyae-* ‘to
prostrate, bow’, is revived by Kloekhorst 2008 s.v. who proposed that the Hittite verb
derives from thematic *h,oruo-. If related, Greek would presuppose a noun *h,(e)ru-
eh,-.
apafBos [m.] ‘rattle, ring’, of armor or teeth (Il.). <PG(v)>
*DER Denominative verb dpaBéw ‘to rattle, ring’ (II.).
*ETYM The same suffix is found in Odpupoc, kdvaBoc, etc. (Chantraine 1933: 260).
For the stem cf. »dpadoc, »dpdatw. Perhaps the word is onomatopoeic, see Giintert
122 apaydnv
1914: 145f. Fur: 142 compares dporijoat- matijoat ‘to tread’ (H.), which points to
substrate origin. (with interchange a/ 0). As Furnée remarks, a word can be both
onomatopoeic and a substrate word.
apaySny eVAR dpaypta, dpaypdc. = dpdcow.
dpados [m.] ‘disturbance, palpitation’ (Hp.). <ONOM>
°DER dpad<rjo>et: Bopuproet, tapdget ‘make noise, agitate’ and dpddintat- Kkexdvijtat
(2), ovykéxvtat ‘has caused to hasten, is confounded’ (H.); also dpa {ovotv-
épeBiCovotv ‘provoke’ (H.).
*ETYM Cf. xéAadoc, Spadoc, etc. (Chantraine 1933: 359). Perhaps onomatopoeic (but
is it primarily used of sounds?). Cf. » dpaBoc.
apaCw [v.] ‘to snarl, growl’, of dogs (D. H.). <PG>
VAR Also dppalw; patw (Cratin.); also pstw (Hermipp.).
*DER dppitw (AB), reduplicated dpapitw (Ammon.).
*ETYM On the anlaut, see Schwyzer: 310. Is it onomatopoieic and/or Pre-Greek? Cf.
> dpaBoc and » dpadoc.
apatdg [adj.] ‘thin, slender, with open spaces’ (Il.). <?>
eVAR ap- (Hdn. Gr.,, also in mss.).
*DER dpaidtij ‘looseness’ (Hp., Arist.), opposed to mukvdtnyc¢; apaiwdr¢ ‘porous’
(Gal.). apaidw [v.] ‘to rarify’ (Hp., Arist.), whence dpaiwpa, dpaiwotc.
*ETYM The word probably had f- (Sommer 1905: 114), but there is no further
explanation. Fur.: 339 etc. compares dpBdc: Steotdc, dpatdc, EAappdc (H.) if this
gloss stands for (or derives from) *&paBoc, but this is highly uncertain.
dpaxtc¢ [f.] ‘bowl, pan’ (Ath. 11, 502b: AioAgic trv @idAnv dpaktv Kadovotv). <PG(V)>
eVAR Gpaxic (cod. dpd<K>n<v>) gidrnv Kai dpdaktryvy ‘bowl or pan’ (H.); é€
ap(a)Kidwv (cod. dpKiawv): ék @iadd@v ‘of bowls’ (H.).
*DER Gpakthpa- dpeAKtipa ‘milking-pail’ (H.), derived from dpdaxtny.
*ETYM The form with -xt- proves substrate origin (see Fur.: index). Given this, it is
unnecessary to assume -a- in dpxidwv. Fur.: 308, 319 further compares dpoKAov =
giarn (Nic. fr. 129) with xt > kA, for which he gives parallels. The interchange a/ 0 is
well-known in substrate words.
dpakog [m.] wild chickling, “Lathyrus annuus’ (Ar.). Cf. dpaxot dompiov ti, TO dé
avto kai AdOupov ‘a pulse, the same as A.’ (H.). <PG>
VAR Also [n.]; also a consonant stem dpag [m.] (pap.). Variant dpayoc (Gal.).
eDIAL Myc. PN a-ra-ko?
*DER Diminutive dpaxic, dpakioxocg (Gal.). Further dpdayidva (Thphr.); apayvotc.
eidoc donpiov ‘kind of pulse’ (H.); apaxvn a plant, “Heracleum sphondylium’ (Ps.-
Dsc. 3, 76).
*ETYM The interchange k/ x and the suffix -.6va- clearly prove substrate origin (Fur.:
127f.). Unrelated is Lat. arinca ‘kind of spelt’.
dpaka [?] mythical plant growing near the Araxes (Ps. Plu., Fluv. 23,2). 42>
*ETYM Unknown.
apayvny 123
apapioxw [v.] ‘to fit together, construct, equip, etc.’ (Il.+). <IE *h,er- ‘fit’>
eVAR Them. aor. dpapetv, s-aor. dpoat, perf. dpapa (intr.); pass. aor. T}pO1;v; dppevoc
‘fitting, equipped’ is an isolated med. root ptc. (Il), with substantivized ntr.plur.
> dippleva.
DIAL Myc. a-ra-ro-wo-a /ararwota/ [n.pl.]; a-ra-ru-ja /araruia(i)/; ka-ka-re-a /k®alk-
areha/ ‘equipped with bronze’.
*DER Many etyma derive from the same root, eg. »dpya, appdc, > dptovia,
> dppdw, > dptuc, » dp8pov. From the perfect dpapa derives dpapdtwe ‘well-fitted’
(A, E., P1.). Further apOt6c ‘tie, friendship’ (h. Merc. 524), dpOutosg ‘allied’ (epic Ion.)
and dapOuéw [v.] ‘to unite’ (Il, A. R.). apy ‘junction’ (Hp.), dpua f. ‘union,
intercourse’ (Delph., Plu., H.). dpotov- dixouov ‘just’ (H.) probably arose from dv-
dpotocg by decomposition. See also >» dpiOjLdc, >» dpeiwv, > dpgoKw, » dpeTH, » dpTt,
> dap.
*ETYM The present is based on the aor. dpapeiv; there is also an old perfect Gpapa.
The nearest cognate is the Arm. arari ‘I made’, pres. atnem, which also has a
reduplicated aorist. The root is found in other languages too, e.g. Av. aram ‘fitting’
and Skt. rtd- ‘order’ (see LIV’ s.v.).
Hitt. dra- ‘proper’, Hitt. ard- ‘friend’ and Lyc. ara- ‘rite’, Lyc. erawazije ‘monument’
are connected by Kloekhorst 2008 under the assumption of an o-grade *h,or-o-
(etc.), with neutralization of the laryngeals before *o.
apacow [v.] ‘to beat, strike’, of rattling, clashing (Il.). <?>
eVAR Aor. apaga.
*DER pays ‘clashing, rattling’ (A.).
eETYM Unknown. Is the word onomatopoeic? Cf. » GpaBoc. On possible connection
with > pacow, pricow ‘to beat’ see there.
apaoxadss [m./f.pl.] - ta tepvotva KArtata ‘last year’s vinetwigs’ (H.). <PG(V)>
eVAR Cf. dpéoxat KANLata, Botpvec ‘vinetwigs, bunches of grapes’ (H.) and
Opecxac TO adv Toic BotpvOLV dpalpeBév KA‘ [LA ‘twig with bunches of grapes taken
off (H.). Clearly related atpooydc = 16 kata Bétpuv KAA (Eratosth. 37), also name
of a wine (Parth.). DELG s.v. dcy1) gives 6pecydda, “dit de branches d’ormaux’, from
Harp. (as in Nic. Al. 109 [not in LSJ]), and further to dAocxoc ‘pedicle of the
pomegranate’ (Nic. Th. 870).
*ETYM dAooxoG may have i for p. I am convinced that the four forms of the word
(apa-, ape-, ope-, avpo-) are not old compounds (certainly not if we connect
6doox0c). It is rather a vocalic variation in an evident substrate word (Fur.: 302, 342,
348). In Pre-Greek, I reconstruct ar”-ask-at-, which explains interchange a-/av-/o-
and -pa-/-po-.
apaxidva >tpakoc.
apaxvn [f.] ‘spider’s web, spider’ (Hp.). <LW Medit.>
eVAR Apax vnc [m.] ‘spider’ (Hes.), dpayvoc [m.] (A.).
*DER dpdaywov ‘spider’s web’ (Od., com., Arist.), also diminutive (Arist.),
dpayviwdre ‘like a spider's web’ (Hp. Arist., Dsc.) denominative dpayvidojtat [v.] ‘to
124 dpaxosg
be covered with spider’s webs’ (Arist. Nonn.). Adjectives apayvwdne (Arist. Ael.),
apayvijets (Nic.),and dpayvaiocg (AP), denominative dpayvaoptat ‘to weave a web’
(Eust.). dpayvikec: dpaxvat (H.) is reshaped after ofiKec, OppKes, oKWAI]KES, etc.
eETYM dpdxvn can be from *araksna-, like Lat. ardneus [m.] ‘spider’, ardnea [f.]
‘spider’s web’. As the word looks non-IE and since it is limited to these two
languages, it is probably a borrowing. Connection with dpkuc is impossible in IE
terms, and for a substrate element it is difficult, too. See Gil Fernandez 1959: 24f.
dpaxog >apakoc.
apBadn [f.] - thyavov dotpdkivov. Tapavtivor ‘earthenware frying-pan (Tarent.)’
(H.). 42>
eETYM Unknown.
apBrAog [m.] ‘semicircular knife’, used by cobblers (Nic. Th. 423). Also metaph. of a
geometrical figure (Papp.), see Mugler 1958-1959 s.v. < PG>
VAR Cf. also dvapBijAa: Ta. Lu] eEeopteva, apBryrots yap ta Sépptata <Eg~ovot> (H.).
eETYM A substrate word, see Fur.: 115° on the suffix.
apBivvn [f.] - kpéac. Xikedot ‘flesh, meat (Sicilian)’ (H.). <Lw>
eETYM Connected to Lat. arvina ‘fat, especially around the intestines’, from which it
is a loan (Campanile 1969: 318f). Acc. to von Blumenthal 1930: 16, the word is
Messapian and cognate with arvina.
apBvAN [f.] ‘shoe that covers the whole foot up to the ankle’ (Hp.). <PG(S,v)>
eVAR apPiKn (read apBvANc) tod brodrptatoc ‘sandal’ (H.). Also apdBvAac:
brodrptatoc ef61) poptiKa Kal BapBapixa ‘kinds of coarse, non-Greek sandals’ (H.).
And dpiwaAa: brodhpata. Kbmptot ‘sandals (Cypr.) (H.).
*DER KatapBvAog ‘reaching down to the shoes’ (S.); cf. xaBdpBurog xAavic.
*ETYM Clearly a substrate word, as evidenced by the suffix -vA- (Fur.: 201) and
variations B/t, ap/apa, and Kxat-/ka0-apBvAog (Banadteanu REIE 3 (1943): 145,
Knauer Glotta 33 (1954): 114’).
apyadéoc >a) yoc.
Apyetgovtns epithet of Hermes (ll.). <?>
eETYM Since Kretschmer, assumed to be a metrical reshaping of *Apyopdvtijc
(Kretschmer Glotta 10 (1920): 45ff., Kretschmer Glotta 24 (1936): 236f., Kretschmer
Glotta 27 (1939): 33): “killer of Argos”, the many-eyed primordial Giant. Ruijgh 1995:
873°° takes the form at face value (i.e. *argehi-k”"on-ta-) and assumes that it originally
means ‘who kills by his flash’, from the s-stem *dipyoc seen in évapyrjc and dpyevvdc.
The connection of the second member with ev@éveta by Heubeck Beitr. z.
Namenforsch. 5 (1954): 19ff., assuming a sense “shining in splendour”, is
unconvincing. Chantraine 1935: 6off., thinks of a Pre-Greek word, which seems quite
possible.
Further literature: Chittenden AJA 52 (1948): 24-33 (“dog-killer”); West 1978: 368f.;
Koller Glotta 54 (1976): 211-215 (unconvincing).
apytAinns 125
apyedAa [f.]? + otknpta Makedovkdv, omep Oeppaivovtes Aovovtat “Macedonian
dwelling-place, where [men] bathe while warming up’ (Suid.). < PG(V)>
eVAR Gpytda, dpyida [f.] ‘subterranean house’ (Magna Graecia, Strabo V 244 =
Ephor. [fr. 45], cf. Eust. ad D. P. 1166).
eETYM From this word comes Alb. ragdi’ ‘cottage’ (Jokl IF 44 (1927): 13ff.). See also
Pagliaro Ric. ling. 1 (1950): 145f. and Hubschmid 1963: 81. The interchanges e/t and
N/AX clearly point to a substrate word. Related to dpytAAog ‘white clay’? See Kalléris
1954: 104.
apyéAogot [m.pl.] ‘legs and feet of a sheepskin, offal’ (Ar. V. 672 only). <PG?(V)>
VAR Cf. dpyidogor Aatdpat kwdiwv [read: kwdiwv] ‘the flanks of sheepskins’ - oi 5é
TIPWKTOV. Kai LAWTat ‘anus; sheepskin’ (H.).
*DIAL Acc. to the sch. and AB 8, the word is Attic for nodem@vec ‘ragged ends of the
skins of animals’.
*ETYM Derivation from dpydc (in which case the -e- is unexplicable) or from Adqoc
“kann jedenfalls unmdglich richtig sein” (Frisk). One is inclined to consider it as a
momentary creation of Aristophanes, but how could his audience have understood
him? It is rather a word that we simply do not know. Fur.: 358 adduces the gloss with
-t-, which probably demonstrates substrate origin, e.g. *arg-al’-ap-. The word clearly
denotes the useless parts of a sheep(skin), cf. the meanings ‘anus’ or ‘membrum
virile’ (attested for 1105ewv).
apyepov [n.] ‘white spot in the eye, albugo’ (Hp.), also plant name (Plin.). «IE? *h,erg-
‘brilliant, white’>
eVAR Also -oc [m.].
*DER dipyeuwv1) ‘Papaver Argemone’ (Crateuas), a remedy against dpyettoc, cf.
Chantraine 1933: 208. Not from Hebr. ’argaman ‘red purple’ (Lagarde Gétt. Abh. 35
(1888): 205, cf. Lewy 1895: 49f.), because of the mg.
*ETYM Connected to *dipyoc in dpyeotijc, dpyevvs, like GvOeLtov to » dv8oc, yet the
latter derivation is difficult; cf. Chantraine 1933: 132. Further connected to » dpydc 1.
apyevvdc eVAR dpyeotic. = apydc.
apy, -ito¢ [adj.] ‘brilliant white, gleaming’ (II.). <1E *h.erg- ‘brilliant, white’>
eVAR Also -€t1, -éta (IL).
*DER Poetical enlargement dapyno-tij¢ ‘id’ (B.), after wots? (Schwyzer: 500°).
apynets (Dor. -deic, contr. dpyac) (Pi.).
*ETYM Formation like yuptvijc, etc. (see Chantraine 1933: 267) from »dpydc. The
ablaut -nt-/-et- is of IE origin.
apyuumis [adj.] context and mg. unclear (Archil. 160). <?>
eVAR dpyidtnes [pl.] (Nic. Th. 213), of €xtSvau, acc. to the scholia = &xAevkot ‘very
white’, but see Frisk III sv. on the mg.
*ETYM Connected with apyt- in dpyi-Képavvos, etc. (see » dpydc). DELG relates the
second member to Atn- ‘fat’, comparing it with dpyét: Snu@ ‘with a white greasy
shine’.
126 dpyha
apyida =apyehAa.
dpytAXos [f.] ‘white clay’ (Arist.). <PG?>
eVAR dpytAAa [f.] ‘id.’ (Gal.).
*DIALGpytioc (inscr. Acarnan.).
eETYM Generally derived from »dpydc 1, but the suffix (Chantraine 1933: 249,
Schwyzer: 483) could be non-IE (cf. » duAdAa); note the interchanges \/AA and -oc/-
a. Given the meaning, a substrate word is quite possible, and connection with dpydc,
which means ‘brilliant white’, is semantically not evident. Lat. argilla is a loan from
Greek.
apyoc 1 [adj.] ‘shining white, brilliant’, also ‘quick, agile’ (II.). <1E *h.rg- ‘white’>
*DIAL Myc. po-da-ko /podargos/ name of a cow; to-ma-ko /stomargos/ (?, see
> ot6pa); tu-ma-ko /tumargos/?
eCOMP As a first member dpyt- in dpyi-mouc, apyl-Képavvoc, dpyl-ddwv, etc. It is
also found in epic dpyt-deic (B 647, 656), with a v.l. dpytvdetc, for which cf.
Apytvotooau. See also > dpythinns. For apywonouc: detdc, Maxedovec read dpyimouc.
As a second member in médapyoc ‘with quick feet’.
*DER Denominative dpyaivw [v.] ‘to be white’ (E, Opp., Nonn.), dpyitic (Verg.,
Plin.), of dumtedoc.
apydac, -a [m.] (Achae.), dpydAac [m.] (Suid.), types of snake (named after their
agility). As a PN, with regular shift of accent, ‘Apyoc [m.] (Od.), ‘the nimble one’, of
the dog of Odysseus, and Apyw [f:], name of a mythical ship (Od.).
A neuter s-stem in év-apyrjc and in: 1. dpyeo-tr¢ [m.] ‘clear’, epithet of the south
wind vétog (Il.) and the west wind Zépupoc (Hes.), also substantivized Apyéotnc¢
(Arist.) the wind itself, with regular shift of accent; in Nic. Th. 592 it is an
enlargement of dpyric; 2. dpyevvdc < *dpyeo-vdc ‘shining white’ (II.), an Aeolic form.
apyretc (Dor. dpydetc, contracted dpyac¢ -avtoc) ‘shining white’ (A. [lyr], Pi.
Orph.) is just an enlargement of the t-stem > apyrjc.
eETYM Wackernagel already pointed to the similarity of Gr. dpydc, dpyt- with Skt.
rjra-, in compounds yji-, which suggests that *h,rg-rd- > *apypdc dissimilated to
apydc. The root *h,(e)rg- is found in several formations in various languages: Lat.
argentum ‘silver’ (further cognates see » dpyupoc), Skt. drjuna- ‘white, light’, ToA
arki, ToB arkwi ‘white’, Hitt. harki- ‘white, bright’. The meanings ‘white’ and ‘quick,
nimble’ are both found in Skt. as well, and must have developed via ‘brilliant,
sparkling’. See » dpyewtov.
apydc 2 [adj.] ‘idle, lazy’ (Hdt.). <«GR>
*ETYM Contracted from a-(F)epydc (Il.), with privative a- and (F)épyov.
apyupos [m.] ‘silver’ (Il.). <1E *h,erg- “brilliant white’>
DIAL Myc. a-ku-ro /arguros/.
*COMP Frequent as a first member eg. dpyvpd-mela (Il) ‘with a foot of silver’,
epithet of Thetis.
*DER dpytpeos > apyvpode ‘of silver’ (Il.+), dpytpetog ‘id.’ (Att.), dpyupwdne ‘rich in
silver’ (X.). dpyvlptov ‘silver coin, money’ (IA), dpyvpikdcg ‘concerning money’
apdw 127
(Hell.); diminutive apyupidtov (com , Isoc.). apyupic ‘silver vessel’ (Pi. Pherecr.),
apyupitnycs, fem. -ittc “containing silver’, also as a plant name (Strémberg 1940: 26),
also ‘concerning money’ (X., Plb.), dpytptocg [m.] plant name (H.), = dpybpeoc
(Alcm.), dpyvpwtai [pl.] name of a government authority in Sillyon (Fraenkel 1910-
1912(1): 170. Denominative verbs: 1. apyvpdopat [v.] “to be covered with silver’, -6w
‘to cover with silver’ (Pi. Dialex.), verbal noun dpybpwua ‘silver plate’ (Lys.,
Antiph.), diminutive dpyupwpudtiov (Arr.), adjective apyvpwpatikdg (Ephesus). 2.
apyvpifoua [v.] ‘to squeeze money from’ (Din. J.), dpyuptopdc (Str. Ph.). 3.
apyvpebtw [v.] ‘to dig for silver’ (D. S., Str.); independent of this is dpyvpevtiKr [f.]
(scil. téx vn) ‘art of the silversmith’ (Eustr.).
*ETYM dpyupoc derives from a u-stem also seen in » dpyv@oc and in Skt. drju-na-
‘white, bright’, ToB arkwi ‘white’, Lat. argu6 ‘to make clear’, Hitt. arkuyae- ‘to make
a plea’, etc. Other languages have a thematicized nt-stem in the word for ‘silver’: Lat.
argentum, Olv. argat, Av. arazata-, Skt. rajata- [n.], all < *h,rg-nt-o-. On the realia see
Mallory & Adams 1997 s.v. Silver.
apyv@os [adj.] ‘gleaming white’ (II.). <1E *h,erg- ‘white’>
eVAR Also apytqeoc.
*ETYM From the w-stem also continued in » dpyupoc, with the suffix -@o- (on which
see Chantraine 1933: 263).
apda [f.] ‘dirt’ (Pherecr. 53). <PG?>
*DER dpdadog ‘id. (Erot.), acc. to Erot. also ‘&vOpwrog 6 pi KaBapa@c Cav’; cf.
aiSahoc, mtvadov for the suffix (Chantraine 1933: 245). Denominative verb dpdahow
[v.] ‘to defile’ (Hp., LXX).
*ETYM Connection with ap6w ‘to irrigate’ is impossible because cpa has short 4-.
Fur.: 391f compares dapda: poAvopa ‘filth’ and dapdaivet- podAvvet “defiles’ (H.).
These glosses cannot be ignored. Is it simply loss of 5- through dissimilation, or does
the interchange 5/zero point to a substrate word? The ending has been explained
from *-rdid > *-rzdd > -pda, but the short -a may also point to substrate origin.
apdtc, -to¢ [f.] ‘point of an arrow’ (Hdt, A. Pr. 880 [lyr.]). <1E? *h,erd- ‘point’>
*DER Gpdikdc: papétpa ‘quiver’ (H.).
eETYM Probably related to Olr. aird < *ardi- ‘point, direction’; ON erta < *artjan- ‘to
spur, incite’ (but its connection with Skt. drdati ‘to be scattered’ is semantically
unconvincing).
apdw [v.] ‘to irrigate, water’ (Pi.). <? PG?>
eVAR Long G- acc. to Hdn. Gr. 2, 109.
*COMP veo-apdrjc ‘recently watered’ (D 346).
*DER dpdudc ‘watering place’ (Il.), enlarged apdnOudc (Lyc., Nic.); apddadta- todc¢
TvOLWEVaG TMV KEepaLtidwv, otc Eviot yopytpac Kadovov ‘the bottoms of tiles, which
some call y.’ (H.). Purely formal enlargement in apSebw (A. Pr. 852, Arist.), whence
apdeia ‘irrigation’ (Str, Plu.), dpdevotc ‘id’ (Plb.), dpdSevoutoc (H.); apdSevtij¢ [m.]
‘irrigator’ (Man.).
128 ape}
eETYM The connection with éppddatat < *ferpaddatar is most probably wrong,
because the 6 in éppddata (which belongs to » paivw) is secondary (thus already
Frisk).
Fur.: 241 compares mtapdax6c ‘humid’ (highly doubtful) and dpoea- Aeww@vec ‘humid
meadows’ (H.) (254). The latter proposal is attractive, as -ooc is a pre-Greek suffix.
Furnée also follows the proposal by Kretschmer Glotta 3 (1910-1912): 294f. that a- is
due to a pre-form *afapdw (comparing veoapdijc), the prothetic vowel of which he
explains as a substrate element. Neumann 1961: 91 noted that several technical terms
for irrigation are pre-Greek (» yopytpa, » dvdrjpa).
apent [f.] ‘threat(s)’ (Il). <%>
*COMP See > értrjpeta.
*DER Denominative dpetdw [v.] ‘to threaten’ (Hippon.).
*ETYM Formerly connected with Skt. irasya ‘malevolence’, irasydti ‘to be angry, be
envious’, under the assumption of *h,rh,-es- (see Peters Sprache 32 (1986): 371f.).
However, the meaning is different, cf. » apr). Relationship with énrpeta depends on
the question if this contains PGr. *é. A further comparison is with dpoc ... kai
BAdBoc axototov (H.); yet, damage is not the same as menace, notes DELG.
apeiwv [adj.] ‘better, stronger, nobler’ (II.). <?>
eDIAL Myc. a-rjo-a, /arjoha/.
eETYM A primary comparative, beside which stands a superlative » Gptotoc. Acc. to
Giintert IF 27 (1910): 67, dpeiwv (like Awtwv) was not a primary comparative, but
rather formed from an old positive. Seiler 1950: 116ff. finds this positive in dpetoc,
seen in teixoc dpetov (I].), and connects it with dpoc: Scpedoc ‘benefit’ (H.). The Myc.
comparative is formed differently and suggests derivation from the root *h,er-, if it
does not stand for *h,erh,-ios- (with the Lex Pinault, loss of laryngeal before yod).
apéoxw [v.] ‘to please, satisfy’ (Il.). «IE? *h,erh,- ‘please, satisfy’ (?)>
eVAR Aor. dpéoat.
*DER dpeocic ‘grace’ (Priene II"). dpeotdc ‘pleasing’ (Hdt.), dpeotjip [m.]
“reconciliator”, name of a sacrificial cake for appeasing a deity (inscr., Ael. Dion.),
whence dpeotptos ‘expiatory’ (D. H.), apeotnpia (Ovoia) and apeotiptov (inscr.);
Apéotwp PN (Hes., etc.) and apgoptov ‘fee’ (Stiris).
From the present cipeokog ‘pleasant, flattering’ (Arist. Thphr.), dpeoxeia ‘flattering
person’ (Arist, Hell.). Backformation from dpeoxeia: dpeoxetopat [v.] ‘to flatter’
(Clearch., Plu.), apgoxevpa (Plu., Epicur.) and dpeoxevtikdc (M. Ant.).
*ETYM The word seems to have a disyllabic root *h,erh,-, but connection with dpeiwv,
apeth is semantically not compelling. The connection with *h,er- in » dpapioKw is
formally unclear (origin of the -e-?).
apety [f.] ‘excellence’ (I1.). < IE? *h,erh,>
*COMP aivapétn [voc.] ‘terribly brave’ (II.).
*DER Denominative apetdw [v.] ‘to prosper, thrive’ (Od.).
eETYM Not directly related to »dpéoxw for semantic reasons. Connection with
> dpeiwv is semantically attractive, but formally not clear. Vine 1998: 61f. suggests an
‘Apne, ‘Apews 129
analysis *h,(e)r-etéh,- to the root of » dpapioxw, which would be formally excellent
and for which he adduces semantic arguments. Nikolaev 2005 wants to reconstruct
*hnr-eteh,- from the word for ‘man, hero’, and tries to reformulate Rix’s Law.
apy [f] “bane, ruin’ (I1.). <?>
*ETYM Probably related to the ptc. aprnuévoc ‘BeBAappévoc, damaged’ (Il.), but the
long a- poses difficulties. Further connected with dpoc (...) BAdBoc aKxovctov
‘involuntary damage’ (H., see » dipoc), and anapéc: bytéc ‘healthy’ (H.); perhaps also
with » dpe. Finally, one may consider a connection with »’Apne. For Ion. apr
‘prayer’, see Papa.
apry [v.] ‘to help, support (against)’ (II.). <IE *h.reh,g- ‘help, support’>
*DER dpijyw@v, -dvoc m. f. ‘helper’ (Il.). With old ablaut dpwyr ‘help, support’ and
apwydc, -dv ‘helper’ (Il.).
*ETYM The forms require *h,re/oh,g-, unless *h,rég-, *h,rog- were root nouns, for
which there is no indication. Possibly comparable with Germanic forms such as
OHG geruohhen, OS rokjan, ON rékja, etc. ‘to care for’ and MoDu. roekeloos
‘without care’ (with old 6); if so, not related to Lat. regd, Gr. d6péyw, with which Skt.
raja ‘king’ seems to be connected (on which, see Gonda KZ 73 (1956): 151ff.).
aprjv, apvdc [m., f.] ‘sheep, lamb’ (II.). <1E *urh,-en- ‘lamb’>
eVAR Nom. prj (A. R. 4, 1497); taken from compounded forms.
eDIAL Myc. we-re-ne-ja /wréneja/ in a list of leather goods; wa-ni-ko /warniskos/,
found as a PN in the class. language; wo-ro-ne-ja /wroneja/ may perhaps also
represent /wolneja/ ‘woollen’; The F- is found in faprv (Gortyn) and Bavwveta- ta
dpvela, kai Ta Pavvia TO adTO (H.); pava-: dpva ‘sheep, lamb’ is probably Elean,
with n > a.
*COMP TtoAb-ppryy < *moAb-Fpn < *urh,-n-.
*DER dipvetog ‘of a sheep or lamb’ (Hdt.), like atyetoc, Bdetog (Chantraine 1933: 5of.);
apvéa [f.] ‘sheepskin’ (Hdn.), also ‘sheep-breeding’ (POxy. 2, 297, 8) like aiyéa etc.
(Chantraine 91); dpvaxic ‘sheepskin’ (Ar.), haplological fem. from *dpv6-vaxoc?
Uncertain is the appurtenance of » dpvetdc and » dpveutiip. Also dpvetov ‘butcher’s
shop’ (Didym.); diminutive dpviov ‘little lamb’, also ‘sheepskin’ (Lys.).
Popular dpixa (acc.)- dppev mpoBatov ‘male cattle’ (H.), Baptyot (= F-): Gpvec ‘sheep’
(H.) (Chantraine 1933: 403), but the absence of the nasal is unexplained. It is
confirmed by the PN Faptxoc (Tarente).
eETYM dpryy < fapryy < *urh,-én matches Arm. garn, -in ‘lamb’. Skt. urana- [m.] ‘id?
is a thematization of *urh,-en-, cf. MP varak ‘ram’. The original inflection was nom.
*urh,-én, acc. *urh,-en-m, gen. *urh,-n-os > *fapryv, *fapeva, *Fpnvoc. This means
that the oblique stem Fap-v- is due to a reshaping. Unrelated is » eipoc ‘wool’, which
derives from *Fépfoc. Cf. Meier-Briigger KZ 103 (1990): 26-29.
Apr, Apews [m.] the god of war; also god of vengeance and oaths (Arcadia, Athens,
etc., see Kretschmer Glotta 11 (1921): 195ff.); metonym. for ‘war’ (Triimpy 1950: 152f.).
<PG>
eVAR On the inflexion see Schwyzer: 576.
130 d&pOpd¢
*DIAL Myc. dat. a-re, adj. a-re-(i-)jo; PN a-re-(i-)me-ne. Boeot. Lesb. ‘Apeuc.
eDER Fem. ‘Apeta in Arc. tav A®avav tav ‘Apetav; adj. ‘Apetoc, Ion. Apriioc, Lesb.
Apeviog (Zedc¢ ‘Apetoc Epirus, ‘Apetog mayoc Athens, whence Apeonayityc). PN
Apiytadn¢ (Bechtel 19172: 11).
*ETYM The ancient grammarians and lexicographers (e.g. EM 140) connected apr
‘Schaden, Unheil, Verderben’, cf. dpoc- BAdBoc akovotov (H.). The connection is
improbable: IE origin of such a name is not to be expected. On the flection Schulze
1892: 454ff., Bechtel (above) and Kretschmer Glotta 15 (1927): 197.
apOpdc >dapapiokw.
ap8pov [n.] ‘joint, articulation’ (Hdt., Hp., S., E.), also ‘article’ as a grammatical term
(Arist.). IE *h,er-d'ro- ‘fitting >
°DER dpOpitic (vdc0c) ‘gout’ (Hp.), ap8pitikdc¢ (Hp., Gal.); apOpixdc ‘of the joint or
article’ (Gal, gramm.); ap8pwdn¢ ‘provided with joints’ (X., Arist., Gal.), ap8pwdia
(Gal.). Denominative verb apOpdouai ‘to be articulated’, -dw ‘to articulate’ (Hp.,
Hermipp., X.), dp8pwotc ‘articulation’ (Phld., Str.).
*ETYM From *h,er-d'ro-, derived from *h,er- ‘to fit’ with the instrument suffix. See
> dpapiokw.
apt- ‘good, very’ (Il.), as a first member in compounds. <IE *h,er->
*COMP In dpi-yvwtos, -deiketos, -mpemtjs, etc.
*ETYM Willi KZ 112 (1999): 86-100 convincingly disassociates api- from épi- and
maintains the widely accepted connection with dptotoc. He concludes that the forms
with épt- are mainly bahuvrihis (possessive compounds), while those with dpt- are
verbal governing compounds. Willi accepts Heubeck’s connection of épt- as *ser-i,
related to Hitt. sér ‘above, up’, with psilosis (95ff.), see » épt-. This is better than the
analysis by Fur.: 348, who thinks the element is Pre-Greek because of the variation é-
/ a-.
apia [f.] Doric for pedAddpuc ‘holm-oak’ (Thphr.). <?>
*DER apeivos ‘of oak’ (IG 11(2), 161: A 70, Delos).
*ETYM Unknown.
Aptddvn [f.] daughter of Minos, abducted by Theseus (Il). <PG>
eVAR Aptayvr on a vase; Apijdn acc. to Zenodotos at & 592, Call. cf. 67.13 The form
is confirmed by Apijdav: tiv Apiadviyv. Kpiitec (H.).
*ETYM The gloss ddvév- dyvév. Kpfites ‘pure (Cret.)’ (H.) is artificial, as yv > dv is
not a Cretan development (Brown 1985: 25). This means that the word probably does
not contain &yvdéc. An IE etymology is improbable for a Cretan goddess, and the
group -dv- is found in other Pre-Greek words.
apt5zixetos [adj.] ‘most famous’ (Il.). <1 *deik- ‘show’>
eETYM A compound from »dpt- and a second member which was formerly
connected with » 5n5éxatat, under the assumption of metrical lengthening for *dpt-
déxetoc (Schulze 1892: 242). Nowadays, the form is read det6éyatat and is
aplotov 131
considered to be related to » Seikvupu, which means that dpt-deixetoc also derives
from this root (which seemed obvious anyhow).
api<nroc [adj] ‘clear, easily recognizable’ (IL), equivalent of apidnAoc. <IE *h.eri-
dieh,-lo->
*ETYM Explained as *-dieh,-lo- to » déato by Schulze 1892: 244 (in pre-laryngealist
terms: *-din\oc). Others want to read -(- as -55-, cf. Shipp 1967: 5off.; Chantraine
1942: 169.
a pi8pdc [m.] ‘number; payment’ (Od.). IE *h,rei- ‘count’>
eVAR Through metathesis auu8pdc¢ (Schwyzer: 268).
*DER Denominative verb dpi8uéw ‘count’ (IL), whence api®unua (A. Secund.),
api®unotc (Ion. Hell.) ‘count, payment’, with dpiWuntikdc ‘of counting’,
‘arithmetical’ (Pl, etc.); agent noun aptOpryti¢ ([PI.] Just. 373b).
Perhaps in the PNs’Emnpitoc, Arc. IIedapttoc and the Arc. appellative Endpitot ‘the
chosen ones’, see Wackernagel 1916: 250 and Wackernagel Phil. 86 (1931): 133ff.
eETYM A derivation in -8u0- from the root of » vipitocg ‘countless’. Outside Greek,
there are comparable words in Germanic: ON rim [n.] ‘account’, OHG rim [m.]
‘row, number’, and in Celtic: Olr. rim ‘number’. Probably, Lat. ritus ‘religious
observance, rite’ is related too (< *h,rei-ti-).
aptAAa [f.] unknown (only IG Rom. 4, 1349). 4?>
eETYM Unknown.
apic 1, -id0¢ [f] “bow-drill (Hp.). <?>
*ETYM Technical term of unknown origin. For the formation, cf. dic, Soxic, cavic
(Chantraine 1933: 337). Groselj Ziva Ant. 7 (1957): 41 connects épiwWAn.
apic 2, -idoc [f.] plant name, “Arisarum vulgare’, also ‘Spaxovtia utxpd’ (Ps.-Dsc.).
<o>
*ETYM Diminutive of dpov? Cf. also » dpicapov.
apicoapov [n.] a plant, ‘Arisarum vulgare’ (Dsc.). <?>
*ETYM See > dpov and > doapov (Stromberg 1940: 157f.).
aptotepdc [adj.] ‘left’ (II.). <GR>
*DER the plant name dptotepewv (Plin.) = mepiotepewv “dovecoat’ was perhaps
reshaped after the latter form; see Strémberg 1940: 153,251f. Or is it unrelated to ‘left’?
*ETYM Formed with the contrast-marking suffix -tepo-; connection with dpto-toc is
mostly assumed. A problem is that omens coming from the left side were considered
unfavorable in Greece. It is thought that the left side was considered favorable in
earlier times, judging by parallels like Lat. sinister (but see the doubts in De Vaan
2008 s.v.), OHG winister, Av. vairiia.stara- ‘left, more favorable’ (or are these old
euphemisms’).
aptotov [n.] ‘breakfast’ (II.), taken in the afternoon in classical times (see Athen. 1b
ff.). <IE *h,eier- “day, morning’, *h,ed- ‘eat’>
132 dploTtoc
*DER Denominative aptotdw [v.] ‘to have breakfast’ (IA), dptotntrs ‘who eats twice a
day’ (Hp.). aptotntucds ‘who loves breakfast’ (Eup.), aptotntiptov ‘refectory (BCH
15, 184). 2. dptotiCw ‘to give breakfast’ (Ar.), -iGojat ‘to have breakfast’ (Hp.).
eETYM An old compound meaning “eaten in the morning”, a contraction of a
locative dpi (< *alep-t) and the zero grade of é6- ‘eat’ (see »éo0iw) + to-suffix:
*h,eieri-h,d-to-; see Bechtel 1914. Note, however, that »1pt ‘early’ is now derived
from *h,eus-er-i.
dptoros [adj.] ‘the best, first, noblest’ (II.). <?>
*DER dptotivénv [adv.] ‘according to birth or merit’ (Att.), whence substantivized
aptotivdac [m.] (Sparta).
aptotevc (mostly plur. aptotijec) ‘they who excel, chiefs’ (II.); dptotetw [v.] ‘to be the
best, excel’ (Il.), dptoteia [f.] ‘deed of valor’ (Gorg., S.). dptotevcs could be a back-
formation from dptotetw, if the latter was derived directly from dptotoc. Also
aptoteia, Ion. dptotijia [n.pl.] ‘meed of valor’ (Hdt., S.), but dptoteiog ‘belonging to
the dpioto’ (D. H., Plu.) directly from dptotoc. Further numerous PNs, like
Apiotwv, Aptotiwy, etc.
eETYM A primary superlative to the comparative »dpeiwv. It is sometimes
considered to contain the prefix dpt-, but this seems improbable to me. Perhaps it is
related to » dpapiokw, as ‘the fittest’.
apixa = apr.
aplyaopiat =avappty dota.
apkavy [f.] - 10 Pdatttia @ TOV oTHpLova éyKatamAéKkovot StaCdptevat ‘thread with which
the warp is intertwined, when they are setting it up in the loom’ (H.). <PG?>
eETYM The connection with »dpxuc is doubtful. The suffix is also seen in dpendvn,
Kandvn, Onyavn, etc. see Chantraine 1933: 198f. Probably a loanword, perhaps Pre-
Greek.
apKev8oc [f.] ‘juniper, Juniperus macrocarpa’ (Hp.). <PG?, EUR?>
VAR dpyetoc: fy dpxevBoc. Kpfitec (H.).
*DER apKevic, -iSoc [f.] ‘juniper-berry’ (Hp.), dpKevOtditns (oivoc) ‘wine from or
perfumed with juniper-berries’ (Dsc. 5, 46 ed. Sprengel).
eETYM Within Greek, the gloss dpyetoc is certainly cognate, cf. Brown 1985: 25. In
view of this, dpxev8oc is clearly a substrate word. On the suffix see Fur.: 1153, on the
material cf. Beekes 2000: 27. The word has always been connected with the Slavic
group of Ru. rakita ‘willow, Salix fragilis’ < *arkita; these can be combined if we
assume a loan from the European substrate. The comparison with dpxuc ‘net’ is
improbable.
apxéw [v.] ‘to ward off, defend; suffice’ (Il.). <1E *h,erk- ‘hold, contain’>
eCOMP Often -apxne: eg. adtdapxne ‘self-sufficient’; yurdpKng ‘strengthening the
limbs’ (Pi.), etc. Perhaps » noddapxne.
*DER Verbal noun dpkeotsg ‘help’ (S., inscr. Thera); also Gpxog [n.] ‘defense’ (Alc.),
which is rather deverbative to dpxéw because of its limited distribution. Further
apa 1 133
dpxtog (Il. epic) ‘to be relied on, sure, certain, sufficient’ (the development of the
mg. is difficult). Perhaps here dpxtov ‘burdock, Arctium Lappa’ (Dsc.).
eETYM Related to Lat. arceé ‘to hold off, contain, etc. and Hitt. hark-* ‘to hold, have’,
and perhaps also to the noun Arm. argel ‘hindrance’.
apknAog [m.] ‘young panther, kind of panther’ (Callix.). <PG?>
eVAR Perhaps dpxnAa- ... Kpfitec tiv totptya = ‘hedgehog, porcupine (Cret.)’ (H.),
ifit is itacistic for dpKvAG ‘bear’.
*ETYM Unknown. On the suffix (as a substrate element) see Fur.: 115°. It is not clear
whether the gloss belongs here.
dpxtos [f., m.?] ‘bear’ (Il); also name of a constellation: ‘Ursa Major’ (Scherer 1953:
131ff.), ‘the north’; also a crustacean, “Arctos Ursus’ = téttt€ (Arist.), see Thompson
1947: 17. <IE *h,rtko- ‘bear’>
eVAR Younger form dpxKoc [m., f.] (LXX); the form appears at an early date in names,
see Dobias-Lalou 2000: 6. Late Gp§ (OGI 201, 15).
*COMP Apxtotpog (Hes.), with -opoc ‘surveyor’; see » ppoupdc.
*DER Diminutives apxtbA0oc (Poll.), dpxvAdog (sch. Opp.), dpktdoc (Eust.).
apKtikdcg ‘northern’ (Arist.), apxt@oc ‘id’ (Luc.), after é@oc ‘eastern’ from éwe;
dpx(t)etog ‘belonging to a bear’ (Dsc.), after aliyetoc, Bdetoc, etc. apKti < -én [f.]
‘skin of a bear’ (Anaxandr.). dp«ttoc [adj.] ‘northern’ (Nonn.), dpxtiov [n.] plant
name, ‘Inula candida’ (Dsc.), Strémberg 1940: 118. Denominative verb dpxteva,
-evojtat ‘to serve Artemis as a female bear’ (Lys., sch. Ar. Lys. 645).
It is uncertain whether the ethonym Apxddec belongs here; see Sommer 1934: 63f.
eETYM Old name of the bear found in Skt. fksa-, Av. arsa-, Arm. arj, Lat. ursus, Celtic
forms like MIr. art, and Hitt. hartagga- ‘some wild animal’. These (especially the
latter) lead to a reconstruction *h.rtko-. The late Greek form with single -x- is
confirmed by the derivations. It is probably just a simplification of the cluster; or is it
from before the metathesis?
The old etymology as ‘destroyer’ (Skt. rdksas-, Av. ras- ‘damage’) has become
untenable with the laryngeal theory.
apkue, -voc [f.] ‘net’ (A.). <PG?>
VAR Mostly plur.
eDER dpkvov ‘id.’ (EM), after diktvov; also dpxvAov: diktvov ‘net’ (H.).
eETYM Unknown. Acc. to Lidén IF 18 (1905-1906): 507f., in the sense of ‘twined,
woven’, related to dpkev80c and dpxdavn and the Slavic words for ‘willow’. This is
improbable, as one expects a derivative suffix. A technical term which may well be a
substrate word; for the u-stem, cf. ptiapKuc, pamtug / Pdapus, etc.
appa 1 [n.] ‘wagon, car’, especially ‘war chariot’ (Il.); on the use in Homer see
Delebecque 1951: 170f. <IE *h,er- ‘join’>
eVAR Often plur.
eDIAL Myc. a-mo /arm®o/, dat. a-mo-te-i, plur. a-mo-ta, but it means ‘wheel’.
Further a-mo-te-jo-na-de /armoteiéna-de/ ‘to the wheel-maker’s shop’. On traces of
the mg. ‘wheel’ in Homer, see Panag] 1992: 137-44.
134 appa 2
*COMP &pptato-mnydc (Il.) ‘wheel-maker’, etc. appdata contains dpaka (Ar.), unless
it is an adapted Persian word. On > Bntdppwy, see s.v.
*DER Gpudtetog ‘of the chariot’ (E., X.), dppatdeic ‘id’ (Critias), dppatitne ‘using
chariots’ (Philostr., pap.), diminutive appdtiov (gloss.). Denominative dppatebw [v.]
‘to drive a wagon’ (E. Or. 994).
*ETYM Derived from the root dp- ‘to fit’ in » dpapiokw. It is assumed that the rough
breathing (also in » dppLdCw, > dpjtovia, etc.) is due to an original suffix -sm-. This
presupposes that thematic » dpjidc¢ is the older form, since only a thematic suffix
-smo- is known. However, note that the Mycenaean form has no initial aspiration.
Outside Greek, several forms have a suffix -m-, e.g. Lat. arma [pl.] ‘weapons’, Arm.
y-armar ‘fitting’. Unrelated is the word for ‘arm’ in Lat. arma [m.] ‘arm’, Go. arms
‘id’, because of Skt.irmd- ‘id’ < *h,rH-mo- with root-final laryngeal.
dpa 2 [n.] ‘food’ (Hp. acc. to Hellad. apud Phot. [p. 533 B]; also v.l. for dppieva Hes.
Th. 639). 42>
*ETYM Connection with aipopat ‘to take for oneself, or with »dpapicxw has been
suggested (cf. » dppeva in the meaning ‘food’). Furthermore, it is mentioned in the
gloss vwyahevpata i) vwyaXioptata: Ta KaTa AemTOV ed5€optata. of SE TA [Ut] El¢
xoptaciav, dhAd Tpv~epa Appata (H.).
appara [?] a plant, ‘rue’ = myyavov dyptov (Dsc.). <Lw Sem.?>
eV AR Syrian for myyavov xnmatov (Ps.-Dsc. 3, 45). Also dpptapa (pap.).
eETYM Cf. Arab. harmal ‘rue’. Is dppadd from Semitic, or the other way round?
appadta [f.] ‘ration, food’ (Hes.). <2>
*VAR Also apytoAta, -ea (pap.) and dppwAa: aptbpata. Apkades ‘condiments (Arc.)’
(H.). Other glosses may contain mistakes: dpydyada- ta dptbata. Tapavtivor
‘condiments (Tarantine)’ (alphabetically wrong) and dpjwoptaha (read -pata?). Cf.
further pHadwoato: ovvédaBev ‘collected’ (H.).
*ETYM On the suffix, see Chantraine 1933: 82. The variation -a)-, -oA-, -wA- suggests
a loanword; connection with > dppeva ‘food’ or » appa 2 ‘id’ is hardly feasible.
dppeva [n.pl.] ‘sail, tackle; instruments; food’ (Hes., epic Ion.). <1E *h,er- ‘fit’>
VAR Rarely sing.
DER dpjteviCw ‘to sail’ (gloss.), MoGr. also ‘to deliver, lead’ (see Browning Class. Rev.
N.S. 19 (1969): 68.).
*ETYM Literally ‘what has been fitted out’, ‘equipment’, a substantivization of
dppevoc from > dpapioKw.
apotw [v.] ‘to join, fit together, connect’ (II.). <1 *h,er- ‘fit >
eVAR Aor. dppdoat.
DIAL Att. -6ttw; Dor. aor. doptdEat.
*DER dppootis (Dor. -trp) [m.] title of an official, especially of the Spartan governor
in dependent cities (inscr. Th.), dpyédotwp (A.) ‘commander’, action nouns
appoopa “joined work’ (E. Hel. 411), dpttooic ‘tuning of an instrument’ (Phryn.,
Theol. Ar.), appootikds (Theol. Ar.). With -y-: dppoyr ‘fitting together’ (Eup.), cf.
Dor. dpptoa, AppoKtau.
APVEVTIP, -T]POG 135
*ETYM Denominative verb from dpttdtac¢ acc. to Ruijgh 1967a: 48, which itself
derives from > apudc ‘joint’ (S.).
apovia [f.] ‘means of joining; frame; covenant, agreement, etc.’ (II.). <IE *h,er- ‘fit’>
eETYM Derived from an adjective only known as a PN: Appwv, for which cf.
Apttovidne (Il.). Also found in > Bytdppwv. Like » dpyta 1, this adjective derives from
dp- ‘to fit’ with a suffix -men-. See » dpapiokw.
apytdcg [m.] ‘joint’ (S., E,, inscr.). <IE *h,(e)r-smo- ‘joint’>
*DER Hence the old locative dapjtot [adv.] ‘just, lately’ (A.). dppddiog ‘fitting, etc.’
(Thgn.) seems to be a back-formation to > dppdw.
eETYM See & appdtw.
GppvAa =apBvAn.
dppwra =apparta.
apvakis =aprjyv.
apvetdc [m.] ‘ram’ (I].). <IE? *h,ers-n-i- ‘ram’>
eVAR Cf. dpvetdc: 6 TpletI¢ Kpldc ‘three-year-old ram’ (H.). Also in Pausanias 159
Erbse, who cites Istros dpva, eita dyivdv, eita dpvetdv, eita Attoyvwtova. For
dpvnoc, see below.
DIAL Att. dpvews [m.].
*DER dpvnadec, -ddwv [fem.p].] (Aeol., Del? 644, 15).
eETYM As the glosses indicate, the word was a designation for a ram of a certain age
(Benveniste BSL 45 (1949): 103). Att. dpvewc shows that the original form was
*apvnoc, which is confirmed by Aeol. dpvnddec. The form with a in Homer may
have arisen by reinterpretation of spelled E. We thus have to reconstruct *ar(s)néios
or *ar(s)néyos. The old connection with (F)apryv was rightfully rejected by Meillet IF
5 (1895): 328f., both because of the meaning and because the word had no digamma.
*apvndc therefore appears to belong to »dponv ‘male animal’ (see there on the
absence of an initial digamma). The same formation, but from a different root, is
found in Skt. vysni-, Av. varsni-, also meaning ‘ram’. An alternative, but less
convincing etymology derives the word from the verb dpvevw (s.v. » dpvevtrip); see
Bechtel 1914.
apvéopat [v.] ‘to deny, refuse, decline’ (Il.). <IE *h,res- ‘refuse, deny’>
eVAR Aor. dpvijoac8a.
*DER Gpvnotc ‘denial’ (trag., Pl, D.), dpvioutoc (S.), perhaps after dtiproBrytroutoc;
dpvnttkds ‘negative’ (Chrysipp., Numen.). Probably deverbal: am-apvoc and é&-
apvoc (IA).
*ETYM Mayrhofer KZ 71 (1953): 75ff. connected the word with Av. rah- ‘to be disloyal,
unfaithful (3pl. intens. rarasiieinti, caus. rayhaiian), assuming a nasal present *h,r-n-
es- for Greek. This etymology fits both form and meaning very- well, cf. also Beekes
MSS 38 (1979): 10-11. Unrelated is Arm. uranam ‘to deny’, see Clackson 1994: 102f.
apvevtiip, -fpos [m.] ‘jumper, acrobat’, also a bird (II. Hdt., Arat.). <GR>
136 APVULLAL
eVAR Acc. to sch. AT on M 385, the dpvevtip is 6 KuBtotHp, Tapa tovs dpvac. obTOL
yap Kkuptot@otv .doitep tov dépa Kupittovtes ‘tumbler; ram (for they tumble while
butting with the horns)’, but this may be a folk-etymological interpretation after
apveldc ‘ram’. Also dpvevtic [m.] epithet of a fish (Numen. apud Ath.); cf.
Stromberg 1943: 50.
*DER dpveutnpta [n.pl.] “diving tricks’ (Arat.), dpvévw [v.] ‘to dive’ (Lyc.).
eETYM The connection with > dpvetdc ‘ram’ is uncertain. See Fur.: 235 on dpvamov:
tov dpva (H.) (Latte reads dpvdpiov); he prefers a separate root for ‘jump’.
dpvopat [v.] ‘to win, gain, acquire’ (II.). <1E *h,er- ‘take, acquire’>
VAR Aor. dpéo8au.
*COMP Starting from the expression ,uo0ov dpvvo8at, the verb ,uo8apvéw ‘to work,
serve for hire’ (Hp.) was formed.
*DER Gpog [n.] ‘benefit’ (A. Supp. 885 [uncertain reading], H., Eust.).
*ETYM An old nasal present dpvupat < *h,r-nu-, seen in Arm. a7num ‘to take’, aor.
avi, and in Av. aranuuainti ‘they grant’. Hitt. arnu-* ‘to transport, deport’ is related
to >» 6pvuut.
apokAov >dpaktv.
dpov [n.] a plant, “Arum italicum’ etc., cuckoo-pint (Thphr.); see LSJ. <Lw? Eg.>
*ETYM Hemmerdinger Glotta 46 (1968): 244 and Hemmerdinger Glotta 48 (1970): 54
derived it from Eg. r ‘reed, cane’; cf. Plin. Hist. Nat. 19, 5, 30, 95: est inter genera et
quod in Aegypto aron vocant. Perhaps, it is also contained in » dpic and » dpicapov.
Comparison with Lat. (h)arundo ‘cane’ is less probable.
dipos [n.] = depehoc ‘advantage’ (H.). <%>
eVAR Gpoc: Spedog Kai <7éTpac> Kode, ev aig Kdwp ABpoiletat SuBprov, Kai BAGBoc
d&xovowov ‘advantage; hollows of rocks in which rain water is collected; also
involuntary damage’ (H.).
*ETYM In the first sense, usually compared with » dpvupiat. For the second, Defner
1923: 47 compares Laconian dpé- AdKKos ‘cistern’. For the third, see on » apr.
ap dw [v.] ‘to plow, plant’ (Il.). <1E *h.erh,- ‘plow’>
eVAR Aor. dpdoat.
eDIAL Myc. a-ro-u-ra /aroura/.
*DER dpotip [m.] “‘plowman’ (Il.), secondarily apdtn¢ [m.] (IA, poet.); dpotog [m.]
‘plowing, (plowed) land, etc.’ (Il.); thence dpotroiog wpn (Arat. 1053), after
adjectives of time in -rotoc; dpotikds ‘fit for plowing’ (Gal.), perhaps directly from
apdw; 2. dpootc ‘plowing, etc.’ (Arist., Arat., Ael.), ‘farmland’ (Hom.), whence
apdoutos ‘arable’ (Thphr., Str.); sometimes with secondary length dpwots (pap.) and
apwoutog (S. Ant. 569), metrically conditioned (Arbenz 1933: 48); 3. dpwya
‘farmland’ (S., com.); 4. dpoopds ‘plowing’ (pap.); 5. Doric *apatvcs (on -a- see
below) is perhaps contained in the month name Apatvoc.
dpotpov ‘plow’ (il.); thence denominative verbs: 1. dpotpetw [v.] ‘to plow
(Pherecyd., Lyc., Nic., Babr.), apotpevc ‘plowman’ (Theoc., Bion, Arat.), dpotpevtip
‘id (AP), dpdtpeyjia ‘plowing’ (Poet. apud Stob.); 2. dpotpiaw = dpdw (Call.,
apmaGw 137
Thphr.), apotpiacic (LXX) and apotpiatia ‘plowed land’ (sch. Ar.); 3. dpotpidw =
dw (LXX); 4. dpotpiatw ‘to plow’ (pap.), apotptactis (EM) and dpotptacytdg (sch.
Opp.).
dpovpa ‘arable land’ (Il.), already Myc. a-ro-u-ra. Thence dpovpatiog ‘rural’ (IA),
apoupitns ‘id’ (Babr.), diminutives adpovpiov (AP) and dpoupidiov (pap.); from
Egyptian papyri: apovpndov [n.] ‘surface measured by dpovpat’ (substantivized
adverb), dpovptopids ‘measuring in dpovpar’.
eETYM An old yod-present derived from the dissyllabic root *h,erh,-. The reflex of
-h;- is seen in the aorist, and perhaps also in the present if this directly continues
*herh,-ie/o- (this is one of the very few counterexamples against Pinault’s Law in
Greek). The -a- in the Doric forms (G4patpov, Apatuos, fut. dpaoavti (Tab. Heracl.);
Ther. Rhod. évapatov) is probably due to influence of the verb dpa, which must be
analogical (though it is hard to indicate a precise model). Cognate yod-presents are
Lat. ardre, MIr. airim, Go. arjan, Lith. drti, sg. aritt, OCS orati, 1sg. orjo.
The formation of dpotpov is matched by Arm. arawr, Lat. aratrum (with secondary
length), MIr. arathar, and ON arr; all from an instrument noun *h,erh,-tro- ‘plow;
the same formation is continued by Lith. arti, OCS ralo < PBSI. *arH-tlo- or -d"lo-. It
is possible that Hitt. harra-' ‘to grind, crush’ is cognate, in which case ‘to plow’ was
originally called ‘to break the soil’.
&poupa is a derivation in -1a from a verbal noun *&po-fap ‘plowing’; on the details
see Peters 1980a: 143ff. This old r/n-stem *h,erh;-ur, gen. *h,rh-uen-s is continued in
MIr. arbor < *arur, gen. Olr. arbe < *aruens ‘corn’, Skt. urvdra- ‘arable land’; a
similar formation is found in Lat. arvum < *h,erh,-uo-.
apracw [v.] ‘to snatch away’ (Il.). <PG2(S), IE? *serp- ‘prune’>
eVAR Aor. dpmdéat (I1.), dp7tacat (Hom.).
*DER From dpray-: dpmtag [f.] ‘plundering’ (Hes.), [m.] ‘robber’ (Ar.); dpmtayr
‘robbery’ (Sol.), ap7tayn ‘hook, rake’ (E.); dprtayoc [m.] ‘hook’ (A., S.); dprtayetcs
‘robber’ (Them.) was probably taken from dprtayr; *aprtaywv is found in the Latin
borrowing harpago ‘grappling-hook’ (Plaut.).
Deverbal from dprtaw: apmaxtiyp [m.] ‘robber’ (I1.), apmaxtij¢ (Call.); action nouns
aprtaypidc ‘robbery, booty’ (Plu., Vett. Val.), dpmaypia ‘id’ (Lyc., LXX), dptaxtusc [f,]
‘robbery’ (Call.); dp7taytov ‘vessel like the kAewbdpa’ (Alex. Aphr.).
Adjectives: apitayytog ‘robbed, stolen’ (Call, AP), lengthened dpitaymatoc ‘id’
(Orph.); dprtaxtixdg ‘rapacious’ (Luc.), dpitaxtrptog ‘id.’ (Lyc.). Adverb dpitayénv
‘snatching’ (A. R., Opp., Aret.).
Forms deriving from the aorist dpmtdoa are less frequent: dpmacpa (Pl. Men.),
apitaop.dc (Plu.), dpmtacicg (Phryn.), apitaotikds (Arist. Phld.), dprtacog name of a
predatory bird (Ant. Lib.).
eETYM dipitaCw seems to be a denominative verb from a stem dpmtay-. This may be
related within Greek to dpzt- (from which d&pita{w may have been derived directly),
as found in dpztn ‘sickle’, also a bird of prey. Less probable: is connection with
> dpztuc and » dpituta; as DELG remarks, this may be based on folk etymology.
The word for ‘sickle’ is derived from a root *serp-. If dpmd{w is derived from this,
too, it would originally mean ‘to snatch’. However, the etymology is far from certain,
138 apmtadéoc
as a suffix -ay- cannot be explained in IE terms, and forms which contain it seem to
be substrate words (Chantraine 1933: 397). Nor can dpm- be easily explained as an IE
form, since the zero grade *syp- would be expected to yield par-.
apmadéoc [adj.] ‘devouring, greedy, consuming’; thence ‘with pleasure, attractive,
alluring’ (Od.). <GR>
*DER Denominative dp7tai@w [v.] ‘to be eager to receive; to exact greedily’ (A.),
aprtadifoptat: dopévwc Séxopat ‘to receive gladly’ (H.).
eETYM Dissimilated from dAmadéoc, which belongs to » dAmvotoc. The original
form is recorded by Hesychius: dAmadaiov (leg. -éov): ayanntév ‘amiable’. The
secondary connection with dpmdCw explains the spiritus asper and the development
of the meaning.
apredis [adj.] ‘flat’ (Nic. Th. 420). <PG?(v)>
eVAR Sometimes with rough breathing dp-. Cf. pmedéecoa (-Soooa ms.): étimedoc
‘level, flat’ (H.).
*DER dpmeddetc (Antim. Col.). Denominative verb dpitedioat- dpahioat, édagicat ‘to
make even or level, beat level and firm’ (H.).
*ETYM Connection with 7tédov (for which one compares drtedog ‘flat’) leads nowhere.
Since antiquity, the word has been derived from dpt-medij¢ (Did., Hdn.), but this is
rightly rejected by Frisk. If the gloss with é- is reliable, it is a substrate word (Frisk
refers to pOuptc = épiOuptc for ép- from épt-).
apredévn [f.] ‘cord, yarn’, used to ensnare game, etc. (Hdt.). <?>
VAR Also -edwv [f.] (AP).
*DER dprtedovilerv- Awitoduteiv. kai dia ondptov Onpav ‘to steal clothes; hunt by
rope’ (H.).
*ETYM Unknown; cf. the names of instruments in -dav, -66v1 (Schwyzer: 529f., 490,
Chantraine 1933: 361f., 207). Connection with » dpma{w is improbable for a word for
‘cord’. Grogelj Ziva Ant. 7 (1957): 225f. connects the word with Lith. ve7pti ‘to spin’,
but then the -ap- must be analogical after -ep-.
dpneva [f.] ‘hedge’ (Nic.), cf. apmélac tovcs aiptacwwdetc tdrtovc. oi 5é teiyn Kal
ttepiBdAovc. of SE TA KAtUaKwWdN xwpia ‘places that are hedged in; walls and
enclosures; terraced places’ (H.). <PG(V)>
VAR Also dprtelog [f.] ‘id.’ (Mylasa). Cf. further dpmicat: aipactat. f) tTappous ‘walls;
ditches’ and dpmé efSoc¢ axavOnc, Kizptot ‘kind of thorny plant (Cypr.) (H.). Also
dpmavat pavdpat Booxnpatwv ‘cattle folds’.
eETYM Connection with dp7m, dpitedévn, dpmatw is not convincing. Chantraine’s
suggestion that the basic meaning is ‘limit of a terrain’, and so perhaps connected
with dpzted6vn ‘cord’, is improbable: the dpztefa is clearly something in the terrain,
functioning as a boundary (aiptactd). The variation -eCa/-toa (in dpmicat) is typical
for substrate words.
apm [f.] ‘sickle’ (Il), also a bird of prey (after its claws, see Bechtel 1914 and
Thompson 1895). <IE?, ? *ser(p)- ‘sickle’>
appaBwv 1, -Wvoc 139
eVAR dprtnc eldoc Opvéou ‘kind of bird’ (H.) and dprtetév: &kdpuotov i iktivoc.
Kpijtec ‘untended; a kite (Cretan)’ (H.).
*DER Acc. to Leumann 1950: 294, the bird comes from the interpretation of Homer;
not convincing.
eETYM dpm agrees with OCS sraps2, Latv. sirpe ‘sickle’. Furthermore, one compares
Lat. sarpid and sarpé, sarpere ‘trim, prune (vine)’, but the vocalism is difficult to
accout for (see Schrijver 1991: 493: from sarri6). If we suppose an IE origin, “dp7m a
un vocalisme ambigu”, say E-M, by which they must mean that it is difficult to
explain. I agree with E-M and am inclined to assume a non-IE word (for the concept
of European substrate words, see Beekes 2000). The appurtenance of Olt. serr is also
doubtful; see Vendryes. For a hypothesis of an Oriental origin, see Grimme Glotta 14
(1925): 17. It is improbable to take &pmn as the basis of dpmtak, dpndyn, apracw, as
Szemerényi 1964: 205, 213 does.
dpmg [f.]? + eiSo¢ axdvOng ‘kind of thorny plant’ (H.). <PG>
VAR Also d&imptt; and ampryda: eidocg axavOng ‘id.’ (Cypr. EM 132, 53).
*ETYM Unknown. The variation with -yéa and the form itself suggest substrate
origin.
apmic, -id5o¢ [f.] ‘kind of shoe’ (Call.), = kprjitic ‘man’s high boot’ (EM 148, 36). <?>
eVAR dprtidec: Ladakai Kprytides f bmodipata ‘soft boots or sandals’ (H.). partic =
Kprytic (H., EM).
eETYM The word is Laconian, acc. to Hesychius. A formal variant is » partic, so the
word must be Pre-Greek.
‘prota [f.] usually plur. ‘the Harpies’, demons (Il.). <PG(v)>
VAR Old dual Apervia (Aigina); the same form (but with -viat) is also found in EM
138, 21.
*ETYM The expression ‘Apmturat avinpéyavto (— 371 = a 241) was once suggestive of
etymological connection with » épémtopat ‘to feed on’, but this is impossible in view
of the é-. Moreover, apart from oida, perfect forms without reduplication do not
exist. The suffix -via is typical for substrate words, cf. dyvia, aiOvia, etc., and the
variation ¢/ zero is also a substrate characteristic. It must be concluded that the name
is a substrate element, like eg. EiAeiOvia. See Szemerényi 1964: 203-213 and Beekes
1998: 24f. The aspiration may have been taken from dépmdCw by folk etymology.
aprug [f.] ‘love’ (Parth.). <?%>
eVAR dprtuv: pwta. Aiodsic ‘love (Aeol.) (H.).
eETYM Unknown. Fur:: 327f. connects the word with ‘Apztuia.
appapy [f.] - Sbpa. oiov yép<p>ov ‘door, such as of wickerwork’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Unknown. Not related to Hebr. Grab ‘twist’, as per Lewy 1895: 130, though
Hesychius’s gloss may indicate that the door was twisted or twined.
appaPwv 1, -@vog [m.] ‘caution money’ (Antiph.). <Lw>
eVAR Also apabawv
*DER dppaBwviletar dppaBwvi Sidotat ‘is presented with caution money’ (H.).
140 appaBav 2
*ETYM A Semitic loan acc. to Lewy 1895: 120, followed by Schwyzer: 153, 316, who
compare Hebr. “érabén ‘id.’. But the Semitic character of the word is not certain;
perhaps the word is a loan from elsewhere (Cohen GLECS 8 (1957): 13). Egyptian has
‘rb. Cf. E. Masson 1967: 30ff. Cf. Lat. arrabé, arra.
appaBwv 2 [m.]? - dyKiotpov ‘fish-hook’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Unknown. An attempt at an explanation in Lewy 1895: 130.
dppatog [adj.] = oxAnpoc, detdotpogos ‘hard, unalterable’ (Pl. Cra. 407d, Resp. 535c;
Ax. 365a). <?>
eVAR In Euph. 24 the -a- is long.
eETYM Uncertain. Does it derive from *d-Fpat-oc, from PIE *uert- ‘to twist’? If this is
correct, the length of the -a- would be spurious. An analysis -Fpd-toc is more
obvious.
appryvijs [adj.] ‘growling’, only in Cakotdév te kai dppiyvéc (Theoc. 25, 83), scil. 8npiov,
said of a dog; acc. to H. = dyptov, dvoxepéc ‘wild, intractable’. <?>
°DER dippiyvetv- Aoidopeiv. Kai <émi> yvvatki: mpdc dvdpa dStagépecBat ‘to slander,
abuse; of a woman, to quarrel with a man’ (H.).
eETYM Unknown. Is it from ap(p)atw ‘to bark, howl’, remodelled after otpryvij¢ or
amnvijc? See > apatw.
appi@opos [f.] name of the Athenian girls who carried the symbols of Athena in
procession (Paus.). <?>
VAR épptypdpog, -éw (inscr.); and épon@dpos, -ia; also époe-, Epoo- (inscr., sch. Ar.).
*DER dppiypopia ‘procession of appngdpor (Lys.), denominative dppryopéw [v.]
(Ar. Din.), ta apprdpta (sch. Ar., EM).
eETYM Unexplained. In antiquity, the word was derived from dpprytoc ‘unsaid,
mysterious’ (with an inexplicable loss of -to-), or from épon ‘dew’, also the name of a
daughter of Kekrops. See Adrados Emerita 19: 117-133 and Burkert Herm. 94 (1966):
iff.
Appx dopa =avappry dopa.
dpptxos [f., m.] ‘basket’ (Ar.). <PG?(s)>
eVAR GpicKkoc: Kd@tvoG fT) ayyetov Abytvov ‘basket or vessel:of chaste-tree wood’ (H.).
*DER dpotxosg (D. S.), diminutive apptyic [f.] (Ath.).
eETYM Unknown. The development -po- > -pp- is normal in Attic (Forbes Glotta 36
(1958): 265); the same suffix occurs in the synonym ovptxoc (Schwyzer: 498,
Chantraine 1933: 402). Fur. 348 hesitantly compares dpvooc/ gpvooc ‘basket’.
Probably a substrate word; it does not belong to depot- (deipw), as DELG suggested.
appwdSéw >dppwbéw.
dpoea [n.pl.] - Aei@vec ‘meadows’ (H.). <?>
eVAR Delph. dpota (F. Delph. 3, 4, 42; 13)?
eETYM Unknown. Schwyzer suggested a relation with dpdw ‘to irrigate’, with a suffix
-o0¢ like in GAco¢ etc. (Schwyzer: 513, cf. Forbes Glotta 36 (1958): 254). The suffix
ApTALoc 141
-ooc, however, may be a substrate element (Fur.: 2547”). Gusmani 1969: 512 compares
Hitt. arsi- ‘plantation’.
apoevkov [n.] ‘arsenic’ (Arist.). <Lw Orient.>
VAR Also dppewkov, fem. appevikr (Gal.).
eETYM Word of oriental origin, ultimately from MP *zarnik ‘gold-colored’ (cf. MoP
zarnix, zarniq ‘id. and see » yn, » xAwpOc), probably via a Semitic intermediary
(Syr. zarnikd) and reshaped after dpoevikdc, appevicdc ‘male’. See Schrader-Nehring
1917 S.V.
dporjyy, -Eevos [adj.] ‘male’ (Il.). <1 *uers-n- ‘male’>
*DIAL Att. Gppnv; Ion., Lesb., Cret. pony, Lacon. dpone.
*DER dippévtepoc ‘male’ (Arc.) and époevaitepoc (El.) are probably secondary after
OnAvTEpOc.
dpoevikdc (Att. -pp-) ‘male’ (Hell.), Epcevixdc (pap.), dpoévoc (Teuthis); apoéviov
[n.] ‘male child’ (pap.). Adverb appevwdac ‘male’ (LXX); abstracts: dppevdtne [f.]
‘masculinity, masculine gender’ (Stoic.), dpoévwya ‘masculine seed’ (sch. Opp.).
Denominative verb appevdoptat ‘to become man, behave like a man’ (Luc., Ph.).
*ETYM Gporj and gpony reflect IE *u(e)rsén ‘male animal’, the zero grade dponv
corresponding to Skt. (v)rsa-bha- ‘bull’, Arm. arn ‘ram’, and full grade éponv to OP
arsan- ‘man, male’, Lat. verrés ‘ram’, Lith. versis ‘bull calf. The Gr. forms show no
trace of a digamma, cf. especially Gortyn epoev-. Pronk fthc.b has argued that initial
*u- was lost in Greek, Armenian and in part of the Indo-Iranian cognates in the
compound *g”eh,u-ursén ‘bull’, attested in ToA kayurs, ToB kaurse ‘bul? and ON
kursi ‘bull calf (a brilliant find by Kroonen, p.c.). For the former, textbook view see
the discussion in Peters 1993a. Cf. » dpvetdc, » dpvevti)p.
dpo.ov >davapotoc.
apowpudes - b1d51Ya yuvatketov “women’s sandal’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
aptapn [f.] a Persian and Egyptian measure (Hdt.). <LWw Iran.>
eVAR Also dptépry.
*DER In papyri: dptdfioc ‘measuring an a.’, dptaBtatoc ‘id’, dptaBietocg (or -teioc)
‘id’; cf. kotvAletoc (and -teioc) from KotbAn (Mayser 1906-1938, I: 3: 95); abstract
aptaPieia (also -Beia, -Bia) ‘tax for one a.’.
eETYM The word is of Iranian (Old Persian) origin, acc. to R. Schmitt Glotta 49
(1971): 100-102.
dptaytoc [m.] “butcher, cook’ (S.). <?>
eDIAL Perhaps Myc. a-to-mo.
eETYM Eustathios 577, 45 explains it as 6 eic dptia tévwv, in which case it would be
haplological for *apti-tapyoc or *aptd-tapocg ‘artful cutting’. DELG objects that we
should expect -tojtoc; to my mind, the whole etymology is most improbable. Fur.:
345 thinks it is a substrate word; although there is no further evidence, this is a priori
the most likely solution. -
142 aptaw
aptaw [v.] ‘to bind to, hang upon, attach to’ (Hdt.). <GR>
eDER Verbal nouns: dptnpa designation of several objects, such as “ear-pendant’
(Hdt.), ‘weight’ (Arist.), etc. dptnotc ‘hanging’ (Papp.), avaptiots ‘id.’ (Thphr.),
aptiopdc ‘id.’ (AB). Further aptavn ‘rope, noose’ (A.), after thextavn, etc.
*ETYM dptdaw is reconstructed as *afeptaw, from deipw ‘to bind, hang’, but the
derivation is unusual (Schwyzer: 705f.). Cf. » dptip and » dptnpia.
apteuts [adj.] ‘fresh, healthy’ (Il.). <¢>
*DER aptepéw [v.] ‘to be healthy’ (Nonn.), aptepia ‘health’ (Max., AP, Procl.).
eETYM Unknown. The word has been explained as a haplology, either from *dapti-
dens (to déuac), or as a compound from dp- = dpi- (but see on » dpredrc) and
*TéLLOG (to > typLeAéw), Fick & Bechtel 1894: 439. Both are unconvincing.
Apteic, -t60¢ [f.] name of the goddess (Il.). <PG>
eV AR Gen. also -ttoc.
eDIAL Myc. a-te-mi-to /Artemitos/ [gen.]; a-ti-mi-te /Artimitei/ [dat.]. Dor. ‘Aptac,
toc; Boeot. ‘Aptauc, -160¢; Delphi ‘Aptetitc, -1to¢ (SIG 671, etc.).
*DER Aptepiotoc, Aptapitiog [m.], also the month name Apteptowv (Th.);
Aptepiowov [n.] ‘temple of A’ (Hdt.). Aptayitia [n.pl.] ‘festival of A.’ (Delphi).
aptewdriov [n.], dpteuoia [f.] plant name, see Stromberg 1940: 100. Aptepuotactai
[m.pl.] worhsippers of A. (Athens), as if from *dptepioidtw; cf. AnoAAwviao tat
(Chantraine 1933: 316).
*ETYM The forms show an interchange e/i, which may point to Pre-Greek origin. We
further find e/a (see Fur.: 185), which is rather an old phenomenon than a recent
assimilation. The variation t/d is due to a recent replacement of the suffix: Myc. has
-t-, and the forms in -olov- presuppose a -t- too.
The name is found in Lydian inscriptions (Artimus, Artimu-), and Lycian has ertemi,
but this does not prove that the name comes from Lydia or Asia Minor. Improbable
is Illyrian origin (Ruipérez Emerita 15 (1947): iff. and Ruipérez Zephyrus 2 (1951):
89ff., who assumed Illyr. *artos ‘bear’). Against the interpretation as ‘bear-godess’
and connection with dpxtocg see Kretschmer Glotta 27 (1939): 34, who connects
dptapoc ‘butcher’, which seems very improbable. The Indo-European interpretation
by Peters 19809: 214ff. involves many difficulties and should be rejected.
aptéuwv, -ovoc [m.] ‘foresail’ (Act. Ap. 27, 40); mg. uncertain in Lyd. Mens. 2, 12. <?>
eETYM A technical word, for which a precise explanation of meaning and history is
lacking. Connection with > dptéopai or » dptdw with a suffix -uwv (Chantraine 1933:
172, Schwyzer: 522) does not explain the meaning. Borrowed as Lat. artemo(n) name
of a sail (since Lucil.); it also means ‘principal pulley’ (Vitr. 10, 2, 9). Cf. Vart 1887:
101-106 and Rougé 1966: 58f.
aptéopat [v.] ‘to prepare, make ready’ (Hdt.). <GR>
*COMP Prefixed av-, map-aptéouat (Hdt., Arr.).
*DER dptrotc (Hdt.), with a v.l. dptiotc, from dptifw; apti{w ‘to prepare, equip’
(Theoc.), kataptitw (Hdt.), cf. the pair aitéw : aitiw. The s-stem in éiaptic ‘ready’
(Od.) does not presuppose an s-stem noun.
po
dptog 143
*ETYM Derived from the root dp- in » dpapioxw, via an intermediary noun in -t-; not
directly from > dptu.
aptiyp [m.] 1. that by which anything is carried (LXX Ne. 4, 17 [11]); 2. kind of shoe
(Pherecr. 38, H.). <GR>
eETYM 1. derives from *dfep-tip, from » deipw 1 ‘to raise’; 2. could be analyzed as
‘what is bound to’, from »deipw 2 ‘to bind’, or from dptaw with haplology for
*aptn-trp.
aptnpia [f.] ‘artery’, ‘windpipe’ (Hp., PI., Arist.); see Stromberg 1944: 60. < GR>
*DER dptiptakdc (medic.) and dptnpwwdnc¢ (Gal.); aptnpiacic ‘bronchitis’ (Isid.
Etym. 4, 7; 14), as if from a verb of disease *dptipidw, cf. pwpiaotc, pv8piaotc.
*ETYM Like the semantically comparable doptr (see > deipw 2), it probably derives
from deipw ‘to bind, hang up’. On the formation, see Chantraine 1933: 81 and
Scheller 1951: 59.
apt [adv.] ‘just, just now, recently’ (A.); in Homer only in compounds and
derivatives). <IE *h,er- ‘fit’>
eCOMP Frequent as a first member, first meaning ‘right, fitting’: apti-enrjc ‘who
knows well how to use the word’, dpti-gpwv,'sensible, intelligent’; apti-moc (all
Hom.), apti-xeip, apti-peArs (P1.). In later compounds, it means ‘recently’.
*DER dpttog (Il.) ‘right, fitting’, also ‘even’ (of numbers), dptidtij¢ [f.] (Arist.),
aptiaxic [adv.] ‘an even number of times’ (Pl.), dptidtw [v.] ‘to play at odd and even’
(Ar.); dptiaouds (Arist.). Perhaps dptitw ‘to order, equip, etc, if not from
Pdaptéoua; usually an-, é&-, kataptivw, with a number of derivatives; from the
simplex dptiotipes [pl.] title of an officer in Elatea.
eETYM Probably a locative of the t-stem *h,er-t- ‘order’, from the root of » dpapioxw.
The word neatly corresponds with Arm. ard ‘just now’, cf. ard-a-cin ‘just born, dapti-
yevijc, and with Lith. arti ‘close by’. Lat. ars, artis reminds of aptigpwv and dptixeip,
where the first element may mean ‘skillful’. See » dvdpotoc.
aptiada [n.pl.] ‘decoration of the ear’ (Poll. 5, 97). <?>
eDIAL Doric.
*ETYM Unexplained. Connection with dptioc, with a suffix -ado- (Schwyzer: 483f.,
Chantraine 1933: 245f.), has been suggested.
aptoc [m.] ‘bread’ (Od.). <?>
*DIAL On Myc. a-to-po-qo /arto-pok"os/ ‘baker’, see » nécow.
*COMP Frequent as a first member, note dpto-Kdmog ‘baker’ (Hdt.) with metathesis
(cf. Lith. ke ptt beside OCS peko); further aptomotds ‘id.’ (X.), etc.
*DER Diminutive dpticxocg [m.] (Hp., Dsc., Gal.) and aptioxiov (Damocr.).
*ETYM Unknown; connection with dp- ‘fit’ is improbable. Pisani Ric. ling. 1 (1950):
141 derives it from Iranian *arta- ‘flour’ as a borrowing, which is impossible for a
word already attested in Mycenaean. Hubschmid 1953b: 104 adduces Basque arto
‘id’, OSpan. artal ‘especie de empanada’, etc. and considers it to be a substrate word
(or is it a loan from Greek?).
144 apTow
aptbw [v.] ‘to arrange, prepare’, also of food ‘to season’ (Il.). <IE *h,(e)r-tu- ‘order’>
*COMP Frequently prefixed, e.g. &&-, xat-aptbw (I1.).
*DER 1. dptujia ‘condiment’ (Hp. S.), with late derivations dptvpdtiov,
APTLLATWSNG, APTLLATIKdG; dpTYLLag and dpTupLaTac [m.] ‘spice trader’ (pap.). 2.
dptvotc ‘arrangement, seasoning’ (Ph., D. S.). 3. dptutip name of an official (Thera).
4. aptutikds [adj.] ‘fit for seasoning’ (sch.); dptutiKdv [n.] ‘herb’ (Sammelb. 5224,
50). A variant is dprbvw = dptbw (Il.); see Schwyzer: 727f.
*ETYM The verb is denominative in origin, but the noun is found only in dptuc:
ovvtakic ‘ordering’, dptbv- gidiav Kai ovpBacw 7] Kpiow ‘friendship, coming
together, decision’ (H.). It is a derivation in -tu- from h,er- ‘to fit’ as in » dpapiokw,
and may well be old, cf. Skt. rtu- [m.] ‘fixed time, order, rule’ < *h,rtu-, Arm. ard,
gen. ardu ‘order’, Lat. artus, gen. -iis [m.] ‘joint, limb’.
dpva [n.pl.] - ta HpakAewtikd kapva “Heraclean filberts’ (H.). <LW>
eVAR Cf. avapd: Ta Hovtikd kdpva ‘nuts from the Pontic area’ (H.).
*ETYM dpvov is considered a variant of kapvov; see Stromberg 1940: 155f.; thus also
Fur. 391. The variation «/zero points to substrate origin. One would conceive of a
Pre-Greek form *qar-, of which the first phoneme (a uvular) was rendered as k- or
zero in Greek.
Alb. arré [f.] ‘nut, nut-tree’, OCS oréxo ‘nut’, Lith. riesas, rieSutas ‘nut’, Latv. riéksts
‘nut’, and OPr. buccareisis ‘beech-nut’ (first element bucus ‘beech’) are too different
to be compared to the Greek forms: the BSI. forms have *a/or- beside *r-, followed by
-ei-.
apvBaddAog [m.] ‘bag or purse which can be tied together’ (Stesich.), ‘globular oil flask’
(Ar.). <4 PG2(S)>
*DIAL dpBvAida: AnKvOov. Adkwvec ‘oil flask (Lacon.) (H.). Also dpuBdccadov-
KOTUAN f] PAdoKwv ‘small vessel, flagon’ (H.).
eETYM Hesychius explains it as dpbpaddAot Ta LLapovmmia ‘pouches’. 46 Tob dpvetv
kai BaAXetv gic adtovs ‘because sth. is scooped and put into them’. This explanation
(though defended by Chantraine) is folk-etymological and is not worth discussion. It
is not even certain that the meaning ‘flask’ is primary. Most probably Pre-Greek
(note the suffix -ah)oc), cf. » BadAdvttov.
apvw 1 [v.] ‘to draw water’ (Hes.). <?>
eVAR Aor. dpvoat.
DIAL With an enlargement -t- (Schwyzer: 704): Att. dpvtw, Lesb. dputrtevot (Alc.).
*COMP As a second member in étv-rpvots ‘soup ladle’, Gwztrpvotc, oivipvoic etc.
(com.).
*DER Gpvotip; -fpoc [m.] ‘spoon’ (Alc., Semon., Hdt.), dputip (Dsc., pap.); fem.
apvotp-ic, -iSog (AP), more common dpttatva ‘id. (Ar. Antiph., Thphr., pap.),
after dpvtw, see Chantraine 1933: 109; diminutive aputaivov (Lebena [II’]).
dpvotic [f.] ‘ladle’ (S.), diminutive apvotixoc [m.] (com., Aegina); dpvodvn ‘id,’
(Timo), cf. names for utensils like Aexdvn; apvod¢ (Delos) probably denotes the
profession ‘water drawer’; for dpvooc [m.] ‘wicker basket’ (Hdn.), cf. tducoc,
dpxw 145
TETAGOG, etc; ApuTHotoc and dptotoc ‘potable’ (sch.); dpvotikds ‘fit for scooping’
(Ael.).
eETYM Unknown. Frisk Eranos 50 (1952): 1-8 takes it as *fapvw (comparing
[Flapvoodptevoc Hes. Op. 550), and connects it with Arm. gerem ‘to take prisoner’,
evpioxw ‘to find’, assuming a root *uer-; but the Greek -a- creates difficulties for this
etymology. It could be from a w-present *urh,-u-, but there is no further support. For
other doubtful attempts see DELG.
aptw 2 [v.] ‘to speak, cry’, only in glosses: dpver dvti <tod> Aéyet, Bod ‘shouts, instead
of speaks’; dptovoat- A€yovoat, keAevovoat ‘who are speaking, urging’; dpvoacB8at-
émtkadéoao8at ‘to summon’ (H.). <?>
eDIAL It is Syracusan acc. to EM 134, 12.
eETYM Unknown. Not related to » dpvéojtat ‘to refuse, deny’, as per Meillet BSL 26
(1925): 19f. Latte corrects it to dmvbet = Yrvel.
apxij [f.] 1. “begin, origin’ (I1.); 2. ‘reign’ (Pi). <GR>
*DER From 1: dpyaiog ‘original, ancient, old’ (Pi.), dpyatdtne [f.] ‘antiquity’ (Pl. D.
H.); late denominatives dpyaitw [v.] ‘to be old-fashioned’, of style (D. H., Plu.),
apxaiopdcs ‘old-fashionedness, etc.’ (Men., D. H.); dpyatwweic (ypdvoc) ‘aged’ (pap.
VIP). Also dpyaikdc ‘old-fashioned’ (Ar., Antiph.).
From 2: dpxixdc ‘ptng. to power, etc.’ (A., Th., Pl.), later also taken to 1. (Phld.);
diminutive (scornful) dpyidiov (Ar., D.), apyijiov, apxetov ‘government building’,
apyeimtnc (Dig.) and apyewrtikdcg (Lyd.); Dorianized apyétac ([m.] ‘ruler’ (E.), which
could derive from dpyw directly; apyitic (Thasos), dpxivr (Syros), both incorrectly
written with -e1-, and apyxnic (Amyklai) are names of priestesses.
*ETYM Gpxn) is a verbal noun of » dpyw.
apxXdc 1 =apxw.
apxdc 2 [m.] ‘rectum, anus’ (Hp.). <?>
*ETYM Unknown. Frisk asks if it could be a joking formation for » dpyéc 1.
apxw [v.] ‘to be the first’, thence 1. ‘to begin’ (II.); 2. ‘to rule’ (I].). «IE? *h,r-ske/o- ‘start,
rule’>
eVAR Aor. dipéat.
*DIAL Uncertain is the interpretation of Myc. a-ke- in PNs: /ark*e-/ or /age-/?
Uncertain too is Myc. o-ka, see Aura Jorro 1985-1993.
*COMP apxéKkaxoc ‘who initiated the evil’ (Il); dpyitéxtwv (Hdt.) after
Tepmiképavvos (?); dpxt- is never found in poetry.
*DER cpxdc [m.] ‘leader’ (I]., poet.); dpxevw [v.] ‘to be the first, command’ (epic since
Il.), which is also used as an official term (Paphos, Cos) could be denominative to
apxdc or be an enlargement of dpyw after BactAetw, apiotebw. The usual term is
adpxwv, -ovtog [m.] ‘commander, name of the highest official in Athens, fem.
apxovtic (Cat. Cod. Astr.), short form dapyic (Tenos). Late derivations: apyovtiKdc
‘ptng. to the a’ (AP, pap.), dpyovtetw [v.] ‘to be a.” (Olbia), dpyovtidw [v.] ‘to wish
to command’ (sch. Lyd.). dpypata [n-pl.] ‘first fruits’ (€ 446), andpypata (Ar.),
amapxai; also dpxptata (H.) with restored -y-. On » dpyr), see s.v.
146 apwopa
*ETYM Klingenschmitt 1974: 274’ suggested to derive Gpxw from a present *h,r-ske/o-
‘(der Reihenfolge und dem Range nach) der erste sein’. The reconstruction was
pleaded for more recently by Matzinger KZ 113 (2000): 287-288’, who also derives
Arm. ark‘ay ‘king’ from the same root. Frisk and Chantraine only mention the
connection with » épyatioc ‘commander’ (Il.). The variation a-/ o- between these
words has been taken to point to substrate origin by Fur.: 342, but this proposal does
not seem compelling, since the morphological analysis of 6pyayoc is unclear.
LIV? s.v. *reg"- follows Tichy, who reconstructed *(h,)rg"-ske/o- to a root found in
MHG ragen, regen ‘to rise, stir’ and Lith. regéti ‘to watch’. This seems possible only if
we assume a root *h,rg"-, because a PIE root could not start in *r- (cf. Beekes 1995:
148), but also because of the Greek imperfect ijpxe. The present dpyw may have
specialized its meaning from ‘start to join’ to ‘undertake’.
d&pwpa [n.] ‘condiment, aromatic plant’ (Hp.). <?>
eETYM Unknown. See Schmeja 1968: 133. For the suffix -wua, see Chantraine 1933:
184 ff.
aoa [v.aor.inf.] ‘to satiate, take one’s fill’ (Il) <1E *seh,- ‘satiate’>
eVAR Inf.pres. Gpevat, subj. Ewuev < *f}-o-pev; fut. doetv; them. pres. detat (Hes. Sc.
101 cod. Laur. the other mss. have Gatat, which may be athem. or stand for
contracted *atau; cf. dtou mANpodtat ‘is filled’ [H.]). See Solmsen 1901: 936.
eDIAL Myc. a-se-so-si /asésonsi/ [fut.].
eDER G-atoc > &toc ‘insatiable’.
eETYM Derivatives from this old athematic root aorist are »Gd1v and » don. PIE
*seh.-/sh.- is found as a verbal root in Hitt. §ah-' ‘to clog, to stuff, and further in
isolated nominal derivations: Lith. sotis ‘satiated’, Lat. satis ‘enough’, Olr. sdith
‘fullness’, and Lith. sdtis ‘satiety’ (all < *s(e)h.-ti-); Go. gasobjan ‘to satiate’
(denominative) etc. On *ed(C)w ‘to satiate’ see Peters 1993b: 8off.
aoakis [adj.] = d@povtic, auéptvos ‘careless, thoughtless’, attribute of wavia (EM 151,
49 =A. fr. 319). 42>
*DER dodheia (cod. doahéa) = dpepiuvia Kai dAoyiotia “freedom from care,
thoughtlessness’, EM = Sophron (113).
*ETYM Acc. to EM, the word derives from odXn in the sense of ppovtic ‘thought,
care. Modern scholars derive it from odAoc (with regular transition to an s-stem),
which is glossed by Hesychius as povtic, tapayr ‘agitation’, and is identified with
> odAoc ‘turbulent movement’. od\n (also odAa H.) would be a back-formation of
doalnc and doakeiv (cod. dodAeiv): dppovticOfvat. It is uncertain, however, if we
are dealing with one and the same word.
aoduvOos [f.] ‘bathtub’ (1l.). <PG(s)>
*DIAL Myc. a-sa-mi-to /asamint"os/.
eETYM A clear substrate word because of the suffix in -v0-, like in the TNs Kdptv80c,
"OdvvGoc, etc. Gaerte PhW 1922: 888 and von Blumenthal I F 48 (1930): 50 pointed to
Sum. asam, Akk. assammu(m), ansammum ‘earthenware water-vessel’. Improbable
speculations by Szemerényi Gnomon 43 (1971): 657.
aoehyi|s 147
doapov [n.] ‘hazelwort, Asarum europaeum’ (Crateuas). <PG?>
VAR Short, unadapted form doap (Aét.), whence dcapitnc (Dsc.), of oivoc.
eETYM Unknown. Lewy 1895: 47 thinks it is Semitic. A priori, a Pre-Greek word is
most probable. Cf. perhaps » dpicapov, and Strémberg 1940: 158.
doPeotos [adj.] ‘unquenchable, unextinguishable’, also ‘unslaked’ (II.). <GR>
*ETYM Verbal adjective of » oBévvupi. As a substantive, it indicates either unslaked
lime (titavoc) or an unknown combustible mineral. It never means ‘asbestos’
(Guiavtoc), see Diels KZ 47 (1916): 2036f.
doPodog [f., m.] ‘soot? (Hippon.). <PG(Vv)>
eVAR Also doBoAn [f.] (Semon.). In the gloss doBoddev- péya, bwnrov, LEéAav ‘big,
high, dark’ (H.), Latte reads the second as woddev: for uéya, we may also posit wéAav,
but its final v was read as v. This led to the interpretation of vyoAoev as bDynAOv.
*DER doBoAwsdr¢ ‘sooty’ (Dsc.), denominative verb doBoAdouat in hoBoAwpévoc
(Macho), also doBoAdw (Aesop.), doBodaivetat fuscatur (gloss.).
eETYM Fur.: 154f. posits substrate origin, which must be correct in view of the rare
cluster -oB- and the variant omoddc ‘soot’, which was hitherto unexplained. This
means that doBodoc has a Pre-Greek prothetic vowel. Furnée further points to
omtoditis (aptoc) ‘bread baked in hot ashes’, which is also called onodevc (Philet.
apud Ath. 3, 114e); note that the latter is unnecessarily corrected to *o1todevc by
Frisk! For the interchange 6/A, cf. » AaBUpiv8oc beside Myc. da-pu.-ri-to-. Finally,
Fur.: 393” asks whether the group is identical with wodog ‘soot’ (A.), which seems
most probable to me (but identification with doc ‘dirt’ is less obvious). On
variation o7t/y in Pre-Greek words, see Fur.: 393.
The analysis as a compound do-BoAog, with elements derived from *h,eh,s- ‘to dry’
and BdAAw, must be abandoned; it was semantically unlikely anyway.
AoyeAdtas [m.] epithet of AméAAwv on Anaphe. <PG>
eVAR AntoAdwv AiyAdtac (Anaphe, Thera).
*ETYM The explanation in Greek terms by Schwyzer: 27 (who assumes a development
ao > at(o]) is rightly criticized by Chantraine s.v. atyAn; part of Schwyzer’s evidence
is itself Pre-Greek. The variation in these epithets is typical of Pre-Greek words, as
can clearly be seen in the name » AokAnmdc: aC-/aiC- and asC-/aisC-. In the present
case, we only have aiC- and asC-, but the principle remains the same (Fur.: 293, 295;
see also Pre-Greek). Furnée’s (ibid.: 234, 335) further connection with ayAa(F)dc and
GyAavpoc deserves consideration. The resemblance of Akkadian azugallatu ‘great
physician’ (Burkert 1992: 78) is remarkable. Thus, the word is probably a loan via
(Pre-)Anatolian and Pre-Greek. A connection with > aiyAn cannot be proven.
aoeAyij¢ [adj.] ‘elated, wanton, unconstrained’ (Lys.). <?>
eVAR Unclear dodAyav- bBptv, dyéAetav ‘insolence, indifference’ and doadydvac:
popepos, eipryxe dé obtwo napaBapBapitwv ‘fearful (H.); as the final remark says,
this may be just a vulgar or ‘barbarian’ pronunciation.
*DER doé\yela ‘licentiousness’ (Pl.). Denominative dcedyaivw ‘to be elated’ (D.);
sporadically aceAyéw (sch.); aoédynua (Plb., pap.).
148 don
*ETYM The interchange a/e is frequent in Pre-Greek words, but it is unclear if the
glosses belong .here: dodAya could perhaps be a Pre-Greek formation meaning
doe\yela, but the formation of the second gloss and its semantic relation to our word
are unexplained. I am not sure whether the conclusion of a substrate origin is
admissible. Havers IF 28 (1911): 194ff., stated that the word is Boeotian for *a0eAyrc,
but this is semantically difficult.
don [f.] ‘disgust, loathing, dissatisfaction’ (Hp.). <GR?>
*DIAL Aeol. doa.
*DER donpds (-a-) ‘causing discomfort, feeling disgust’ (Aeol, Ion.), dowdng ‘id’
(Hp.). dodopcu [v.] “to feel nausea’ (Aeol., Ion., Arist.), probably denominative.
eETYM If the word originally meant ‘surfeit’, then don is from » doa, but the
formation poses difficulties. Unlikely is the suggestion by Solmsen 1909: 242ff., who
assumed an analogically preserved suffix -oa- from the zero grade root a- < PIE
*sh,-, rejecting a pre-form *sh,-ti-eh,-. It would be better to posit *(h)ad-s-a, an old
collective from the s-stem in &6og ‘satiation’ (Il.); problematic, however, is the failure
of a geminate -co- (only in docapotépac Sapph. 77) to appear in Aeolic. The
simplification to -o- would be due to epic influence acc. to Schwyzer: 321, but all in
all, the explanation is not entirely convincing. See » Gdnv, > adtoAin.
d&o8ua [n.] ‘short-drawn breath, panting’, as a medical term ‘asthma’ (II.). <?>
*DER Medical term doOuatixds [adj.], also doOuatiac, acOuatwdnco; denominative
doOtaivw [v.] ‘to pant, breathe with difficulty’ (Il); late aoOud¢w (AB); uncertain
AoOidopict (pap.), doOLinatc (gloss.).
eETYM Unclear. -Oua is known as a suffix (cf. (Oa), but derivation from *h,enh,- ‘to
breathe’ (in » dvejtoc) seems impossible: it would have to yield dave-, even as the
result of a zero grade *h,nh,-. The -o- is also found in i-cOudc. Chantraine offers an
unclear comment: “dans le cas de do®ta, le o donne une certaine valeur d’harmonie
imitative.” If he means that it is onomatopoeic, the same could be supposed for the
word itself.
aowda [f.] ‘stork’ (LXX). <Lw Sem.>
VAR Cf. doida (-ov cod.)- pwdtdv ‘heron’ (H.).
eETYMA loanword from Semitic, cf. Hebr. h’sidhah.
aoiapos [adj.] - émioxaCwv. i} doidapos ‘limping upon’ (H.). <PG?(v)>
*ETYM Fur. 391% takes it as Pre-Greek (adducing other cases of variation
dental/zero).
doudAa [f.] ‘yoke for carrying baskets, etc.’ (Simon.). <PG(S)>
eETYM An improbable Semitic etymology is offered by Lewy 1895: 110. Most
probably, doudAa is a substrate word in view of the suffix -AXa, cf. » GtudrAa.
aoipakos [m.] ‘locust’ without wings (Dsc.). <?>
*ETYM Considered to be an Egyptian loanword (Stromberg 1944: 16, Gil Fernandez
1959: 238), but no argument is given. A substrate word is more probable.
dotc, -tog [f.] ‘slime, mud’ (Il. ® 321). <?>
doKavtns 149
*DER dowdng (A. Supp. 31), perhaps for *do1wdn¢ after the homonym that belongs to
don? Ancient commentators derived the reading Aoiw (instead of Aciw) in B 461
from this word (Eust.), instead of from Aoia.
*ETYM The comparison with Skt. dsita- ‘dark, black’ (for -ta-, compare Skt. hdri-
‘yellow’ beside hdri-ta- ‘id.’) presupposes that the s in Gotc was preserved after *-n-.
Nikolaev 2005: 5of. pleads for a reconstruction *h,nsi- for these words, arguing
against the Lex Rix, but there is no compelling evidence for *h,-: Cop compared Hitt.
hanzana- ‘black’, but see the critical remarks in Kloekhorst 2008 s.v. The etymology
must be regarded as uncertain.
Fur. 80% compares da: ovotnuta tbdatoc (H.), but variation o/zero is further
unknown in Pre-Greek words.
aoxdAaBos [m.] ‘lizard, gecko’ (SGDI 3123 [Corinth], Nic.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Also doxadaBwtng (Ar.), oxakaBwrtng (Orac. apud Eus. PE 5, 12), kahabwrns
(LXX), cf. yakewtnys to yadedc; further Argive kaXaBtotng (H.) and doxddaya (read
*dokdhaBa?), cf. Chantraine 1933: 403; KwAw@tn¢ (Arist.); see K@Aov; KadaPdc:
KadaBwrtns (H.).
*ETYM Clearly a substrate word. The ending -Boc is often found in animal names, see
Chantraine 1933: 266ff. Several variations are typical for substrate words: prothetic
vowel, o-mobile, etc. On the suffix -wt-, see Fur.: 283f. Less probable is a connection
with » oxddow ‘mole’ (Fur.: 154).
adoKdAagos [m.] name of an unknown bird, perhaps an owl (Arist.), see Thompson
1895 s.v. Also a PN (Il.). <PG(S,V)>
VAR Also kadagoc: doxahkapoc. Mayvntec (H.).
eETYM The suffix -goc in animal names is well known. Clearly a substrate word, like
> doxdAaBoc.
aokakaviov [n.] of Kpduvov, ‘onion from Askalon’, in Palestine (Diocl.). <GR>
eETYM Cf. Stromberg 1940: 125 and André 1956 sv. Ascalonia. Lat. ascalénia, whence
MoFr. échalotte > MoHG Schalotte and MoE scallion, was borrowed from Greek.
aoxaAwnas [m.] ‘woodcock, Scolopax rusticola’ (Arist.). <PG(V)>
VAR Ending with long 4 (DELG)?
*ETYM Probably identical with » oxodmak. A substrate word with typical variations.
aoKxavdrs [m.] dyyedoc, hwEpodpdpoc ‘messenger, courier’ (Plu.). <LWw Iran.>
VAR Also doyavdng, dotavdne.
eETYM An Iranian word, cf. Buddhist Sogdian zy’nt, ’st’nyk ‘messenger’, as well as
Bab. asgandu (Happ Glotta 40 (1962): 198ff., Schmid Glotta 40 (1962): 321). Cf. Arm.
astandel ‘waner’.
adoKkavtnys [m.] ‘pallet, bier’ (Ar.). <PG(v)>
sDIAL axxavOap (codd. axxahiBap) KpaBBatoc. Adxwvec ‘couch (Laconian)’ (H.);
okavOav- KpdBBatov ‘id.’ (H.).
eETYM The variations are due to substrate, rather than “vulgar” or “popular” origin
(which solves nothing). «
150 doxapicw
aoxapivw =oxKaipw.
aoxapic, -i5o¢ [f.] ‘worm in the intestines, larva of the gnat’ (Hp.). <PG?(v)>
VAR Also oxapidec: eidoc éApivOwv ‘kind of worm’ (H.).
eETYM Generally taken to be from doxapilw ‘to jump’, e.g. in Strémberg 1944: 24;
Frisk thinks this is semantically not strong. German Springwurm is a calque from
Greek. In view of the prothetic vowel, it is rather a substrate word.
doKapos [m.] 1. a kind of shoe, cf. doxapor yévocg brodSntatwv f cavdadiwv (H.); also
2. a musical instrument, cf. Poll. 4, 60: éviot 5é tv wiOUpav tiv abtiy eiva TH
doKdpw Svopatopevey voptiGovorv. <?>
*ETYM The musical instrument was a square with strings, so it probably has nothing
to do with the shoe. Fur. analyses the shoe as a suffix -apoc added to doxdc ‘skin, bag
made of a skin’. The gloss doxapopdpov: poptnyov ‘carrier of cargo’ (H.) is unclear;
does it imply that Goxapoc means ‘bag, pack, load’? Cf. » doxépa and » doKknpd.
aoKedij [adj.] ‘obstinate’, also ‘weak, soft’? (Il.). <GR?>
eDER Adverb doxeNéc, -éwc. Note the gloss doxahewc¢: dyav oxAnpdc ‘very hard’
(H.), wrong for doxedéwe?
*ETYM Mostly derived from » oxé)Aw ‘to dry up’, either with privative d- in the sense
of ‘not withered, soft’ (cf. mept-oxeArc ‘completely dried up, hard’), or with
copulative d- in the sense ‘dried up, hard’ (note the contradiction). The latter
meaning fits doxeAéc aiei, with the notion ‘obstinately’, but not « 463, where it seems
to mean ‘weak’.
aoxépa [f.] ‘winter shoe with fur lining’ (Hippon.). <PG?(v)>
eDIAL Ion. -n. Also in Attic inscr., SEG 13, 13: 148.
*DER Diminutive doxepioxoc [m.] (Hippon.).
*ETYM A loanword, but is it from Lydian (see Kretschmer Glotta 27 (1939): 37, O.
Masson 1962: 125) or a substrate word (it is also attested in Attic inscr.)? Fur.: 348
compares > doKapoL.
doKéw [v.] ‘to process raw materials, shape by art’ (I1.), ‘to exercise, train’ (Hdt.). <?>
eVAR Aor. doxijoat.
DIAL Myc. a-ke-ti-ri-ja /askétriai/, also a-ke-ti-ra., ‘workers’, of textile or wool?
*DER doxnote [f.] ‘(gymnastic) exercise’ (Hp.), ‘ascetism, way of life’ (Luc.); Goxnpia
[n.] ‘exercise’ (Hp., X.); doxeia (H.); deverbal doxn [f.] = doxnotc (Pl. Com.). Agent
nouns: doxntr¢ [m.] ‘skilled worker’, ‘athlete’ (Att.), ‘hermit’ (Ph.); doxntrp (Poet.
apud Gal. Protr. 13), fem. doxrtpia ‘nun’ (Cat. Cod. Astr.); doxntixdc [adj.]
‘industrious’ (Pl. Lg. 806a), ‘of an athlete’ (Ar.), ‘ascetic’ (from doxnti¢ or from
doxnotc, or even directly from doxéw).
eETYM The oldest meaning may be ‘to fashion material, embellish or refine it’. As
DELG remarks, it could be a denominative of dox6c, implying an original meaning
‘to prepare a skin’, but this remains uncertain.
aoxnOij¢ [adj.] ‘unhurt, unscathed’ (I1.). <?>
doKpa 151
*VAR doxnPéec = -Oeic (E 255), not doKebéec as per Eustathius (see Leumann 1950:
263).
*ETYM Presupposes a noun *oxf9o¢ [n.] ‘damage’, which has been connected with a
Germano-Celtic group: e.g. Go. skapis [n.] ‘damage’. However, the comparison is
impossible, as 8 does not match Gothic p.
aoxnpa [f.] - eid6¢ Tt TOV KactTaviwv ‘kind of chestnut’ (H.). <PG(V)>
eETYM Fur.: 131° compares Arm. kask ‘chestnut’; for alternation K/zero, cf. » G6d1E.
See » KdoTava.
AoKAnnidc [m.] hero, later god of medicine (Il.). < PG(V)>
eVAR Dor. -amdc.
*DIAL AiokAamids (Epid., Troiz.), AoyAamidg (Boeot.), AicxAatidc, Aokadamidc
(Thess.), Aoxadmtdcg (Gort.), AisyAaBtdc (on a bronze figure from Bologna with
Corinthian letters; see Kretschmer Glotta 30 (1943): 116), AyAamudc (Lac.),
AiyAamdc.
*DER doxAnmids [f.] name of a plant (Dsc); see Stroémberg 1940: 99. Patronymic
AoxAnmddns [m.] (Il.), AokAnmiddetog name of a metre (Heph.); AoxAnnisia
(-i5eta) [n.pl.] ‘festival for A.’ (Pl); AoxAnmtetov [n.] ‘temple for A’ (Plb., Str.);
AoxkAnmiakds (Aristid., Dam.); AoxAnmtaotai (-an-) [m.pl.] name of worshippers of
A. (Rhodos), cf. on Apteutoiactai s.v. Aptetic). doxAnmids [f.] plant name (Dsc.,
Gal.), cf. Strémberg 1940: 99.
*ETYM Szemerényi’s etymology (Szemerényi JHS 94 (1947): 155) from Hitt. assula-
‘well-being’ and pai-/pi- ‘to give’ cannot be correct, as it does not explain the velar.
The name is typical for Pre-Greek words: apart from minor variations (B/ 1, ad(a)/
da, k/ x/ y), we find a/ au (a well-known variation, see Fur.: 335-339) followed by
-yAam- or -oxAan-/ -oyAan/B-. To my mind, this goes back on a voiced velar without
-0-, or a voiceless velar with -o-. The -o- was probably palatalized and we must
reconstruct *(a)-s’klap-. As the group -oy- is rare in Greek, especially before another
consonant, the loss of -o- can be understood. The palatal character was sometimes
expressed as a preceding or following t (see on » éEaigvng, » eEanivns and » mivutdcG
beside » mvutéc).
Fur. 233f., 296 attempts to connect aiyAn and d&yAadc as found in the epithets of
Apollo AiyAntnc, Aoyedatac ‘the shining one’. However, this must be rejected, as
here there are no variants with aio- < as’ as in Asklepios.
aoxdc [m.] ‘animal skin, hide’, mostly ‘bag made of it’ (Il.). <?>
eDIAL akkdp: doKkdc. AdKwvec (H.).
*DER Diminutives doxiov (Hp., Crates Com.), doxidtov (Ar., Posidon.). doKitng (sc.
bdpwy) [m.] ‘dropsy, patient with this illness’ (Epicur.); doxwp1a ‘leather padding’, of
the hole which served for the rowlock (Ar.). Denominative verb doxwoato- nx8éoOn
‘was vexed’ (H.). See » doxwAta.
eETYM Unknown. Boeot. furnishes a PN faoxwvdac, but there is no trace of F- in
Homer. Not related to paoxwAog, as per Fur.: 241.
doxpa [f.]? - pic dxapmoc “tree without fruits’ (H.). <Lw Medit.>
152 doKvpov
*DER Note the place name ‘Aoxpa in Boeotia.
*ETYM Hubschmid 1953b: 83f. compares Basque azkdr ‘kind of oak’ and Lat. aesculus
‘id’, which suggests that it is a Mediterranean. word.
dokupov [n., m.] ‘St. John’s wort, Hypericum perforatum’ (Dsc.), also = dAtoua (Ps.-
Dsc.). See André 1956 s.v. ascyron. <PG(V)>
eVAR oxtpov (Nic. Th. 74).
*DER oxvupdaw [v.] ‘to go mad’, from eating a. (Nic.).
*ETYM The prothetic vowel points to a substrate word (Fur.: 373).
aoxwAta [n.pl.] festival for Dionysus (sch. Ar. PI. 1129). <?>
*DER GoxwAtalw [v.] (Ar. Pl. 1129), which acc. to the sch. means ‘to hop on greased
wine-skins at the a.’, whence doxwAtaopdc (Poll. 9, 121); elsewhere it means ‘to hop
on one leg; jump up and down with the legs held together’ (Arist.).
eETYM Chantraine 1933: 243f. derived doxwA- from doxdc ‘hide, bag, etc.” with a
suffix -(6)lo-, but given the different meaning, the connection with doxdc¢ must be
secondary. Better seems the comparison by Schulze 1892: 141? with oxwdofatitw ‘to
walk upon stilts’ (Epich.), dykwdiddev- GAAeoBat. Kpijtec ‘to jump (Cret.)’ (AB 1, 327,
5), and aykwAaCwv: ahrAdpEvoc TH Etépw Todi (H.). Schulze assumed that *doxwAoc
derives from *dév-oxwdog; likewise, DELG derived the forms in dykwA- from dva-
and »K@Aov ‘member’. However, it seems clear that the d- is a prothetic vowel.
oxwrofatiw itself is clearly derived from » ox@Aoc ‘pole’.
dopevos [adj.] ‘well-pleased, glad’ (Il.). <?>
*DER dopeviCw [v.] ‘to receive with joy, to be content’ (Plb.), dopeviouds ‘satisfaction’
(Ph.); dopevéw [v.] (Din.).
*ETYM An isolated participle, which has been interpreted as a sigmatic aorist *fad-o-
uevoc from the root of »avddavu, > jdopat, but note that the form has no aspiration.
Wackernagel 1897: 6 proposed connection with » véopat ‘to return’ as *4s-s-menos,
assuming an original meaning ‘safe’ (see DELG). Not compelling.
dgonavopat [v.] ‘to welcome kindly, greet’ (Il.). <?>
eVAR Aor. dondoacBat.
eDIAL Myc. PN a-pa-si-jo-jo, perhaps /Aspasioio/.
*DER Verbal nouns domaocpudc (Thgn.), domacpa (E., Ph.), donaotuc [f.] (Call.)
‘greeting, caress’. An old adjective is domdotoc ‘welcome, cheerful’ (Il.), after other
adjectives in -ovoc (Schwyzer: 466, Chantraine 1933: 41), cf. Pavpdotoc.
Verbal adjective domaotdc ‘welcome’ (Od.), donactikds ‘cheerful, friendly’ (Plb.).
On donakdCouat (Com. Adesp.), donaxwc pogpdvwe ‘friendly’ (H.) see Frisk 1934:
62ff.
*ETYM No etymology. Connection with » omdw in the sense of ‘to draw to onself has
been proposed, but then the 4- would have to be the Pre-Greek prothetic vowel.
Kretschmer Glotta 12 (1923): 189f. derives it from *av-omdfopau.
aoraipw [v.] ‘to pant, struggle, resist’ (Il.). <IE *h,sperH- ‘kick with the foot’>
VAR Only pres.; also omaipw (Arist.).
*DER dortapitw (Arist.), cf. doxapitw to » oxaipw.
GOTETOG 153
*ETYM The conviction that a- in domaipw is secondary (Frisk) has no basis; it does
not derive from dva- (Kretschmer KZ 33 (1895): 566, etc.). Rather, the form without
a- will be secondary (perhaps after the pair doxapifw : oxaipw?). ;
Related forms are Lith. spirit ‘to kick with the foot’, Skt. sphurdti ‘id’, Lat. spern6 ‘to
despise’, ON sperna, among others. Lubotsky 2006 reconstructs the verb as * TsperH-
‘to kick with the heel’ in view of the irregular correspondences in the anlaut. The
words may be old compounds of *pd- ‘foot’ and *per(H)- ‘to beat, kick’.
aondAaBoc [f., m.] name of several types of thorn-bush (Thgn.), see Dawkins JHS 56
(1936): 7. <PG2(S)>
*ETYM Solmsen 1909: 21 connected onadvooetal omapdooetal, Tapdooetat ‘to rip,
agitate’ (H.), opaddooewv: tépvetv, Kevtetv ‘to cut, sting’ (H.), etc. (see domdag), but
this is semantically unconvincing. It is rather a loanword (substrate?); the suffix -O0¢
often occurs in plant names, see André 1956: 234.
Alessio compares Lat. palla ‘genesta alba’ (Alessio RILomb. 74 (1940-1941): 737ff.,
Alessio Studi etruschi 15 (1941): 219. See also Fournier RPh. 1950: 172-176.
dgondAak, -axoc [m.] ‘mole, Sphalax typhus’ (Arist.), see Thompson Class. Rev. 32
(1918): off. <PG(V)>
VAR Also ondAak [m., f.] (Arist.), do@aAak [m.] (Babr.) and opdhak (Paus.).
*ETYM The suffix -a& in animal names is well known, e.g. kopak, oxvAak (Chantraine
1933: 378). The connection with a root *sp(h)el- ‘to split, tear off (Pok. 985) is hardly
credible. The variations (prothetic vowel, m/p) in combination with the suffix -ax-
virtually ascertain substrate origin. The synonym oxdAow may be a variant, or a
recent metathesis. » omdAa8pov ‘poker’ does not belong here.
dondXievc [m.] ‘fisher’ (Nic.). <PG?>
*VAR dondAouc: Tovc ix8vac. ASaudvec ‘fish (Athamanian)’ (H.). Cf. domadov:
oxvto< ‘skin, hide’ (H.) (unrelated?).
*DER domadia: tod ahtéwe Epyacia ‘trade of the fisherman’ (H.) for *domaMeia? Cf.
donadioa: adtedoat, oaynvedoat ‘fish, catch as in a net’ (AB 183).
*ETYM Cf. aMtevc. The etymology is unknown; the old comparison with Lat. squalus
name of a big fish, ON hvalr ‘whale’ must be forgotten. Rather a susbtrate word, with
Huber 1921: 21. DELG strangely doubts the connection of domahtevc¢ and donaloc.
donadov =oTtoAdc.
donmapayoc =do@apayoc.
domdotos =dondGouat.
domepxéc [adv.] ‘unceasingly’ (II.). <1 *sperg"- ‘hurry’>
*ETYM Derived from omépxw ‘to (be in a) hurry’, with copulative (intensive) a-; see
Chantraine 1933: 427.
donetos [adj.] ‘endless, immense’ (Il.). <IE *sek”- ‘say’>
154 gomdrs
eETYM From *n-sk”-eto-, literally ‘unspeakable’, a negative verbal adjective to évvénw
< PGr. *en-hek”-. The omission of *k”e > te in this word, which is probably due to
the preceding o-, has given rise to the name dometoc-rule.
aomdij¢ *ETYM A hapax in 6 domtdéoc¢ mediolo, which some read instead of 1d
omdéoc ttediovo. Doubtful; further details s.v. » omidtoc.
domos ~omthdc 1.
aortic 1, -ido¢ [f.] ‘shield’ (Il.), a round shield, as opposed to » cdxog, see Triimpy 1950:
2off. and LfgrE s.v. <IE *h,esp- ‘cut’?>
*DER Diminutive domiétov (Hermipp.), also as a plant (Dsc.), see Stromberg 1940: 55;
domdioxn and -ioxocg (LXX, inscr.), domdioxtov (inscr.), domédioxdpiov (Lyd.);
aomoti<¢ ‘warrior with shield’ (Il.), secondary aomotip (S., E.) and doniotwp (A.
Ag. 404 [lyr.]), see Chantraine 1933: 327 and 325f; domotiuxdc (D. H.). Further
aomditns (S. Fr.), probably after OmAit¢; more common domduotig (IL, Theocr.,
etc.), metrically conditioned in origin; domddetc ‘consisting of shields’ (Opp.).
domdeiov mg. uncertain (inscr., pap.); cf. forms in -eiov in Mayser 1906-1938, I: 3:
12ff.; note the gloss domdeia-: tag mtbxac TWV doTidwv Kai LLEpOs Tig VEWS TIPOG TH
mpvjtva ‘plates of shields, also a part of the ship near the stern’ (H.). Denominative
doniCw ‘to shield, protect’ (Lydia, H., Suid.).
*ETYM No remotely convincing suggestions have been made (see older litt. in Frisk)
until Melchert 2007: 253-8, who finds the root of CLuw., Hitt. hasp- in Lat. asper
‘rough, harsh’ and also in Gr. dontic, starting from an i-stem *h,esp-i-, with meaning
specialized to ‘skin, leather’, thence ‘shield’.
aortic 2, -idoc [f.] name of the Egyptian cobra, ‘Coluber haie’ (Hdt.). <GR>
eETYM Perhaps identical with » domtic 1, after the shield formed by the snake’s neck
when it attacks. Rather not a loanword.
domAnvov [n.] a plant (Dsc.). <GR>
eVAR Also -o¢ [m.].
*ETYM Perhaps from privative a- and omAnv: the plant would cure anthrax. Rather
not a loanword.
donpte [f.] kind of oak, ‘Quercus Cerris’ (Thphr.). <?>
*ETYM No etymology. It is not related to OHG aspa ‘asp’, as this originally had -ps-,
and the Greek -r- would remain unexplained.
Hubschmid 1953b: 98 compares Basque tsapa¢ ‘oak’, but this does not fit well.
dooa [n.pl.] indefinite pronoun, = tiv.
eVAR Att. Atta; Gooa, Att. tta = ativa. = tic.
donpos [adj.] ‘rough’ (Ael.). <Lw Lat.>
*ETYMA loan from Lat. asper. For the later history of the word, see DELG.
aotakds [m.] 1. ‘the smooth lobster’ (Philyll.), 2. “hollow of the ear’ (Poll.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Ootakdc (Aristom.), Attic acc. to Ath. 3, 105b.
HOTELS 155
*ETYM Often analyzed as a k-derivation of the word for ‘bone’ (Gr. dotéov, Skt. dsthi,
obl. asth(d)n-); so *h,esth,-y-kd-. However, this etymology dates from a time when
every Greek word had to be given an JE origin. The formation is unparallelled in
Greek, and the assimilation dota- < dota- is highly improbable. The comparison
with Skt. an-dstha-ka- ‘without bones’ (Frisk) is irrelevant: it is formed with a suffix
productive in that language; neither does MInd. atthi-taco ‘lobster’ < *asthi-tvacas-
‘with bony skin’ prove anything for Greek. ,
Rather, we are dealing with a substrate word, with variation d-/ 6-. See Fur.: 137. See
> doTpayados, » doTEOV, » GOTPAKOV.
aotaAn [f.] + moAvTOUG 6 Ev TH LuKTpt ‘excrescence in the nostril’ (1.), Eviot oKWANKA
ovpav éxovta ‘worm with a tail’ (2.) (H.). <?%>
*ETYM Fur.: 379 compares (1.) with GotAty— and dotAty— ‘anything curled’, which is
also used for the arms of the cuttle-fish. This cannot be substantiated. The etymology
of (2.) is completely unknown. Chantraine adduces dotadvCetv, but this must be a
mistake; see » dvaotahvlw.
aotavdys =doKavdne.
aotagic, -ido¢ [f.] “dried grapes, raisins’ (Hdt., IA, inscr. Tegea [V*]); otagic aypia
‘stavesacre, Delphinium Staphisagria’ (Hp.), see André 1956 s.v. pedicularia herba.
<PG(V)>
eVAR Also dotagic (Cratin.), otagic (Hp.).
*DER otagidtog (Hp.) and otagiditns (Orib.), of oivoc. Also otagidevtaiog (Hp.), as
if from *otagidevtiic or *otagidedw. Denominative verb otagiddw [v.] ‘to dry
grapes, produce raisins’ (Dsc., Gp.).
eETYM The formation reminds of xedpic, kegadic and other parts or products of
plants; the stem recalls » ctapvAn ‘grapes’. A typical substrate word, with prothetic
vowel and variation a/o-.
dotaxuc [m.] ‘ear of corn’ (II.), ‘bandage’ (Gal.). < PG(V)>
eVAR OTUs (Il.+), -bc¢ (E.); see PoTaxuUG.
*ETYM Previously connected with OHG stanga, stengil, etc. Undoubtedly a substrate
word in view of the prothetic vowel.
dotéAE@os [m.]?- TO nepi THv KIBdpav Sépya ‘the skin around the thorax’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Unknown. Fur.: 373 compares » otépq@oc ‘skin, etc.’, with variation p/A and
prothetic vowel. However, substrate origin is unlikely for the latter word, as it has a
decent Indo-European etymology.
aoteners [adj.] ‘firm, stiff (IL). <>
VAR dotenipewe [adv.] (Od.).
eETYM Unclear. The d- is assumed to be either copulative (“stamped tight”) or
privative (“unmoved, unshaken”, which is the meaning given by LSJ). This
presupposes a noun *otéygoc or a verb *otéL@w “to press, stamp’, but these are not
known in Greek (only > otéjigoc and » otéuiBw, with the wrong stop). Unrelated is
156 d&otEpoTtt]
>otéupvAa. Appurtenance to the PIE roots in Pok. (*steb’- 1012, *stem- 1021) is
difficult.
dotepon [f.] ‘lightning’ (Il.). <PG(v)>
eVAR More common is oteponn (Il); dotpanr (Hdt.); otpond: aotpanr. Maiot
‘lightning (Paphian)’ and otoprdv (cod. -tidv)- tv dotpamiy ‘id. (H.); Ztopmdoc
epithet of Zeus (Tegea). Note otpogat. dotpamati (H.).
*DER dotepomntiys, -obd [m.] epithet of Zeus (I1.), dotepomijta kepavvov (IG 14, 641)
after dpyijra kepavvov (Hom.); aotepomatog (Corn.).
From dotpanr: dotpantaiog (Arist.) and dotpdmocg (Orph.); dotpannddv
(Aristobul.). Denominative dotpdantw [v.] ‘to thunder’ (Il.), aor. dotpawai; late
dotpayic (Suid.) and dotpamtiKds (sch.).
A variant which occurs in poetry is otpamtw (S., A. R.), whence the back-formation
otpann (EM).
eETYM Mostly analyzed as a compound from dotnp ‘star’ and on- ‘eye’, meaning
‘star-eye’. For the semantics of the formation, Arm. p‘ayl-akn ‘lightning’ is compared
(p‘ayl ‘glow, splendour’ and akn ‘eye’), as well as Arm. areg-akn ‘sun’ (arew ‘sun’ and
akn). However, ‘glow, splendour’ is not the same as ‘star’ and, more importantly, the
variants otepomr and dotpamn cannot be explained in this way (also note m/g in
otpogn). Also, if dotpdmtw is not a very recent formation, one would expect
*4otpacow from the IE pre-form, as DELG points out. The word must therefore
belong to the substrate layer, as Kuiper and Furnée already saw. See Beekes MSS 48
(1987): 15-20.
dotnvos [adj.] ‘miserable’ (Call.), acc. to EM 159, 11 napa TO un otdotv 11nd’ olknotv
éxelv. <GR?>
eVAR Remarkable is the athematic plural in dotijvec: tadainwpol, Svotvxeic
‘distressed, unfortunate’ (H.).
eDER Denominative dotnvet: dévvatet ‘is unable’ (H.).
*ETYM The gloss of EM is clearly a guess. Possibly from privative a- and the second
member of » d0otHvoc.
aotHp, -Epoc [m.] ‘star’ (I].). <1E *h,ster- ‘star’>
VAR Plur. mostly dotpa, whence secondary sg. dotpov.
*DER Diminutives: dotepioxog (Call., Thphr.), adotepicxiov (Apollon.); aotnpidtov
‘star-like ornament’ (pap.).
Adjectives: dotepdetc ‘starry’ (Il.); dotepwtdc ‘id.’ (inscr. III*); dotéptog ‘star-like’
(Arat., Call.), ntr. dotépiov, which is also found as a plant name (Crateuas); see
Strémberg 1940: 48, 50; doteptatos ‘like a star’ (Cleom.); dotepikds ‘belonging to the
stars’ (Theol. Ar.), dotepwdng (sch.).
Substantives: dotepiac fish and bird name (Philyll., Arist.), cf. Stromberg 1943: 28,
Thompson 1895: 57; dotepitng, of Ai80c, name of a mythical stone (Ptol. Heph.), fem.
dotepitic plant name (Ps.-Apul.).
From the zero grade in dotpa (Gotpov): dotpiov ‘star-like ornament’ (inscr.);
dotp@ocg ‘starred, of the stars’ (AP, Phlp.); dotpikdc¢ “belonging to the stars’
(Philostr.); dotpatosg ‘starred’ (Nonn.).
adoTpayahoc 157
Rare denominatives: dotepi{w [v.] ‘to arrange in constellations’ (Hipparch.);
aotepdw [v.] ‘to change into stars, provide with stars’ (Placit., sch.).
eETYM The reconstruction of the word for ‘star’ is straightforward: hysterodynamic
nom. *h,stér, acc. *h,ster-m, gen. *h,str-os, seen in Hitt. hasterza /hstert’/, Arm. astt,
Olr. ser < *h,ster-h,, Go. stairno << *h,ster-no-, ToB scirye, Av. star-am [acc.sg.], Skt.
tarah [nom.pl.] (the absence of the s- is unexplained), stf-bhih [instr.pl.]; Lat. stella <
*stér-ld or rather *stél-na.
> dotepomt, etc. do not belong here. The connection with PIE *h,eh,s- ‘to burn’
seems quite probable; Sumerian-Babylonian origin (Jstar “Venus’), on the other
hand, is highly improbable in view of the initial laryngeal. On the internal derivation
of the word, see most recently Pinault 2007: 271-279.
dotAty—§ >doTAtyé.
GOTOG =AOTDV.
aotpapda [adv.]? mg. unknown; used with dopKkdotv mailerv (Hdt. 3, 64). <2>
eVAR Accent unknown.
*ETYM Formation like xptpda, xvpda, ptySa (Schwyzer: 626), of unknown
etymology.
aotpapn [f.] ‘comfortable saddle for an ass or a mule’ (Lys.), see RE 4, 1792. <PG(V)>
eVAR On dotpamnv (Anon. in Rh. 8, 668) see below. Note Lat. astrama = oavic,
bronddtov (gloss. II 22, 15, see RE), where the -m- for -b- may point to (Pre-Greek)
substrate origin.
*ETYM Connection with »dotpafrjc ‘steadfast’ (as per DELG) is improbable.
Neumann Inc. ling. 1 (1974): 103-8 connects Hitt. asatar ‘seat’ (from as- ‘to sit’), but
-ba- is rare in Hittite. Fur: 143 mentions dotpdmnv (-annv trad.), referring to
Sturtevant Class. Phil. 6 (1911): 208. Variation aB/am is well-known in substrate
words (Fur.: 107), so it may well be a Pre-Greek word. This analysis is rejected
without good reason by Neumann (who points to other words in -Ba/oc, but these
are probably loanwords too).
aotpaBiis, -éc [adj.] ‘straight, steadfast, rigid’ (Pi. Hp., Pl.). <GR>
*DER dotpaBadilev: Opariterv, evOvverv ‘to make even or level, direct’ (H.).
dotpaBiotip. dpyavov tt Wc Siomtpov ‘an instrument, as that for seeing through’
*ETYM Commonly assumed to belong to » otpaBdc ‘squinting’, » otpeBAdc ‘twisted,
crooked’, etc., with privative a-.
aotpayados [m.] ‘one of the neck vertebrae; anklebone; knuckle-bones (used as dice);
dice’ (Il.). Also a plant, see DELG Supp. < PG(v)>
eVAR GotpayaAn [f.] ‘id’ (Anacr.), otpayahoc (Vita Aesop. (G) 69, see LSJ Supp.).
*DER dotpayadwtdc (LidaoTt€) “(whip) made from a.’ (Crates Com.), dotpayahwtt} a
plant (Philum.); see Schwyzer: 503, Chantraine 1933: 305. :
dotpaydaXetoc ‘covering the ankles, talaris’ (Aq.), dotpayahitic ‘kind of iris’ (Gal.),
dotpayaXivos ‘bull finch’ (Dionys.). Deriominative dotpayaditw [v.] ‘to play with 4.’
158 aotpahdc
(com. Pl.), whence dotpaydadtotc ‘dicing’ (Arist.), dotpayaktoti¢ “dice player’
(com.), dotpayaktotiKdéc [adj.] (Eust.). Hypocoristic dotpic [f.] = dotpdyahoc
(Call.); with the hypocoristic suffix -y- also Gotptxoc¢ [m.] (Antiph.), see Schwyzer:
498.
*ETYM Generally considered to be a derivation in -A- (Chantraine 1933: 247) of the
inherited word for ‘bone’ (see » dotéov). The same etymology is often assumed for
> dotaKkds and » dotpakov, » Sotpetov, but this cannot be correct. There is no good
explanation for the -y-. Therefore, it is probably a substrate word (Beekes 1969: 51).
aotpadds [m.] - 6 yapdc bn Oettarwv ‘starling (Thess.)’ (H.). <Lw?>
*ETYM Closely resembles words for ‘tern’ and ‘starling’, like Lat. sturnus, OHG stara
[f.], etc. However, the reconstruction *dotpyAdc, assumed by Schwyzer (see Frisk), is
improbable. A much simpler solution is to assume independent suffixes -no- and
-lo-. Although we may mechanically reconstruct *h,str-lo- for Greek and *h,stor-no-
for the European branches, it is more likely that the word is non-IE. See Thompson
1895 S.V.
dotpanh -dotepomt.
Atpetc [m.] father of Agamemnon, son of Pelops, etc. (II.).
*ETYM West Glotta 77 (1999): 262-266 remarks that the form in -evc is extremely rare
(the nom. in Homer only in B 106, while ’Atpéoc vidc occurs 11 times). The name
was interpreted as Gtpeotoc ‘undaunted’. West supposes that the name may have
had Atpe(h)- followed by -iac (there is a variant Atpéac) or by -iwv (Atpeiwv occurs
as a patronymic). This possible form explains the Hittite name Attar(i)ssiia-,
mentioned as a man from Ahhijaua- = Achaea. This name may represent *Atepo.ac
or *Atpeotac: a man with the same or a related name.
GOTPIC «VAR GOTPLXOG. = doTpayadoc.
dotv [n.] ‘town’ (II.). <1E *ueh,stu- ‘town’>
eVAR Att. -ewe, Ion. -€oc.
*DIAL Myc. wa-tu /wastu/, Boeot. faotioc [gen.]; Myc. wa-tu-o-ko /wastuok*os/, Arc.
Faootvox6 [gen.].
*DER doTiKéc “of a town’ (A., etc.), which could also be derived from dotdc (see
below); sometimes dotuxk6c after dot; dotetoc ‘id.’, also “fine, polite’ (Att., Arist.),
whence dotetdtn¢ (Vett. Val.), dotetoovwn (Lib.), denominative dotei{ouct [v.] (Str.,
J.), doteiopdcg (Demetr. Eloc., D. H.), dotéiopa (Tz.); further dotetebouat (sch.).
Curious formation in dotupov “(small) town’ (Call., Nic.). dotéc¢ [m.] ‘citizen’ (Il.) <
*aotfoc, Thess. Factfoc; thence dotiog = dotikds (inscr. Crete, Stymphalos, Delos).
aotitis [m.] ‘fellow citizen’ (S.) after nodit1¢.
*ETYM Gotu < Faotv resembles Skt. vastu [n.] ‘residence, abode’ (younger vastu [n.]
‘place, thing”), Messap. vastei [dat.] and ToA wast, ToB ost ‘house’. Together with
dotv, this requires ablauting *ueh,stu-, *uh,steu, the latter form being generalized in
dotv (see Beekes IF 93 (1988): 24). The root shape implies that the word cannot
belong to Skt. vdsati ‘to dwell, live’, Gr. aor. » deca ‘to spend the night’, Hitt. huis-7
‘to live’. Recently, some scholars have therefore assumed metathesis of *h,us- to
dopapayoc 2 159
*uh,s-, either restricted to Greek or in PIE (see litt. in Balles 2007: 17, especially Neri
KZ 118 (2005 [2006]): 208°”), but this does not convince. It is not probable either that
the group of dotv is related to Lat. vastus ‘desolate’, OHG wuosti ‘barren’, Olr. fas
‘empty’, which rather belong to the root *h,ueh,- ‘to lack, disappear’.
aotvA dle Savactadvlw.
aovpres [adj.] ‘lewd, filthy’ (Hdt. 4, 51). «GR?
eETYM Uncertain. Perhaps copulative a- and *ovpoc, which would be an old verbal
noun to > opw ‘to drag, sweep’, with the same semantic shift as in otppa, ovppetdc
‘refuse, litter’.
aoven [f.] kind of kacia ‘cinnamon’ (Peripl. M. Rubr. 12, Dsc. 1, 13). <LW>
eVAR doverwv (v.1.).
eETYM Unknown loanword, see André 1956 s.v. asufi.
aovonrog [adj.] uncertain, ‘headstrong, insulting’ or ‘foolish’ (Il.)? <PG?(v)>
*ETYM The scholion on Ven. A and Bechtel 1914 connect co@dc, with privative a-.
For the vocalism, Zicvgocg and céavgoc: mavodpyoc (H.) are compared. Fur.: 337
further compares the gloss aicvgtoc: Setvdc, wevdijc, amatewv ‘awesome, deceptive,
treacherous’ (H.), -o¢ (Cyr.), which seems to fit well. In view of the interchange at-/
a-, substrate origin is more probable than the traditional etymology.
dogadtosg [f.,m.] ‘asphalt, bitumen’ (Hdt.). <PG?>
eVARAIso -ov [n.].
*DER do@aAtiov ‘treacle clover, Psoralea bituminosa’ (Dsc.), named after the smell
(see Strémberg 1940: 62); do@aAtitic ‘bituminous’ (Str.), of B@Aog, etc; dopadTwdr¢
‘like a.’ (Arist., Str.), whence dcgaAtwdevouat [v.] ‘to cover with a’,
Denominative verb dco@aXtdéw ‘to smear with a.’ (LXX), whence dopadtwots (Suid.);
daopaAtiCw [v.] ‘to smell like a.’ (Dsc.).
eETYM Generally taken as a negated verbal adjective of opddAeoOu, under the
assumption that it denoted the material that protects walls from tumbling down
(opad\eo8at). For the ‘causative’ meaning of the verbal adjective one compares
aue8votos; still, this semantic point makes the etymology weak. It is rather a
substrate word. Diels KZ 47 (1916): 207ff. noted that sources occur everywhere in the
Greek world, e.g. on Zakynthos and near Dyrrhachium.
aopapayos 1 [m.] ‘throat, gullet’ (X 328, Plu.). <PG(S,v)>
*VAR o*apayyos (opapayoc Latte) Bpdyxoc, tpdxnroc, Aatwdc, wopoc ‘windpipe,
neck, throat, noise’ (H.); = papvy§ (Apion apud Phot.).
*ETYM Fur.: 227 connects pdpayé, -yyoc ‘gorge’ and compares opdpayyec (codd. -éc)
sine expl. (H.). The combination of the variations and the suffix -ay-/-ayy-
(prenasalization) proves substrate origin. He further compares pdpayot oi
andKprvot téro1 ‘overhanging places’ (H.), which seems improbable to me.
dopapayos 2 [m.] ‘asparagus, young shoots’ (Cratin.). < PG(V)>
eVAR Also domdpayos (com., Thphr., Plb., etc. [not given separately by LSJ]).
160 aopddedoc
*DER dogapayia ‘rootstock of the asparagus’ (Thphr.) and dogapaywvia ‘wreath of
asparagus (Plu.), cf. Bouwvia, podwvia.
eETYM The word has been compared with »ogapayéouat ‘to burst with a noise,
teem’, but it is rather a substrate word, as is made probable by the variation 1/9.
da6deXoc [m.] ‘asphodel, Asphodelus ramosa’ (Hes.). <PG(V)>
eVAR Also opddedog (H.), opodeddg (Ar.); omo0dedc (vl. acc. to Hdn. Gr. 2, 152).
eDER dogodehdc ‘grown with a. (Od.), on the accent see Schwyzer: 420;
aopodedwdneg ‘like a.’ (Thphr.), dapodéAtvog ‘made of a.’ (Luc.).
eETYM A substrate word, as is shown by the variants. Fur.: 288 further compares
ogovdtX(ejlov, omovdtAiov “Heracleum sphondylium’, which would show
prenasalization. A speculative attempt by Biraud 1993: 35-46, who finds the same
suffix in otvgeddc, Capeos, paxedosg, etc.
doxardw [v.] ‘to be distressed, grieved’ (Il, Archil, E.). <?>
eVAR GoxdAAw (Od., IA) is more usual; fut. doyadei (A. Prom. 764).
eETYM Commonly derived from *&cayahog ‘who cannot hold himself, with privative
a- and the root of oxeiv, to which a suffix -ado- would have been added. Highly
doubtful.
*dhoxédiov - Tpaxv, Kpijtec ‘rough (Cretan)’ (H.). =aoyéAtov.
aoxéd5wpoc [m.] ‘wild boar’ in Magna Graecia (A. Fr. 191). <?>
*ETYM Kretschmer KZ 36 (1900): 267f. proposed a Doric form *av-oxe-dopF-o¢ ‘who
resists the lance’, which would originally be an epithet. Comparable formations are
Hev-éyxn¢, pev-aixtnc. Possible at best.
aoxétov - tpaxv, Kpfitec ‘rough (Cretan)’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Latte notes: “non coharens ideoque asperum”, and corrects to doyédtov.
DELG connects the corrected form with oxed-6v and yw (which may be what Latte
meant). However, Latte’s correction is too uncertain to be printed in the edition of
Hesychius.
aoxiov [n.] ‘puffball, Lycoperdon giganteum’ (Thphr.). <?>
eETYM Unknown. Semitic etymology in Lewy 1895: 31.
doxv [n.] ‘inspissated juice of the fruit of the bird cherry (Prunus Padus)’, used by the
Scythians (Hdt. 4, 23). <LW Iran.>
*ETYM See the note ad loc. in the edition of Legrand.
Gowtos eVAR dowtia. = owdc.
ata =ovc.
ataPvpitns [adj.] scil. dptoc, a kind of bread from Rhodes (Sopat.). <GR>
eETYM Cf. AtaBupia: 1 “Péddo0c¢ maAau (H.) and the mountain “AtaBupiov. The suffix
-itn¢ is common for kinds of bread, cf. Redard 1949: 88.
atadAavtos >tdAavtov.
aTELpr|s 161
atadoe [adj.] ‘tender, delicate’ (II].). <PG?(v)>
*DER Denominative verb ata\dw (pres. only) ‘to skip in childish glee’, trans. ‘to
bring up (a child) (11); 4téApata-: naiywa ‘toys’ (H.). With internal reduplication
(Schwyzer: 648) atitéhAw ‘to rear, tend’ (Il), aor. atitnAa; atitaAtac ‘foster father’
(Gortyn).
eETYM Extensive discussion in DELG. Leumann Glotta 15 (1927): 153ff. (also
Leumann 1950: 139ff.) derives atahdéc from the expression atada ppovéwv, which
arose by reanalysis of dtahappovéwv. This is based on dtaddgpwv, and this again is
the negation of taAdppwv. Although it explains the compositional vowel a, the
whole analysis is too complicated. Derivation from atta (Benveniste 1969(2): 85ff.)
seems improbable too. What remains is an adjective dtaddc of unknown origin, with
a verb that means ‘to treat tenderly’. Fur.: 262 compares daAat- véat kai dnadai and
concludes that it is a substrate word. This is quite probable.
a&radvupvos [f.] = koxxvpnréa, ‘plum tree’ (Nic.). <PG(S)>
*ETYM Unknown, but no doubt a substrate word (suffix -vpvoc).
atap [adv.]? ‘nevertheless, but’ (I].). <GR>
eETYM A combination of *h,et = Lat. at ‘but’ (also in Go. appan ‘but’) and > dp (s.v.
> dpa). Cf. » abtdp and Ruijgh 1957: 43ff.
a&tapBaxtos [adj.] ‘fearless’ (Pi, B.). <PG?, ?>
eETYM A privative verbal adjective, which presupposes an unattested *tapBdcow or
*tapBalw that would belong to tapBoc, » tappéw, see Fur.: 219. Cf. dtapyvKtoc
(Euph., Nic.) to » tappvoow ‘to scare’ (Lyc.). See » tapBoc.
ATAPTLTOG *VAR AtapTdc. = Atpamdc, AtTpamitdc.
ataptnpos [adj.] ‘mischievous, baneful’ (Il.), mg. not quite certain. <?>
*DER Ataptatat PAdntEt, Tove, AvteEt ‘hinders, labors, grieves’ (H.).
eETYM Unknown. Stiirmer IF 47 (1929): 299 assumes a pre-form *d&taptoc
‘unfatiguing’, comparing » dtépapvoc and »teipw. This is impossible because the
roots concerned are dissyllabic (*terh,- ‘to pierce’, *terh,- ‘to overcome’).
ataoBadog [adj.] ‘reckless, wicked’ (Il, Aeol.). <?>
*DER dtaoGahiat (always plur. in Hom.), sing. -in, -ia (Hes., Hdt., Pi.); atacOdAAwv
[pres.ptc.] (Od.).
eETYM Unexplained. As DELG remarks, connection with dt is impossible as the
latter has long d-. The gloss from Hesychius &n6 tod taic dtaic Od)Aetv is clearly a
folk etymology. The proposal by Frisk Eranos 31 (1933): 21ff. to posit *4-Oapotog =
Skt. d-dhrsta- ‘irresistable’, to 84poos, is a desparate attempt. See also Fur: 379.
atetprs [adj.] ‘indestructible, stubborn, hard’ (Il.). <?>
*ETYM Mostly connected with » teipw ‘to tire’, Lat. ter6 ‘to rub’, in which case the
proposal by Bechtel 1914 s.v. to posit *atepf-rc (with the *-u- of tépv) makes some
sense. Improbable is the proposal by Wackernagel 1897: 14ff., who assumed *atepo-
1¢ to » tépoopat and an original meaning ‘not dried up, fresh’.
162 atéubw
atéuBw [v.] ‘to maltreat’, med. ‘to be bereft of (Il.), also ‘to revile’ (A. R.) by a false
interpretation of @ 312, acc. to Leumann 1950: 33. <?>
eVAR Only pres.
*DER GtéUBtoc: UELipoipos ‘criticizing’ (EM).
eETYM Unknown. Traditionally connected with Skt. dabhnoti ‘to damage’ < *d'eb'.,
but aspiration is not lost after nasal in Greek (Schwyzer: 333).
atevijs, -éc [adj.] ‘tense, fixed, attentive’ (Hes.). <IE? *ten- ‘draw, stretch’>
DER &tevilw [v.] ‘to stare’ (Hp.), dtewopdc (Thphr.) and atéwotc (Paul. Aeg.).
*ETYM Perhaps ‘with tension’, if derived from a substantive *tévog [n.] = Lat. tenus
[n.] ‘cord’ with copulative a- (and Ionic psilosis), from the root of » teivw.
dtep [prep.] ‘without, far from’ (Il.). <1E *sv-ter, *snHu, *snHi ‘without’>
*DER Gitep8e(v), Aeol. dtepBa ‘id. (Pi, A. and S. [lyr.]); andatepBev, also as adv. (I1.).
*ETYM A psilotic form (perhaps Aeolic) from *atép, identical with OHG suntar
‘separated, but’ < PIE *sy-tér. There was also a form *snH(e)u giving Greek » dvev
and remade in Skt. sanu-tdr ‘separate from, far away’ (cf. Av. hanara). Again
differently formed are ToA sve, ToB snai ‘without’, Lat. sine ‘id’ < *seni, Olr. sain
‘particular, different’. However, these words require a laryngeal (*snH-), which is
impossible for dtep. This is problematic, but remains unsolved to date (in spite of
Meier-Briigger Glotta 66 (1988): 137-141). The suggestion by Nikolaev 2007: 165 that
adtep continues *h,n-ter is unacceptable, in view of the problems this creates for
> dvev (which he derives from *h,n-eu). The fact that the word is psilotic shows that
it is a poetic (epic and Ionic) word.
atépavos [adj.] ‘hard, stubborn, merciless’ (Od.). <IE? *terh,- ‘overcome’>
eVAR Athematic dtepduwv ‘id. (Ar.).
*DER dtepau via (Hp.), atepauvotns (Thphr.), atepapvwdng (Gal.).
eETYM Analyzed as a privative formation to a noun *tépapia, from the root of
>teipw, »tépryv, which implies an original meaning ‘without weakness’. This is
semantically a bit strained, and worse, there is no evidence for *h, in this root
(*terh,-). It seems more natural to connect *terh,- ‘to overcome’, as found in Hitt.
tarra-"*") ‘to be able’, Skt. tirdte ‘to overcome’. There is also an adjective » tepduwv,
but Frisk and Chantraine think that it may be secondarily derived from atépapvoc.
atEepos >EtEpos.
atéwv [ptc.] unknown, ‘mad’ vel sim. (Il.). <?>
eVAR citéet (Call. fr. 633).
*ETYM Connection with dt (Bechtel 1914) seems impossible because there the d- is
long. It has therefore been proposed to read Y 332 as dtéovta with synizesis, or even
as a(F)atéovta.
arn [f.] ‘damage, guilt, blindness, dazzlement’ (II.), ‘penalty, fine’ (Gortyn). <?>
eCOMP dv-atos, dm-atoc (Gortyn).
atuny, -Evoc 163
*DER dt1pdc ‘blinded, bringing disaster’ (Thgn., A.), atypia (Pl. Com., X.); ataopat
(afatdopat; see below) ‘to suffer or sustain damage’ (S., E.), ‘to lose a suit, be fined’
(Gortyn, Gytheion).
*ETYM As appears from avdta (Alc.) and denominative dfataétat (Gytheion), at
derives from *aFaty. Note ayatao8at (= afa-)- BAdntecBat ‘to be damaged’ (H.).
The a- is long except in Archil. 73 (where it is possible to read Gyn, see Page
Entretiens Hardt 10 (1964): 110), and in A. Ag. 131 (where Hermann reads aya).
*araty is a verbal noun to *dfa-oat (see » daw), which could mechanically derive
from PIE *h,ueh,-. Fur. 234 compares dfaty with andaty (interchange f/m). Cf.
DELG Supp. s.v. »ddw on the parallellism with Hitt. wastul ‘fault’, which is
semantically very neat - but this does not prove that there is an etymological relation
with dt.
atHMEArts —TrpEdréw.
atiCw [v.] ‘not to heed, to despise’ (Il). <GR>
eVAR Aor. atio(o)au.
*ETYM Formation in -({)(w to the stem of > tiw; cf. the synonym ovk dAeyilw.
aritadAAw =dtadd0oc.
atiw [v.] ‘to dishonor’ (Thgn. 621, Orph. L. 62). <GR>
*ETYM Incidental formation, antithetic to »tiw after the pattern of tydw : dtidw
(which derives from a&twoc, but has been reshaped after tyndw). Cf. the older form
> atilw.
‘AtAac, -avtog [m.] ‘Atlas’ (Od.), name of the god who carries the pillars of heaven.
<PG>
eDER AtAavtic [f.] (Hes.), among other things the name of a mythical island,
plausibly interpreted as Minoan Crete (Castleden 1998); thence AtAavtixdc (E.) and
AtXdvtetog (Critias).
eETYM Originally the name of an Arcadian mountain god; the name was transferred
to the mountain chain in Western Africa, see Solmsen 1909: 24.
The old interpretation is that the word is built from copulative a- and the root *telh,-
of tAfjvat, and that it was later reshaped to an nt-stem (cf. AtAdyevéwv Hes. Op.
383). The name of the African mountain is also compared with Berber ddrar
‘mountain’ (Steinhauser Glotta 25 (1936): 229ff.). Brandenstein Arch. Orbis 17:1
(1949): 69ff. plausibly suggested folk-etymological reshaping of Berb. ddrar.
The assumption of initial *sy- is clearly a desperate guess. It cannot to be expected
that this ancient Titan carries an Indo-European name; moreover, Pre-Greek words
often end in -ant-. See Beekes Glotta 73 (1995-1996): 12’.
atv, -Evocg [m.] ‘servant, slave’ (Call.). <PG(v)>
eVAR GtpEevoc [m.] (Archil. POxu. 8, 1087 column 2, 38, Call. fr. 538), also as an
adjective = dovAtkdc (H.). :
164 ATLLOG
*DER ctpevic female servant’ (EM); also ddevidec (EM), after Stiwc? atpevia
‘slavery’ (Man., AP), dtp1évoc ‘laborious’ (Nic.); denominative dtp1ebw (Nic.), for
*atplevevw.
*ETYM The variation t/5 points to a substrate word. Fur.: 179 (also 95) adduces
Aatpeveia: SovAgia (H.); other instances of \-/zero are found ibid. 392.
a&tp6¢ [m.] ‘steam, vapor, odor’ (A.). <?>
eVAR atu [f.] ‘id? (Hes.).
*DER attic [f.] ‘steam’ (Hdt., Pl. Arist.), whence atpidwdr (Arist.) and atpuddopct
[v.] ‘to be changed into steam’ (Arist.). Also atptwdnj¢ (Arist, Thphr.), atpitw [v.] ‘to
steam, evaporate’ (S., X., Arist.), which may also derive from attic.
*ETYM Contracted from dettdc, cf. the glosses detpLdv- TO mvedpLAa ‘wind’, deta:
pAok ‘flame’ (H.)? Compared with » drut, and further with » ait}, but the vocalism
is unexplained. DELG points to the difference in meaning with dru (see Solmsen
1901: 271f.). Not to Skt. dtmdan- ‘soul’, OHG atum ‘breath’ < *h,eh,t-m-.
datos =.atoc.
atpakic =atpaKtoc.
atpaxtog [m., f.] ‘spindle’ (Hdt.), also ‘arrow’ (S., A. fr. 139); Laconian acc. to Th. 4,
40. <PG(V)>
eVAR Gdpaktos (H., gloss.), see LSJ Supp.
*DER Diminutive atpdxtiov (Epic. anon. in Arch. Pap. 7, 9, fr. 10; POxy. 14, 1740, 2).
atpaxtvA(A)ic, -id0c ‘spindle-thistle, Carthamus lanatus’ (Arist. Thphr., Theoc.),
atpaxic kind of thistle (Gal.), see Stromberg 1940: 105.
eETYM The connection with Lat. torqued, tpémw and Myc. to-ro-qe-jo-me-no
/trok”eiomenos/, etc. is impossible in view of the -x-; moreover, the a- would remain
unexplained.
It is rather a loan from the substrate; this may find support in ddpaxtog and atpaxic,
if the variation K/kt is old and not due to simplification. Skt. tarku- has formerly
been compared, but it derives from tark- ‘to turn’ and is unrelated.
atpands [f.] ‘(foot)path’ (Hdt.). <PG?(v), EUR?>
eVAR Gtapmoc (Il.), dtapmtds (Il), atpamitds (Od.) after aprakitdc (s.v. > Gudea);
atpanrtdc (AB 460).
eETYM Often taken as copulative a- and the verbal root tpam- seen in » tpaméw ‘to
tread (grapes)’, the o-grade of which is seen in tpoméovto- é7tdtovv ‘were treading’
(H.). Possible, though the formation is strange (cf. the doubts in DELG). It is rather
a substrate word, of which the interchange ap/pa could also be an indication. In IE
words with this variation, one of the variants is analogical, but this seems impossible
here: the root has a full grade II tpem-, so we cannot understand the vocalization
-ap-. Ru. tropd ‘id’ (Fraenkel 1956a: 104) could point to a European substrate word
(cf. Beekes 2000).
atpagakus, -voc [f.] ‘orach, Atriplex rosea (Hp.). <PG(V)>
aTTayac, -a 165
eVAR ddpdqakuc (ddp-), avdpdag~akus, dtpdaattc, cf. Hdn. Gr. 1, 539; 2, 49; 467 and
Stromberg 1940: 160.
*ETYM Clearly a substrate word, as is shown by the variants 6/t, the prenasalization
and perhaps the interchange v/t. Folk etymology (after ddpdc, avip) does not
explain all the variants. See Fur.: 179, etc. Lat. atriplex is a loan from Greek (Frisk)
rather than a parallel borrowing (as suggested by André 1956 s.v.).
atpexigs [adj.] ‘exact, precise’ (II.); see Luther 1935: 43ff.; Leumann 1950: 304f. <?>
eVAR Homer has only adverbial atpexéc and atpexéwe.
*DER dtpéxela “what exactly happened, truth’ (Hdt., Pi.), Ion. also -ein (-in);
atpeKkotTi)¢ ‘id.’ (sch.). Denominative verb atpexéw [v.] ‘to be sure, etc.’ (E. fr. 315).
eETYM Unknown. The analysis as a compound of privative a- and an s-stem *tpéko<c,
in the sense ‘undistorted’, finds no further support: connection with the root of Lat.
torque6 is impossible, because a reflex of the labiovelar would be lacking.
ATPEMA eVAR ATPELAG. > TpELLW.
atpomavrats [adj.] uncertain (IG 5(1), 278 [Lacon. I?]). <GR>
*DER Also mpatomavraic.,
*ETYM Kretschmer Glotta 3 (1911): 269f. (also Kretschmer Glotta 18 (1930): 211) reads
adpondtimaic = ‘the ripe mdyimaic. Szemerényi Gnomon 43 (1971): 658 objects that a
boy cannot be ddpic if he is in his 5th year (LSJ Supp.) of state education (at the age
of 12). He convincingly interprets the first element as ‘second’ (dtepoc), see
Szemerényi 1964: 271.
atpbvyetog [adj.] uncertain (Il.), epithet of the sea and the aether. «iE? *trug- ‘dry’>
*ETYM In antiquity connected with » tpvydw and interpreted as ‘unfruitful’, but this
is formally not easy. Vine 1998: 62-64 proposes *y-trug-eto- ‘un-dry-able’, cf.
étpvyev- éEnpavOn and tpvyntoc = Enpacia. This is quite possible. Leukart 1986
analyzed it as intensive a- and tp¥{w, assuming the sense ‘strongly murmuring’; this
is less probable.
atta 1 [m.voc.] ‘father’ (Il.). <1£ atta ‘father’>
eVAR Gittetv [acc.] ‘grandfather’ (Thespiae).
eDIAL Thess. acc. to Eust. 777, 54, used to address one’s foster father.
eETYM A nursery word which is found in several IE languages, and may be inherited:
Lat. atta inflected Hitt. atta-, Go. atta, gen. -ins, etc; suffixed OCS otoc». See also
> anTa.
QttTa2 =Tivda. eVAR Atta = ativa. = tic.
attapvydas =attaydac.
attayac, -a [m.] kind of partridge, ‘francolin, Tetrao francolinus’ (Ar.). See
Thompson 1895 s.v. <PG?(S)>
*VAR ATTayryy, -fvoc (Arist.), which is the scientific form; also attayr\c, -€0c (Opp.);
without a-: taynv = attayryv (Suid.).
166 aTTaKNG, -Ov
*DER Diminutive attaynvapiov (gramm.), Taynvaplov (Suid.). Fish name attayivoc
(Dorio apud Ath, ms. -etvéc), perhaps after the color (Strémberg 1943: 120), but see
Lacroix Ant. class. 6 (1937): 295.
eETYM On the formation see Chantraine 1933: 31 and 167, Bjérck 1950: 63 and 272,
Stromberg 1944: 45, also Hubschmid 1963: 119. Unexplained; it is called
onomatopoeic (after the cry) by Ael. N. A. 4, 42. It could be a substrate word (note
the suffix -nv, for which see Fur.: 172%). On the variant without prothetic vowel, see
Fur.: 374.
attaxKnyc, -ov [m.] ‘kind of locust’ (LXX). <Lw>
eVAR Also &ttaktc (LXX), dttakog [m.] (Aristeas, Ph.).
eETYM Probably a loanword, but from the orient, or from the substrate? See Gil
Fernandez 1959: 238. Cf. » attéhaBoc.
attadiouat [v.] -TAava@pat. UceAol ‘to cause to wander (Sicilian) (H.). <?>
eETYM Acc. to Lobeck 1843: 147 it is a denominative of dtaddc; this remains
hypothetical.
a&ttava [n.pl.] - trhyava. kai mAakodc 6 éw adtav oKevatdpevosc ‘frying-pan; flat cake
which is prepared on it’ (H.). <Lw>
*DER Diminutive attavidec: mAaxodvtec, EvOpumtot ‘flat cakes, sops’ (H.). Further
attavitns ‘a cake’, beside tnyavitns (Hippon.) and taynvitns (Ath.), see Redard
1949: 87f.
*ETYM Unknown. Because of the form in Hippon., Kretschmer Glotta 11 (1921): 282f.
supposed that the word was Anatolian, see O. Masson 1962: 119. Ernout 1946: 28 =
Ernout BSL 30 (1930): 92 compares Lat. atena, adtanus, atanuuium, atanulus, cups
for religious service, which he considers to be Etruscan (but the Greek words are not
cups).
a&ttapayos [m.] ‘crumb, morsel of bread’ (Ath., Call.), 10 €AdxtoTtov. of 5é Tac Emi TOV
dptwv prvktaivac, oi dé tac Kadkoupévac wiyac ‘blisters on cakes or loafs of wheat-
bread; morsels’ (H.). <PG?>
eETYM Certainly a loanword, possibly Pre-Greek.
attapupa [n.]? - mda, odgiopa Kpntixov ‘drink, Cretan device’ (H.). <GR>
eETYM Brown 1985: 35 thinks odgiopa should be understood in the sense ‘invention,
specialty’. He derives attdpyta from the place name Antapa (with Cretan
assimilation). Like Latte, he considers a mistake for *attapikd.
attéAaBog [m.] an edible locust (Hdt.). <PG(s)>
eVAR aittéAeBoc (LXX), cf. atteAeBd@Oadttoc (Eub.); also Thess. PN AttedePet[oc],
at(t)eAeBaia Masson Mus. Helv. 43 (1986): 486. Also attehdBn: axpidac “locusts?
*ETYM Clearly a substrate word (note -Boc). Semitic etymology by Lewy 1895: 17’;
Stromberg 1944: 16 reckoned with Egyptian origin.
attyydc [m.] ‘male goat’ (Magnesia Mae. [II*]; Eust. ad t 222). <Lw Anat>
abyr 167
*ETYM Acc. to Eust., dttnydc was used by certain Ionians; Arnobius 5, 6 calls the
word attagus ‘hircus’ Phrygian. So probably an Anatolian loan.
Attikdc, AtOic [adj.] ‘Attic’. <PG(v)>
eVAR Also AtOixdg (IG 47(1), 104), A®ixdg (IG 47(1), 102). Fem. ArOic ‘Attic’,
especially the land ‘Attica’.
*ETYM Derived from the same source as the name of Athens, displaying 0, geminated
10, and unaspirated tt, which are typical Pre-Greek variants. See » AOijvau.
a&ttopat [v.] ‘to set the warp in the loom, ie. start the web’ (Hermipp. 2). <IE *h,et-
‘stick, pierce’>
*DER dopa ‘warp’ (AB), cf. diaopa (Call., etc.) from dtaGopat = Attopat (Nicophon),
see below. Cf. dttecBat- Sialeo8at otrypova (H.).
eETYM &ttopat derives from *&t-1opou; St-dCouatmust be analogal after verbs in -Cw.
Bechtel 1914: 130f. connected » ftptov. The connection with Alb. end, ind ‘to set the
warp in the loom’ (for which Klingenschmitt 1982: 113° reconstructs *h,nt-ie-) is
impossible, as *h,nt- gave Greek *davt- (in spite of Nikolaev’s recent attempt,
Nikolaev 2005).
Van Beek (p.c.) proposes to connect Hitt. hatt-") ‘to pierce, prick’ and reconstruct
*h,et-ie/o- for dttopat. In Greek, the verb was restricted in its meaning to weaving;
cf. also » &aottc, which may derive from *-h,et-ti-. The development of meaning is
trivial; compare MoE stitch beside stick (into), and MoDu. insteken ‘to insert’ (in
knitting).
a&tbfopat [v.] ‘to be frightened, amazed, terrified’ (II.). < PIE *h.tug- ‘be terrified’>
VAR Aor. pass. atvyGeic, later atbCw, aor. atvEat.
*DER Gtulnrds ‘terrible’ (A. R.).
eETYM The comparison wirh Hitt. hatuki- ‘terrible’ and Skt. tujydte ‘to be seized by
panic’ (the usual mg. of Skt. tuj- is ‘to push, set in motion’) convinces both formally
and semantically.
av [adv.] ‘again, on the other hand, on the contrary’ (Il.). <IE *h,eu ‘away, again’>
eDER As a prefix in » abydttelv.
eETYM To Lat. au- in au-fugi6, etc., Lith. au-, OCS u- ‘away from’, further to Skt. dva
‘down’. It is frequently found in adverbs and particles, e.g. adte (abtap), adtic, adtiV
(adtixa), ad61, adOic, ab8e, and in the pronoun » abtéc. Cf. Osc. auti = Lat. aut, and
Lat. autem.
avaivw «VAR abaléoc. = aboc.
avdayny [f.] = avavti, Enpavtikt) vocos, atrophy’ (Hp. gloss. XIX 86, 18 K) [not in LSJ].
<GR>
*ETYM Concatenation of atog ‘dry’ (avaivw, avavtr), and a second element, cf.
xopdayrdc ‘disease in the great guts’. Connection with dntw ‘to fasten’ may be
doubted. ‘
aby} [f.] ‘light, glow, ray of light’, e.g. of the sun (Il). <1E? *h,eug- ‘shine’>
*COMP On pedavavyre, etc., see DELG.
168 addr
DER avbyretc ‘clear-sighted’ (Nic.), abyitys (AiBoc) name of a precious stone (Plin.);
avyitic plant name = dvayaddXic i Dotvici (Ps.-Dsc.), see Redard 1949: 67, 70 and
Stromberg 1940: 25).
Denominative verbs: 1. abydCojtat (-4¢w) ‘to see clearly, lighten, shine upon’ (IL,
poet., LXX), verbal nouns atyaowa (LXX) and abyaoptds (Placit.); abydoteipa
‘lightening’ (Orph.). 2. avyéw [v.] ‘to illuminate’ (LXX).
Note atyoc (H.) as an explanation of hwc; Abyd [f.] name of a bitch (X.) is probably
a term of endearment.
eETYM Probably an old verbal noun, cf. Alb. ag ‘dawn’ < *h,eug-, see Demiraj 1997.
Perhaps further to OCS jugs ‘South, south wind’. Connection with the root *h,eug-
‘to increase, grow strong’ seems plausible, in view of the limited distribution of the
words meaning ‘light’.
avdn [f.] “Chuman) voice, sound, speech’ (Il.). <IE *h,ued- “‘speak’>
°VAR *ovdrjecoa is a suggestion of Aristotle for avdémecoa, meant as ‘émttyetoc’; on
this see Beekes Sprache 18 (1972): 127f.
*DER avdietc ‘with (human) voice’ (Il.); denominative verb avddw, aor. avdicat
‘talk, speak, speak to’ (l.). (Chantraine’s opposition of a god(dess) with a human
voice, language as opposed to the language of the gods is wrong. It means ‘having a
voice [to speak with]’, which may be ‘human’ or ‘beautiful’ as the context requires;
see Beekes, Lc. 128 n.3.)
*ETYM Mostly derived from a root *h,ued- that is assumed for > deidw, and with
lengthened grade for 4(F)6-wv. An o-grade *h,uod- is assumed for the name ‘Hoi-
(F)odo¢ and in Fodév (written yoddév)- yéryta ‘sorcerer’, FoSav (written y-)- KAaietv
‘to weep’ (H.), but DELG considers the glosses unreliable. Note that this would
presuppose the Saussure Effect (loss of the initial laryngeal before o-grade of the
root), which is not certain (see Van Beek 2009). The problem with this whole
account is that an alternation *h,u-ed- beside *h,u-ei-d is suspicious, and that a long
vowel in *h,u-éd- is not very probable either.
There has also been discussion whether *h,ud- gave 06- (Beekes) or avéd- (Peters
1980a: 65ff., 72). The zero grade is seen in » bdéw, cf. Bapdc < *h,id'-. Outside Greek,
a root *(h,)ued(H)- is found in Skt. vddati ‘speak’, ptc. uditd- and in OCS vaditi. A
root-final laryngeal is improbable, as we would then expect aspiration of the stop in
Sanskrit. Hitt. uttar ‘word, thing, story, reason, etc.’ is probably unrelated, while Lith.
isg. vadintt ‘to call, name’ points to *-d'- on account of Winter’s Law. See » ddwv,
> ovdrjecoa.
aveptw —épvu.
avbadn¢, -ec [adj] ‘conceited, presumptuous, arrogant’ (Hdt.). <GR>
*DER Thence av0adeta ‘conceit, presumption’ (Att., Hell.), also -ia; abOadtkdc (Ar.).
Denominative av8aditouai [v.] ‘to be presumptuous, etc. (Pl. Them.), av0adioj.a
(A.); also av8adiaCopsat (J.) ‘id’.
eETYM From *avto-Fadng, a compound of adtéc and the root of adeiv < *swad- with
crasis. A contracted Ionic form avtwd1 is given by A. D. Pron. 74, 9 and H. See
> avddvu.
addr 169
av8évtyc¢, -ov [m.] ‘author, perpetrator’, also ‘murderer’ (Hdt.). «IE *senH- ‘win,
accomplish’>
*DER Only late, eg. fem. av0évtpia = kupia (Lydia); avOevtia ‘dictatorship’ (LXX,
pap.); ab0evtikds ‘authentic, correct, etc.’ (pap.), etc.
*ETYM The forms avdto-évtne¢ (S.) and ovvévtnc: ovvepydc ‘working together’ (H.)
point to earlier *évtng, the full grade of the root of &viw ‘to accomplish’, combined
with abtdéc. The root is anit from forms where the laryngeal was lost before vowel,
acc. to Rikov Orpheus 4 (1994): 63-66. On the later history of the word see DELG.
av [adv.] ‘right here, there, immediately’ (IL); later contaminated with abOtc ‘again’
(Call.). <GR>
*ETYM Probably, av@t arose from avtd6t by haplology (Meillet MSL 20 (1920): 106f.).
Att. ab@ic and Rhegin. avOtv seem to be conflations of adOi and abtic/ abtiv (see
Schwyzer: 629); on -c and -v see Schwyzer: 610f.
aviaxot in N 41-2 pAoyl toot dodréec Fé OvEAAH || ABpoptor adiayxor <2
*ETYM Acc. to Frisk, Aeolic for *da-Fifayot (Schwyzer: 224) which would belong to
iaxn < *Flfaxn. Acc. to Aristarchus, d- is copulative or intensive: ‘shouting intensely’;
acc. to Apion and Hesychius it contains privative 4-, meaning ‘without a sound’; less
probable. The application of Bpdpoc to fire, wind, etc. is found more often. See
Pr idxw.
avidetoc [adj.] ‘invisible’, in dvidétov: dpavotc, dopatov (H.). <IE *uid- ‘see’>
eETYM Probably from *y-uid-eto-, where *-etd- has potential value. Vine 1998: 33-35
argues for the interpretation of Myc. o-wi-de-ta-i as a dat.pl. /owideta'i/ ‘to the
invisible deities (of the nether world?) < *y-uid-eto-.
abAak =dAok.
avAH [f.] ‘open court, courtyard’ (since I1.). <1 *h,eus-leh,>
eVAR Another formation in avdAtc, acc. -tv, gen. -5o¢ [f.] ‘night camp (in open air)
(I.).
*COMP dypaviog ‘who passes the night outside’ (II.); tavAoc (Od.).
*DER avAelog ‘of the courtyard’ (Od.), after Epketoc; adAaiog (LXX) is rare and late,
substantivized as avAaia [f.] ‘curtain’ (Hyp., Thphr.), also adAeia (Andania); adAtov
[n.] ‘cottage, fold, cave’ (h. Merc.); abAtog [adj.] ‘belonging to the abAn or abdtov (A.
R.); avddia: Emavdic fH 1 pikpa abAn (AB 463); addAiKdc ‘of the court’ (Plb., Phld.).
Diminutive avdiiétov (Thphr.). abddityg (abvAntns H.) ‘farm servant’ (S., A. R.).
abAddec (API), of vita, cf. kprywiddec.
Denominative verb avAifouat [v.] ‘to lie in the courtyard, camp (in the open), pass
the night’ (IA), late verbal nouns avAtotc (Ael.), abAtouds (Sm., H.), avAtopa (sch.);
abAtotipiov (Herm., Aq.).
eETYM avaAn, avAtc are derivations of the root of > iabw, » deca ‘to spend the night’,
which is also seen in Arm. aw-t‘ ‘place to spend the night’ and aganim ‘to spend the
night’. The formation in -l- has also been supposed in ToB aulare, ToA olar
‘companion’, if from *h,eu-I(e)h,- + -ro-.
170 avAnpa
As remarked by Clackson 1994: 104ff. (already Peters 1980a: 30f.), all Greek forms
may derive from *h,eus-l-. Clackson sees no reason to assume a separate root *h,eu-
just for Armenian, and assumes old Schwebeablaut *h,eus- ~ *h,ues-.
avAnpa ~etAnpa.
abhig avn.
abvAdc [m.] ‘hollow tube, pipe, flute’ (II.); also “cow-bane, Cicuta virosa’ (Ps.-Plu.). <1E
*h,eu-l- ‘tube’>
*DER Diminutive adAioKxoc (Thgn., Hp., S., Arist.), abAidtov (Alex. Trall.).
avAwv [m., f.] “defile, glen, etc.’ (Hdt.); on -wv, see Chantraine 1933:164; diminutive
athwvioKxos [m.] (Thphr.), avAwvddec (Opp.), of vipeat, cf. addrddec to >» abAn),
Av\wvets epithet of Dionysus (Attica), abAwvitw (H.). abAwtdc ‘provided with
pipes’ (A.).
Denominative verb av\éw [v.] ‘to blow (a flute)’ (Alcm.), abAnotc ‘flute-playing’ (Pl.
Arist.), avAnpta ‘piece of music for the flute’ (Pl. Ar.); adAnti¢ ‘flutist’ (IA) and
avAntip (Ion.) ‘flute-player’, fem. avAntpic (IA), whence diminutive abAntpidtov
(Theopomp. Hist.), also avArtpia (D. L.); abAntixds [adj.] “concerning the flute or
flutist’ (PL. Arist.), from avAntis or from addéw, abdAdc. TN abAntiptov (H.) and
avAntnpia: adrA@v OrjKn ‘place for storing flutes’ (H.).
avdE (cod. addi&)- prey ‘blood-vessel’ (H.), cf. xOME ‘guts, bowels’. On the mg. of
avbA@mc, epithet of the helmet (l.), see Trimpy 1950: 44. Also abAwniac a kind of
tunny(?), perhaps = avOiac (Thompson 1947: 20)?
eETYM Several cognates with a suffix -l- are found, e.g. Lith. aiilas [m.] ‘leg of a boot’,
MoNw. (dial.) aul ‘hollow stalk of Angelica’, Lat. alvus ‘belly, cavity, etc.’ (with
metathesis). Hitt. auli- [c.] ‘tube-shaped organ in the neck’ < *h,ouli-, OPr. aulis
‘shin. The words adduced all denote hollow or tube-like objects. The
correspondences avAdc : Lith. aiilas, kavAdc : Lith. kdulas < *keh,u-ld- are
noteworthy, see Giintert 1914: 154. See » Evavdoc,
abdvoc =Badvoc.
avéw [v.] ‘to increase, strengthen, magnify; grow’ (Il.). <1E *h.eug-, *h,ueg-s- ‘grow >
eVAR aétw (IL), avbavw (Ion-Att.), ad&ivw (Aesop.), aor. avkijoat, late deFjoat
(Nonnos). It is unfortunate that at&w and av&dvw are not treated separately in LSJ.
*DER Action nouns abvé¬c (1A), avénoia (Hdt.), abEnpia (Hp., E.), avén (PL), adkic
(H., vl. in Pl. Phlb. 42d) ‘increase, growth’. Agent noun av&nti¢ [m.] ‘booster,
promotor’ (Orph.), Av&w name of a goddess of growth (Paus., Poll.).
avékic, -iSo¢ [f.] ‘young of the tunny’ (Phryn. Com.,, Arist., Nic.), see Strémberg 1943:
127, either from av&w or avén.
Adjectives: av&qtikdc ‘increasing, furthering’ (Hp., Arist.), at&ytoc ‘id’ (Hp. A.),
uncertain av&npdc (Nic.). .
eETYM Derived from the PIE root *h,uegs-, where the -s- is probably presentic in
origin. *h,ueg- is found in Gm. (e.g. Go. wahsjan), Skt. vaksdyati ‘to make grow’, Av.
vaxs- ‘id.’
avpa 171
A root *h,eug-, without -s-, is found in Lat. augeo ‘to increase (tr.)’, Go. aukan, Lith.
dugti ‘to grow’; the zero grade in Skt. ugrd- [adj.] ‘big, strong’. An s-stem is found in
Lat. augur ‘prophet’, Skt. djas- {n.] ‘strength’, enlarged in Lat. augustus ‘venerable’.
With -s-, *h,eugs- is found in ToB auks- ‘to grow (intr.)’. Zero grade *ug-s- is found
in Skt. pres. ptc. uksant-, med. uksdmana-, and Av. pres. uxSiieiti ‘grows’.
The conclusion to be drawn from all these forms is that *h,eug- and *h,ueg-s- are old,
where the full grade slot changed in the latter because of the root structure. The same
phenomenon is found in &\xn < *h,elk- beside déEw < *h,lek-s-.
avog [adj.] “dry (Il). <1E *h,s-us- ‘dry’>
eDIAL Att. adoc.
*DER Abstract avétng [f.] ‘drought’ (Arist.); abovr (Archil., A. [lyr.], Herod.), cf.
kahAovi, Hdovij (Chantraine 1933: 207).
abahéog ‘dry (Hes., poet.) like aQad€éoc etc; adnpdc (AP), cf. avotnpdc; also abodv:
Enpov ‘dry’ (H.) with a suffix -s- like in puodc, yavods, etc. (Chantraine 1933: 454).
On avotahéoc, abotnpds, see below.
Denominative verb avaivw [v.] ‘to dry’, also abaivw (compounded with am-, ag-,
kat-, ka0-avaivw); thence avavoicg ‘drying, dehydration’ (Arist.), avaopdc ‘id.’
(Hp.); adavtr name of a disease ‘dehydration’ (Hp.).
A primary verb seems to be implied by the gloss atw: Enpaivw ‘dry up’ (Hdn.),
which finds support in dgavet (Ar. Eq. 394), unnecessarily corrected in dpavei by
Solmsen 1901: 277, and perhaps in mpocaton (S. Ant. 619). It may be denominative,
however (Schwyzer: 723). Thence avotc (EM).
Two adjectives with related mg.: avotadéocg ‘dried up’ (Od.), cf. avadéoc; and
avotnpds ‘harsh’ (Hp.) presuppose a verbal adj. *abotoc; but cf. the synonym
KavoTeElpa.
*ETYM avoc, avdog is cognate with Lith. saiisas, OCS suxe, OE séar all ‘dry’. Skt. Sosa-
[m.] ‘drying’, assimilated from *sosa-, is secondary. Uncertain is the appurtenance of
Alb. than ‘dry’, see Demiraj 1997 s.v. Forms pointing to *sus- are Skt. stiska- = Av.
huska-, OP uska- ‘dry’, perhaps also Lat. sidus ‘dry, bright’ < *suzd- (but see De
Vaan 2008 s.v.). From *sus-, verbs like Skt. suisyati, Latv. sust “to become dry’ are
derived.
Lubotsky KZ 98 (1985): 1-10 argues that the Greek form goes back on *h,sus-. This
root shape is found in avotadéog, which has five syllables. Lubotsky further analyzes
avog as a perfect ptc. of *h,es- ‘to be dry’ (not ‘to burn, glow’), as seen in G(w and in
Lat. dred. The reconstruction of the root has altered slightly: Lat. is from *h,eh,s-, and
Gr. lw < *h,ed-ie/o-, but this does not affect the analysis, as a zero grade *h,h,s- is
simplified to *h,s-. Balto-Slavic and Germanic are derived from *h,sous- with
secondary o-grade. In this way, the awkward reconstruction *saus- with PIE *a can
be avoided.
Doubtful criticism on Lubotsky by Berg and Lindeman Glotta 70 (1992): 181-196,
based on the reconstruction of a proto-hexameter; they end with assuming IE *a,
and a prothetic vowel of non-laryngeal origin, etc. See » abyytdc.
aipa [f.] usually ‘breeze, fresh air’ (€ 469, etc., poet.), but see below.
172 avpl
*ETYM Kiparsky Lang. 43 (1967): 619, 626 connects » drjp < *h,eus-ér, showing that
aitpa still clearly means ‘morning mist’ in € 469.
avpt [adj.] - taxéwe ‘quickly’ (AB 464). <?>
*COMP avpt-Batdac ‘walking quickly’ (A. fr. 280), in the gloss avpiBatac: AisybAoc to
avpi (ms. avdptov) émi tod taxéwe TiONOL, Kai 6 adTOG Pvyootacia obtwWE roi TO
dvopa (fr. 207 M) tayvBrwv (H.).
*ETYM adpipatacs derives from atpt Baiverv (Brvat), with the suffix -t¢. Etymology
unknown. Perhaps the compound contained atpt ‘early in the morning’ (see
> avptov) and was later misunderstood. Cf. » avpoi.
aiptov [adv.] ‘tomorrow’ (Il). <IE *h,eus-r- ‘dawn’>
DER avpitetv: pryobv Kai TO eic abpiov bmeptiBecBat ‘be cold or shiver; defer until
tomorrow’ (H.).
eETYM Derived from *avpt, the old locative of an r-stem also found in Lith. ausra
‘dawn’, Skt. usra- [f.] ‘morning’, and, within Greek, in » dp (see on » wc) and > tpl.
The same stem is also found in dyy-avpoc (vue) ‘near the morning’ (A. R. 4, 111),
perhaps for earlier *ayxavptoc, which itself would derive from the expression dyyt
Tic avplov.
avpoi [?] - Aayoi [ioavpot] ‘hares’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM Perhaps related to atpt- tayéwe (H.). Acc. to Keil Herm. 23 (1888): 317 and
Latte Glotta 32 (1953): 41f. we should read avpoi (= aBpoi): Aay<v>oi. Doubtful.
abpooxadc, -addoc >dapacyddec.
avotos >adtoc.
avotadéos eVAR avotnpds. = avoc.
abtap =atdp, ad.
abTEW eVAR AUTH. > abw 1.
abtika [adv.] ‘immediately’ (Il.). <GR>
*ETYM For the ending cf. tyvika, tvika, méKa, Ska, etc; for the first element see at,
abtiv, and especially avtéc. Cf. éavtij¢ ‘id’ (Thgn.) from é avtij¢ tij¢ 6500
(Wackernagel 1916: 41*). See Monteil 1963: 296.
Git 1} [f.] “breath; scent’ (Il.). <1E *h,seut- ‘seethe’>
eCOMP vijutpos < *u-h,sut-mo-.
eDER Also dtp rv, -Evoc [m.] (¥ 765, y 289).
*ETYM Fritz KZ 106 (1993): 288-299 solved the problem by connecting OHG siodan
‘sieden’, reconstructing *h,seut-. Greek dit- is from *h,sut-; the o-grade *h,sout- is
found in Go. saups ‘sacrifice’; Fritz also gives a discussion of the semantics. Not to
deta: pAdE or detLdv- TO 1tvedpLa (H.), nor to » atud¢ ‘steam, vapor’.
avtodtov [adv.] probably ‘immediately’ (only 8 449). <IE *dieu- ‘light of day’>
adyéw 173
*ETYM In antiquity, interpreted as €& avdtij¢ tic 0500 é€XBdvta. Schulze KZ 29 (1888):
258 supposed *avtd-dtfov, derived from the root *dieu- (Lat. diés, » Zevc),
comparing avdt-jap ‘on the same day’, and Skt. sa-divah ‘at once’. Quite possible.
abtokaBdaroc [adj.] ‘improvised, extempore’ (Arist.); also subst. plur. ‘buffoons,
improvisers’ (Eup.). <PG(v)>
*ETYM Fur.: 316 compares kavahdc: Lwpoddyos (not to Lyd. xatne ‘priest’, as per
Latte), with interchange B5/ B/ fF. The group -f6- is almost certainly of substrate
origin. To my mind, the word is cognate with KdBaAo<, etc. (see Kuiper 1956: 215),
Fur.: 237.
abtoKpdtwp, -opos [m., f.] ‘one’s own master, independent’, = Lat. imperator (Th.).
<GRPE
*ETYM For older *adtoxpatig after the agent nouns in -twp.
avtopatos, (-1)), -ov [adj.] ‘spontaneous, automatic, of one’s own accord’ (Il.). <IE
*mn-to- ‘thought’>
eETYM Formed of attdc and the zero grade of the root of »péuova, péuapev,
puévoc. The second member -patocg agrees with the second element of Lat.
commentus and with Skt. matd-, Lith. miyitas ‘thought’, etc. Cf. Chantraine 1933:
303f., Schwyzer: 502f.
abtoc [pron.] ‘self (Il.), 6 adtdc ‘the same’; in the oblique cases also as an anaphorical
pronoun of the 3rd person. <IE *h,eu ‘again’ + *to- ‘that’>
eCOMP Very many compounds; cf. Sommer 1948: 83ff., 153ff. and DELG s.v. See
P KACLyVI]TOG, & AdTASLOV, b AUTSLATOS.
*DER avtitis (sc. oivoc) ‘local wine(?)’, see Redard 1949: 96; also ‘all alone’ (Arist.,
hapax); avdtotr¢ [f.] ‘identity’ (S. E.), tabtétig [f.] “id” (Arist.). Denominative verbs:
Tavtdopat ‘to become identified’ (Dam., Procl.), tavtitw [v.] ‘to use as a synonym’
(Procl., Eust.).
aistwe [adv.] ‘just like, like it was, merely, etc.’ (for the accent see Schwyzer: 384);
avotosg ‘idle, in vain’ (Ibykos) reminds of adt6patoc.
See further > abtdOt, > adtiKa.
*ETYM Risch 1937: 312 derives it from *ab tév. On Go. aups, aupeis, MoHG de, etc.
see Mezger KZ 82 (1968): 288ff.
abyattetv [v.] - dvaxwpetv kai TO éupévetv éyxattetv ‘to go back’ (H.). <GR>
DIAL Doric
*ETYM The forms are Cretan, with -yattew standing for yaferv (Buck 1955: 71). It is
supposed that av-, as a prefix, corresponds with Lat. au- (e.g. auferd), Lith. au-, Slav.
u-. See > av.
abyxéw [v.] ‘to boast’ (Hdt.). <2>
*COMP kEeve-avxii¢ ‘idle boasting’ (II.).
*DER abynua ‘boasting’ (Pi. S., Th.), whence abynpatiac ‘boaster’ (sch., Eust.) and
abynpatikds (Eust.); abynots ‘id.’ (Th., Aq.); back-formation abxn ‘boasting, pride’
(Pi.), adyav- KabynoLv ‘boasting’ (H.), wrong Giintert 1914: 153f.; abyrjet¢ (Opp., AP);
174 avyxtyy, -Evoc
abyog ‘id. (sch.). abyadéoc [adj.] ‘boasting, proud’ (Xenoph., H.), cf. 8apoadéoc to
OBdpoos, Sapoeiv); abynzrc [m.] ‘boaster’ (Poll.), adynttKkdc ‘boasting’ (sch.).
*ETYM Unrelated to » etxouou, which goes back on a root *h,ueg”"-. Adontz 1937: 10
derived the word from Pm avyrjv, assuming an original sense ‘to keep one’s neck
proudly’; unconvincing formally as well as’ semantically. On Oettinger’s connection
with Hitt. huek-* / huk- ‘to conjure, treat by incantation’ is followed with due
hesitation by Kloekhorst 2008 s.v., as formal (*h,ug'- > Gr. bx-) as well as semantic
objections can be made against it. Discussion in Peters 1980a: 18ff.
Fur.: 391 considers non-IE origin, connecting » kavydopat with interchange «-/zero.
Probably from a Pre-Greek uvular, see Pre-Greek.
avxr|v, -Evoc [m.] ‘neck, throat; isthmus’ (Il.). <1E? *h,emg'-u- ‘narrowness’>
eVAR Aeol. acc. dttpeva (Theoc. 30. 28), adenv in Jo. Gramm. Comp. 3, 16 is very
doubtful, cf. Solmsen 1909: 118%. Further d&ipnv- adytiy, tTpdxnAog ‘neck, throat’ (H.);
also dur: adAry ‘id.’ (H.).
*DER abyxéviog ‘of the neck’ (Od.), diminutive adyéviov (An. Ox., Eust.), abyeviac
[m.] ‘provided with bull’s necks’ (gloss.). Denominative verb adxeviCw [v.] ‘to cut the
throat’ (S.), ‘to bind by the throat’ (Ph., Hippiatr.), whence adyeviotnp [m.] (Lyc.,
Hippiatr.).
eETYM The variants dugnv and abyrv are generally assumed to reflect *amg""-én
with assimilatory loss of nasality in abyrv (Pisani Ric. ling. 1 (1950): 182f., most
recently Pronk fthc.a). The Greek words are then derived from the IE u-stem
adjective reflected in Skt. amhu-, OCS gzoks, Go. aggwus ‘narrow’, which derive
from the root *h,emg"-, see » &yyw. One further connects Arm. awji-k‘ [pl.] ‘neck’,
with a similar assimilation of the nasal to the following labiovelar, which is a
controversial development (see Clackson 1994: 107ff.).
Alternatively, the variants may show that the word is Pre-Greek. Variation
labial/velar, however, is rare (Fur.: 388, @/ywplaidc, but cf. yépupa/ Bépupa); also
a/av is rare; [/F occurs mostly before n or intervocalically (Fur.: 242-247).
Therefore, I think we must compare the type dagvn / Savxva-, which Fur.: 229-233
explains as showing variation labial/r. In my opinion, these forms had a labiovelar
*g! which either gave g (in Aeolic) or -vx- with anticipation of the labial element
(see Pre-Greek). So we have *ag-nv beside av-xrv; Gug-nv then shows the well-
known prenasalization.
The Armenian form does not prove IE origin, as it can be a loan from an Anatolian
language, cf. yépupa - kamurj (Beekes Glotta 78 (2004)).
abxuds [m.] ‘drought; squalor’ (Hp.). <GR>
*DER adxtnpdc ‘dry, dirty’ (Hp; Chantraine 1933: 232f.), whence rare abstracts
aAvdXLNPSTNG, abytnpia, adxLNnpwdnyco; abypiwdnco ‘id. (Hdt., E, Arist.). Hapax
avdypnets (h. Hom. 19, 6); adxpiadéoc (Choeril., Amynt.), after dGadéoc etc.
Denominative avyéw [v.] ‘to be dry, dirty’ (Od., IA), also adypdw. adypiwotc ‘dirt’
(Gal. 16, 88) is probably an enlargement of abdytldc. Late by-form avdytu} [f.] (Q. S.,
Phryn.).
APALLOTAL 175
eETYM A compound of matog ‘dry and -yl- from the word for earth (see > y8wv),
see Pronk fthc.a. A similar formation may be preserved in veo-y,1-dc ‘new’, see
Wackernagel KZ 33 (1895): 1f.
atw 1 [v.] ‘to cry aloud, call’ (IL.). < ?>
VAR The v is long everywhere. Ipf. ave (dissyllabic), mostly aor. dioa, fut. dtow.
*DER ditt ‘(battle) cry’ (cf. Triimpy 1950: 153ff.), Corcyr. afuta, with attéw = abw
(il.), only pres. except for late nitnoa (Nonn., Epigr. Gr.); aitéw can either be
denominative from dit or deverbative from atw (Schwyzer: 7o5f.). Also avovi
‘shouting’ (Semon. 7, 20).
eETYM The word may be onomatopoeic, but nothing more can be said. Specht KZ 59
(1932): 121 mentioned dba: tpoxdc 7 Bor (H.).
avw 2 [v.] ‘to get a light, light a fire’ (e 490). On the mg. Borthwick Class. Quart. 63
(1969): 296. <IE *h,eus- ‘scoop, take’.>
*DIAL Myc. pu-ra-u-to-ro /puraustr6/ [du.], Evavov- vec, Kbrptot ‘put in(to) [ipv.]’
(H.).
*COMP évabw ‘to kindle’ (Hdt.), med. ‘to scoop fire’ (IA); évavoua ‘spark, etc.’ (Hell.)
and évavotc (Plu. Cim. 10), also of drawing water; éatdoat- éeXeiv ‘to take out’ (H.,
Pl. Com.), whence éavotip ‘fire-tongs, xpedypa’ (A. inscr.); Katatdoar-
KatavtAfjoa (cod. katavAfjoat), katadioa ‘to pour down, go down’ (H.); also
Ka8abdoat- apavicai ‘to hide’ (H.).
Uncertain are katavoeic (Alcm. 95) and npooatoy (S. Ant. 619 [lyr.]).
Further nupavotne [m.] ‘moth that gets singed in a candle’ (A.), nupavotpa [f.] ‘pair
of fire-tongs’, n0pavotpov [n.] ‘id’ (Herod.), cod. tripactpov; all from mip avetv
(see the Myc. form above). With analogical loss of o: yorvattic: oivox6n ‘vessel (for
pouring wine) (H.).
*ETYM atw may be from *h,eus-e/o- or from *h,eus-ie/o-; most Greek forms show
psilosis. IE cognates are ON ausa ‘to scoop’ < *ausanan and Lat. hauri6 ‘to scoop’
(with hypercorrect h-). The predominant connection with fire seems to be a
secondary development of Greek. See » d~voow.
abw 3 =iavw.
atw 4 =aboc.
apadia [f.] ‘enmity’ (Eup. 34). <GR>
*DER d~adog ‘displeasing, odious’ (EM) and agdéiog ‘id.’ (Hdn.).
*ETYM Derivations from adgavédavw, apadetv (Od.); see » avddvw.
agaxn [f.] ‘vetch, Vicia angustifolia’ (Pherecr.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Ggakoc (Schwyzer 1950: 30).
eETYM Dsc. and Galen think it comes from gaxdc ‘lentil’. The suggestion by Fur.: 373
is attractive: he takes a- as a prothetic vowel and considers the word to be a substrate
word (note the change of inflection -o¢ : -1n). Likewise Pisani Paideia 11 (1956): 296.
agpaui@tat [m.pl.] slaves in Crete (Str.). Also dgayu@tat oikéto aypoikot ‘rural
household slaves’ (H.). <GR>
176 apap
*ETYM Literally, ‘those in a state of dgapia (= agnptia)’ who have no gun. Cf.
agnpobvtac: dypoikous (H.).
aap [adv.] ‘forthwith, immediately’ (Il.). <PG(v)>
eVAR devoc: éEaipvne ‘suddenly’ (H.).
*DER dpaptepog (Y 311) ‘quicker’; dpapei (apapet DELG) tayéwo Kai axdrtwe
‘quickly and indefatigably’ (EM, H., Suid.).
eETYM One connects d@vw, assuming a neuter r/n-stem. Van Windekens 1941: 28
connects Go. abrs ‘strong’, comparing for the meaning MoE fast. Fur. (see index)
brilliantly connected éEaigvng and » éEanivne, and further » aiya, -npdc, assuming a
substrate element with variation a/ au, m/ @. He also connected > aintc etc., which is
quite possible (cf. MoHG jah, both ‘steep’ and ‘immediate’).
apapets [m.] ‘belly-fin of the female tunny (Arist. HA 543a, uncertain), tot OrnAEoc
Gvvvov TO 10 TH yaotpi ntepvytov ‘id.’ (H.). <PG?(V)>
eETYM Fur.: 174 compares dPaptai- mtyvai, Kimptot ‘flying, wings’; for -toc in
substrate words see dtpaxtoc, dopadtoc. The suggestion in DELG that it could
belong with dgap is ununderstandable.
apapkn [f.] name of an evergreen tree, ‘Arbutus hybrida’ (Thphr.). <PG?(v)>
*ETYM Improbable theory by Strémberg 1944: 27ff. (compound from dmo- and
dpxvc), see Frisk. Unclear is dpapxidevtov- daypevtdv, da8voiactov ‘caught,
unsacrificed’ (H.), see DELG. Fur.: 175 refers to Schwyzer: 530, comparing Thess.
®apKkadwv, which would point to a prothetic vowel. A substrate word is probable
anyhow.
APAGOW *VAR APdW. = aNTW.
agatetv [?] uncertain (IG 5(1), 209: 34); not an infinitive, see Bourguet 1927: 110, 4 and
124, 1. <?>
eETYM Unknown.
a@aupdc [adj.] ‘weak’ (Il.). <PG(v)>
*DER agavpdtnys [f.] (Anaxag.). Denominative verb dgavpottat (Erot., vl.
d&pavpodtat), as an explanation of daAdbvetau ‘becomes weak’.
eETYM Unknown. These words are often explained as contaminations (see Frisk), but
there is no reason to assume such processes; it only testifies to our ignorance. Much
more probably, Fur.: 330 compares patpoc: Kobgos ‘light’ (H.), pAabpos ‘indifferent,
bad’ (with inserted A?) and gaiAog ‘insignificant’. 1 would suggest that dytavpdc /
yavpdc is also cognate (with interchange t1/ labial stop, cf. eg. AKapvoow/ hatupdc,
etc., see Fur.: 224ff.). Note the v.l. of the verb cited above, and note that -avpoc can
hardly represent something IE (*-eh,u-ro-?).
agers, -é¢ [adj.] ‘plain, simple’ (IA). <GR>
*DER agéAeta, -ein [f.] (Hp.), late ageAdtng [f.] (Act. Ap, Vett. Val.); Chantraine
1933: 298.
*ETYM Highly improbable is the proposal by Persson 1912(2): 7973, who connects
gedXevs ‘stony terrain’ and analyzes it as ‘without a stone, even’. This etymology is
dba 177
even given by LSJ as the meaning of the word! Chantraine points to the geminate in
gedAevc. New analysis by Taillardat RPh. 71 (1997): 153f.. see DELG Supp.: the word
means ‘without quality’, be it positive or negative, and is derived from dageheiv ‘to
take away, deprive’.
d@evos [n.] ‘wealth’ (I1.). <1E? *h,b"en- ‘rich’>
eVAR Also msc., after mAObTOS, acc. to Fehrle PhW 46 (1926): 7oof.
*COMP evngevris (Il.); the better attested v.l. evnyevic can hardly be correct, see
Bechtel 1914. As a second member in the PNs At-, Kie-, Tipt-agévne.
DER With loss of vowel and remarkable final accent: a@vetdc (Il.), also dpvede ‘rich’
(Il.). Thence back-formation d@voc [n.] (Pi. fr. 219). Lengthened dgpvriwv (Antim.),
after TOAUKTT[WVY, etc.
Denominative verb dgvvet, apvivet Odie ‘is blissed’ (H.); pvddov apvivovtat:
mthovtotow ‘are wealthy’ (Suid.).
eETYM The old connection with Skt. dpnas- [n.] ‘possessions, riches’ is now generally
rejected. &evoc was one of the corner stones of the Pelasgian theory, which must
now be abandoned (see my Introduction).
The agreement with Hitt. happina(nt)- ‘rich’ is remarkable, but cannot be correct in
view of the more likely comparison with Lat. ops ‘power’, opulentus ‘wealthy’ (which
is probably not directly related to the Hitt. word, see De Vaan 2008 s.v. ops).
Balles KZ 110 (1997) starts from *y-g"n-o-, parallel to a formation in -io- in Skt.
aghnya- ‘(the valuable animal which is) not to be killed’. She explains the adjective
with final accent from *yg’’"n-es-6- > &pved-, with metrical lengthening in Homer.
However, the explanation of the full grade as analogical after o8évoc is improbable;
the whole construction is not convincing.
The Greek word looks IE (ablaut; cf. also archaic edngevrjc). For Greek a root
*h,ben- is the obvious reconstruction. The accent and the form d@vedcg may be
explained following Balles: *h,b'nes-6-, with ablaut as in &\yog / dAeyetvdc (metrical
lengthening in Homer is probable as *a@veoto is impossible in the hexameter and
*&pveos, -v , etc. are difficult). The recent attempt to connect d&@evoc with IE *h,eb"-
‘stream’ by Willi 2004 does not convince.
It cannot be connected with the Hittite word (reading *hpina- is doubtful). A loan
from Anatolian would probably have «-, and the g, the s-stem, and the adjective
would be unclear.
apitwp, -opos [m.] epithet of Apollo (I 404). <GR>
eVAR G@ntopeia: ttavteia ‘power of divination’ (H.). cagrtwp: pdvtic aAnOrc,
Luvbt I<; éppinveve ‘true diviner, informer, interpreter’ (H.).
eETYM Eustathios and the scholia explained it, among other things, as ‘prophet’
(Eust. dptogrtwp), ie. from copulative a- and pnpi. This cannot be correct. It rather
derives from dagintu, in the sense ‘who sends off. This could well mean ‘archer’ (‘to
discharge’). Kraus Wien. Ak. Anz. 87: 516ff. suggests ‘who sends off people on a
journey’. ;
4@8a [f.] a pedriatic illness, ‘thrush’ (Hp.). <PG?>
VAR Mostly plur. &g@at. —
178 aia
eDER APOwd1\¢, APBdw (Hp.).
eETYM Hardly related to &ntw. Fur.: 318° thinks it is a substrate word because of the
group -g@- (but I see no reason to follow him in supposing that the dental is
secondary).
agia [f.] ‘lesser celandine, Ranunculus ficaria’ (Thphr. HP 7, 7, 3). <PG?(v)>
eETYM The connection with dagtévat (to G&vOoc) in Thphr. is untenable. The word is
rather a loan. Krahe 1955: 44 connected Lat. apium ‘parsley’ (further to *ap- ‘water’).
Fur: 167 objects that these are quite different plants. Himself, he proposes to
compare dgptooa ‘id.’ (Apul. Herb. 15), see ibid.: 330, with parallels for the insertion
of -p-.
agias [?] - Bwptdc ‘step, altar’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Unknown; Maafs Arch. f. Religionswiss. 23 (1925): 228 can be forgotten.
agAaotov [n.] ‘curved poop of a ship, with its ornaments’ (O 717, Hdt.). <PG?>
eETYM Bechtel 1921(3): 285 posited ‘that which prevents destruction’, from privative
a- and » dw; improbable. Rather Pre-Greek, thus already Hermann Gott. Nachr.
(1943): 1f. For a PG suffix -to- cf. » dtpaxtoc. Borrowed from Greek: Lat. aplustr(i)a,
-orum.
aprEtiipes ~PrAEw.
a&@pAotoptdc [m.] ‘foaming at the mouth’ (O 607). <?>
eETYM Possibly a verbal noun in -ojtdc to épdrtdev- Stéppeev ‘flowed out’; cf.
dtaréprodev: Staxéyvtat ‘has been poured out’; 1tepAordévat- PAvKTaLvodoBat ‘to
have blisters’ (H.), etc., see » pAtddw. Is the &- copulative, or after » appdc ‘id.’?
apvw [adv.] ‘suddenly’ (A.). <PG(v)>
VAR Late dpvwe (Epigr. Gr. 468; Schwyzer: 405, 624°).
eETYM Related to »dgap; often interpreted as a frozen case form of a heteroclitic
stem (Schwyzer: 520). More probable is Furnée’s brilliant proposal to connect
eEaipvnc and » éEanivis, etc. By-forms are apvdc: ébaipvncg (Schwyzer: 624) and
aovidia: apvidav, dpvw (both H.); on aigvidioc cf. » aii.
apdpdtov [n.] ‘excrement’ (yaotpdc, Nic.). <?>
eETYM Frisk suggests that it is from *dpddiov (d4godoc ‘excrements’), reshaped
euphemistically (after pdpoc) or drastically (after 110p61))? Not entirely convincing.
agpa [f.] ‘kind of plaster’ (Aét. 15, 14). <GR>
eETYM Perhaps a shortening of Agpoditn in the same sense (Aetius).
aeppatiag [m.] - icxupdc. Kpijtec ‘strong (Cretan) (H.). <?>
eETYM Latte corrects to dgpattiac, a development of *dgpaxtiac, from dppaxtos.
Uncertain.
a@pious [acc.pl.m.] - dBépac ‘chaff (H.). <1E? *He/ob'ri- ‘awn’>
appdoc 179
eETYM Hoffmann BB 18 (1892): 287 compared Skt. dbhri- ‘hoe, pickaxe’, which
Wackernagel accepts, see Latte’s edition of Hesychius. However, Szemerényi
Gnomon 43 (1971): 658 rightly asks whether the meanings are compatible.
dgptc - wwpTtov (H.), ie. pudendum muliebre. <GR>
eETYM Hypocoristicon of Aphrodite (DELG).
agptooa [f.] a plant = doxArmdc (Apul. Herb. 15). < PG(S,V)>
eETYM Fur.: 330 connects » dgia. The suffix -too- suggests a Pre-Greek word.
Agpoditn [f.] goddess of love (I.). <Lw Sem.?>
eDIAL Cypr. Agopodita, Cret. Apopdita.
eDER Agpoditdptov an eyesalve (Gal.), Agpoditapidéiov ‘darling’ (Pl. Com.); adj.
Agpodictoc ‘belonging to A.’ (IA), substantivized Agpodiciov ‘temple of A.’;
a&gpodiota [n.pl.] ‘sexual intercourse’, dgpodictaxdc; denominative agpodiardtw [v.]
‘to have intercourse’ (IA), whence dgpodictacpidc, appodtoiactis ‘lecher’,
appodtotaotixdc,
For Agpodiciactai ‘worshippers of A.’ (Rhodos), cf. AToAAwvLaoTal.
eETYM The connection with agpdc (Kretschmer KZ 33 (1895): 267) and other older
explanations (eg. Maafi N. Jb. f. d. klass. Altertum 27 (1924): 457ff.) are now
abandoned. A recent Indo-European attempt was made by Witczak 1993: 115-123.
As the goddess seems to be of oriental origin (see Burkert 1985: 152ff.), the name
probably comes from the East too. A possibility is the Semitic name of the goddess
AStoret, Astarte; cf. Burkert op. cit. 248. It may have entered Greek via another
language. Less probable is the connection with Pre-Greek mpttavic, Etr. (e)prOni as
‘lady, mistress’ by Hammarstrém Glotta 11 (1921): 215f.
West Glotta 76 (1998): 134-138 rejects the idea that the name renders AStart (Ugaritic
’Attartu), but he thinks it may well be of Semitic origin. It is not easy either to
connect the root prd, from which a word for ‘pigeon’ was formed. West ends with
the suggestion that the name may have rendered a title ‘She of the villages’, but this
seems not very adequate. Still, it seems possible that the name came from the one
languages which on historical grounds we should expect to be relevant: Cypriot
Phoenician.
aeppdc [m.] ‘foam, slaver’ (IL). <2?
eDER Gppwdne ‘foaming’ (Hp.), apideic ‘id.’ (Nic; metri causa, see Chantraine 1933:
272). appitic, -L5o¢ f. ‘kind of aun’ (Arist.), see Redard 1949: 81.
Denominatives dppéw [v.] ‘to foam’ (IL), agpitw ‘id’ (IA), whence dapptiopdc¢
(medic.) and agptotis [m.] (AP); dgpiaw [v.] ‘id.’ (Opp.); appdopat [v.] ‘id’ (Theol.
Ar.).
eETYM Meillet BSL 31 (1931): 51f. connected Arm. p‘rp‘ur ‘foam’ (which does not
belong to omeipw), but the a- is problematic (*h,- would give a- in Armenian), and
the *b" presupposed by Greek did not give p‘. Not to Skt. abhrd- [n.] ‘cloud’ (because
of the meaning), not to » SuBpoc, because the rule of de-aspiration before resonant is
not valid. Not here » agpiouc: 48épac (H.).
180 aon
aby [f.] ‘small fry of various fishes’ (Epich. Ar.), only plur. in Att. acc. to H. s.v.
&gbwv tyu}. See Thompson 1947: 19f. <1E *b'h,u- ‘grow’ >
°VAR Mostly plural. Also agta, cf. dda: peptBpdc ‘sprat’ (H.). The gen.pl. is deuwv,
not -@v, which means it is ntr.
DIAL Perhaps Myc. a-pu.-we, -de (TNs) /Ap*uwei/, /Ap*in-de/; see below.
*DER dgvdtov (Ar.), with b (see Schwyzer: 199); dpuwdn¢o ‘whitish’ (Hp.).
Denominative apbw [v.] ‘to become whitish’ (Hp.); see Chantraine 1933: 431.
*ETYM From privative a- and pw (one compares nonnats ‘Aphua pellucida’ in Nice)
seems folk etymology, but is defended by Meier-Briigger MSS 52 (1991): 123-125: *4-
b'uH-o- ‘without growth’ (the root is actually *b"h,u-), which is a recent formation
compared with Skt. dbhva- ‘monster’ < *y-b'h,u-o- (with loss of laryngeal). The
accentuation of the gen. pl. adgvwv (not -@v, Hdn. Gr. 1. 425, 13) points to an
unextended stem dgv- (nom. *a@v-c), cf. vy, pvya-de. DELG also keeps open the
possibility of a substrate word.
avoyetos [m.] ‘mud’, carried by a stream (A 495). <?>
eVAR As an adj. ‘filthy’ (Nic. Al. 432), but dpuoyetov is better; also ‘abundant’ (ibid.
584). dpvoyetoc (Tyrannion).
eETYM Unknown. Nicander did not understand the meaning any longer, and
connected it with » dptcow. Formation like ovppetdcg (Schwyzer: 501, Chantraine
1933: 300).
a@pvoow [v.] ‘to draw or scoop liquids’ (II.). <?>
eVAR Also agptw in é&-aptovtec (§ 95), ebapvovotv: ehavtAnoovotv ‘they will drain’
(H.); aor. apbo(o)aut, fut. dpvew.
*DER avoids (Suid.) and dpvoos (sch.), also apvEytoc (Nic.) with transition to
the flexion with velar.
a&pvocav: tiv KoTUANV <mapa> Tapavtivots ‘cup (Tarantine)’ (H.). Also agvota:
KOTUAN, OTdLVOG ‘cup, jar’ (H.) and agutpic (cod. apvtpic): dpitatva (cod. dpztatva)
‘ladle or cup’ (H.). Uncertain katnvépagveac: katéxtetvac (H.).
*ETYM Oehler (see Schulze 1892: 311) explained the form as ag + bo- < *h,us-, the
zero grade of avo- found in >» abw 2 ‘to light a fire’ and Lat. hauri6 < *h,(e)us-, which
is quite possible. The presents agvoow and dagtw are probably derived from the
aorist.
Axaiévng [m.] Achaimenes, ancestor of the Persian royal house (Hdt.). <Lw
Persian>
eVAR Gen. -€0¢, -OvG.
*DER Axaytevidat [pl.] descendents of A., a Persian clan to which the Persian kings
belonged (Hdt.); Axauévioc ‘Persian’ (A. Pl.); Axautevia a part of Persia (St. Byz.);
Axaytevitic [f.] epithet of Babylon (Epiphan.). ayaytevic, -idoc¢ [f.] a plant (Ps.-Dsc.);
see Stromberg 1940: 134ff. and André 1956 s.v. achaemenis.
*ETYM From OP Haxamanis, which probably means ‘having the mind (-man-) of a
friend’. Greek -at- in Ayxat-tiévy¢ (instead of -d- in Haxd-manis is probably an
adaptation to names like Tahat-pévig, IvAat-ltévijg, etc. (Schwyzer: 448). Jacobsohn
axapvws, -w 181
KZ 54 (1927): 261f. explained -at- from the stem haxdi- = Skt. sakhay- ‘friend’, which
is cognate with Lat. socius.
axaivet [v.] - caiver, maife, KoAaKevet fawns, plays, flatters’ (H.). < ?>
eETYM No etymology.
axaivn [f.] ‘kind of bread, made by women for the Thesmophoria’ (Semus 13). <?>
eETYM No etymology.
axaivys, -ov [m.] ‘brocket, two-year-old stag’ (Arist.). <?>
eVAR axaivn [f.], also ayativny ‘roe’ (Arist.).
DER cyauvén [f.] “deerskin’ (A. R.).
*ETYM The word has been derived from Ayata, the supposed habitat of the animal;
cf. Keller 1909: 350; Keller 1887: 77, 79, 91. Brands 1935: 81 points to EM, sch. A. R. 4,
175, who derive it from a town Ayauvéa in Crete.
Axatoi [m.pl.] name of a Greek tribe (Il.). < PG?>
eVARSg. Ayatdc ‘Achaean’, fem. Ayatai, sing. -d (see Schwyzer: 460).
*DER Axatic, -ido¢ [f.] (scil. yaia) ‘the land Achaea’ or ‘the Achaean woman’ (scil.
yuvip, also Axauias [f.] (Il.); Axatikdc, Att. Ayaikdéc (cf. Schwyzer: 265f.) ‘Achaean’;
Axatin, Att. Ayaia [f.], the Thessalian and Peloponnesian regions ‘Achaea’; also a
town (Rhodos, etc.), perhaps trisyllabic.
*ETYM The name Axauoi < Ayaufoi (cf. Lat. Achivi) is known from Egyptian sources
as *q’jw’s’, to be read as Aqaiwasa, and also in Hitt. Abhiia, later Ahhiiaud (eg.
Kretschmer Glotta 21 (1933): 227). In spite of strong opposition (e.g. Sommer 1934,
Sommer IF 55 (1937): 169ff.), the equation is now generally accepted, but the Hittite
form has not been satisfactorily explained (why is there no reflex of the second a in
Hittite?). Recenly, Finkelberg Glotta 66 (1988): 127-134 derived the Greek form from
Hitt. Abhiiaya, with -hii- giving x, but this is doubtful. The name is no doubt Pre-
Greek, e.g. /Akay”a-/.
axaAtov [n.] a plant, = owdnpitic, dAGaia (Hippiatr. 11), but these are two different
plants; they are both used as medicaments. < ?>
*ETYM No etymology.
ax avn [f.] name of a measure = 45 p1é6ytvor (Ar.); ‘chest, box’ (Phanod.). <?>
eETYM Hemmerdinger Glotta 46 (1968): 54 compares Eg. hn ‘chest’ (Akk. hannit).
Fur.: 138 compared Hitt. (Hurr.) aganni, but this means ‘bowl’ (and is connected
with Akk. agannu ‘bowl’, Kronasser 1962-1987: 245, and with Eg. ’ikn ‘pot’). He also
compares dydavva: data <iepa> Kai 1 év obpava dpxtoc (H.) (with dya€a taken as
‘box’; and the Bear seen as a box?); ibid: 392, he compares Aayavva (H.). No
solution can be offered.
axapvwc, -w [m.] a sea fish, = dp@we, perhaps ‘bass’ (Callias Com. 3). <PG(V)>
eVAR Also Gyapvoc; ayapvac, with gen. aydpvov (Arist. fr. 566). Comparable forms:
axapva- eidoc ixOvoc ‘kind of fish’ (H.), ayépva (cod. -Aa): ix8bc mods ‘id’ (H.);
axapvav (Ath.), dkapvak: AGBpak ‘bass’ (H.).
182 &xatn¢, -ov
*ETYM The variation x/« and the ending -w(c) point to Pre-Greek origin; the group
-pv- is also frequent in such words. Cf. Thompson 1947: 6f.
ax atn¢, -ov [m.] ‘agate’ (Thphr.). <Lw>
*ETYM Borrowing from an unknown source. Semitic etymology in Lewy 1895: 56. The
river Achates on Sicily and the PN Achates are probably called after the stone.
axepdos [f.] ‘wild pear, Pyrus amygdaliformis’ (Od.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Also [m.] (Theoc.); dyépda (cod. -aa) dmtoc, Syyvy ‘pear-tree, pear’ (H.).
axnpov: axpida Kpritec ‘locust (Cretan)’ (H.), with Cretan development epd > np;
axpida is changed by Latte into aypada, which is doubtful; cf. » axpic.
eETYM Theoretically, ayépda could be Macedonian, but there are no further
indications.
Comprared with Alb. dardhé ‘pear’ < *g'ord-. In this case, the 4- must be a real
prothetic vowel, and the word a non-IE loan word. Connection with » daypac is
evident.
axepwic, -idoc [f.] ‘white poplar, Populus alba’ (Il.). <PG?>
eETYM Connection of -wic (< *-dsis) with Lith. uosis ‘ash’ is most improbable.
Derivation from Ayépwv is a mere formal guess. The stem ayepw- suggests a Pre-
Greek word (type > fipwe; cf. on » dyapvwc).
Axépwv, -ovtos [m.] name of several rivers, also the mythical river of the Underworld
(Od.). <2
*DER Axepovotos (A.), fem. -dc¢ (PL. X.); younger Ayxepdvt(e)toc, fem. -tdc (E.).
*ETYM Connected with the Balto-Slavic group of Lith. éZeras, aZeras, OPr. assaran,
OCS jezero ‘lake’, under the influence of which Ayépwv has been interpreted as
‘forming lakes’. Acc. to Derksen 2008 s.v., the BSI. group may be related to the group
of Lith. ezid “‘boundary(-strip), ORu. éza ‘fish weir’, and also with Arm. ezr ‘bank,
border’ as PIE *h,eg"- (the group of Lith. éZeras then goes back to *h,og"-er-o-). This
reconstruction implies that the Greek name cannot be related, in view of its initial
A-. The gloss ayepovowa: bSata éAwdn ‘marshy waters’ may be based on ideas of the
Underworld river, and cannot be used as a testimony for the original meaning of the
name.
aAxXEevw ay VULLAL
aX1}v, -i}voc [m.] ‘poor’ (Theocr.), a Doric word. <PG?(s)>
eVAR dexijvec: mévijtec ‘(day-)laborers, poor (men) (H.) must be due to folk
etymology (privative a and éxw).
DIAL Hx iWvEc: Kevol, Wtwxoi “bereft, beggar(lyy (H.) must be from IA.
*COMP kteav-nxI]¢- MEvijs ‘(day-)laborer, poor (man)’ (H.).
*DER Axnvia ‘poverty, lack’ (A.), with short a- after the negation. Other formation in
axnveic: kevoi (H.); verb hyavuw- ntwxevw ‘to beg’ (Suid.), perhaps to be read *ixava,
see below. Also axauog (IG 3, 1385)?
*ETYM Connection with tyavdw ‘desire’ (Hom.) has been proposed (cf. Wackernagel
1897: 11f.), with an alternation 7 / a Indo-Iranian forms with a similar alternation
Axihetc 183
exist: Skt. ihate ‘to desire’, Av. iziieiti ‘to strive, long for’ beside Av. dzi- [m.] ‘desire’,
etc. In laryngealistic terms, this alternation would continue *h,e-h.g"- beside *h,i-
h.g'-. But if Av. aézah- ‘desire’ belongs to this group rather than Av. dzi-, which is far
more likely, the root should be reconstructed as *Heig'- (Mayrhofer EWAia 1: 273)
and Greek a rv cannot be connected. ToA akal, ToB akalk ‘desire’ are supposed to
be Iranian loans.
Szemerényi Gnomon 43 (1971): 659 proposes that axrWv is from &-ex- (doubtful). Not
related to {yap (A.), which has short t-.
Since an IE etymology is unknown, the word might be Pre-Greek (Chantraine 1933:
166: “vocabulaire technique et populaire”; “cette fois encore il semble s’étre produit
une collision entre un suffixe indo-européen et une finale méditerranéenne”). IE
adjectives in -1)v, -1}voc are hardly known (cf. Chantraine ibid.), but the suffix is well-
known in Pre-Greek, cf. » atu and see Fur.: 1728.
a&x8opat [v.] ‘to be loaded’, mostly of mental oppression: ‘to be vexed or grieved’ (II.).
<1E *h,ed"g"- ‘squeeze, (op)press >
eVAR Aor. cy8eo0fjvat.
*DER dx80c¢ [n.] ‘load’, also metaph. ‘burden, trouble’ (Il.). Thence ay@etvdc
‘burdensome’ (E., X.), and rare forms like ay@npdc (Antiph. 94, uncertain), axOretc
(Marc. Sid. 96), &xOrtwv (Man. 4, 501). Denominative verb 4xOifw “to load’ (Babr.),
perhaps ayOroac (for ax8ioac?)- youwoac, tyyovuv mAnpwoas ‘stuffed, filled’ (H.).
axOndov, -dvos [f.] ‘weight, burden’ (A.); cf. dAyndwv.
*ETYM Former comparisons (4x80¢ ‘load’ with dyw ‘to carry’; dy8ouat ‘to be grieved’
with dyoptat, dyvujtat ‘to be sad’ were formally not very convincing (a verbal suffix
-0- is not well represented). One also compared » 6y0éw, but this is more plausibly
connected with €x@o,tat ‘to be hated’.
Risch IF 69 (1964): 78 etymologically connected GyOopot with Hitt. hatk-' ‘to shut,
close, make tight’, which would mean that we have to reconstruct *h,ed"¢".. Both
Kloekhorst 2008 s.v. and Puhvel HED s.v. accept this etymology, noting that it is
corroborated by the fact that neither the -t- nor the -k- is ever spelled with a
geminate in Hittite. The meaning ‘to shut’ in Hittite must have developed from ‘to
squeeze’.
AxUAgvs [m.] the son of Peleus and Thetis (II.). <PG>
eVAR Also Axtreve (II.).
eDIAL Myc. a-ki-re-u, dat. a-ki-re-we.
DER AxtAAniog (Hdt.), Att. AyiAAetoc (E.); also a plant.
*ETYM The variation AA ~ A) (like oo ~ o in Odvo(o)evc) is typical of Pre-Greek
words, and probably points to a palatalized phoneme /1’/. Any metrical explanation
of the origin of this interchange is vicious. I do not believe that the name is
hypocoristic for an older compound, or that it belongs to » Gyo¢ ‘pain’.
Holland Glotta 71 (1993): 17-27 gives a new proposal for Achilles. He connects it
again with dyoc, though he admits that it does not mean ‘fear’ as in Germanic:
although he translates it as ‘grief in some passages, in Greek it means ‘distress’. He
cites instances where Hoimer mentions the a&xoc of Achilles, but these can easily be
184 dx Adc, -bog
understood as folk-etymological explanations of the name. Holland explains the
geminate as hypocoristic, and then assumes an element -tAo- for which he cites
dpyidog ‘inclined to anger’, but here without any meaning; it contradicts his
intepretation of the \ as a remnant of adc ‘army’, for which there is no evidence.
The most serious mistake is that he does not accept the evidence of Mycenaean,
where we find a-ki-re-u = Aythdevc. Holland admits (19) that the word enjoyed a
certain popularity, and that “the name was not invented for the Homeric hero”. It
shows that the name existed in this form centuries before Homer. The name can
easily be understood as Pre-Greek: note the suffix -evc, and the variaton between
geminate and simple consonant (Fur.: 387). Holland sweeps this explanation away as
“nebulous pre-Greek” (17), but this is no argument. In doing this, he takes us back to
the period before we knew Mycenaean, and his interpretation must be
fundamentally rejected. Achilles is clearly a hero taken over from other stories. The
meaning of the name remains unknown, but this is unimportant.
&XAve, -Vos [f.] ‘mist, darkness’ (Il.). <1 *h,eg'lu- ‘mist, dark weather’>
eVAR Later -vc.
*DER cyAvw@éd19¢ ‘hazy, murky’ (Hp. Arist., Hell.); ayAvéetc ‘cloudy, dark’ (Epigr.
apud Hadt., Hell., late epic). Denominative verbs: axAvw [v.] ‘to become (make) dark’
(Od., epic), &yAvotic ‘obfuscation’ (Syn. Alch.); &xAbvoptat ‘to become dark’ (Q. S.);
axAvdopat ‘to become dark’, -dw ‘to get dark’ (Thphr.).
axdvdtav- OpvrtecBat ‘to break small’ (H.) after the verbs for diseases in -1dw
(Schwyzer: 732), perhaps by contamination with yddav (xAtdiav).
*ETYM Seems identical with OPr. aglo [n.] ‘rain’ (which need not be a u-stem); Arm.
atja-m-ulj-k‘ [pl.] ‘darkness’ requires metathesis of -g'l-, and subsequent
palatalization of g" to j. The reduplication is typical of Armenian.
axvn [f.] ‘foam, froth; chaff (IL, poet., Hp.). <PG(v)>
eETYM With a different velar, we find Lat. agna ‘ear of corn’ < *akna, Go. ahana
‘chaff, etc., from the root *h,ek- ‘sharp’. Connection with this root has been
proposed for dxvn too, assuming a suffix -sh,-, but this seems ad hoc: the more
obvious connection with » dyupov ‘chaff shows that it is a Pre-Greek word.
&xvupat [v.] ‘to grieve, lament for’ (II.). <1E *h,eg"- ‘distress, fear’>
eVAR Ptc. also ayevwv, axéwv (IL; see below); aor. dkaxéoOat, akaxeiv, aKkaxijoa,
perf. dxaynpat (axnxepnévry metr. cond.?); thence a new pres. dkaxifouat, -ifw;
dxoptot occurs only twice (Od.). Rare presents are dkaxybvw (Antim.), akayouat (Q.
S.) and ayvaodrju (Alc. 81), a re-formation in -4Cw from *dx vn, *axvatiat.
eDER An old noun is Gog [n.] ‘sadness, pain’ (Il.); dyvuc, -bog [f.]} ‘id’ (Call.) after
GYVULAL.
eETYM Although a difference in meaning exists, &yoc corresponds with the s-stem in
Go. agis [n.], OE ege [m.] ‘fear’. Further, Gm. has a preterito-present Go. og ‘to fear’,
and the Go. ptc. un-agands fearless’ is thematic, like Gyouol. Further cognates are
Olt. -dgadar ‘id’, and PIlr. *Hag''a- > Skt. aghd- [adj.] ‘evil, bad, dangerous’ (RV+),
YAv. aya- {adj.] ‘bad, evil’.
dyvpa 185
axebwv is tentatively interpreted as a participle built on an athematic present *&xevpu
(DELG) or aorist *i}xeva (Frisk). For dyéwv beside d&xoc, one compares Kpatéwv to
Kpatoc. See Strunk 1967: 105ff., and cf. West ZPE 67 (1987): 17-19.
axpadaywaAa [?] - 6 KoxAiacg ‘snail’ (H.). <PG(S,v)>
eVAR Cf. dxpaytra KoxAiac, Tapavtivoic (H.); xpapadotrat- yed@vau ‘tortoises’. kai
ai vw8pdtatat TOV Kvvwv ‘the most hybridized of bitches’. oi 5& tos KoyAiag ‘snails’
(H.). Here the last explanation has clearly been added later, as the case forms do not
agree.
*ETYM As two forms have both 6 and un, the syllable with 5 was probably lost in
axpaytAa (either in reality or only graphically: in AAA?). Since two forms end in
-uwvaAa, the original form will have been aypadapvAa. Variation ot/ v is well known in
Pre-Greek words. The analysis will be *(a)krad-am-ul-a, with well-known Pre-Greek
suffixes. The word closely resembles the town Kapdayvan (Il.), also on Chios; for the
metathesis see Fur.: 392 (on tépptvOoc/ tpéutBoc).
axpac, -adoc [f.] ‘the wild pear and its fruit, Pyrus amygdaliformis’ (com., Arist.).
<PG(V)>
*ETYM One connects »tyepdoc. Acc. to Frisk and Chantraine, it is possibly a
loanword; to my mind, it is Pre-Greek, with a-xepd- beside a4-ypa6-, with metathesis
and a/e (cf. Fur.: 392 otepyic / otpeyyic). Admittedly, the alternation can also be
understood in IE terms, but such an origin is highly improbable for a word for ‘pear’.
DELG points out that -dc, -ddoc is frequent in plant names.
axpeiov [acc.sg.n.] not quite certain: dypeiov idwv (B 269); aypeiov & éyéAacoe (o
163); dxpeiov KAdCetv (Theoc. 25, 72). <GR>
*COMP axpetd-yedwe [adj.] (Cratin.); dxpeiwe yeAav (API.).
*ETYM It may be the same word as dypetiog ‘useless, idle’ (see » xpr}).
axpt, axptc [adv., prep., conj.] ‘to the uttermost; as far as, until, as long as’ (Il.). <1E
*me-¢'sri ‘until’>
*DER Gxpot (Corcyra; after the locatives in -o1).
*ETYM This is the zero grade of » ttéxpt. On the variant with -c, see Schwyzer: 4o4f.,
650.
axdvoy >Kivwy.
axvpa [n.pl.] ‘chaff (com.). <PG(S,v)>
eVAR Rarely sing. -ov; collective sing. dxupdc or dxvpoc [m.] ‘heap of chaff. Note
dxopa: Ta nitvpa. Ewot dé kpaviov ‘chaff, skull; head’ (H.).
*COMP axupoOrKn (X.).
*DER axvpwone (Arist.), aybptvoc (Plu.), etc; axuvpwv, -@voc [m.] ‘storehouse for
chaff (Delos), aybptoc [m.] ‘heap of chaff (Heraklea). Denominative verb ayupéw
[v.] ‘to mix with chaff, etc. (Arist. Thphr.), whence ayvpwotc (Arist.).
Remarkable is dxvputat [f-pl.] ‘heap of chaff (E 502, AP 9, 384, 15), which is a form in
da from a noun in -oc. The form in -af is probably an old locative; see Diirbeck
186 a&yvppiai
MSS 37 (1978): 39-57. The same formation is found in dybpytog (Arat. 1097), said of
aintoc. Doubtful axvppidc (Ar. V. 1310; conj. by Dindorf for ayupdc).
eETYM The analysis as an old r/n-stem to dxvn is impossible, as the -v- would remain
unexplained. The word is clearly identical with dxyopa (see » dxywp), a gloss not
mentioned in the literature. It shows that the word is Pre-Greek (Fur. 362). This
explains the relation to dyvn: Pre-Greek has often a suffix with -v- beside the more
frequent suffixes -VC-; moreover, -vp- is well known.
axvppuai =ayvpa.
axwp, -opos [m.] ‘scurf, dandruff (Ar. fr. 410, Hdn. Gr. 2, 937). <PG(v)>
eVAR axwp, -Wpoc (Alex. Tracl.). Cf ay@pa: tov ay@pa. elpytat dé TO muTLpw@dec Tic
keganijs ‘the scurf of the head’ (H.) and dyopa: ta nmitvpa. éviot 5é Kpaviov ‘chaff,
skull; head’ (H.).
eDER Gxwpwodne (Aét., vl. in Hp. Liqu. 6); axywpéw [v.] ‘to suffer from dywp’, or -1dw
(conj. in Paul. Aeg. 3, 3).
eETYM The connection with »dyvpa ‘chaff is proven by the glosses. The vocalic
interchange points to Pre-Greek origin (Fur.: 211, 302, 362). See also Skoda RPh. 60
(1986): 215-222.
aw [adv.] ‘back(wards), again’ (Il.). <1E *h,ep- ‘from, away’>
*DER Gyepov = botepov, madtv (Alc., H., Zonar.), after botepov.
*ETYM Identical with Lat. abs ‘away, back’. For the -¢ cf. 8 and Schwyzer: 620. The
relation to cm, etc. is unclear.
ayivOtov [n.] ‘wormwood, Artemisia Absinthium’ (Hp.). <PG(s)>
eVAR Also dyivOoc [f., m.] and aytvOia [f.].
*DER dyivOitns otvog (Dsc.); ayiwOatov ‘drink prepared with 4 (Aét.) and
aytv8atiov (pap.); cf. Lat. absinthiatum (vinum).
eETYM The suffix -v0- proves Pre-Greek origin.
awic, -150¢ =antw.
ayoppos [adj.] ‘going backwards’ (l.). <GR>
eVAR Also -ov [adv.].
eETYM Forssman 1980: 185ff. convincingly derives the second member from the
verbal root Fepp- ‘to go away’, see » Eppw. The problem with the older analysis “with
the dppoc backwards” is that » dppoc is an Attic word; in the epic language we find
mtaAiv-opooc with the expected treatment of -rs-. The form aydppooc in ayoppdouv
Oxeavoio (Z 399, v 65) is either from dw and pdoc with compositional -o-, or rather
from d&yoppoc reshaped after pdoc (discussion in Forssman l.c.).
aw ‘toeatone’s fill’. doa.
*aw ‘to blow’. =aniu.
av, -6voc 1 [?] a fish (Epich., H.). <?>
eETYM Epich. 63 has dévec paypot te. No etymology.
Gwtoc 187
awv, -6vocg 2 [?] Plur., a kind of garment (P. Amh. 2, 3a, II, 21). <Lw Eg.>
eVAR civ (at) (B. 17, 112, S., H. s.v. EAvpta, see LSJ Supp.).
eETYM The text in B. (aidva toppupéav) shows that it was d@v. An Egyptian word,
see Latte Phil. 87 (1932): 271f. and Latte Glotta 34 (1955): 192.
dwpot 1 [adj.] uncertain, epithet of the 16dec¢ of Scylla ({t 89), also in opposition to the
OmicOot 1dde¢ (Philem. 145). <?>
eETYM Acc. to scholia H and Q, it means dxwAot tods yap “Iwvac A€yetv ~aoi tiv
KWAI dprv kai Wpaiav (sch. pt 89). In SIG 1037 (Milete IV-ITI*), pn is a part of the
sacrificial animal, but different from kwAj. Bechtel 1914 sv. translates ‘Beine, die
keine Waden haben’, so ‘legs without calfs’, but his comparison with Lat. sitra seems
impossible. Van Windekens proposes to understand dwpot (H.), ie. ‘wakeful’
(belonging with Wpoc ‘sleep’). The meaning in Philem. may be artificial.
dwpos 2 [m.] ‘sleep’ (Sapph. 57). <?>
VAR Call. fr. 177, 28 (Pfeiffer) has wpov.
*ETYM Acc. to EM 117, 14, it stands for Wpoc: kata MAEovacptOv Tod a undév TAEOV
Ortaivovtoc. pos yap o brvog ‘the a does not mean anything, for @poc means
brvog. Cf. Gwpog (cod. d0poc): &umvoc. MnOuptvator (H.). See > dwtéw.
awtéw [v.] ‘to sleep’(?), with tmvov as an object (K 159, « 548). <?>
eVAR Only present.
eETYM In the same meaning, but without object, in Simon. 37, 5. H. glosses dwteite
(yAvkbv brvov, k 548) with dnavOilete tov tmvov ‘pick sleep (vel sim.). Derived
from > dwtoc; connection with » dwpos 2 ‘sleep’ seems impossible.
awtog [m.] ‘flock of wool, down; the choicest, the flower of its kind’ (Il.). Raman
Glotta 53 (1975): 195-205 shows that the word means ‘nap, tap’. <?>
eVAR Also -ov [n.].
*DER dwtevetv: anavOiCec8at ‘to pluck off flowers’ (H.), b~aivetv ‘to weave, plan’
(AB).
*ETYM Considered to be a verbal noun to » dn, so *blowing’; this was also argued
by Jacquinod REA 90 (1988): 319-323, assuming *h,yoh,-to-. But semantically, there is
no support for the connection with ‘blow’; the etymology was merely suggested by
the formal appearance. Rather the word is a technical term, as remarked by DELG; it
remains without etymology.
$
B
6a 1 [interj.] imitation of the bleating of a lamb (Hermipp. 19). <ONOM>
eETYM Onomatopoeic word. Cf. » Bij.
a2 Abbreviation of BaciAeic ‘king’ (A. Supp. 892, lyr.). <GR>
eETYM Cf. Schwyzer: 423 A. 2. However, there is a v.]. 74, an abbreviation of matrp.
PaBacerv [v.] - TO <u> SinpOpwpeva A€yerv. Evior 5é Bodv ‘to speak [in]articulately; to
cry’ (H.). <ONOM>
VAR Also Bail, -bw (Zenod.).
*DER BaBak [m.] ‘chatterer’ (Archil.); BaBaxot- bnd "HAeiwv tétttyec ‘cicadas’, bnd
Tlovtix@v dé Batpayor ‘frogs’; BaBaka: tov yaAAov ‘eunuch’ (H.) (see Maas RAM 74
(1925): 469f.).
*ETYM Onomatopoeic forms like these are frequent: cf. » BaBai, » Baw, » Baiiw,
> BaBpdtw, and >» BaBadov; cf. also » BapBapos, » BaBvptac, » BdpBos, etc.
BaBai [interj.] Exclamation of surprise (E.). <ONOM>
VAR Extended BaBaudé (Ar.).
*ETYM Cf. Kretschmer Glotta 22 (1934): 254. Lat. babae is borrowed from Greek. Cf.
> BaBbdatw and >» nana, as well as » mé7101.
PaBaka =BaPdacerv.
BaBaxtvoy, -og [m.] (or [n.]?) - xbtpac eidoc ‘kind of earthen pot’ (H.). <Lw Celt.?,
Anat.?>
eVAR Cf. Baxdiov: 1étpov TI ‘a measure’ (H.).
*ETYM Latte Glotta 32 (1953): 41 compared éuBakavitnc: TO Weta TOD Tapixous Kai
otéatog oxevaldptevov Bpw@pa ‘food prepared with salted [fish] meat and hard fat’
(H. and Cyrill. mss.) to reconstruct an unreduplicated form *Bdxtvoc (-ov), probably
also found in Lat. bacchinon (Greg. Tur. whence MoFr. bassin). The word is
supposed to be Anatolian or Celtic. Fur.: 171 connects the word with @axtat Anvot,
oinvat, mbEAOL (> PaKTOV 2) and Myc. pa-ko-to [du.] /paktd/. The variation would
then point to a Pre-Greek word, but this is uncertain.
BaBaxtng [m.] epithet of Pan (Cratin.), Dionysus (Corn.). <ONOM>
eVAR &xBaPdEat- éxoadetoat ‘shake violently’ (H.) = S. fr. 139. Babdakat- opyroacBan
‘dance’ (H.); Babaxtne: opxnotis, buvwddc, Laviwdne, Kpavyacos, S0ev kai Bako
‘dancer, singer of hymns, like a madman, shouter, whence also Bacchus’ (H.); =
AdAos ‘talkative’ (EM 183, 45).
190 BaBarkov
*ETYM Onomatopoeic word to express joy; cf. » Babdtw. DELG considers the
connection with Lydian to be an etymological speculation on Bacchus. The terms
with BaBa(k)- may sometimes have included other expressions of joy etc, which
were not limited to one language only.
BaBarov [n.] - kpavyacov. Adkwvec ‘bawler, shouter; Laconians’ (H.). <ONOM>
*ETYM Onomatopoeic word; cf. » Babdtw, » BaBdaxtyc. On the -A- in the suffix, cf.
mAddoc; on bal-, see also Pok. gif. On Bafadrov aidoiov ‘private parts’, see
> BdpBadov.
BaBrp [m.] - 6 Api (H.). <?2>
eETYM Unknown.
BaBiov [n.] ‘baby’ (Dam. Isid. 75). < ONOM>
DER See L. Robert 1963: 368.
*ETYM A nursery word used in Syria. See » BaBdtw and Pok. 91 (E baby). Also related
is BaBdAta ‘cradle’ (Oehl IF 57 (1940): 1:f.).
BaBpatw [v.] ‘to chirp’, of cicadas (Anan., H.). <ONOM>
*ETYM Onomatopoeic word; cf. » Babalu.
BaBpiy [2] - bnd0tactc éAaiov Kata Maxeddvac ‘sediment of olive-oil (Maced.)’ (H.).
<PG?>
*ETYM Hoffmann 1906: 73f. relates it to Bantw, which is doubful. The meaning
suggests a Pre-Greek word: sometimes it is connected with » BaBpné.
BaBpnk [m./f.] in BaBpnkec ta odAA TOV dddvtwv, oi dé claydvac oi dé Ev TOIG
ddobotv And Tis TpOgic Katexdpteva ‘the gums of the teeth, the jaws; particles of
food stuck between the teeth’ (H.). < PG?(v)>
VAR BéBpiyKkec: TO Evdov TMV oLayOvwv LLépos ‘the part within the jaws’(?) (H.).
eETYM Kalléris 1954: 114f. derives the word from a root Bp- in BiBpwoKw, but this root
ends in *h,, and should not be lost in this formation. There seems no apparent
reason to connect this gloss with BaBpryv, as per Kalléris and DELG. Is Baprxes just a
mistake? The meaning of BéBprkec unclear: p1époc¢ can hardly mean ‘piece of food’.
The word is probably Pre-Greek, in view of the variation a/ e. See » BaBpryy,
> BapryKes.
BaBvac [m./f.]? - BopBopoc, mAdc ‘mud, earth’ (H.); BaBvr;: xelttappoc, oi Sé mdAIc
[read mnddc?] ‘winter-flowing mud’ (H.); Baxiag [read BaBtac?]: BopBopoc, mAdc
b10 Tapavtivwv ‘mud, earth [Tarent.]’ (EM 186,1). <PG?>
*ETYM von Blumenthal 1930: 20 suggests Messapian origin (with the ending -wos).
However, the meaning rather suggests a Pre-Greek word.
BaBiptas [m.] - 6 mapauwpos ‘an almost foolish man’ (H.). <Lw>
*DER Also a PN (Wilhelm 1909: 321).
*ETYM Cf. Lat. baburrus ‘stultus, ineptus’; cf. the type BapBapog (?) and E-M sv.
babit.
BaiBvé, -vKog 191
Bayaiog [m.] - 6 pdtatoc. } Zedbc Dpvbytoc. péyac. MoAvc. taxte¢ “foolish/idle; or the
Phrygian Zeus; great, many, swift’ (H.). <?>
eETYM The gloss consists of two or more elements; see Solmsen 1909: 139’. One may
think of a connection with OP baga- ‘god’ (cf. » Bayoc). Schmitt Sprache 9 (1963): 38-
47 reads Bahkaiog, but Heitsch Glotta 46 (1968): 74f. returns to Bayaioc.
Bayapov [adj.] - xAtapdv, Adkwvec “warm (Lacon.) (H.) <?>
eETYM No etymology.
Bayos [m.]? - kKAdoua dptov <i pans. Kai Paoreds, Kai oTpatiyoc. AdKwvec ‘piece
of cake or barley-cake; both a king and general (Lacon.)’ (H.). <GR>
eETYM Probably a contamination of Fayoc (4yvyt) and daydc (Latte). Pisani KZ 67
(1940): 111 thinks Baothevc = OP baga- ‘lord, god’ (cf. the people’s name Bayaddovec
[Kretschmer Glotta 18 (1930): 232]), but see Petersen AmJPh. 56: 64ff. and Belardi
Doxa 3 (1950): 197.
Badac =Bataroc.
Badnv —Baivo.
Badtov =Batos 2.
Badpva =pddpva.
BaCw [v.] ‘to speak, say’ often of nonsense (II.). <ONOM>
VAR Only present stem, except for BéBaxtat (6 408) and éBakac (H.).
DER Pakic ‘word, rumour (Emp.), Bayptata [pl.] (A. Pers. 637 [lyr.]).
eETYM Cf. Baoxetv: Aéyetv (which Latte deletes), kaxoAoyeiv (H.) (cf. Adoxetv).
Possibly from *Bdx-oKetv (Schwyzer: 708; cf. Baxtc). » Bdoxavoc can hardly be
separated from Bdoxetv. See also »&Bakrc. Onomatopoeic; cf. »Pabatw (the
objections of DELG are hardly decisive).
Babpov —Baivw.
Bauc [adj.] ‘deep, high’, metaph. ‘rich’, etc. (Il.). <1E?>
eCOMP Many compounds with BaOv-: e.g. -KoAmoc, -Aetpocg (Hom.).
eDER Grades of compar. BaOUtepos, -tatos, rarely BaBtov, Baccov, BaBtotoc (Seiler
1950: 52). Factitive verb Ba®vvw (Il.), ‘go down, sink (intr.) (Ph.). On Ba®vXos,
-vAAog see Leumann Glotta 32 (1953): 218. Besides BévOoc ‘depth’ (Il.) and Bd8oc [n.]
‘id. (IA, mainly in an ethical sense).
eETYM Related to BévOoc, but there are no further etymological connections; only an
alternation *-en- : -y- can be reconstructed, which suggests IE origin. Bév@oc is not
analogical after mévOoc (as per Schwyzer RhM 81 (1932): 201, accepted by Pok. 465).
Not related to Bantw (and Bd8poc), as per Szemerényi Glotta 38 (1960): 211-216, nor
to > Brjooa, » Baccos, or > BuBdc.
Gaia [f.] ‘grandmother’ (Str.). <ONOM, PG?>
eETYM Nursery word; might be Pre-Greek (Fur.: 217).
BaiBvé, -vKoc [m.] ‘pelican’ (Hdn. Gr., H. ex Philet., Choerob.). <PG(s)>
192 Baid-
eVAR BaubuKdvec: meAeKavec (H.).
*ETYM For the suffix, cf. dptv&, iBvk, etc. (Chantraine 1933: 397). BaiBu— seems to be a
typical Pre-Greek word (BavBux- by assimilation?).
Bai8- =Batoc.
Baivw [v.] ‘to go’ (II.). <IE *g”em-, *g’eh,- ‘go’>
eVAR Only present stem. Other presents: 1. Baoxw, mostly ipv. Baoxe, -te (Il.); 2.
BiBdoKw (I1.), mostly causative; 3. BiPrut (BiPapL), -dw (to EBryv, see below) in BiBac,
BiBwv, Biba ‘stride’ (Chantraine 1942: 300); 4. causative Bibdtw (post-Hom.); 5.
BiBac8wv in paxpa B. (IL.), metrical lengthening of Bibac at verse end (Chantraine
1942: 327, Shipp 1967: 39). Suppletive aor. éBnv, fut. Broopai (factitive EBnoa, Brow
after Zotnoa, othow), perf. BéBryKka (all IL.).
*COMP ava-, d7to-, &k-, €u-Baive, etc.
*DER 1. Bats [f.] ‘step, base’ (Pi., in compounds II.) = Skt. gati- (see below). 2. Batip,
-f\pog [m.] ‘threshold, basis’ (Amips., inscr., etc.). 3. -Batn¢, -ov [m.] in compounds
with dava-, dmo-, éu-Batig, etc. (Il.), also with nominal first element, e.g. otvA0-Ba-
to; 4. -Batocg in compounds: dva- (cp-)patdc, etc. (Il.); as a simplex, Batéc
‘accessible’ (X.) is very rare; see Chantraine 1933: 302ff. Abstracts in -oia are derived
from -Batnc¢ and -Batos, like bnepBacia ‘transgression’ (II.); also denominatives in
-evw and -éu, like éupatety, etc. 5. -Bac, -a5o¢ [f.] in » guBadéc. Hence the adverb
Badnv ‘step by step’. 6. BaOpov ‘basis, seat’, etc. (IA), BaOpa. 7. BaBpdc and Bacpdc
[m.] ‘step, basis’, etc. (Hell.; Ba®pic [f.] Pi.). Unrelated is » Bau Baivwv.
From the root Bn-: Brhua, Baya [n.] ‘step’, etc. (h. Merc. etc.), = Av. gaman- [n.]
‘step’; further, BrAdc (BaAdc) [m.] ‘threshold’ (Il.), BrAd [n.pl.] = médtAa (Panyas.);
see Chantraine 1933: 240. Also -Brtn¢, -ov [m.] in gumvpibr-t¢ (tpistouc) ‘standing
over the fire’ (Y 702); see also » StaBrytn¢ ‘circle, etc.” (Ar.) and > dugiobntéw.
eETYM The verbal root *g”em- has a number of exact matches in other branches.
Greek Baivw and Backw both go back to the root *g’em-. The first is a yod-present,
from *g”anie/o- < *g”m-ie/o-, identical with Lat. venid; the second is a present in
*ske/o- from *g”m-sk-, seen back in Skt. gdcchati. The full grade is seen in Go. qiman
‘to come’ and Skt. dgamam [aor.] ‘I went’. Morphologically, Baoic is comparable
with Skt. gdti-, Lat. con-ventio, and Go. ga-qumps. Further, -Batog = Skt. (-)gata- and
Lat. -ventus.
The non-presentic forms éBrv, Brocopat, BéBnka, etc. are derived from a different
root Bn- (Ba-) < *g”eh.-. For Bibnut cf. Skt. jigati ‘he goes’. The aor. éBnv agrees
exactly with Skt. dgdm ‘I went’; the noun Bia corresponds to Av. ga-man- [n.] ‘step,
pace’. The root pair g”em- :: g”eh,- may be compared with *drem- (see » dpapetv) ::
*dreh, (see »didpdoxw). See »PéBatoc, »PEBNACG, Pm Bwydc, >» Pactdlw,
> BnTappwv.
Bards [adj.] ‘small, slight’ (Parm.). <?>
VAR Cf. fBatds (IL.).
*DER Bawv, -dvoc [m.] a small worthless fish = BAévvog (Epich.), cf. Strémberg 1943:
32, Chantraine 1928: 10. On the meaning of pétpov mapa AdeEavdpetor (H.) see
> Batic.
BaKxavov 1 193
eETYM The word has been compared with »nBatdc. Fur.: 378 takes the f- as
prothetic, allegedly indicative of Pre-Greek origin; in my view, this remains
uncertain.
Bats [f.] ‘palm leaf (LXX, pap.). <LW>
eVAR Acc. -tv. Also Baiiov [n.] ‘id., measuring rod’ (Ev. Jo., pap.).
*DER Adj. Baiivdc (Sm.) ‘made of palm leaf, Batvi [f.] ‘branch of a palm’ (LXX).
*ETYM From Eg. bj, Copt. bai. See Hemmerdinger Glotta 46 (1968): 245f.
Baitn [f.] ‘shepherds’ or peasants’ coat or tent made of skins’ (Hdt.), also ‘covered hall’
(Magnesia, Mantinea; see Gossage Class. Rev.N.S. 9 (1959): 12f.). < PG?>
*DER Baitwva: Tov evteli dvépa ‘shabby man’ in opposition to Baitac: edteATs yuvy}
H;; for the gloss Baitiov see » BXITov.
*ETYM Unknown (see Pisani Sprache 1 (1949): 138). Go. paida ‘yitwv’ and other Gm.
words, like OHG pfeit [f.] ‘shirt, coat’ etc, are borrowed from Bait; from Gm. in
turn is Fi. paita ‘shirt’. With a suffix -k-, we can probably connect Alb. petk ‘coat’. If
the Albanian continues *paitaka, the word may have been taken over from a
European substrate (Fur.: 158 argues for Pre-Greek origin).
Baittov [n.] - Botavn éugepne diktdpve, iyyouv yAnxwwvi ‘plant resembling dittany, or
rather pennyroyal’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM Paitiov was supposed to be a mistake for BXitiov; see » BAitov (not accepted
by DELG).
BaitvAog [m.] kind of (magical) stone (Sotacos of Carystos apud Plin. N. H. 37, 135)
which fell from heaven (Dam. Isid. 94, 203). Acc. to Hesychius and others, the stone
was given to Kronos instead of Zeus. Also name of a god (Atl BetbAw, Dura iii?).
BaitvAov av katémtes Apostol. 9.24, of a greedy person. <LwW Sem.>
eVARD (LSJ Supp.).
*DER BattvAtov (Dam.,, etc.).
*ETYM Zuntz Class. et Med. 8 (1966): 169ff., with special attention for the sources,
thought that it was a Mediterranean word, also-seen in Sem. bethel, interpreted as
“House of God’. Unfortunately, Zuntz postulates a pan-Mediterranean substrate as a
common source, which is hardly acceptable. Hemmerdinger Glotta 48 (1970): 9of.
rather opts for Semitic origin, and likewise Réllig, Dict. Deities Demons (s.v. Bethel).
The fact that the word appears very late in Greek, and in the context of northern
Syria, makes this the most probable solution: Ba yt-el “House of El’. An old Pre-Greek
word is therefore improbable (cf. further West 1997: 294f. Davidson Herm. 123
(1995): 363-9).
Bairv§ —BrEtvEC.
Baxavov1 [n.] ‘Althaea cannabina’. <?>
eVAR Cf. Baxavov: 16 ayplokdvaBov (Lex. Parisinus gr. 2419).
*DER Bakaviov (POsI.). ;
*ETYM For the suffix, cf. \ayavov and see Chantraine 1933: 199. Cf. » Bakavov 2 and
DELG Supp. s.v.
194 Bakavov 2
BaKxavov 2 [n.] ‘Brassica napus oleifera’ (pap. IP-II?). <Lw Eg.>
*ETYM See » Bakavov 1.
BaKndroc 1 [m.] ‘woman-like man’ (Antiph.), ‘eunuch in service of Cybele’ (Luc.).
Baxnioc: antdxomtoc, 6 bm’ éviwv ydAXosc, oi dé avdpdyvvoc, GAAOL TapelpLevoc,
yvvaikwdn¢ ‘a castrated man, a Gallus or hermaphrodite or a weakened man, a
woman-like man’ (H.) <Lw Anat>
eETYM Cf. K&Bndoc and KdAnBoc, with comparable meanings, in Hesychius. Maaf
RhM 74 (1925): 472ff. and Nehring Sprache 1 (1949): 165 assume metathesis.
Kretschmer Glotta 16 (1928): 192 compares Baxyxog; this is improbable. The word is
probably Anatolian (so perhaps Pre-Greek, [Fur.: 116]?). On the meaning, see Lucas
RhM 88 (1939): 189f. and Masson RPh. 93 (1967): 229.
BaKnros 2 [adj.] - 6 éyac ‘big or great man’ (H.). <PG(S)>
*ETYM Fur.: 115 compares Bayiov: péya (H.). The suffix -ndo- is well known in Pre-
Greek.
Baxkapte, -t50¢ [f.] ‘unguent from asarum’ (Semon.). <PG?, Lw Lyd.¢>
eVAR Acc. -tv. Also Baxkap [n.] = doapov (Plin.) and Baxyapt [n.] (Aret.), Baxxap
[n.] (Ps.-Dsc.).
eETYM The word is Lydian, according to Sch. A. Pers. 42; cf. Baxkaptc: ... GAAot 5é
ubpov Avddv (H.). Whereas Fur.: 128 argues for Pre-Greek origin (words in -ap are
well-represented there), E. Masson 1967: 100f. suggests that it is Anatolian. The word
is not of Gaulish origin (WH 1, 91); Lat. baccar etc. are borrowed from Greek.
Baxdv [adj.] - teodv. Kprjitec ‘falling (Cret.)’ (H.). <2
*ETYM Unknown. The word is not to be derived an unknown verb *Baxw, aor.
*éBakov (as per Bechtel 1921, 2: 782), nor is a connection with Baxtpov (‘stick’, see
> Baxtnpia) or Baxtat- ioxupoi ‘strong men’ (H.) very likely. Cf. » 4Baxrjc.
Baxtat [m.] - icyvpoi ‘strong men’ (H.). <2>
eETYM Fur.: 311 etc., connects the word with Hitt. uakturi- ‘solid, durable’ and
Lycaon. Ovavydationg; etc. (with prenasalization), which remains very uncertain.
Baxtnpia [f.] ‘staff, stick, scepter (as a symbol of judges)’ (Ar.). < EUR>
eVAR Also Baxtijptov (Ar.), Baxtnpidtov (H.), Baxtnpic, -idoc¢ [f.] (Achae. [?]). Cf.
Baxtpov [n.] ‘stick, cudgel’ (A.).
DIAL Cypr. pa-ka-ra (LSJ Supp.).
*DER Also Baxtpov ‘id.’, whence Baxtpetw [v.] ‘to prop’ (arg. metr. in S. OC),
Baxtpevpia (E.); Baxtnpevw (Suid.) by influenced of Baxtnpia.
*ETYM Baxtnpia looks like an abstract formation from *Baxtyp, with a by-form
Baxtpov, just as dpotip beside dpotpov. It has been compared with »Bdaxtat -
ioxyvpoi (H.) (doubtful) and »Baxdév (improbable). The word is related to Lat.
baculum ‘staff, stick, which points to *bak-tlo-. From baculum in turn is borrowed
Baxdov ‘stick, cudgel’ (Aesop.); also Olr. bacc ‘hook, crook’ etc. Pok. 93 gives other,
quite doubtful, forms. Is it a European loanword, given the a-vocalism?
Baxtpov [n.] - kaundog ‘camel’ (H.) <Lw Iran>
Bakavotiov 195
*ETYM If the gloss is correct, rather “Bactrian’, as Bactrian camels were famous (Arist.
HA 498 b 8).
BaKxoc [?] a fish, kind of keotpetvc ‘mullet’ (Hicesios apud Ath. 306 e). <?>
eETYM See Thompson 1947, Saint-Denis 1947 and Stromberg 1943: 96.
Baxxvros [m.] = dptoc onoditngs ‘bread baked in hot ashes’ (Nic. Fr. 121). Elean, acc.
to H. <PG?>
*ETYM Unexplained. Perhaps PG because of the geminate -xy- and the suffix -vA-.
Badaypos [m.] a freshwater fish, kind of carp (Arist.). <PG(V)>
eVAR Also Bad(A)epoc, BadAtpdc, Badivoc (Bapivoc) (Arist.).
eETYM See Thompson 1947 s.v. amd Strémberg 1943: 39. Fur.: 116 compares Bapaxoc:
ixOb¢ molds ‘kind of fish’ (H.); this is uncertain. Still, the word is certainly Pre-Greek
because of the variants (Fur.: 192).
Badaveiov [n.] ‘warm bath, bathroom’ (Ar.). <PG>
*DER Badavetc [m.] ‘bath-man’ (Ar.), as a basis of further derivatives (cf. kvageiov :
kvagevs, etc.)? Also BaAavitng (-eitns) ‘bather’ (Plb.). Badavapiov [n.] (pap., inscr.)
with the Latin suffix -drium.
eETYM DELG attempts to derive the word from BaAavog ‘acorn’ as ‘stopper’, but this
is improbable. For a term for bathing in warm water, which is probably an Aegaean
custom, we might expect Pre-Greek origin, like » dodyuvOoc. The structure of the
word is frequent in Pre-Greek: BaA-av- (with B-, -a-, -av-). From Badavetov comes
Lat. bal(i)neum.
Badravos [f.] ‘acorn, fruit like an acorn, date’, and objects like an acorn, e.g. ‘stopper’;
also name of a fish (Od.). <1E *g"Ih,- ‘acorn’>
*DER Baddwov ‘acorn-drink’ (Nicoch.), ‘suppository’ (medic.), Badavic ‘stopper’
(Hp. pap.), Badavitic ‘kind of chestnut’ (Plin.). Bakavwtéc ‘fastened with a B.’
(Parm.), Badavwdnc, Baddvivocg ‘made of dates’ (Thphr.), Badavnpds ‘like a 8.’
(Thphr.).
Verbs: 1. Bakavitw ‘to shake off acorns’ (AP, Zen.), ‘to administer a suppository’
(Hp.); 2. Badavoéw “to fasten with a B.’ (Ar.).
eETYM Old IE word. The closest kin is Arm. katin, gen. katnoy ‘acorn’, although a
pre-form *g”[h,-eno- (> BaAavoc) would also have to give Arm. -an- (so the -in- is
probably analogical). Several related forms have a dental suffix: Lat. glans, -andis
(*g"lh,-nd-), CS Zeludo (< *Zelodb < *g”elh,-end-), Alb. lend [m.], Tosk léndé [f.]
‘acorn’. A different formation is found in Baltic, e.g. Lith. gilé ‘acorn’. Not related to
Baw, which derives from *g*elh,-.
Badrapic plant name = fpvov ‘oyster-green’, Avyxvic ‘rose campion’ (Ps.-Dsc.), Botavn
tpipvAdAosg ‘three-leaved plant’ (H.). <PG?>
eVAR Also BaAXapte.
eETYM Unknown. Perhaps Pre-Greek because of -A-/ -AA-.
Badratotiov [n.] ‘flower of the wild pomegranate’ (Dsc., Gal.). <PG>
VAR Bahwotiov (pap. III").
196 BaABic, -id0¢
*COMP Badavotioupydc (Alciphr. 1, 2), form and mg. uncertain, ‘dyer’?
*DER Bahaviot(p)ivoc (pap.).
*ETYM The variation av/w is typical of Pre-Greek words. Moreover, the meaning
already suggests substrate origin. Fur.: 301 compares »PadAwtr ‘Ballota nigra’
(Dsc.).
Badrfic, -id50c [f.] ‘rope indicating start and finish of the race-course, turning post’
(Att.). <PG>
*DER BadBidwdng ‘provided with cavities’ (Hp.), cf. Wendel Herm. 69 (1934): 345.
eETYM Formation with -15- like kprrtic, kvnpic, etc. BadBic is a technical term
borrowed from the Pre-Greek (already Groéelj Ziva Ant. 4 (1954): 164ff.).
BaAe [interj.] with optative: ‘o that? (Alcm.). <GR>
eVAR Also GBdAe, aBdAre (= & Bade) with ind. and inf. (Call.).
eETYM Probably an aor.ipv. of BdAAw. Older litt. is mentioned by Frisk, who
compares the Lithuanian permissive particle te-giil (quite uncertain).
BaArtdc [adj.] ‘spotted, dappled’ (E.), ‘swift (Opp.; after apydc). <?>
eVAR With a different accent (see Schwyzer: 380, 635): BaAioc, name of a horse of
Achilles (11.).
DER Badia: opOaAtia ‘an eye-disease’ (H.)?
*ETYM Cf. moAtdc and other color adjectives in -\(F)6¢ (Chantraine 1933: 123). Since
*b- is rare in PIE, it has been considered a loanword from another IE language: e.g.
Thracian/Phrygian (Solmsen KZ 34 (1897): 72ff.), Illyrian (Grodelj Ziva Ant. 3 (1953):
203), Macedonian (Schwyzer: 683, hesitantly). If so, the genuinely Greek cognate
would have to be » gadtéc. Pok: 118 posits *b'el-.
Athanassakis Glotta 78 (2000): 1-11 demonstrates with an extensive discussion that
the word is of Illyrian origin; cf. Alb. ballé ‘horse with a white spot on its forehead’.
For the Albanian word, Huld 1984: 40 reconstructs *b'ol-; Demiraj 1997 assumes
*bth,L.
Bani [f.] = oikuc ayptoc ‘wild cucumber’ (Ps.-Dsc.). <?>
DER Paduka (kdpva ‘nut-bearing tree’, pap.).
eETYM See André Et. class. 24 (1956): 40-2, who connects it with BaAAw, because the
fruit throws out its sap and kernel.
BadAdvttov [n.] ‘purse’ (com., Thphr.). <PG?>
VAR Paddvttov (less frequent).
*ETYM Unknown. Krahe (see Frisk) thought it was a word from the northern
Balkans, related to Lat. follis. However, it is perhaps Pre-Greek because of the
variation -\- ~ -AA-. Cf. » BaAXiov.
BadAeKa [?] - Wijpov ‘pebble’ (H.). <PG(s)>
*ETYM The connection with Lat. (Iber.) bal(Dica ‘gold-sand, grain of gold’ (WH s.v.
balux; Belardi Doxa 3 (1950): 198) is improbable, since the gloss does not refer to
gold. Apparently, the word contains a suffix -ex-, which is very rare (compare
> dAwrné); therefore, we opt for Pre-Greek origin.
BoAAw 197
BaA(A)iWv, -ijvoc [m.] ‘king’ (A.), also name of a mythical stone in Phrygia (Ps.-Plu.).
<Lw Anat>
eVAR Less certain Badr = madnv (inscr. IV? Lycia).
*DER BadAnvaiov (Spoc) = BactAtKov dpoc.
eETYM Unexplained. According to H. and others, the word is Thourian or Phrygian;
at any rate, it is an Anatolian loan (Solmsen 1909: 138f.). The word is not related to
Lat. débilis, nor to Aram. ba‘léna ‘our Lord’. The ending -1yv is a common feature of
Pre-Greek (Fur.: 143).
BadAntusg [f.] Festival in Eleusis during which stones were thrown (Ath. 9, 406d ff.; see
Deubner 1932: 69). <?>
*ETYM Because of the incomprehensible formation of the stem (in spite of fut.
BadAr-ow), the word is probably a loanword adapted to BadAw by folk etymology
(Schwyzer: 291). On the other hand, DELG accepts a morphological analysis BaAAn-
+ -TUG.
BadAifw [v.] = BadAw ‘to throw’ (Sophr.), but = kwptdlw, xopetw ‘to celebrate; to
dance (Ath., etc.), known from the western colonies (Ath. 8, 362b f.). <GR>
*DER BadAtoptdc ‘dance’ (Alex.). Baddotr¢ (Shipp Glotta 39 (1960): 149-52) from
which Lat. ballista ‘catapult’ (since Plaut.); Baddiotpa ‘id.’ (Procop.); as a
constellation Scherer 1953: 203.
*ETYM Derived from BadAAw. On the meaning, see Paessens RAM 90 (1941): 146ff.,
Radermacher RhM 91 (1942): 52ff., and DELG. Lat. ballare ‘dance’ is related to
BadAifw, but is not directly borrowed from it.
BadAiov [n.] = padAdc ‘phallus’ (Herod.). <Lw>
*DER BaAAiwv PN (Axionic.), Lat. Ballio (Pt.); Thracian people’s name Tpt-BadAoi?
(but see Detschew 1957: 526).
*ETYM If cognate with » paAddc, the word might be from another language (Thraco-
Phrygian?). See Haas Wien. Stud. 71 (1958): 161-7. See also Fur.: 172, who assumes a
Pre-Greek root *pad/ Bad- “Hervorspringendes’. Note also > Ba(tt)BaAov ‘aidoiov’.
BaAAc, -ews [f.] a medicinal plant (Xanth. 16). <?>
eETYM Unknown. See L. Robert 1937: 156-8. Cf. »Bdd(A)apic, >» BakAwth, and
> Banic.
BadAw [v.] ‘to throw, hit’ (Il), originally probably ‘to reach, hit by throwing’. <IE
*o”elh,- ‘hit by throwing’>
VAR Aor. Badetv (BAziny, EvpBAntny, EBANto), perf. BEBANKa, -Hal, (BeBoANpLEvoc
from *BéBoAa, Chantraine 1942: 2352), fut. Bad@, also BakAnow (see » BaAAntuc).
eDIAL Arc. déhAw in é0-6éAAw = &k-BAAAW, also CéAAW, Eedev (EM, see below).
*COMP dva-, dmto-, él-, Ek-BadAXw, etc.
*DER 1. BdAocg [m.] ‘throwing, net’ (A.); in compounds rtpdpodog [m.] ‘projecting
land’, etc. (Od.). 2. BoAn [f.] ‘throw(ing)’ (II). Many derivatives of BdAoc, Bot: see
DELG. 3. BéAoc [n.] ‘throwing weapon’ (I].); cf. » BeAdvn. 4. BéAgtLVov ‘arrow, javelin’
(Il.), see below. 5. -BArjc in compounds, eg. mpoBArjc, -itos ‘projecting’ (Il.). 6.
BAfta ‘throw, throwing weapon; wound’. 7. -BAnoics in compounds, e.g. avaBAnotc
198 BoAwty
‘delay’ (Il.). 8. -BAnjotpov (on the o see Schwyzer: 706) in dugiPAnotpov ‘net’ (Hes.).
See > BahAntuc,.> BATTpOV.
Few derived agent nouns; from a simplex only BAntelpa dtot@v (Alex. Aet.); nouns
in -evc were derived from the compounds, e.g. -BoAetc (Hell.) in duiBorevs, etc,
also dtaBArtwp (Man.) = diaBodoc. Formation in -(é)tng in éxatnBedé-tn¢ (Il.) <
*o"elh,teh,-, = xatnBodoc.
Adjectives: from the compounds we have derivations in -BAntikdc and -PArowos,
and adverbs in -é1yv, e.g. mapaBAndryy (I1.).
Deverbative BoAgw has been assumed for the perfect forms in BeBoAnato,
BeBoAnpévos, etc., but see Chantraine 1942: 435.
eETYM IA Baddw and Arc. CéAAw, -d€AAW point to original *g”-. The geminate -\)-
derives either from a yod-present PGr. *g”al-ie/o- or from a nasal present PGr. *g”al-
n-e/o-, perhaps for originally athematic *g”/-n(e)h,-. The full-grade in Arc. 6é\Aw
(CéAAw) was taken from the aorist éeAev- EBadev (H.), which represents an old root
aorist *h,e-g”elh,-t (see Hardarson 1993a: 162ff.), while Badov continues the zero
grade of the same root aorist: 3pl. *g”/h,-o-nt. The old full grade BeXe- is also found in
méxatnBedétyg and in BéAeuvov (note that Fur. 151 considers the latter to be a
substrate word because of the suffix, and connects neAepi(w). The form BAn- derives
from the zero grade *g”Ih,-C-, which is certain for €BAryto (see Francis Glotta 52
(1974): 11-30). On the meaning of &BAnv, see McCullagh KZ 115 (2002): 59-78.
Remarkably, this seemingly old verb has no certain cognates. Av. ni-yrdire probably
stands for *ni-yna- (Insler KZ 81 (1967): 259-64), while the appurtenance of ToA kla-
, ToB kidy* ‘to fall, Skt. ud-giirna-, and Olr. atbaill ‘dies’ is highly uncertain
(notwithstanding LIV? s.v. *g”elh,-). Not related to Skt. galati ‘to drip’, OHG quellan
‘to bubble up’, etc. (= LIV’ s.v. 2.*g”elH-). See > BobAopal, > BeAOvn.
BadkAwthH [f.] a plant, ‘Ballota nigra’ (Dsc.). <PG?(v)>
eETYM Cf. »BdAapic, »BdAAG, and Stromberg 1940: 151. Fur.: 301 compares
> Bakavotiov (also -wottov); the interchange av/ w is well-attested in Pre-Greek
words, as is the suffix -wrt-.
BaApdc [m.] ([n.]?) - otH80¢ ‘breast’ (H.). <PG>
*ETYM Unknown. According to Grogelj Ziva Ant. 3 (1953): 196, the word is Pre-
Greek. For the suffix, cf. »Aatudc. Fur.: 172, 178 convincingly compares ~adov: TO
otepeOv KUKAWHA TOD oTépvov ‘the solid circle of the breast’ (H.). The variation
bertween Badu- and gad- points to Pre-Greek origin.
BaAcapov [n.] ‘balsam’, both the shrub and its oil (Arist.); ‘Comiphora
Opobalsamum’. and ‘Chrysanthemum balsamita’. <Lw>
VAR See below.
*DER Badcapivn ‘Bov@Oahpov’ (Ps.-Dsk.), “omoBddoapov’ (Plin.); cf. Stromberg 1944:
38.
*ETYM Assumed to be Semitic, cf. Akk. basamu, Hebr. basam, and Arab. basam ‘id.
(Lewy 1895: 41). Fur.: 143 etc. argues for Near-Eastern origin on the basis of the -A-
(and Arm. apr(a)sam and the variants makoapov, BAdoapov, Bapoapov). However,
Schrader-Nehring 1917 (s.v. Balsam) state that the plant originated from the far south
a
Bavavoos, -ov 199
(Africa) and became known only after Alexander. On plant names in -apov, -apoc,
see Schwyzer: 494 and Chantraine 1933: 133.
BapBaive [v.] ‘to chatter with the teeth, stammer’ (K 375, Bion, AP). <ONOM>
eETYM Onomatopoeic verb. Cf. BapBaxt{w (Hippon.), BapBadvlw (Phryn., H.);
yoyyvlw, etc., as well as BayBadeiv (H.). See Weber RHM 82 (1933): 193”. Not related
to Baivw, as per Schwyzer: 647. Cf. » BaBdterv, > BaBadov.
PauBakedtprat [f.] - payyavetdtpiat, of S& papydKtooat, oi dé Aadodoat ‘tricksters,
others: women using charms, others: chattering women’, also 10 dé BauBakeiac
Xdplv- pappaKeiac yaptv ‘thanks to sorcery’ (both H.). <Lw India?>
eVAR BauBaKoug Tovs Pappakous Kidtkes kahovotv ‘the Cilicians call drugs B.’ (AB).
Also &BapBdaKevtog ‘not seasoned’, of food (Pyrgion apud Ath.), for which there are
no obvious cognates.
eETYM A word for medicine or charms; the meaning ‘Aadovoat’ must have arisen
secondarily. The basis is identical with that of the word for ‘cotton’, » BapBaxtov;
cotton was thought to have a medicinal effect.
BapBaxtov [n.] ‘cotton’ (Suidas s.v. mauBak). «LW India?>
eVAR TrapBaxic (AP 6,254,6, Myrin.), mauBag (Suid.).
DER BauBaxoetdre, v.l. for BouBuK- (Dsc. 3,16).
eETYM Cotton is first mentioned in an inscription by Sanherib. Hdt. 3,106 describes it
as Indian. Theophrastus says that it was found near the Persian Gulf. We find the
word in MP pambak, whence Arm. bambak, Oss. bembeg. From Greek were
borrowed Lat. bambax, bambagium with Ital. bambagia; through the influence of
BdouBve (because of the formal and semantic resemblance?), Ital. bombagio, MoFr.
bombasin. Another Gr. designation is épid—vAov; cf. MoHG Baumwolle. Pliny uses
the word gossypium. Unclear is whether » Btoooc in Pausanias also means ‘cotton’.
For ‘cotton’, see also » kapmacoc. Cf. » BayBaKkevtptat.
BauBarov : indtiov- kai tO aidoiov. Dpvyec ‘a garment; genitals (Phrygian)’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Probably two words. See L. Robert 1963: 153 (the treatment of Campanile SSL
3 (1963): 83-85 is incorrect).
BauBpadev, -dvog [f.] kind of sprat (Epich.). <PG?(v)>
eVAR BeuBpac (Aristomen.), peuBpac; BeBpada: aBepivny ‘kind of smelt’ (H.).
eDER Let Bpagva s.v. » apn.
eETYM The word has been derived from Bpdtw, by comparison with PapBpacpdc:
KaxAaopds ‘splashing of water’ and BayBpdooe dpyitetat ‘is angry’ (Cyr.), under
the improbable assumption that the fish was named after the sound it makes (e.g.
Stromberg 1943: 63ff.). Given the formal variants, the word is rather Pre-Greek. For
the formation, cf. animal names like »tevOpndwv, tepndwv (Schwyzer: 5209f.,
Chantraine 1933: 360f.).
Bavavoos, -ov [adj., m.] ‘of an artisan; artisan’; metaph. ‘vulgar’ (IA). <PG(S)>
DER Pavavoia.
200 Bavvdtat
*ETYM According to EM 187, 40, a haplology from *Pavvavoog, in turn a compound
of »Badvocg ‘furnace’ and pavbw ‘scoop, light a fire’. Although this would fit
Hesychius’ explanation Bavavoia: maca téxv dia mupdc. Kupiwg dé 1) Mepi Tac
Kaptivouc. Kai Mag Texvitns xaAKedcs Tt xpvdoydoc Bavavoosg ‘any art using fire; in
common usage, the art using furnaces; also, any metal worker or goldsmith is a
Bavavooc,, we have to disregard that as folk etymology (Kretschmer Glotta 21 (1933):
178). Evidently, it is rather a Pre-Greek word. For the suffix -ooc, cf. k6pmacocg and
dpvéoc (see Pre-Greek).
Bavvatou [f.] - ai AoEoi Kai pt iButeveic O50i mapa Tapavtivorg TO dé adtd Kai
Bavvatpot ‘slanting and non-straight roads (Tarant.); the same as Bavvatpov (H.).
<>
*ETYM DELG suggests that B- represents F-, and that the gloss contains *Fapv-, as in
Bdavveta ‘piste des moutons’. Uncertain.
Bavwtdc [m.] ‘vase used as a measure’ (pap. III*, Callix.). <PG>
*ETYM Pre-Greek; for the suffix -wt-, see Pre-Greek (the -w probably goes back to
-au-, which makes comparison with Bavavooc attractive).
Bantw [v.] ‘to immerse, so as to temper or color’ (Od.). <?>
eVAR Aor. Bawa.
*DER 1. Bagr ‘dipping, temper, dye’ (IA); 2. Bazyta ‘dye’ (P1.); 3. Bays ‘id’ (Antiph.).
Paget ‘dyer’ (Pl.), Bageiov (Str.); verb Bartitw, which appears metathesized in
BimtaCw (Epich.).
eETYM Often considered to be a yod-present comparable to ON kvefja ‘to press
down, immerse, choke’ and OSw. kvaf [n.] ‘depth’ (thus Frisk). However, this does
not explain the -a-. The by-form Pintetv. Bantifetv (H.) is perhaps formed
analogically after Simtetv (see » bbw) or KimTelv; it does not reflect an original zero
grade.
BapaSpov [n.] ‘cleft, abyss’. <PG>
eVAR Bépe8pov (Hom; Aeol.?, Chantraine 1942: 114), from which (through
*Bép8pov) Bé8pov (Euph.), Arc. Cépe8pov (representing 5-; cf. Cé\Aw = déAw sv.
> BadAw).
eETYM The connection with » Bippwoxw ‘devour’ cannot be maintained: *g’erh,- /
*o"rh;- would give *depo-/ Bpw-, *Bap(o)-. In view of the variants, the word is rather
Pre-Greek, like »pdpay§; see Beekes 1969: 193 (on alleged Illyrian cognates, see
Krahe IF 58 (1942): 220).
Bapaxog [m.] - ix9bc motdc H., a freshwater fish in a Boeotian inscr. <PG?>
VAR Cf. Bapkaioc (Theognost.).
eETYM Cf. Thompson 1947 s.v. and Lacroix 1938: 52. Fur. 116 compares Béraypoc(?).
Bapak, -Koc [m.] a kind of cake (Epil.). <PG(S,v)>
eVAR Bripng (Ath; H. also Brypak); mapag (Test. Epict.); Bapaxec: ta mpopupdpata
Th¢ paCng ‘dough kneaded in advance for a cake’ - Attixoi 52 Briprkac: SrAot 6é Kai
TH toAvmyy ‘it also designates the ball-shaped cake’ (H.).
Bapnkes 201
*ETYM A foreign word (thus already Bechtel 1921, 2: 368), and typically Pre-Greek
(suffix -ax-, variants B/1). Cf. » BapryKec.
BapBas - igpak mapa AiBvot ‘hawk, falcon (Libyan)’ (H.). A PN on Thera, Masson RPh.
93 (1967): 231. <2>
*ETYM See Fauth Herm. 96 (1968): 257f.
BapBapoc, -ov [m.] ‘foreign(er), non-Greek’, also adj. ‘uncivilized, raw’ (IA).
<ONOM>
*COMP BapBapdgwvos ‘of foreign speech’ (II.).
*DER BapBapicdc ‘foreign’ (Simon., Th., X., Arist., etc.) with BapBapixtov name of a
garment (pap.); BapBapwd19¢ (sch., Tz.).
Denominative verbs: 1. BapBapitw ‘to behave like a foreigner, to side with the
barbarians = Persians’ (Hdt.), whence BapBaptojtdc ‘use of foreign language or
customs, language mistakes’ (Arist. Hell.), adv. BapBaptoti ‘in a foreign way, in
foreign language’ (Ar., Plu. et al.); 2. BapBapdoptat ‘to become a barbarian, become
uncivilized’ (S.).
eETYM An onomatopoeic reduplicated formation, which originally referred to the
language of the foreigner. One may compare Skt. (post- Vedic) barbara- ‘stammer’, a
designation of non-Aryan peoples. In spite of Sumer. barbar ‘foreigner’ not of
Babylonian or Sumerian origin. From BdpBapog was borrowed Lat. barbarus.
Comparable formations in other IE languages are mentioned in Pok. gif. and
Mayrhofer EW Aia 2: 217 s.v. balbala-.
BapBitoc [f.] or [m.] musical instrument with many strings (Pi.). <PG(S,V)>
*VAR Later also -ov [n.], also Bappttoc (EM 188, 21, called Aeolic); also Bappoc
(Phillis apud Ath. 14, 636c) and Bapwpocg (Ath.).
*ETYM Foreign word (Phrygian? See Str. 10, 3, 17). GroSelj Slavisti¢na Revija 4 (1951):
250 connects it with pdppyé, as does Fur.: 173, etc. The word is most probably Pre-
Greek, with a suffix -tt-. Perhaps the strange -w- in the variant Bapwpoc can be
explained from *bar”m-? Otherwise, one might consider the possibility that this -w-
is the result of epenthesis.
BapBdc [m.] = pwotpov ‘spoon’ (Ar. fr. 341). <2>
eETYM Unknown.
Bapdijv [v.] - 16 BidtecBat yuvaikac. AjimpaKimtat ‘to coerce women (Ambrac.)’ (H.).
<>
*ETYM Unknown. Not convincing are the solutions by Pisani RhM 97 (1945): 624 (of
Illyrian origin, from *b'er- ‘bear’, which would also be the source of Lat. forda
‘pregnant’), Bechtel 1921, 2: 282 (as original *fapdijv related to dpdaAozg ‘dirt’), and
Pischel BB 7 (1883): 334 (to Skt. mrdnati ‘squeezes’).
Bapnkec [m.]/[f.]? = ta odAG TMV O5dvTWV, CLaydvec, TOAUTH ‘the gums, cheeks; clew
of wool’, etc. (EM 188, 37ff.). <PG?>
eVAR » Bdpaxec ‘toAbmIN’ ‘ball-shaped cake’ (H.).
202 Bapic 1
eETYM Cf. »BaBpiKes ‘id.’. Is the word from Pre-Gr. *bar’-ak-? or simply
reduplicated, i.e. *ba-b[a]r-ak-?
Bapts 1 [f.] “Egyptian boat, a kind of raft’ (A.). <Lw Eg.>
eVAR Gen. -160¢, -toc.
*ETYM The word is of Egyptian origin, cf. Copt. bari ‘boat’? (Hemmerdinger Glotta 46
(1968): 241). From Baptc is borrowed Lat. baris, barca (< *barica) ‘bark’. Fur.: 325, on
the other hand, considers all these words to be loans from a Mediterranean
substrate. On the ‘strengthened’ form BotPaptc (Philist. 56), see Chantraine 1928: 16.
Bapts 2 [f.] ‘large (fortified) house’ (LXX). Toponym, see L. Robert 1963: 14-6, 128.
<Lw Ilyr.2>
eVARGen. -160¢, -Ews.
*ETYM Probably Illyrian (Krahe 1955: 39, with a from au); cf. »Bavpia + oikia EM
(Messapian) and » Bvptov. Alternatively, we may consider the possibility that the
word derives from a Pre-Greek form *bar”-, which would explain the interchange
Bap- ~ Bavp- ~ Bup-.
Baptrns [m.] name of a bird (Dionys. Av. 3, 2). <2>
eETYM Unknown; any connection with » Badptc 2 is not compelling.
Baptxot - dpvec ‘lambs, sheep’ (H.). =dpryv.
Bapvapevoc =p dpvapal.
Bapos [m.] kind of spice (Mnesim. 4, 62). <?>
eVAR Bdpov [n.].
*ETYM Unknown.
Bapvec [m.]/[f.]? - dévdpa ‘trees’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Unknown. The word is hardly related to Bopéac, as per Osthoff 1901: 48. See
> GBAapot.
Bap<v>ka - aidoiov mapa Tapavtivoic. kai mepdvinj ‘the genitals [Tarant.]; a pin’ (H.).
<>
eETYM Unknown. Completely uncertain is the idea of von Blumenthal 1930: 10f. that
the word is Illyrian-Messapian, related to Lat. ferid, ford, and to pdpvuyé, etc.
Comparison of the suffix (Lat. verritca) is pointless, since the -u- is a conjecture.
Bapuc [adj.] ‘heavy’, of tone ‘low, deep’ (I].). <1E *g”rh,-u- ‘heavy’ .>
*COMP Bapv-ydoumo¢ (Pi.), etc.
*DER Papttn¢, -tos [f.] (Att.). Denominatives: 1. Baptvw ‘weigh down, oppress’
(Il.); 2. BaptOw “be weighed down’ (Il.); 3. Bapéw see below. Further Bapocg [n.]
‘heavy weight’ (as a simplex Hdt.; in compounds (yaAko-, oivo-Baprjc) already II.).
The ptc. BeBapnws (oivw PeBaprdotec, -dta y 139, T 122) cf. oivoBaprc (A 225;
metrically lengthened oivoBapeiwv t 374, k 555), from which oivoBapéw (Thgn.);
thence (?) BeBaprpévos (Pl); Boprcat (Sapph. Supp. 25, 17) with Aeol. vocalism;
Bapéw (Hp. Morb.).
BaoKavos, -ov 203
eETYM The word is identical in formation with Skt. guriti- and Go. kaurus ‘heavy’,
whereas Lat. gravis reflects *graus < *g”reh,us. The full grade is seen in the Skt.
compar. gariyan. Lat. britus ‘heavy, brute’, which goes back to an extended *g”rH-u-
to-, is originally an Oscan word. Cf. » Bptapdc, » Bpidw.
Bap(w)pLosg =Bapitoc.
Baoayixopos [adj.] - 6 Paccov cuvoveratwv (Hippon.). <2
*ETYM Is this word corrupt? See O. Masson 1962: 173. Shall we compare dwikopoc
‘quickly satiated’ s.v. » dntw?
Bacavog [f.] ‘touchstone, examination, inquiry (by torture), agony’ (Pi.). <LwW Eg.
(Lyd.)>
*DER Baoavitng Ai®oc (H., Ptol.). Denominative Baoavitw ‘put to the test, inquire
(by torture)’ (IA).
*ETYM From Eg. bahan, a stone, which was used by the Egyptians as a touchstone of
gold. It came to Greece via Lydia (Avdia Ai8oc, B. 22); the o for h is unclear. See
Sethe Berl.Ak.Sb. 1933: 894ff. Kretschmer Glotta 24 (1936): 90. In Plin. 36, 58,
basaniten became basalten by mistake, which is the origin of basalt. See Niedermann
Mus. Helv. 2 (1945): 127f.
Baotretc< [m.] ‘king (especially the Persian king), prince’ (Il.). < PG(s)>
*DIAL Myc. qa-si-re-u /g”asileus/; fem. qa-si-re-i-ja; qa-si-re-wi-jo-te /g”asilewjontes/.
DER Feminine forms: BaciAeta (Od.); Baotric (S.), BaotAnic (Man., Epigr. Gr. 989, 3),
Bacidtcoa (inscr. Athens 337%, com. formed to stems in -tx- from words like
Kidtooa, Poivioca, etc.); Bacihivva ‘wife of the dpywv Baothevs in Athens’ (D,; cf.
Koptwva, Didtvva, etc. hypocoristic, Schwyzer 491; differently Chantraine 1933: 205).
Diminutive BactAicKoc, also name of a snake, fish, etc. (Hp.; cf. Stroémberg 1943:
gif.), adjectives Baoilniog (Od.), Bacidetog (Att.); fem. also BaoiAnic (I.);
substantivized ntr. Baoilrlov, BaoiAetov, ‘king’s palace’ (IA). Denominative verb:
Baotrevw (I.).
*ETYM Beside BaotAevc, Greek has two other words for ‘king’, » koipavoc and > ava.
Baothetc is the youngest; see Wackernagel 1916: 209ff. The word is no doubt of Pre-
Greek origin (i.e. not a loanword from another country); labiovelars are well-known
in this language.
BaoKavos, -ov [adj., m.] ‘one who bewitches, sorcerer, slanderer’ (Att.). < EUR?>
*DER Baokavia, Baokawov ‘bewitching, witchcraft’; Backoovvn ‘id.’ (Poet. de herb.,
mag. pap.), for Baok(av)oobvn. Denominative verb Baokaivw ‘to bewitch’.
eETYM Generally connected with Bdaoxelv. éyetv, KkaKkodoyeiv, and further with
> Baw. However, Bdoketv in the sense ‘kaxodoyeiv may have been influenced by
BaoKavoc itself. Kretschmer 1896: 2484 unconvincingly considered the word to be a
borrowing from a Thraco-Illyrian representative of pri, paoxw. One has also tried
to connect Lat. fascinum, which cannot be a loanword from Greek; perhaps the Latin
and the Greek have a common origin in a substrate. Cf. further » Baoxevtai,
> Baoktol.
204 Backapiterv
Baokapiterv [v.] - oxapitetv, Kpijtec ‘to jump (Cret.)’ (H.).
eETYM DELG thinks it is derived from Bdoxw after the verbs in -apiCw, but this
hardly explains the meaning ‘jump’.
BaoKka >LaKéAn.
BaoKkas [m.] kind of duck (Ar. Av. 885, v. 1. Arist. HA 593b 17), < PG(V)>
eVAR Acc. -a. Also Booxde, -ddo¢ (Arist. ibid., Alex. Mynd. apud Ath. 9, 395d, and
paokdc, -ado¢ [f.] (Alex. Mynd. ibid.); H. gives all forms.
eETYM Cf. dttaydc, éAaodc, and other bird names; see Chantraine 1933: 31. The 0 of
the variant Booxac can hardly be due to influence of BdoKw; nor is the B- (compared
to the @- of paoxdc) Thracian or Illyrian. For the gloss Bookdc: paokdc. AiBot (H.),
Latte suggests: “<IA>Avptot? (propter B pro @)”. However, the variation has to be
taken seriously: it clearly points to Pre-Greek origin (Fur. 168; unconvincing,
however, is his link with Bulg. patka, Span. pato, p. 251; Sardian busciu, adduced by
Thompson 1895 s.v. Bookdc, is nothing better).
BaoKkavAyg [m./f.] an unknown utensil (POxy. 1, 109, 22, ITI-IV?). <Lw Celt >
eVAR Perhaps also > ptackavAne.
eETYM Grenfell-Hunt adduce Lat. vasculum, but this would hardly yield the Greek
form. WH considered it a loan from Lat. bascauda (also m-) ‘metal washing-basin’
(Mart.). Thus Szemerényi Gnomon 43 (1971): 660, but his proposal that the Greek
word is due to a misreading of A for A is improbable; it could well be a phonetic
development. Fur.: 212 thinks that the word is Pre-Greek, as shown by b/m and d/l.
He further recalls Talmud. maskel ‘basin’, which would confirm its Mediterranean
origin. However, Martialis 14, 99 appears to prove that the word is Celtic (or perhaps
a European substrate word).
Baokevtai [m.]/[f.]? - paoKidec, ayKadat ‘fascides; bundles’ (H.). <EUR>
VAR Cf. Baoktor Seopial ppvydvwv “bundles of firewood’ (H.).
*ETYM It has been suggested that the word is Macedonian, cognate with Lat. fascia
‘binding’. On the assumption that gaoxidec is the genuinely Greek reflex,
Szemerényi KZ 71 (1954): 212f. proposed that it is Illyrian. However, the word rather
seems to come from a European substrate; see Beekes 2000: 21-31. Not related to
> PdoKwAoc
Baokw —Bdlw and Baivw.
Baoodpa [f.] ‘fox’ (sch. Lyc. 771), ‘dress of a Bacchante’ (EM, AB, H.) from the skin of
a fox; ‘bacchante’ (sch. Lyc. 771, EM), ‘impudent woman’ (Lyc., EM). <Lw Eg>
*DER Bacodptov ‘fox’ (Hdt. 4, 192; Libyan), Bacoapetc name of Dionysus (Hor.),
Bacoapocg = Baxyoc (Orph.); denominative verb ava-Bacoapéw ‘to break forth in
Bacchic frenzy’ (Anacr.). :
eETYM Herodotus calls the word Libyan, which seems to be confirmed by the
etymological connection with Eg. wasar, Copt. basor (Szemerényi Gnomon 43 (1971):
660, without reference). Szemerényi further tries to maintain the connection with
Batavy 205
Hitt. yassuyar ‘clothing’, rightly rejected by Neumann 1961: 19. Fur.: 257° notes that
Bacooc = Bacodpa (EM), and that -ap(oc) is a frequent Pre-Greek suffix.
Baocos [n.] - obdetépwe: 1) Brjooa ‘a neuter word meaning glen, vale’ (H.). <PG?>
*ETYM Schwyzer RhM 81 (1932): 199f. (who argues against the accentuation Baococ)
proposes *Bd8-coc. However, beside Bijooa, we find Dor. Baooa, so that Bacco
could be a variant of Bijooa and Bacoa; if so, Pre-Greek origin becomes likely. The
suggestion of Kretschmer Glotta 22 (1934): 258f. that Lat. bassus ‘lowly’ is borrowed
from this word remains quite uncertain. See » Bijoca, » Babuc.
Baota [n.pl.] - btodHpata. Ttadi@tat ‘sandals (Ital.)’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM Johansson IF 19 (1906): 121 takes Bactd as Messapian and connects it with
OHG, etc. bast ‘bark’. Jacobsohn ZfdA 66 (1952-1953): 238ff. thinks it is an Iranian
(Scythian) Wanderwort, i.e. Av. and OP basta- ‘bound’ (cf. meiopta, te vOepdc); this is
uncertain. Not related to Lat. fascis (see » Baoxevtai). See Meid IF 69 (1965): 232.
Baotatw [v.] ‘to lift up, raise’ (Od.). <2>
VAR Aor. Baotdoar, late BaotéEar.
*DER Baotaypta ‘load’ (E.), Baotayr ‘transport’ (Lyd.). Here also Baotpayatc: todc¢
TpaxrAovc. Bowtoi ‘necks, throats (Boeot.) (H.) (EM), from Bdotaxac (from
*Badotag, cf. *tdotat and Bechtel 1921, 1: 303) contaminated with tpdxniog; further
Bactpaynriler tpaxnriter ‘twist the neck, overpower’ (H.) and Baotpayanicat
TpaxnAtaoai; from carrying on one’s back. Baotépwov from Lat. basterna.
*ETYM Unknown. Connection with Baivw (see Schwyzer 1937: 70) is not convincing.
Baovviac [m.] kind of sacrificial cake, from the island Hecate near Delos (Semos 3).
<PG>
*DER Baovpvidtng ‘baker of B.’ (inscr. Corycos, Lycia).
eETYM See von Wilamowitz 1931: 264. Fur: 245 adduces the variant with -1v-, which
proves Pre-Greek origin.
Batarog [m.] - Katamvywv Kai davdpdyvvoc, Kivatdoc, ékAvtog ‘a lewd man,
hermaphrodite, catamite; lascivious’ (H.); = mpwxtdc ‘anus’ (Eup. 82 apud Harp.).
<PG(V)>
eVAR Also Battadog; Batac, Badac and ondtadog ‘wanton, lascivious’; see below.
DER BataAifoytat ‘to live like a 6” (Theano), -i(w (ta omic®ta, of a horse) ‘to turn to
and fro’ (Hippiatr.). Shortened (cf. Chantraine 1933: 31f.) Batac: 6 Kkatageprc.
Tapavtivot ‘lecherous person (Tarantinian)’ (H.); Baddc: xivatdoc wo Attepiac (H.).
Demosthenes was called Bat(t)aAocg in his youth (D. 18, 180; Aeschin. 1, 126; 2,99),
which perhaps referred to a speech-defect, namely pronouncing A for p and thus
BattahiCev for Battapiterv ‘to stammer’; see Holst Symb. Oslo. 4 (1926): 1:ff.
eETYM There has been an attempt to connect the word with Batéw ‘mount’; however,
that Baddac would be formed after Badnv, Badiw is quite improbable. Fur.: 154, etc.
convincingly connects it with » omdtadoc, which indicates Pre-Greek origin, along
with the interchange tt/ t/ 6.
Patdaviy *ETYM See > natavn.
206 Patéw
Batéw VAR Batevw = faivu.
BataKn [f.] a cup (Diph.). <Lw Iran.?>
*ETYM The word is Persian, according to Ath. 784a. Rudgren Glotta 38 (1958): 10-4,
compared MoP bad(i)yah < *batiaka-. Thence the Lat. LW batioca. Fur.: 179
compares Bdtoc, Badoc ‘measure for liquids’ (LXX), and the suffix -axn (158%), but
see > BaTOs 2.
Batic [f.] ‘skate, ray’ (Epich.); also a bird, ‘stone chat’? (Arist.); also ‘samphire,
Crithmum maritimum’ (Plin.). <PG(v)>
*ETYM If the word is identical with » Bdétic, the vowel interchange points to Pre-
Greek origin, which is to be expected for a fish name anyhow.
Batoc 1. [m.] and [f] ‘bramble, Rubus ulmifolius’ (Od.). Also a fish, ‘skate’ (Epich.),
because of its spines (Strémberg 1943: 47). <LW>
VAR Batov [n.] ‘blackberry’ (D. S.).
*DER Batia (atid?) ‘thicket’ (Pi.); Batiov ‘mulberry on Salamis’ (Parth.); Batic
‘skate’ (Epich.); name of a bird (Arist. HA 592b 17: dpwic oxwAnko@ayoc); plant
name ‘Crithmum maritimum’ (Plin.); Batéetc ‘thorny’ (Nic.). Not here Batieta =
ofa Mupivi (B 813) and the PN Bateta (Hellanic.), which are rather Illyrian.
*ETYM Bertoldi Glotta 21 (1933): 258ff. points to » wavtia ‘blackberry’, identified as
Dacian by Dsc. 4, 37, as well as several other plant names pointing to *ma(n)t-, e.g.
Alb. man ‘mulberry’, Gheg mand; see also Fur. 209, 272. A widespread
Mediterranean word. See also DELG.
Batoc 2 [m.] a measure for liquids (LXX). <Lw Sem.>
VAR Also Badoc.
*ETYM Probably a loan from Semitic (Hebr. bath); see LSJ Supp. s.v. Bai®, Bai®apa.
Cf. » BatiaKn.
Batpaxocs [m.] ‘frog’ (Hdt.). Also name of a fish, “Lophius piscatorius’ (Arist.), see
Stromberg 1943: 92f. <PG(V)>
eVAR Ion. Ba8pakocg with displacement of aspiration, a common phenomenon (cf.
Lejeune 1972: 59f.); Botpayoc (Hp.) and Bpdtaxoc (Xenoph. 40, see Bechtel 1921(3):
109); Bpataxouc Batpaxouc (H.); further Bpovyetoc: ... Batpaxov dé Kumptot (H.),
perhaps after Bpvydopat; PipPaxoc Batpaxocg (H.); Bpvtryor Batpaxor puKpoi
éxovtecg ovpdc ‘frogs having small tails’ (H.) (cf. Bpvw?); Bpiayyovnv: Batpaxov.
®wxeic (H.), a mistake for *Bp(a)t-ayy-?; Bpdyxoc: Batpayocg (H.) may also be a
mistake; also BAikavoc, BAikapoc, BAixa(c) (H., EM, Suid.); BAitaxog (H.). BaBaxkot
bm0’HAgiwv tétttyes ‘cicalas’, b10 Tlovtikav dé Batpaxot (H.), see > BaBalw.
*DER Diminutive Batpdytov (Paus.), also plant name ‘Ranunculus’ (Hp., Dsc., cf.
Stromberg 1940: 119); Batpayickor pépoc tt Tic KLOdpac ‘a part of the lyre’ (H.); on
the suffixes Chantraine 1933: 408. Batpayitnc, -itt¢ (At80c; because of the color;
Plin.).
*ETYM Several variants are due to folk etymology or taboo, and also to simple
phonetic variation. A priori, a local (ie. Pre-Greek) form is to be expected for all of
these forms; the variation a/ 0 points to this. This holds for BapSaxoc as well, if this
BavKdg 207
is what must be read in H. for Bapakoc: Bapayoc (Fur.: 184?; see Latte). The form
may in origin have been onomatopoeic Bpat-ax- (Grogelj Ziva Ant. 6 (1956): 235),
with which compare Bpexexeé; or even *brt-ak-, from which the forms with -v- may
have originated (BUp8aKoc, Bpdtiyoc). The hopeless forms Bpiayyovn, Bpdyxos (is
this form to be read for Bpovyetoc?) contain a (misread) prenasalized *(Bpat)ayxos,
which would also point to Pre-Greek origin. The forms BAtk/y- and Bapakot are
etymologically unrelated. For the meaning ‘hearth’, Szemerényi Gnomon 43 (1971):
660 refers to Alb. vatér.
Battapitw [v.] denoting a speech-defect, perhaps ‘to stammer’ (Hippon.). Cf. Holst
Symb. Oslo. 4 (1926): 11. <ONOM>
eVAR Cf. Battaptopoic¢ @Avapiatc ‘nonsense’ and Bdttoc ...tpvAd@wvoc,
icyvo@wvosg ‘feeble; thin- or weak-voiced’ (H.).
*DER Battaptopdc (Phld.). Cf. Battapoc (Herod.).
*ETYM The word is comparable to BattoAoyéw ‘stammer’ (Ev. Matt. 6, 7, Simp.)
together with BattoAoyia dpyoAoyia, axaupodoyia ‘ill-timed speech’ (H.). Cf. the
PN Battoc (Hdt. 4, 155). See also » Batadoc, Is it onomatopoeic? Cf. Lat. butubatta;
on BattoAoyéw, see especially Blass and Debrunner 1959: Anh. § 40. See also Pok. 95.
BavBdw [v.] ‘to sleep’ (E. Fr. 694, etc.), also factitive ‘to put to sleep’ = komitw (H.).
<ONOM>
*DER BavBwv [m.] = dAtoBog (Herod.), also BavBw- T1Orvn Anntpos ‘nurse of D.’.
onpiaiver dé kai KowAiav, w¢ tap’ EumedoxAei (fr. 153) ‘it means the womb/belly too,
like in Emp.’ (H.); see Headlam and Knox 1922 to Herod. 6, 19; on the formation
Schwyzer: 478. BavBahilw ‘to make sleep’ (Alex. 229) see » Bavkaddw.
eETYM A nursery word.
BavpuKaves =Baibv€.
Bait~w [v.] ‘to bark; revile, cry, etc.” (A.). <ONOM>
DIAL Dor. Baiiodw.
*DER Also BavpvCw (pap.).
*ETYM Onomatopoeic form from Bav Bad (Com. adespota 1304). Cf. Lat. baubor
‘bark’, Lith. baubti ‘cry’, of cows, etc.
Bavkaddw [v.] ‘to lull to sleep, nurse’ (Crates).
*DER BavKdAn ‘cradle’ (Sor.).
eETYM Denominative from Pavxadoc, known only from EM 192, 20: Bavkadov:
ptakakiCdpltevov, Tpuepov, kai wpaiotév ‘softened, effeminate, affected’. This in turn
‘is a derivation from » Bavkdec, cf. » Bavpdw.
BavKkddtov [n.] vase with a narrow neck (pap.). <LW?>
*ETYM One supposes Egyptian origin. See Nencioni Riv. degli stud. or. 19 (1940): 98ff.
DELG suggests Bavkaddw, which does not seem probable. On the forms (including
MoFr. bocal) Leroy-Molinghen Byzantion 35 (1965): 214-20. Cf. KavKddtov (s.v.
> KabKoc) and » Bikoc.
Bavxdc [adj.] ‘affected, prudish’ (Arar. 9). <PG?>
208 Badvoc
*COMP Bavkorttavoipyosg (Arist. EN 1127b 27).
*DER Bavxidec [pl.] ‘women’s shoes’ (Com., Herod.), Bavifopiat, -itw ‘to play the
prude, Optntec8ar’ (Alex. Com.); Bavxtopid¢ ‘a dance’ (Poll.). PN BatKkoc. On
> BavKardw, see s.v.
*ETYM Cf. yAavkdc, GavKdc, and @oAxdc for the suffix. It is probably a Pre-Greek
adjective (but the comparison in Fur.: 325 with yavxpdc, Lavkupdc is not evident). It
is uncertain whether the gloss ‘women’s shoes’ belongs to this lemma. For Iranian
comparanda, see Rundgren Orientalia Suecana 6 (1957): 60f.
Bavdvoc [m.] ‘furnace’, also = yutpdémovc “(stand for a) pot’ (Eratosth., Max. Tyr., etc.).
<PG?>
eVAR Cf. Bavviy Kavos XwvevTH ptov ‘furnace’ (H.).
eETYM Technical term without etymology. Fur.: 236 compares advoc: KdLuUvoc,
Bavpia =Bvptov, Baptc.
BSaAXw [v.] “to milk (cows) (PI1.). <PG>
*VAR Mostly present (rare aorists BddAac, BdyAato). Also BS€AAw (sch. Theocr. 11,
34) (cf. B5éAXa ‘leech’).
*DER BddAotc ‘suction’ (Gal.). Difficult BSaAoi pagidec ‘garfish, Belone acus’
Bardoctat. Kai prAéBec kptoowdelc ‘varicose veins’ (H.) (not a mistake for Behdvij);
BeAAau ‘id’ (H.), misread for BdaAoi, or a variant of *B5eAAau?
*ETYM It is deceptive that BddAAw looks like a zero grade of B5éAA-(a). The meaning
‘leech’ and the group B6- show that it is a Pre-Greek word, as does the geminate -AA-
(perhaps bdal’-, or *b’al’-). If BSadoi does belong here, it exhibits the Pre-Greek
interchange -AA/A-.
Bd5éAALov [n.] ‘(aromatic) gum of the oriental wine palm’ (Dsc., Plin.). «<Lw Sem>
eVAR Also BdéAXa (J.).
eETYM An Oriental loan; cf. Hebr. b'ddlah and Akk. budulhu. See Lewy 1895: 45 and
Schrader-Nehring 1917(1): 84f.
BSeA vpdc [adj.] “disgusting, loathsome’ (Ar.). <PG>
*DER BdeAvooopat (-TT-), fut. BSeAKEoptat ‘feel a loathing’ (Hp.), act. -boow, -bttw
(LXX) together with BdeAvypia (Cratin.), etc. Verbal adjective PdeAvKtdc
(BdSekdKtporocg from *BdeAvKTO-tpottIog A.). PN BédeAv-KAéwv (Ar.), BdeAvXpdc
(Epich.).
eETYM PdeAvpdc is mostly explained as formed from Bdé-w with a suffix -Av- (as in
Ofj-Av-c), but this is hardly possible. A verb in -ew does not yield a stem in -e to
which suffixes can be added. Moreover, a suffix -Av- probably does not exist: 8fjAuc
seems rather to be built on a A-stem (DELG, Frisk), and -Av- was certainly no longer
productive (Chantraine 1933: 121). One scholar assumed a suffix -A- in BdéAAwv-
Tpéptwv i Bdéwv, BSéEAEcOat- KotAtoAvTeTv (H.; the forms are doubted) and in BSdA0¢
‘stench’ (Com. Ades p. 781; cf. yakedBdoXov, s.v. » yakén). However, these forms are
just as difficult: there was no stem Bde- to which a suffix could be added. Moreover,
the derivation of BdeAupdc from Pdéw is not clear semantically (in H., forms are
often explained with tuoéw): it is easy to understand that the verb was later
BetéXortec 209
influenced by the meaning of BdeAvpdc. Therefore, the word cannot be explained as
an inner-Greek formation. An analysis as BSeA-vp- then seems more probable, both
components of which are probably Pre-Greek: BS- and the suffix -vp- (see Pre-
Greek).
65éw [v.] ‘to break wind, fart’ (com.). <IE *pesd- ‘break wind (smoothly)’>
eVAR Aor. Bdéoan (AP) and BdSedoau (Hierocl.).
*DER Bd-vAAw ‘break wind (for fear) (Ar.) and Bdévvuptat Exxevodpat TIV KotAiav
‘empty the intestines’ Suid. (B6éveoOat H., correct? Debrunner IF 21 (1907): 97f.) Cf.
BddAXoc, » BSeAupdc and » BSeADooo}taL.
eETYM Bdéw goes back to an old PIE verb *pesd- reflected in eg. Ru. bzdet’, Lith.
bezdu, bezdéti, Lat. pédo < *pezd6. Thus, Bdéw itself must come from *Bzdéw; see
Schwyzer: 326 add. 5. Cf. also » mépdopau.
BéBatoc [adj.] ‘firm, steady’ (Parm., IA). <GR>
*DER BeBatdtr)¢ [f.] ‘stability’ (Pl.), denominative BeBatdw ‘establish’ (IA).
eETYM Generally connected with Bijvat, though the formation is unclear; it is hardly
from *BeBa-vo-toc, as per Wackernagel 1916: 113' (cf. *f16-vo-tog > idvtoc).
BéBnAos [adj.] ‘allowed to be trodden, profane, permitted’ (trag.). <GR>
DIAL Dor. BéBaAOc, Cyrene BoBadoc.
eETYM Like BéBatoc, the word is connected with the perfect BéBn-Ka, but the
formation is not quite clear. Cyren. BaBaAog is also problematic; cf. Kretschmer
Glotta 18 (1930): 235.
Bebpada =BaptBpadav.
BéPpok [adj.] -aya8dc, yprotdc, kahdc ‘good, useful/good, beautiful (H.). <PG?>
sETYM Acc. to Grogelj Ziva Ant. 3 (1953): 197f., it is a foreign word, related to Lat.
for(c)tis, etc. (?). For the ending, cf. Bippog s.v. » Bippoc. The word is probably Pre-
Greek. See » BeBpdc, » BpoKkdc.
BeBpdc [adj.] ‘stupid’ (Hippon. 40 Masson). wvypdc, tetvpwptévoc ‘cold/stupid,
stupid’ (H.). <PG(v)>
VAR Also BetiBpdc: tetvpwévoc, MapEetog ‘stupid, relaxed’ (H.).
eETYM We may compare PéBpoé, with the semantic development ‘good’ > ‘too good,
stupid’. See Masson ad loc. The prenasalized form indicates Pre-Greek origin.
BetéAones [pl. m./f.] + itavtes ofc dvadodcr Aakedaytdviot Tod veKtypdpous ‘leather
straps with which the Lacedaimonians honored victorious men’ (H.). <PG?>
eVAR The notation -et- or -t- was discussed in antiquity, An. Ox. 2, 289; Bourguet
1927: 97°.
*ETYM Neither Solmsen 1901: 255 (*fleA- to yic [= Fic]: ituac, Lat. vied ‘bind, plait’) nor
Kalén GHA 26:2 (1920): 105ff. (*fetoed-ehortes to Skt. vestate ‘wrap round’ and
*éhogos ‘tie, strap’; cf. »dpyéAogot) offer a persuasive hypothesis. The word is
probably non-IE, and must be analyzed as B(e)eA-om- with the frequent Pre-Greek
suffix -om- (kakabdpow).
210 Berxddec
Pexddses « déppata Opepytatwv voow Savovtwv, Adkwvec ‘skins of animals perished
from disease (Lacon.)’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
Beionat =Bioc.
BéKxoc [m.] ‘bread’ (Hdt. 2,2). <IE? *b'h,g- ‘bake’>
eETYM Identified as Phrygian by Herodotus, which is to be confirmed by its
occurrence in Phrygian inscriptions. Hipponax (fr. 125 Masson) seems to identify it
as Cyprian (which may have borrowed it from Phrygian as well); see O. Masson 1961:
167f. and Solmsen KZ 34 (1897): 70. Fur.: 297 compares Béoxepot: dptot bro
Aaxwvwv (H.): “eine altes vorgriechisches Restwort, das sich in drei entlegenen
Gebieten (Zentral-Kleinasien, Kypros, Peloponnesos) behauptet hat.”
BéAa - HAtoc ‘sun’. -ETYM See > cin 1.
BéAekkog [m.] - dompidv TI etpepéc AaOdpw LéyEe8oc EpeBivOov Exov ‘pulse resembling
a caper spurge (Euphorbia Lathyris) having the size of a chick-pea’ (H.); also in Ar.
fr. 755. <PG?>
eVAR Ms. -uc.
eETYM Fur.: 150f compares » 1é\ekuc, TéAEKKOV, -OG, just as Kretschmer 1896: 106f.
before him.
BéAguva =Bddhw.
BéAALov [adj.] - dtvxéc, Kpijtec ‘unfortunate (Cret.)’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Fur.: 389 compares yehodv: atvyxés (H.).
BedAovvne [adj.] - telopync. AadKxwvec ‘buzzard (Lacon.)y (H.). <?>
sETYM As a hypothesis, Grogelj Ziva Ant. 4 (1954): 166 connects padhéc, Lat. Ballié.
For the formation, cf. » éptobvne.
BeAovn [f.] ‘needle’ (Arist.). <?>
eDER Diminutive BeAovic (Hermipp.); both also as fish names, see Strémberg 1943:
36f.
*ETYM Cf. mepdvn; etc. on which see Chantraine 1933: 207. Connection with BaAAw
is not semantically evident. Fick 1874-1876(1): 404 therefore connected the word with
Lith. gelin, gélti ‘sting’. Is B- for 6- Aeolic?
BéAtEpos [adj.] ‘better, the best’ (Il.). <1E? *bel- ‘strong’.>
eVAR BeAtiwv (post-Hom.); superlative BéAtatoc (A.), BéATLOTOG (Att.).
DIAL Dor. (Theoc.) Bévtto tog (AT > vt).
DER From BeAtiwv: BeAtiow (Ph.). On » &BéAtEpos, see s.v.
*ETYM Mostly connected with Skt. bdla- [n.] ‘force’, Lat. dé-bilis ‘without power’,
OCS boljii ‘bigger’, etc. But the formation is unclear, most notably the -t-. Seiler
1950: giff. assumes *BeAtdc ‘desired’ > ‘better’ (it is hardly related to BotAopn
because of the B-, but cf. Cret. déAtov- aya8dv [Phot.]). On bdla-, etc, see the
discussion in Mayrhofer EWAia 2: 215.
Bettovikr 21
BéuBpLE, -ikog =BduBoc.
BeuBpac, -dd50¢ =BayiBpadav.
Bévetoc [adj.] ‘blue’, in the circus (Lyd.). <«Lw Lat»
DER Pevetiavos ‘partisan of the Blues’ (M. Ant. 1,5).
eETYM From Lat. venetus; see E-M s.v.and André 1949: 181f.
BévOo0c =Batc.
BepBéptov [n.] ‘kind of headdress’ (Anacr. 21, 3; LSJ Supp.). <?>
eETYM The word has been compared with Beppdv and Beipov- dSacv. Older
suggestions which assumed the meaning ‘shabby garment’ must now be abandoned.
Bepyatog [adj.] ‘romantic, invented’ (Alex. P. Oxy. 1801, Str. 2, 3, 5). <GR>
*ETYM Alexander (DELG; LSJ: Antiphanes) of Berga in Thrace was famous for his
‘tall tales’.
BépeOpov —Bdpapov.
Bepevixtov a plant (H.); ‘nitre’ of good quality (Gal.). <GR>
DER Bepevixaplov vitpov (Orib.); Bepevikidec ‘women’s shoes’ (H.).
eETYM The word derives from the name of queen Berenike.
Bepixokkov [n.] ‘apricot’ (Gp.). «LW? Lat.?>
VAR BEpliKOKKtov.
eETYM DELG mentions that Latin has the word praecoquum ‘precocious’ (perhaps it
was considered a precocious variant of the peach), which was transcribed in Greek as
TIpaLKOKKLOV (not in LSJ); note Gr. » KdKKog ‘grain of fruit’. However, it is unclear
how this could have yielded Bepikoxkov. Through Arab. albarqiiq and Catal.
a(l)\bercoc, the word reached French as apricot.
Bépxtoc - EXagpoc bd Aaxwvwv “deer (Lacon.)’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Unknown. See Bourguet 1927: 634.
Bepxvic [m./f.]? + axpic ‘locust’ (H.). <PG?>
eETYM Evidently cognate with » Bpodxog, etc. Fur.:129°° considers it a different word,
buta suffix -n- (without a preceding vowel) is typical for Pre-Greek (see Pre-Greek).
Bepva@pue8a [v.] - KAnpwowpe8a. Adkwvec ‘we shall appoint (Lacon.) (H.). <?>
°VAR Cf. Beppéat- KAnpw@oat H., which may be corrupt.
*ETYM Kretschmer KZ 35 (1899): 605 and Fraenkel Glotta 2 (1910): 37 connect the
word with ,tépoc, peipoptat with dissimilation from f1ep-v-. von Blumenthal Glotta 18
(1930): 153f. argues for Illyrian origin (cf. pepvi)).
Beppdc =Bippof.
Béoxepot —Béxoc.
BettoviKy [f.] “Paul’s betony, Sideritis purpurea’ (Paul. Aeg.). <Lw Lat.>
*ETYM From Lat. uettonica, betonica; see André 1956.
212 Bebdoc
BedSo¢ [n.] ‘rich woman’s dress’ (Sapph.); = Gyahpa at Hermione (EM 195, 52). <LW
Phryg> :
*ETYM See Pfeiffer 1949-1953 on Call. fr 7, u. Betdoc is borrowed from Phrygian
beudos, the statue of a goddess, which itself derives from PIE *b'eud'-os- (Lubotsky
JLES 36 (2008): 96-98). The comparison with -yavédnc by Fur.: 16 is improbable.
Bia [f.]? - dvadevdpdc ‘vine that grows up trees’ (H.). <PG?>
*ETYM Fur.: 212, etc. compares diakic: yévoc otapvAtic a0 avad_evdpasdoc (H.); this
is possible, but doubtful (on p. 393, he even adduces a Georgian word).
BiAa = oivoc. >1NAdc.
PiANA - KmAvLLA, Ppdypya év ToTaLL@. Adxwvec ‘an obstacle, fence in a river (Lacon.y
(H.).
eETYM Related to Messen. ‘Ania. The word is from *féA-vnpia; see »eihw and
> aArs.
BrAdc eVAR Pita. = Baivw.
Brg [m., f.] ‘coughing’ (Th.). <PG?>
eVAR Gen. Biyx0c, also Biykdc, see Schulze 1933a: 703.
*DER Diminutive Bnyiov, also a plant ‘colt’s-foot (Hustenkraut), Tussilago farfara’, as
a medicine against coughing (Lehmann KZ 41, 94, Strémberg 1940: 85f.).
Denominative Brjoow, Brew, éBnga.
eETYM The root noun Bré denotes the illness as an agent. Fur.: 128 notes Bryktov and
TrXLov as variants and concludes that it is Pre-Greek. Ultimately, the word might be
of onomatopoeic origin (but certainly not IE, pace Pisani Arch. glott. ital. 53 (1968):
63f.).
Bnpixadxov [n.] - TO ptadpavOov, Adkwvec H., perhaps to be corrected in |1dpa8pov
‘fennel’ (DELG). <?>
*ETYM Cf. &vOpvoKa: daypia Adxava TapanArow aviPotc, ofa kai Ta pLapavOa ‘wild
herbs close to dill, like the |t’ (AB 404, 23). See Hesselman 1932: 94. To be read as
Fnpt- (Bechtel 1921, 2: 373).
BripvAdos [f.] a precious stone, ‘beryl (LXX). <Lw India>
VAR BrpbAdiov ‘id.’ (LXX).
*DER BnpvAAtoc a plant (Ps.-Dsc.); BnpvAAitns (AiBoc, Cat. Cod. Astr.).
eETYM The stone came from India in Hellenistic times; the name was Prakr. veruliya
< veluriya (Sanskritized vaidirya-). The word is Dravidian, perhaps derived from
Vélir, present-day Bélir, a town in southern India; see Master BSOAS 11 (1943):
304ff. BrpvAdog is a back-formation from BnpvAAtov; see Leumann Glotta 32 (1953):
215°,
Bijoadov ‘brick’ (Moses Alch.). <?>
VAR Cf. BioaAov (Alex. Trall.).
eETYM Unknown. The word is no doubt non-IE.
Bijooa [f.] “wooded combe, glen’ (Il.). <PG?>
BiBpwoKkw 213
*DIAL Dor. Bacoa
DER Brjoarjetc (Hes.).
*ETYM On the assumption that » BaQvc reflects a zero grade (*h.), Bijooa has been
connected with it as an e-grade root variant, i.e. *BaO-1a; this would imply, however,
that BévOo<, certainly related to Ba®uc, is secondary. I would rather take BévOoc and
BaOuc as reflecting old en ~ n ablaut, so that Bijooa cannot be connected.
Alternatively, Bijcoa was thought to be cognate with Av. vi-gad- [f.] ‘ravine’, Skt.
gahate ‘plunge’ (or gahd-), Olr. bdidim ‘sink into the water’ (LIV? *g”eh,d'-). Any
relation with »Bv@6c can be excluded, but Fur.: 330 refers to the gloss Bpijooat:
Bijooc (H.) and opts for Pre-Greek origin (Bpfjcoa is a town and a promontory in
Lesbos; see Fick 1905: 63).
Pita dA ga.
Brtappwv [m.] ‘dancer’ (6 250, 383, Man.); an tod ppoopiévwc Baivetv ‘to walk fitly’
(H.). <GR?>
DER Secondary Brtappidc ‘dance’ (A. R. 1, 1135).
*ETYM Usually connected with » dpapioKw, etc., though there is no other compound
in -aplwv governing the first member (as in mtoAv-Ktilwv; see Sommer 1948: 127,
117). The first member seems to be derived from Piva, but there is no clear solution.
Pisani RILomb. 73:2 (1939-40): 35 assumes haplology from *Bnjtat-apywv, which
seems possible; Brugmann Séichs. Ber. 51 (1899): 199° starts from *Biytoc, *Bryty or
(with dissimilation) *Bftpov = Skt. gatram ‘limb’. Belardi Doxa 3 (1950): 198 assumes
B17-t- (nom. *Brj¢), like Sw-t- (nom. Swe). Cf. also Bechtel 1914: 81f Knecht 1946: 34;
Schwyzer: 442.
ia [f.] ‘strength, force’ (II.). <IE *g”ei- “conquer, force’>
eDIAL Ion. fin.
*COMP br EpPtos (I1.), avtiBtos (I1.), etc.
*DER Piatog ‘violent’ (Od.); Biatas [m.] ‘strong’ (Alcm.). Denominative verb Pidopia,
Bidw (IL), PraCoprou, Brdtw (Il.). Bracpid¢ (Eup.), Biaotyp (Gorg.) ‘violent man’,
Biactixds ‘using violence’ (Pl.). On > Bivéw, see s.v.
*ETYM Presumably, a derivative of the verbal too *g’ei-, reflected in Skt. jdyati
‘conquer’. Conversely, a connection with Skt. j(i)ya- ‘robbery’ (?) can be excluded,
since its direct cognate Av. ziid- points to *¢"- instead (Mayrhofer EWAia 1: 574).
BiB Al w =Baivw.
BiBAOG =BUPAOG.
CiBpw@oxw [v.] ‘to devour’ (originally non-presentic; for the late present see below).
<IE *g”erh,- ‘devour’>
VAR Perf. BéBpwxa (Il), BeBpwOoic A 35 (see Chantraine 1942: 429), BeBpwoetat
(Od.), BéBpwpau (A.), aor. EBpwv (h. Ap. 122), pass. €BpwOnv (Hdt.). Other forms are
late: Bpwlw (Herod.), fut. Bpwoopa (Hell.), BiBpwoxw (Babr.), avaBpwoxwv (H.),
éBpwoa, -Ea (Hell.). Desiderative Bpwoeiw “desire to eat’ (Call.).
214 Bidnv
*COMP wLto-Bpwe, -toc ‘eating raw meat’ (E.), dryt0- ‘devouring his people’, Ovjto-
Bépog (Il.), cf.-Lat. carni-vorus, Skt. aja-gard- ‘devouring goats’, Av. aspd.gara-
“eating horses’.
*DER Action nouns: Bpwrtt¢ (Il) and Bpdwotc (Il.) ‘food’ (Chantraine BSL 59 (1964):
11-22); also Bpwun (Od.), Bpdua (1A); Bpwtdv (E.); Bpwotoc ‘eatable’ (A.). Agent
nouns: Bpwtip (A.), as ‘moth’ also Bpwothp (Aq.). Popa ‘food (of a predator)’
(possibly cognate to the *g”oreh,- that seems to be set forth by Lat. vorére). On
> BovBpworie, see s.v.
eETYM Derived from IE *g’erh,-, which formed a root aorist (which fits the
semantics; éo0iw is to a certain extent used as the corresponding present). The zero
grade is found in the verbal adj. Bpwtdc, which agrees morphologically with Lith.
girtas ‘drunk’ and Skt. girnd- ‘devoured’. Greek generalized this zero grade Bpw-,
further regular in the plural of the aorist and perfect, as in e.g. Bpwe [2sg.aor.]. The
aor. is found in Arm. eker [3sg.] (*h,e-g”erh,-et) from the pres. utem and in the Skt.
aor. garat, garit. Sanskrit has a perfect jagdara for *g’e-g’orh,-e and a present girdti <
*o"rh,-e/o-; the latter agrees with OCS Zoro ‘devour’. Lat. vordre may be
denominative. » Bapa8pov is not related. Cf. » dépr}.
Bidnv - eidoc, KpodpLa, LopoKA‘c Axpidio “wo émmpddArev Bidrnv te kal EvvavAiav”.
dAot Bidvv (H.) <PG(V)>
eVAR Also Budoi: of Lovotkoi, f} KpodLATL. Copws Kpnoiv (H.). Also yaAei Bidvv LSJ
Supp.
*ETYM A musical term, the details of which are unknown; even the case form of the
lemmas is unclear. Fur.: 194 correctly concludes that the word is Pre-Greek
(variation t/ v). Kathakis-Karamanos Glotta 83 (1985): 165, considers Bidvv as the
original form of the word.
6tS5v(0)ot [m.pl.] ‘supervisor’, designation of Spartan officials supervising male youths
(Laconia, Messenia [II*], Paus.). <IE *ueid- ‘see’>
VAR Also Bideot; Pausanias’s Bidatot is wrong.
*ETYM Probably from *fidvo-tot, ie. the zero grade of the perf.ptc. eidwe, for which
cf. Hom. fem. fidvia (see » oi6a). Cf. the Mycenaean PN wi-do-wo-i-jo. Striano
Glotta 68 (1990): 40-48, tries to explain the two notations Bidv(L)ol, Bideor as
rendering *wid-wos-ios. Further comparanda are Att. id66()ot- ovviotopec, LLapTUpEs
‘witnesses’ (Solon apud Ar. fr. 222), and idvior ... of tag Povikac dikacg Kpivovtec
‘they who judge in cases of murder’ (H.). The form with -e- is not well explained; see
Bechtel 1921, 2: 355ff. On Bt-/ Bet- cf. Bourguet 1927: 97°. A parallel formation was
considered for » BéBatoc, but this is hardly correct.
BiGaxiwv [gen.pl.] - ,uxpa@v Ai8wv ‘small stones’ (Suid.). <Lw Sem.?, PG?(S)>
*ETYM Lewy KZ 59 (1932): 190 compares Aram. bizqd, biz‘qa , etc. ‘broken piece,
small stone’. However, -ak- could also represent the Pre-Greek suffix.
Buxia [f.] ‘vetch’, vicia sativa (Gal.) <Lw Lat.>
VAR Btkiov [n.].
eETYM From Latin vicia.
Bippn 215
Bixoc [m.] ‘vase with handles’, also a measure (Hdt; see Solmsen 1909: 65; also
Hippon. fr. 142 Masson). <Lw Eg.?, Sem.?>
*DER Diminutive Bixiov (pap.), Bucidtov (Suid.).
*ETYM Egyptian origin has been considered: cf. Eg. b:k.t ‘oil flask, used as a measure’
(Hemmerdinger Glotta 46 (1968): 241). E. Masson 1967: 78ff. considers Semitic
origin. Not related to Lat. fiscus, as per Fur.: 294, nor to » BavkdAtov.
BidAOG + TO Avdpetov tLdptov TO Kotvdc PAAiv ‘the lot of a man, commonly BiAdiv’
(Hdn. I, 158). <PG>
eVAR Also BiAAdc (ib.).
*DER PN BiAAog, -apoc (L. Robert 1963: 16-22).
*ETYM Fur.: 325 compares GBiAMov-: avdépeiov (H.). The prothetic vowel may point to
Pre-Greek origin, which is expected anyway. BtAAiv is Ephesian if the form is a nom,
cf. the Pre-Greek words in -v (see Pre-Greek).
BipBAts =BUBAOc.
Bivéw [v.] ‘coire, futuere’ (Ar.), also tO Bia ttiyvuoBat ‘to have intercourse by force’
(Sol. apud H.). 4?
eVAR Bevéw (Olympia V*), impf. Biveokduny, fut. Bivijow.
*DER Desiderative Bivitiaw (Ar.), as if from *Biviytis cf. wviytidw : [wviytis :]
WVEOLAL
eETYM Pivéw is a vulgar word that is often connected with fia ‘force’, but the
association with ‘force’ may be secondary. It has also been compared with Cdet- Bivet
(H.), but it is unclear how these words should be related. Skt. jinati ‘overpower,
suppress’ cannot be related in view of Av. zinditi, which proves *g- (instead of *g’-);
nor can we connect divéw, as the meaning is too far off (pace Palmer Minos 5 (1957):
62). Basing himself on the variant Bevéw, De Lamberterie (CEG 1) proposes a
connection with *g”en- ‘woman’, with i from kivéw; in that case, however, we would
expect *Sev-. See > LLvaoLtau.
Biocg =Biw-.
Btdc [m.] ‘bow’, also ‘bowstring’ (Il.), see Triimpy 1950: 66f. <IE *g”ieh,- ‘string’>
VAR Rare after Homer, replaced by td€ov.
*ETYM Related to Skt. jyd-, Av. jiid- ‘bowstring’. Schindler 1972: 20 assumes a root
noun *g"ieh,-, and derives the Greek word from *g’ih,-o- ‘provided with a
bowstring’; this, however, depends on whether the meaning ‘bowstring’ is found in
Greek. Schwyzer 1950: 324 starts from an original fem. o-stem, which is rather
doubtful. The word is probably further related to Lith. gija ‘thread’, OCS Zi-ca
‘string’; yet note the slightly different root *g”"iH- ‘string, sinew, etc.’ in Lat. filum
‘thread’, etc.
Pippy - mupaypa, oi dé Spémavov ‘pair of fire-tongs; pruning-knife’ (H.). <PG?>
eETYM Fur.: 232, 251 compares Svan berez ‘iron’; Akk. parzillu, Hebr. barzel, Ugar.
brsl, South Arabic przn ‘id.’; furthermore, OE bres, OFris. bras(penning), Basque
burdin (cf. Dussaud 1953: 162). Is the word from Asia Minor?
216 Bippoc
Bippoc [m.] ‘kind of cloak’ (Artem.). <EUR?>
eVAR Pippok: Sac’, Maxeddvec ‘dense (Maced.)’ (H.); Beppdv, Beipov- dacv (H.);
BippwOfvar- tamtervwOijvat ‘be reduced’ (H.).
*ETYM Cf. Lat. birrus ‘id’; was the word originally Celtic? Cf. MIr. berr, W byrr
‘short’. See Friedmann 1937: 92. Is it a European substrate word?
BioBn [f.] BioBns (-v?): Spémavov héyovct Meodmot. Kai éoptiv BioBata, fv npeic
kAadevtrpta ‘pruning-knife [Messap.]; the festival BioBata, a festival at pruning-
time’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Unknown. Messapian?
Biotak 6 B’ <peta> Baothéa mapa Tlépoats ‘the second after the king (Pers.)’ (H.).
<LW Pers.>
eETYM Certainly a mistake for *Pitak, a borrowing from a Persian word for ‘viceroy’,
known from MP as bidaxs. The Persian word is discussed by Szemerényi Acta
Iranica 5 (1975): 363ff., but our gloss is not mentioned there, and the article does not
bring us much further. Nyberg Eranos 44 (1946): 237? analyzed the first part as Iran.
*bitiya- ‘second’. Amm. Marc. 23, 614 has it in the form vitaxa. Later Greek has
Bidakne, muT1dEN<.
Biowv, -wvoc [m.] “European bison’ (Paus.). <EUR>
eETYM Cf. OHG wisunt. The Greek form comes from Lat. bisén, and this in turn
from Gm. (thus DELG), of which the ultimate origin remains unknown (Kluge” s.v
Wisent). See Pok. 1134.
Bitos [?] ‘binding of a wheel’ (Ed. Diocl.). «LW Lat>
eETYM From Lat. uitus.
Bittakos =wittaKoc.
Biw- [v.] ‘to live’ (IL). <IE *g”eih,- ‘live’ (or *g”h,(e)i-?)>
eVAR Aor. éBiwv, Bi@vat; s-aor. éBiwoa (Hdt.), med. fact. eBiwoao (8 468); fut.
Beiopat, Béouot (Il; old subjunctive, cf. gopat), also Biwcopa perf. BeBiwKa.
Bidpec8a (h. Ap. 528 for *Betone8a? DELG); pres. Bidw (Arist.).
*DER Biog ‘(way of, means of) life’, Bioti [f.] ‘id.’ (Od.), Biotog [m.] ‘id.’ (II.); also
Cret. Bietoc (see below). Biwtdc ‘worth living’ (Att.), Bidoios ‘to be lived’ (Hdt.).
With 6 from *g” Heracl. évdedtwKdta, if = éuBeBrwxdta. In PN Bio-; Bitwv < Bio-.
*ETYM The root ended in a laryngeal, and the zero grade *g”ih,- is seen in Av. ji-ti-,
OCS 2Zi-to, as well as in Lat. vita, Osc. biitam [acc.]; with a suffix -uo-, it appears in
Skt. jivd-, OCS Zive, Lat. vivus, etc. (all ‘alive’), and in the thematic presents derived
from this adjective: Lat.vivd, Skt. jivati, OCS zivg, ToA sdw-, ToB say- ~ Saw- (all
‘live’). The forms with short i (e.g. Go. qiwa-, MW byw) may be due to pretonic
shortening, ie. Dybo’s Law (Schrijver 1991: 355, 526). Greek does not have forms with
long i, which is understandable since all forms attested have a vowel after the root:
*g”ih;-o- > Bios, *g”ih,-eto- > Biotoc. (For the formation, cf. » Oavatoc; for the most
recent discussion on this, see Vine 1998.) Cret. Bietoc will have restored the suffix
-etoc. One noteworthy form is » bytrjc, which must derive from *h,iu-g”ih,-és, with
BAadeic 217
analogically restored vocalism of the ending. The aorist éfiwv has been
reconstructed by Francis 1970: 76ff. with the suffix -eh,-, seen in the Greek “passive”
aorist (e.g. éudvnv); thus, *g”ih,-eh, yielded Biw-. A full grade I *g”eih;- (probably
old; cf. Klein 1988: 272) must be assumed for Bé(t)opat. The same full grade is seen in
Skt. gdya-, Av. gaiia- ‘life’ < *g”e/oih;-o- and in ORu. goj» ‘peace’. A full grade II
*g"ieh,- is seen in Av. jiid-tu- ‘life’ (Skt. *jyd-tu- in jivatu-, which must have been
reshaped after jivati); Gr. Gwféc is probably from this root form (rather than from
the zero grade of the root, as per Klein (l.c.): 257ff.). Since this root form seems to be
found in Gr. (w-w, Cij-v as well (see » (aw), Schwebeablaut cannot be avoided (pace
Anttila 1969: 137). Arm. kea-m ‘T live’ (see LIV’) is difficult to judge. On the basis of
BSI. accentual reflexes, Kortlandt reconstructs *g”h,(e)i- (e.g. Kortlandt 1992: 237+);
for Greek, one would have to assume laryngeal metathesis *g”h,i- > *g”ih,- (in pre-
consonantal position).
BAGBn [f.] ‘damage’ (A.) <PG>
eVAR BAGBog [n.].
*DIAL Cretan dBAonés &BAaBés H., &BAoTia = ABAGBeta, kataBAdmeBar = -eo8at
(inscr.).
°COMP aBAaBric.
*DER BAaBepdc ‘damaging’ (Hes.), formed to aBAaPric like kpatepdc¢ to axpatrc
(Schwyzer 482). Verb BAdntw, BAdyat, 2BAAGBny, originally ‘to hinder, disable’ (11.),
also without suffix BAGBetou (T 82, 166 = v 34), probably old (Chantraine 1942: 311).
BAdytc (PL.).
*ETYM On the basis of the Cretan forms, BAaB- is mostly considered to have resulted
from BAan- by assimilation. With BAam- as the original form, it is connected with
Skt. mfc-. f., markd- m. ‘damage’, Av. marancaité ‘destroys’, which require a
reconstruction *mr/Ik”-. However, the development to -Ao- (which is Arc.-Cypr.,
Myc.) is not found in Cretan (although one might consider an Achaean substrate on
Crete). On the other hand, the interchanges a ~ o and f ~ 7m are typical for Pre-
Greek; Fur. 144 compares &BAaBia - dBAomia with dpaBfioat, Cret. dpomijoat. A
connection with Lat. mulced ‘stroke, caress’, mulcé is doubtful because of the velar
and the meaning; see WH s.vv. Puhvel HED suggested a connection with Hitt.
gullakuwan, but this means ‘scheusslich’ (Tischler 1983ff. s.v.). Cf. » BAdopnuos.
BAayic [2] - KnAic. Adkwvec ‘stain (Lacon.) (H.). <?2>
eETYM Unknown. von Blumenthal 1930: 23f., suggests connecting the word with
BAai<c> BAntH. AdKkwveg ‘stuck (Laconian) (H.).
PAadeic [adj.] - ddvvatot & ddvvatwv ‘powerless’; BAadapdv- éxAeAvpévov, xadvov
‘flaccid, porous’ and BAadapa: dwpa, Lwpd, Wpd ‘untimely, sluggish’ and BAdSav [?]-
vwOpwc ‘slothful’, and BAaddév: advvatov ‘powerless’ (H.). <1E? *mld-u->
eVAR These words are sometimes identified with BAadtc Hp. Aér. 20; perhaps
Bradapdc ‘bottle’ Gal. 19, 88 is related, too.
eETYM In spite of the variation, mostly only BAadvc is ted although the
appurtenance of that form is-actually doubtful. On that basis, the word is often
equated with Skt. mrdi-, Lat. mollis < *moldyji- ‘soft’, and further connected with
218 Bra
> duakdvvw. Evidently, the latter connection is impossible in IE terms because of the
prothetic vowel; Arm. metk ‘weak, soft? shows that this group had no initial
laryngeal. Rather, I would take the variation in the suffix and that in the initial
(presence vs. absence of a prothetic vowel) as indications of substrate origin,
although this cannot be proven independently.
BAai [2] - BAnxn [corr. for BAnty], Adkwvec ‘bleating (Lacon.) (H.). <?>
*ETYM Unknown; see > BAayic.
BAatodc [adj.] ‘bent, distorted’ (Hp.). < PG(v)>
VAR TAatods (Phot.).
*DER BAaoWSnG, PrAatodtTI]¢, BAcuodopat, BAaicwots (all Arist.).
eETYM Formation as in yavodc, yapwoc, Aobdc (Chantraine 1933: 434). Lat. blaesus
‘lisping, stammering’ may eventually be borrowed from Greek? Pre-Greek origin is
probable in view of the variation B ~ 7.
PAGE, -Kdc [m., f.] ‘indolent, stolid, stupid’ (Ar.), from ‘weak’? Also a fish (Erot.),
Stromberg 1943: 33f. <IE? *mlh,(e)k- ‘weak’>
*DER PAakikdc, BAaKwdn¢ ‘id’; Braxiac ixObc moldc ‘a kind of fish’ (H.).
Denominative BAaxetw [v.] ‘to be slack’, whence BXaxeia, BAdKevpa.
*ETYM The word cannot be of IA origin. If it is related to pakakdc, one might posit
*mlh,-k- (which would explain the long @) next to *mlh,-ek-. Without the suffix -k-,
Skt. mld-td- ‘soft’ and Olr. mldith ‘tender, soft’ (< *mld-ti-) may be related, but Lat.
flaccus should be left out. Perhaps Ru. molédt’ ‘be silent’, which may go back to
*mlh.k-, is related, too. »BArxpdc is also possibly related (but not »uvAn, nor
> cuaAdbvw, both of which are outdated comparisons). See » Lahakdc.
PAantw —BAGBN.
PAaotavw [v.] ‘to bud, sprout, grow’ (A.). <?>
eVAR Aor. BAaoteiv, intr. fut. BAaotiow (Thphr.), trans. aor. €BAdotnoa (Emp.),
perf. BeBAGotnka (Hp.), éBAdotiyKka (E.); recent formations BAactéw, BAaotaw.
*DER BAdotna ‘offshoot’ (A.), BAaotiKds (Thphr.); deverbal BAaotdc ‘id’ (Hdt.),
BAdotn ‘origin’ (S.), whence BAaotéw (Thphr.).
eETYM The aorist BAaotetv is the basis of all the forms. Its analysis is uncertain;
perhaps *BAa0-teiv (or BAad-, BAat-). Connection with » BAwOpéc ‘tall’ is impossible
if the words are IE (an ablaut *mJd"-, *mléd"- is impossible in an adjective); the same
holds true for >» woAetbw ‘cut off (and transplant) the shoots of trees’ (cf. further
>BAwoKWw). From other languages, OHG blat (etc.) ‘leaf is often proposed as a
comparandum.
BAace~nuéw [v.] ‘to speak profanely, slander’ (Arist.). <?>
*DER BAaognpia (Democr.); BAdo@npos ‘evil-speaking’ is rare and late (D.).
eETYM PAaognpéw and BAao@npia seem to be older than BAdo@nposc, which is
reminiscent of dvépaya0ia (from dvip ayaQdc), etc. The second element seems to
be grin, the first is uncertain (BAdBoc, pléAeoc, etc.). Cf. the synonymous
> KepTopew, » Aotdopéw, which have no etymology. On MoGr. BAaotiLla, see CEG 5.
|
Fak
BrAErw 219
PAdtta [f.] ‘purple’ (Ed. Diocl.). <Lw Lat»
eETYM From Lat. blatta, which is itself of unclear origin.
PAattoi [v.] + madapiedetat ‘behaves childishly’ (H.). <ONOM>
eETYM Latte ad loc. compares Lat. blatid, blater6é ‘babble, chatter’. The word is an
onomatopoeic formation; cf. » BaBdtw.
BAavty [f.] ‘slipper’ (Com.). <PG(v)>
eVAR BAaddec: euBddec, Kprytidec, cavdaAta ‘slippers, boots, sandals’ (H.).
eDER Verb BAavtodv: brodéelv. } TAHOE Cavdariy, oi dé bmo0drtaTI ‘to put on
shoes, or: strike with a sandal, or with a shoe’ (H.) (from Men.).
eETYM Although it is often assumed reshaping that BAadédec results from analogical
reshaping of BAabtat after éubddec, it is preferable to explain the variation t ~ 6 as
Pre-Greek.
PAet =BAEtvEC.
BAepeaivw [v.] ‘to boast’ (Il; cbével BAeueaivwy, -vet © 337, etc.). <2>
eVAR GBAEuéc: do8_evéc, patAov ‘weak’ and aBAeujc: GTOALLOG, Atepmrc, Mapelpevoc
‘without courage, without joy, slack’.
DER GBAers ‘powerless’ (Nic.); unclear -éw¢ mivwv ‘immoderately’ (?; Panyas.).
eETYM Formation like ,teveaivw. Thus, the word is probably from *BAéguoc in a-
Bret (cf. weveaivw to ,tévoc). No etymology.
PAgvvai [f.] ‘mucous discharge, wa’ (Hp.). < PG(V)>
eVAR Also BAEwvog [n.] (Arist.); mAEvvat- WHEL H; BrAEva: wea. oi dé dia tod m mhEva
kal mMAEvva Ta doBeviy Kai Svoxivnta H; mrevvepai = pwEwder¢ (Hp. apud Gal. 19,
131). TAIVwSr\¢: AoVEvic (H.) is perhaps to be read mAew(v)-, Fur.: 144.
eDER BAEvvwSng ‘slimy, mucous’ (Hp.). Also BAev(v)d¢ ‘id., idiot’ (Epich.), and (with
regular retraction of the accent) BAévvoc [m.] a fish (Sophr., H. as an explanation of
otahic), see Stromberg 1943: 29, Grilli Stud. ital. fil. class. 33 (1961): 201f.
eETYM On the assumption that BAévvoc goes back to *{tAe5-0-voc (Lejeune 1972: 124),
it was often connected with Skt. arna-mradas- ‘soft as wool’ (would be Gr.
*-Bredtjc), mrdu- ‘soft’, and Mir. blind ‘slime from the mouth of a dead man’ (Pok.
718). Justified criticism can be found in DELG, “Pour le sens ces rapprochements ne
simposent pas.” and Frisk, “Der sehr beschrankte Wert dieser Kombinationen liegt
indessen auf der Hand.” As Fur. 144 points out, the variations nm ~ B, vv ~ v prove
Pre-Greek origin. If the final -a is short, BXeva cannot be IE, whereas this ending is
frequent in Pre-Greek.
BAErw [v.] ‘to see, look, perceive’ (Solon). <PG?>
eVAR Aor. BAEwou; other forms (e.g. BéBAEpa, BEBAO@a) are late. Also mott-yAéTIOL
[opt.] (Alcm. 23, 75).
*COMP Often with prepositions, eg. dva-, davt-, amo-. Also napapAwy (Il.),
kvvoBlwy (H.). :
220 BAEtvyes
*DER PAéw ‘sight’ (X.); BAewiacg a fish, Kepahivoc (Stroémberg 1943: 42); BAgupia
‘glance’ (Att.);. rare BAémoc ‘id.” (Ar.). Expressive deverbative: BAendalovtec:
BAértovtec and PAenetvCet- BrErtet H., perhaps for BAenetiCeat, cf. xpepetifer.
BA€papov ‘eyelid’ (Il.), mostly plur. thence BAepapides [f.pl.] (rarely sg.) “eye-lashes’,
also ‘eyelids (Ar, X., Arist.); BAepapitides tpixec ‘eye-lashes’ (Paul. Aeg.);
BAEpapikds ‘of the eyelids’ (Cael. Aur.); BAepapilw [v.] ‘to blink (sch.).
*ETYM yAémw exists beside BAértw just as yAéq~apov beside BAEqapov; the variation
was taken to suggest a labiovelar *g”- with irregular development (see Schwyzer:
298f.), but rather points to substrate origin. von Blumenthal 1930: 21 points to
Macedonian yAémov = BAérw. It is possible that the verb and the noun BAgégapov are
unrelated; in that case, the latter word may originally have been *yAéqapov and may
have influenced the verb. But it seems more probable that they were cognate, with B/
y and n/ pointing to a Pre-Greek word (Fur.: 389; pace Hamp Glotta 72 (1994): 15);
although / y is rare. Pre-Greek had labiovelars which did not always develop in the
same way as their inherited equivalents.
PAEétvysec [m./f.]? - pAvapiat, oi S& BAEkvyec ‘nonsense, foolery; also B.’ (H.). <ONOM,
PG?>
eVAR Cf. *BAatayifovoa [conj. for BAaotapifovoa]- émkpotodoa ‘rattling,
applauding’ (H.); also bnepBAattbovoav (DELG s.v. BAattot).
eETYM With BAet-, BAex-, -BAatt-, BAtK-, we find quite a number of stem variants,
perhaps of onomatopoeic origin, otherwise possibly Pre-Greek (cf. Grogelj Ziva Ant.
7 (1957): 42). See » Biixavov.
BAétvEs [p].] - ai BSéAAax ‘leeches’ (H.). <PG(V)>
eVAR *PAitvE (ms. BortvE)- BSéAAa H.; the correction by Latte seems evident, but is
not mentioned by DELG.
*ETYM Analyzed as a derivation in -tv- from a stem BAe- (see Frisk s.v.), seen in
KatapAdda and KaBAget Kataniver (both) ‘gulp down’ and Bvei- Bricoet, cutédyet,
BAiCet ‘collect honey, milk’ (H.). Note that BAifw is further unknown, and that the
semantics are incompatible if BAioce stands for BAittw; therefore, DELG s.v. thinks
that the gloss may be corrupt. However, since a root BAe- is impossible in IE (the
basic shape is *CeC-), the word must be Pre-Greek, which is confirmed by BAitv&
(Fur.: 355). For -uc beside -vé, cf. Fur.: 218 on tijpu€. Cf. » déAeap.
PAEqapov —BrETW.
BA‘ip +e eap.
BA‘jpat [f.] - ai kviSaL. GAAOL xdpTov. of SE THV dompiwv THv KaAduny ‘nettles; fodder,
the stalk of straw of pulse’ (H.). <%>
eETYM The conjecture of Strémberg 1944: 54f. is improbable. Note that the gloss is
corrupt (the case forms do not agree); perhaps one should assume a second gloss
BAfp: XOptov ...?
PAnotpiCw —BdrAw.
BAGw 221
BA‘tpov [n.] ‘bolt, plug’ (like in MoGr.); only O 678 Evotov KoAAnTOv BANTpoOtLOt ‘a
shaft or lance shod with bands’. Scholars in antiquity were uncertain: tic GdEnc
TPOXOl. O*ijvec. EBANpLATa. oi SE yoptpous Kai cuptBorAdc dEdvwv ‘wheels of a wagon;
wedges; insertions; bolts and the joins of axles’ (H.). <GR?>
eETYM The connection with BadAw remains uncertain. The factitive ptc. BAntpwoac
‘providing with B.’ is explained by Hesychius as éuBadwv.
BANxH [f.] ‘bleating’ (U 266, A.). <ONOM>
*DIAL Dor. BAaya.
*DER PAnxdoptat “bleat’ (Ar.), perhaps not denominative, but an independent
intensive like Bpvxdoptat, Lvkdoptat, etc. (see Schwyzer: 683). BANYNOLLdc (Ael.; cf.
LLvKNOLLGs, etc.), BANXNUa H., BAnxac (Opp., cf. tunkdc, Schwyzer: 508). BAnxnté [pl.]
‘bleating animals’ (Eup., cf. épmetd, etc.). BAnxwdng ‘bleating’ (Babr.). BAnyatw
(Autocr.).
*ETYM An onomatopoeic formation with many parallels, e.g. Cz. blekati, MLG
bleken, MoHG bléken; and, without the velar, CS bléjati, Latv. blét, and MHG bleejen;
with a dental, there are Gm. words like OE bl@tan, OHG blazen; all of which point to
original *é. Trag. BAG xa must be a hyperdorism; note BAnx dopa in Theoc.
BA‘xvov [n.] ‘male fern, Aspidium Filix-mas’. < PG(v)>
VAR Also BAjjxpov (Dsc.), BAnXpa H., also BAGYyvov (Phan. Hist), BAaxpov (H.).
*ETYM No etymology. See Rohlfs 1958: 124, Rohlfs Sprache 5 (1959): 175’, and Rohlfs
Glotta 38 (1959): 103. The variation p/v does not derive from an r/n-stem, but points
to Pre-Greek origin; see Fur.: 388.
BANxXpds [adj.] ‘weak’ (Alc.). <2>
eVAR aBANXpds (Ils s.v.).
*DER BARXpoc a plant, Strémberg 1940: 24.
*ETYM Connected with » BAGE as Ionic; the -y- would be expressive (thus Chantraine
1933: 225f; not via *LiAGK-o-pdc). Not related to »addyn, as per Bechtel 1914 s.v.
a&BAnypdsc. Blanc 1999: 317-38 suggests connection of the root *g”elh,- ‘sting’ (Pok.
470); the a- was either lost in BAnypdcs (which is an insufficient solution), or added
later to aBAnypoc.
BANXwv, -wvos [f.] ‘pennyroyal’, ‘Mentha pulegium’ (h. Cer.). <PG>
*VAR Ion. yAnxwv, Dor. yhaxwv; also BAnX, -ovg (Schwyzer 479); BANXOs = PANXwv
(Thphr., Dsc.).
*DIAL Myc. ka-ra-ko /glak*6n/, but the reading is doubtful.
*DER PAnXwviac ‘prepared with B’ (Ar.); Chantraine 1933: 94f. yAnxwvitns (olvoc;
Dsc.).
eETYM Unknown. The variation B- ~ y- could be due to dissimilation (Schwyzer:
299); cf. B-/ yAémw. But since the word has no etymology, and since the stem
formation is strange, we are rather dealing with a Pre-Greek word. For a folk-
etymological connection with BAnydoptat, see Stromberg 1940: 155.
PAIGw = BrEtVvEC.
222 BAikavov
PAixavov =Bityac.
BAtkds [m.]/[f.]? “ obKov @udAAov ‘leave of a fig’ (H.). Also EM 201, 41, Choeroeb., An.
Ox. 2,184, 9. <PG?>
eETYM Unknown. Most probably a Pre-Greek word.
PATuAaCw [v.] ‘to feel, squeeze’ (e.g. woman’s breasts, Com., Hp.). Also = BAittw (EM).
<>
*COMP Verbal noun BaAipaotc: 1) TMV tttO@v OAiytc “squeezing tits’ (H.).
DER Cf. BAdEat- Baotdoat ‘lift up’ (Latte thinks that this gloss is corrupt), dtydoat
‘dishonour’ (H.); BAN mpomnAaktopdc, bBptc ‘besmearing, offense’ (H., EM).
eETYM Unexplained.
BAitov [n.] ‘blite, Amaranthus Blitum’ (Hp.). <?>
*DER A few denigrating designations of persons: BAitdc [f.] ‘old woman’, BAtto-
Udubas mg. uncertain (Ar. Nub. 1001; or to péAt?), BAitwvac: todc evrPetc ‘silly’ (H.).
eETYM Unknown. Not related as *pHA-ttov to » LWwAN, & dLakdvvw. LW Lat. blitum
‘blite’, also bliteus ‘tasteless, foolish’ (Plaut.).
BAittw [v.] ‘to cut out the comb of bees’ (Arist.). <1E *meli, -tos ‘honey’>
eVAR Analogical BAiCw (H.), aor. BAicat.
DER BAtotnpic [f.], from *PAtotr|p; PN BAtotiyn.
*ETYM From *pAtt-1w, zero grade denominative of éXt, -ttoc ‘honey’.
BAitvpt the sound of the chord of a harp’; hence ‘sound without mg.’ (S. E.) <ONOM>
*ETYM Probably onomatopoeic.
BAitupov : Eoti PuTOV fH PapLaKov 7} XopSijc¢ pia ‘a plant or drug or an imitation of
a gut-string’ (EM 201, 43). <?>
*ETYM For the last part, see » BAitUpL.
PAtx(av)wdn¢ [adj.] ‘clammy’; cf. LSJ Supp. <?>
eVAR BAtyw@dng (Hp.), BAtyavw@dn¢ (Diph.). BAikavoc (which must not be changed to
*BXixavov): Batpaxov ‘frog’ kai BAiyxav ‘? (H.)
*ETYM Minon RPh. 74 (2000): 263f. compares BAayav. Batpaxov and Artemis’s
epithet BAayavitic. Grodelj Ziva Ant. 7 (1957): 42, adduces BeBAtyaopévov (ms.
BeBAvy-) LeLoAvOLEvov ‘stained’ (H.).
BAooupdc [adj.] uncertain, perhaps ‘terrible’ (II.). <?>
*COMP BAooupwric [f.] (A 36; on the t see Schwyzer: 463, Chantraine 1942: 208),
-widc (AP, D. P.), -wmee [du.] (Opp.); BAoovpdupatog (Cerc.), BAoovpdgpwv (A.).
eETYM Uncertain. Leumann 1950: 141ff. derives it from BAoovp(dc) ‘of a vulture’, as if
it were Aeolic from IE *g"/tur(os), related to Lat. voltur(us) ‘id’. There is no evidence,
however, that the word is IE.
BAVCw [v.] ‘to bubble, gush forth’ (IL). <?>
eVAR Aor. BABoat.
*DER Verbs BAvw (LXX), BAvotdvw (Procop.); BAvoig (AP). Also adj. BAvSdiov:
bypov, Céov ‘humid, seething’ (H.).
Boag 223
*ETYM Cf. KAvlw, prAdlw; BAbw is probably secondary. Maurice BSL 82 (1987): 216f.,
attempted to connect it with pAvw (oivdgAvt). We may consider onomatopoeic
origin. In any case, not related to Skt. galati ‘drip’ or OHG quellan.
BAwOpdc [adj.] (grown) high’ (of trees; Il.). < PG?>
*VAR yAwOpoc (H., see LSJ Supp. and Fur.: 389), a form which is often overlooked.
eETYM The connection with a word for ‘head’ (Skt. mirdhan- [m.], OE molda [m.]
‘upper part of the head, crown’) as *{1AwOpdc is obsolete. Nor can it be connected to
> éha8pov or » BAaotdvw, two alternative proposals by Frisk. Further, » BAwokw
“est loin pour le sens” (DELG). In my view, the variant with y- points to Pre-Greek
origin (see Beekes 1969: 215f.).
PAwnoi [?] - otpaBot “squintings’ (H.). <2>
*ETYM Unknown. See Grofelj Ziva Ant. 3 (1953): 198 (who compares Ba\Aw).
BAwLd¢ [m.] ‘piece of bread’ (Call.). <?>
eCOMP OKtd-BAwLOS (Hes. Op. 442), see Hofinger Ant. class. 36 (1967): 457ff.
*ETYM Not related to BAget in kabAger (H; see » BAEtvEC). Cf. ywuds s.v. > Wij;
however, the etymology is unknown.
BA@oKw [v.] ‘to go, come’ (II.). <1E *melh,- ‘come’>
eVAR Aor. podgiv, éBAw: épavn, WxeTo, Zot ‘appeared, went, stood up’ (H.); fut.
pworoduat (BA@Eat, BAWEw Lyc.), perf. wéubAwKa (BEBAWKE: peut, PvETau ‘be at rest,
grow, H.).
eCOMP Also with kata-, mpo-, &k-, etc. abtduodog ‘deserter’ (Hdt.); ayxipoAov (HAGE,
IL), old absolutive, Wackernagel Mus. Helv. 1 (1944): 226ff; dyyiBAw@c dptt Tapwv
‘just arrived’ (H.).
eDER mpopoAr) (mostly plur. -at) ‘approach, vestibule’ (Ar.); BA@otc: mapovoia
‘presence’ (H.).
*ETYM The present BAwoKw < *yAW-oKw (cf. WoA-eiv, pé-uBAW-Ka) from *mJh,-sk- is
clear. The aorist stem BAw- then has the same origin, with the zero grade from the
plural. The nominal forms with -wodA- have the o-grade *molh,-, while the aor. stem
woA-e/o- is explained from metathesis in *peAo-p, -c, -t < *melh,- (after Ruipérez
Emerita 10 (1942): 386-407). Hardarson 1993a: 169f. and 224f., also assumes *Jh, > oAO
under the accent, which is doubtful; a twofold development pAw- (in éBAw) beside
LoAo- is improbable. I would expect *-Jh,-V- to have yielded -aAV-, which was
replaced by -oAV- after the predominant o0-vocalism. The metathesis is not an
independent phonetic development, but part of this process of morphological
reorganisation. Outside Greek, the verb may be found in Slavic, e.g. SCr. iz-moliti
*‘let appear’, ie. ‘show’, and Sln. moliti ‘pass, hand over’. The connection with ToA
mlusk*- ‘escape’ (and ToB mlutk*-? Cf. Adams s.v.) is uncertain. Connection with
uéAAw is phonetically improbable (because of the laryngeal), while that with
> LoAevw ‘cut off and transplant the shoots of trees’ is semantically very difficult.
Bd6ak [m.] a fish, “Box boops’ (Epich.). <?>
*VAR Ion. Boné, later BOE. Ar. Byz. preferred Bowy (ap. Ath.). Cf. Boa = odd
(Pancrat. apud Ath.).
224 Bodw
eETYM The ancients believed that the fish was called this way because it cried; see
Strémberg 1943:.63-6 and Thompson 1947 s.v. Bwé. Thence the Latin loanword boca;
MoGr. Boda, yotna, ywra.
Bodw [v.] ‘to cry’ (Il.). <ONOM>
VAR Aor. Bofjoat (Ion. also Boat), BeBwpevoc, Bwo8rv.
*DER or) ‘cry’ (I1.), Borytus ‘id’ (a 369), Boaua, Bona ‘id’ (A.), Bdnots ‘id? (Thd.,
Quint.); Boris (Hp.), fem. Boatic (av5a) ‘loud’ (A.).
eETYM Probably a deverbative like motdouat, with deverbal Bor (Schwyzer: 683);
alternatively, Bodw is denominative from Bor. A connection with Skt. joguve ‘to
speak loudly’ (intensive) and BSI. e.g. Lith. gaudZiu, gaiisti ‘to cry, weep’ and OCS
govor® ‘noise’ is conceivable, but these may just as well belong to » yodw. podw is
rather onomatopoeic; cf. bit s.v. » Bbac. Lat. bod, bodre was borrowed from Greek.
The same root is found in » BonBéw, » Bwotpéw.
Bondpopéew —BorBdoc.
Bon8do¢ [m.] ‘who brings help (in wary’ (II.). <GR>
*VAR Dor. BoaGdog, Att. and Hdt. Bor8d¢ (see below).
*DER Hence a denominative Aetol. Boa8oéw (Lesb. Ba8druL), and by hyphairesis
Dor. Boabéw, Att. and Hdt. BonPéw ‘come to help on a cry, help’ (cf. Kretschmer
Glotta 18 (1930): 96f.). From BoaGdoc resp. Bo1196(0)c: Aetol. Boa8ota (< *Poa8oria),
Att. BorPeta ‘help’ (rebuilt after the nouns in -eta [Schwyzer: 469]). From Bon8éw as
a back-formation Bon8dc (or contracted from Bon8doc, see Schwyzer: 4692);
Bor8notc ‘help’ (Hp.).
eETYM Bor8doc is from an expression like (émi) Boryv Beiv (see Schulze 1933a: 188).
Based on Bondéw, BonPdc, the synonym Bondpopéw (Eur.) was created, together
with Bordpopta [p].] name of a festival (D; month name Bondpoptwv, Bordpduios),
and Bondpopos (E.; on the connection, see Kretschmer Glotta 18 (1930): 96ff.).
668poc [m.] ‘hole, trench, pit (dug in the groundy (I].; on the mg. see Hutchinson JHS
55 (1935): 1ff.; also as a sports term, see Jiithner Wiener Stud. 53 (1935): 68ff.). < PG?>
*DER Diminutive BoOpiov (Alciphr.), also ‘small ulcer’ (Hp.). Also Bd8dvoc [m.]
(Cratin.; cf. aioypdc : aioybvopat, Chantraine 1933: 208).
eETYM BdOpoc and Bd8vvoc have been connected with Lith. bedz ‘sting, dig’, Lat.
fodio ‘to dig’, fossa ‘ditch’, and MW bedd ‘canal’. In order to explain the discrepancy
between Greek ®- and Lat. f, dissimilation of PIE *b"od'- to PGr. *bod"- was
assumed, or influence of Ba8vc (but Alciphr. 3, 13 éupabivac Bd8pia may be a later
association). Equally unsatisfying is the solution of Petersson 1921: 128ff., who
assumed a labiovelar and connected the word with yv8icowv- dioptoowv ‘digging
out? (H.) and further to Ba®tc, etc. (see »BvOdc). Since the IE connection is
impossible, and the formation (nominal -tv-, see Pre-Greek) is also suspect, we
should better derive the word from Pre-Greek; even the meaning suggests such
origin.
BOABttOVv [n.] “cow dung’ (see Rohlfs ByzZ 37 (1937): 54f.). <PG>
BdoALTOV 225
*VAR Also -oc [m.] (Thphr.), BoAfi8o¢ (PMag. Par; after ontpa8oc, onéheBoc? See
Chantraine 1933: 367); also BdAttov, -o¢ (Cratin.); BoABita: d@dSevua Bods ‘cow
dung’ (H.) (i.e. BOABic), followed by BOABvOov- 16 adté.
*DER Boditivoc (Ar.); BoAitatva cuttle fish, which smells badly (Arist.), also
BodBittov (Gal.) and Bod fic (Epich.).
*ETYM As an alternative to the unsatsifactory assumption that BdA\tov arose from
B6APitov through dissimilation, Frisk implausibly suggested that it is rather
BOABitov that is secondary, influenced by BoABdc. BoAttov cannot be derived from
Baddw, Boros, and PoAewv ‘Diingerhaufen’ either, because this leaves the formation
unexplained. Much better is it to explain the variation as Pre-Greek, which is further
confirmed by the suffix -itov (Fur.: 163; further 180, 187); in addition, the alter-
nations t ~ 9 and t ~ v are typical for Pre-Greek. The variation between and zero,
to which Fur.: devotes an entire chapter, is perhaps best explained from a labialized
lateral, ie. *bal”-it- in this case (cf. » abAaE and Pre-Greek). The discussions in Frisk
and DELG are typical examples of the wrong method to explain away the
characteristics of Pre-Greek.
BoABdc [m.] ‘onion; purse-tassels, Muscari comosum’ (Att., Arist.). <ONOM>
DER PoAfiov (Hp.), BoABdpiov (Epict.), BoABioxog (AP) ‘small onion’. From BoABdc
the plant BoABivn (Thphr., see Stromberg 1937: 86). On the fishnames BoAfidiov,
BoABittov, BoABitiviy see » BOABi TOV; also BoABitic, BoABitic. See Thompson 1947: 33.
eETYM The form of the word is expressive, sound-symbolic, with a kind of
reduplication. There are no direct relatives. It is reminiscent of words for round,
globular objects, like Lat. bulla ‘water bubble’, BuAAd- BeBvopéva ‘stuffed objects’
(H.), Lith. bu?bulas ‘water bubble’, etc; cf. BouBvAic s.v. » BouBoc. Further, similar to
Arm. botk ‘radish’ (less adequate, however, is Skt. bdlba-ja- [m.] kind of grass,
‘Eleusine indica’, originally ‘balba-born’); cf. Pok. 103 and WH s.v. bulbus. Lat.
bulbus is a loan. Cf. » BOoc.
Boréw —BaAXw.
BoAewv ‘dunghill’ (Din.). <GR?> :
*DER Bodedc ‘heaped’ (inscr. II*, LSJ Supp.), of AiGou ‘stones’ as boundary marks.
*ETYM Generally derived from Bdddw, but this could be deceptive. The suffix is
obscure; see Chantraine 1933: 164. BoAedc may or may not be cognate.
BodAicn [f.] ‘female slave in Crete’ (Seleucus apud Ath. 267c). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
BdAtvOoc [m.] ‘aurochs, the European bison’, = Bévacoc (Arist.). <PG(S)>
eETYM The conclusion, on the basis of PBdvacoc, that the word derives from
*BovivOoc is most uncertain. The influence of Bots is also a mere guess. No
etymology. Probably Pre-Greek; cf. Krahe Die Antike 15 (1939): 180 and Krause 1958:
626. :
Borttov =BdABitov.
226 Bop Boia
BoptBoia [f.] - KoAUpBac éXaia mapa Kumpiotc ‘olive pickled in brine (Cypr.) (H.).
<>
eETYM Gniciown.
BduBos [m.] ‘noise with a low tone’ (IA). <ONOM, PG>
°DER BopiBéw ‘give a low tone, hum’ (Il.). PopBdk interj., as ironic imitation of a
swollen style (Ar. Th. 45), with intensive reduplication BopBaroBouBak (ibid. 48).
Related are: BouBvdtdc (accent. acc. to Hdn. 1, 116; IA) ‘humming insect’, also vase
with a small neck (from the sound when emptied), also BouBvANv: AnKv8ov ‘a vase’
(H.) and BouBviia: Kpryvn év Bowtia ‘source in Boeotia’ (H.); with different mg.:
BopBvridac- moppdrAvyac ‘waterbubbles’ (H.). BouBve, -ixog [m.] ‘low sounding
flute, the lowest tone of a flute’ (Ar.); also BopBuKiac (of Kadaptoc ‘reed-pipe’;
Thphr.); BouBd«a [f.] name of a flute player (Theoc.); also ‘drone’, with BopiBvKtov
kind of bee (Arist.). Glosses BouBpv(wv- tovBopvtfwv, Bowv ‘mumbling, shouting’
BouBpuvaterv: BpevOvecBar ‘be haughty’ (H.). Related is PéuPi—e ‘whipping-top;
insect’.
eETYM Although née and moppddvé, variants of BéuBiE, show typical Pre-Greek
charactertistics (e.g. -bx- beside -ix-), the ultimate origin of the word is probably
onomatopoeic. Cf. Lith. birmbalas, Latv. barmbals ‘beetle’, CS bubens ‘drum’, 38g. Alb.
bubullin ‘it thunders’, ON bumla [f.] ‘drum’. Lat. bombus is a Greek loan. See
> BodBdc.
BouPvé, -vKoc [m.] ‘silk-worm’ (Arist.). <PG>
eVAR The quantity of the v is unknown.
DER BoptBdxtov “cocoon of the B.’ (Arist.); BouBUKtvog (Lib.).
*ETYM BoutBv— must be of Anatolian origin, as is also suggested by its structure: it is
now known that silk was also produced in Greece itself (Kos and Asia Minor) before
it was introduced from the east (Hemmerdinger Glotta 48 (1970): 65). We may
compare several words for ‘cotton’ (see > BaytBaxtov), of which Osman. pambuk
‘cotton’ is the best match. The word may derive from an original *p/bamb-iik- (with
suffix -uk-, probably with long @; cf. also Schrader-Nehring 1917(2): 381ff., DNP:
347ff.).
Bdvaoc(o)oc [m.] ‘aurochs’ (Arist.). <EUR>
eETYM Unexplained; generally considered to be a loanword from a European
language. There have been attempts to connect it with » Bd\tv8oc, which is quite
uncertain. Fur.: 213 tries to connect it with Paeonian > ,t6vamoc, for which there is no
basis.
Popa =BiBpwoKw.
Bdpacoog [m.] ‘growing spadix of the date with immature fruit’ (Dsc. 1, 109, 5). <LW
Eg.>
*ETYM Egyptian word; cf. Arab. bosr ‘unripe date’. See Cuny REA 20 (1918): 223f.
Bopatov =Bpa8v.
BopBopos [m.] ‘mire, filth’ (Asios). <?>
BdoKxw 227
*DER BopBopitat name of an association in Thera (inscr.) and of a Manichaean-
gnostic sect (Epiph.). Denominatives: Boppopdw, BopBopitw (Dsc.; = podvbvet H.).
See also » BoBoptlw.
eETYM Expressive reduplicated formation, probably onomatopoeic (cf. the gloss
BopBopifet s.v. » BopBopvfw). A connection with Arm. kork ‘dirt’, which would
require a reconstruction *g”org”(or)o-, remains very doubtful.
BopPopv~w [v.] ‘to rumble’ (Hippon., see LSJ Supp.). <?>
*DER PopBopvyr) Told tic Tyoc, Sv Kai KopKopvyr|v Kadovdotv ‘kind of sound, also
called «. (H.), BopBopvypids “id” (Hp.); also BopBdpwotc (Archig. apud Aét.), as if
from BopBopdéw (see » BOpBopos). BopBopifeat: yoyyvlet, LLoAdvet. Komptot ‘grumbles,
stains (Cypr.) (H.), BopBoptopidc (Cael. Aur.) = BopBopvytdc.
eETYM Onomatopoeic reduplicated formation. Connected with » BopBopoc, though
partly different in meaning (developments like these are not infrequently found in
onomatopoeic words). In PopBopitet, the two meanings come together. No
etymology.
BopBvAa - mé,y1a oTpoyyLAov Sta purKWwWvos Kai Onodns LLeyéBouc dptov ‘round pastry
made from poppy and sesame, of the size of a loaf of bread’ (H.). <Lw Anat>
eETYM Szemerényi Gnomon 43 (1971): 661 compares Hitt. “N>Apurpura- ‘Klotz’ or
‘Kugel, Knédel’. Names of pastries are frequently borrowed from Asia Minor.
Bopéac, -ov [m.] ‘north wind, north’, also PN (Il.); see Nielsen Class. et Med. 7 (1945):
iff. <IE? *g”(0)rH- ‘mountain’>
DIAL Att. (contracted) Boppac, -& (see Scheller 1951: 114), Ion. b ROBES contracted
Bopiic, -éw, Lesb. Bopiaic (1 < ¢; at for a).
*DER Bdpetoc, Ion. Bopritoc (Chantraine 1933: 52) ‘of the ori wind fem. also
Bope(jac, Boprniac (A.). Local adverbs: BopénBev, BoppdBev, Boppdbe_v, etc.
Denominative: Bopetw ‘come from the north’ (Thphr.).
eETYM Uncertain. Taken as ‘wind from the mountains’, related to a word for
‘mountain’ seen in Skt. giri-, Av. gairi-, Lith. giré ‘wood’, and OCS gora; cf. Illyr. bora
‘mountain’ in names (Krahe IF 57 (1940): 125ff.), as well as » Setpdc. So the ‘Ymep-
Bdpeot are properly ‘those living beyond the mountains’ (Pedersen KZ 36 (1900):
319). The formation, however, is unclear; see Pedersen 1926: 66, Schwyzer: 461. On
wind names in -iac, see Chantraine 1933: 95. Is the word an IE formation at all?
Bdoxw [v.] ‘to feed, tend’, med. ‘to feed oneself (II.). <IE *g”eh,- ‘feed, tend’>
VAR Fut. Booxrjow (Od., but see Chantraine 1942: 446), hapax BwoeoOe (A. R. 1, 685;
see below); éBooxrPnyv, BeBdoxnxa, €BdoKnoa are all Hell. and late.
*DIAL Myc. su-qo-ta-o /su-g”6tadn/, qo-u-qo-ta /g”ou-g" Otai/.
*COMP In compounds -Bwtn¢ and -Bdtn¢ (ov-Bw-ty¢, inmo-Bd-tn¢); aiyiPotoc
‘browsed by goats’; novAvpdteipa. As a first member in Bwtt-dveipa ‘feeding men’
(II.); see Risch 1937: 174.
*DER Book ‘fodder, meadow’ (A.); Booxnpa ‘id.’, also ‘cattle tended, herd’ (trag.).
Booxdc ‘shepherd’ (Aesop. a back-formation, see Schwyzer 541); fem. Booxdc
‘feeding itself (Nic.). Boots ‘fodder’ (T 268); Botov ‘cattle’, especially ‘sheep’ (II.),
228 Bdopapoc
Botdvn ‘fodder’ (Chantraine 1933: 199), Botéw ‘tend’ (Nic., H.); BotHp ‘shepherd’ (0
215; fem. Bdtetpa (Eust.); Bwtwp (Il), cf. Benveniste 1948: 29 on the difference
between -twp and -trp.
*ETYM Old IE verb. Its nearest relation is Lith. giiotas ‘herd’ (*g”eh;-to-); cf. Botév
(*g’h;-to-). » Bots is probably derived from this root.
Bdoptapoc [m.] ‘Indian millet, Ragi, Eleusine coracana’ (Str.). <?>
*VAR Bdopopov (Peripl. M. Rubr.).
*ETYM Unknown.
Bdotpvxo¢ [m.] ‘curl, lock of hair’ (Archil.). <PG?>
VAR Plur. also Béotpuya (AP).
*DER Bootpvytov, also ‘vine-tendril’ (Arist. AP), Bootptyia: otétpvAa ‘mass of
pressed graped or olives’ (H.); cf. Botpvxoc s.v. » Botpuc; Bootpvynddv ‘in locks’
(Luc.). Bootpvyivw, Bootpvxdoptat. On the suffix -x- see Chantraine 1933: 402.
eETYM Unknown. The suffix -vx- could well be Pre-Greek (-vC- is frequent), and
such origin is probable for the whole word. On the confusion with »Bdtpug, see
there.
Botavn =BdoKw.
Botts a fish (Sophr.). <?>
VAR Bottc: BOATLOV H., considered corrupt by Latte; on sufficient grounds?
eETYM Perhaps identical with » Batic.
Bdtpus, -voc [m.] ‘bunch of grapes’ (I].). <PG?>
eVARAlsoacc. Bétpva (Euph.), LSJ Supp.
*DER Botpunpds ‘of the genus grapes’ (Thphr., cf. oivnpdc¢ Chantraine 1933: 233).
Botpuitns, -itic (Ai80c) kind of pearl, ‘Calamine’ (Dsc.). Adverb Botpvddv (Il.).
Isolated Botpvud¢: tpvyntdc ‘vintage’ (H.), as if from *Botpbw; see Schwyzer: 492.
After Bootpuxoc arose Bdtpuxos ‘lock of hair’ (Pherecr; probably E. Or. 1267) and
Bootpvylov ‘vine-tendril’ and Bootpiyitngs, see » Bootpvxoc.
eETYM Like Gumedoc, the word is probably Pre-Greek. It is hardly Semitic (Hebr.
boser ‘uvae immaturae acerbae’), as per Szemerényi Gnomon 43 (1971): 661. Fur.: 302
considers it originally to have been identical with Béotpvxoc (interchange ot/ 1); this
is very doubtful.
Bov- augmentative prefix. <GR>
*ETYM This meaning seems to have developed from the bahuvrihi compounds of the
type ‘having X like a B’ See PovBpwotic, Bovydue, etc. Cf. DELG and further
Richardson BICS 8 (1961): 15-22 and Richardson Hermathena 96 (1962): 92.
Boda [f.]? - dyédn maidwv. Adkwvec ‘a group of children (Lacon.y (H.). <?>
eVAR Wrong accent acc. to DELG. Bovda: ayéAn tic “a herd’ (EM; perhaps from
Bovoda, to cevetv? But original oo would not have disappeared; Wahrmann Glotta
17 (1929): 242 supposes an hyperarchaism).
*DER Bovaydp: ayedapxns, 6 Tis ayéAns dpywv maic. AdKwvec ‘slave who watches
over the herd (Lacon.) (H.); also Bovaydc, Boaydg (inscr.). Further ovptBodar
prem ces
BovPntic, -Loc 229
ovvwdtat ‘confederate’. ouptBovdd<d>er dreppayel. Adkwvec ‘fight in defense of
eETYM According to von Blumenthal 1930: 9, the word is Illyrian for pun; this is
semantically improbable. See Bechtel 1921, 2: 368f. and Kretschmer Glotta 17 (1929):
242.
Bovayetov [m.]/[n.]? - b10 Bodv eiAxvoptévov EvAov ‘piece of wood drawn by oxen’
(H.). <GR>
eETYM The word is simply from Bodc and &yw.
Bovdxpat [f] - of poivices tnd AaKwvwv (H.). <?>
eETYM Unknown. LSJ translates ‘palms’, but it is impossible to know if this was really
the intended sense.
BovBartov 1 [n.] ‘bracelet’ (Com.,, inscr.). <PG(V)>
eVAR Mostly plur. -ta. Cf. BovmdAtva (Delos) and Boumadidec: meptoxenidec ‘leg-
bands’ (H.).’
*ETYM The variation 6 ~ 1 points to Pre-Greek origin (so not from ma\\w!). For the
suffix -tv-, Fur: 145, 373 refers to yoootmvov, amddtvov. The word is hardly
connected with BotPadtc ‘antelope’ (as per L. Robert 1963: 24-30).
BovBartov 2 [n.] ‘wild cucumber, dyptoc otkvdc’ (Ps. Diosc., Hp. apud H.). <PG?>
*ETYM Explained from the prefix » Bov- and » BdAAw, see André Et. class. 24 (1956):
40-2, but this looks like a folk-etymological explanation; the structure of the word is
strange. As a plant name, the word is rather Pre-Greek.
BovPartc, -t(5)oc [f.] ‘(African) antilope’ (Hdt.); see Schrader-Nehring 1917(1): 52;
Schrader-Nehring 1917(2): 263. <?>
eVAR Also BotBadog [m.] (Arist.).
*ETYM The word seems to contain > Bode, but this is rather a secondary association,
as the formation is unclear. It was borrowed as Lat. bibalus, whence later bufalus,
OFr. bufle, E buffalo.
BovBdpas - (2) peyaAovattij¢, mapa tiv Baptv ‘great sailor [?], after the B. (a flat-
bottomed boat)Y kai (2) péya Bapoc éywv ‘having heavy weight’ kai (3) abynpatiac
‘boaster’ 7] (4) 6 péyac Kai dvaicOntoc dvOpwros ‘great and unnoticed man’ (H.).
<GR, ¢>
*VARCod. Bof-. Cf. BotBaptc: vews Svopa ‘name of a ship’ (H.).
*ETYM In (3) the ms. has kat abdynuatiag; kavxyntiwv ex EM Alb. The other
definitions are clear.
Bovpaortis [f.] ‘groin’ (Aét.). <PG?>
eETYM Related to »fBovBwv; further unknown. DELG improbably considers it to
have been coined after the Egyptian goddess BotPaotic. Note that Pre-Greek has a
suffix -(a)ot-; see Pre-Greek. :
BovPnttc, -tog [f.] ‘stream for watering cattle’(?) (Tab. Heracl. 2, 13, 14). 4?
230 BovBpwotic
*ETYM Since the word is Doric, it is not related to éB1v (éBav). The form *-Ba-etic
(Schwyzer: 270), has no basis. The old connection with Lith. gétis “Viehtrift’ seems
impossible, as a labiovelar would yield 6-. Foreign origin (Kretschmer KZ 30 (1890):
579, Fraenkel 1910: 116 A. 1) is always possible, but Bov- suggests a Greek word.
BovPpwotte [f.] ‘ravenous appetite’ (O 532), also as a goddess. <GR?>
eETYM The meaning is not quite certain: ‘hunger’ does not fit well in Homer, and in
antiquity it was interpreted as oiotpoc ‘gadfly’. The word seems to have an
augmentative »Bov- (Schwyzer: 434), like BovAWoc and Bovmetva (which are
possibly synonymous), and a second element as in Bibpwoxw,; it is modelled after
vijotic (Risch 1937: 39), but as an agent noun (like » dmwtic).
BovBwv, -@vog [m.] ‘groin’ (Il.); ‘swollen gland’ (Hp.). <?>
VAR Late also Boubwv (Moeris; after BouBoc?).
*DER BovuBwviokoc ‘bandage for the groin’ (Heliod. apud Orib; cf. ypagioxog, etc.,
Chantraine 1933: 408); BovBmvwov the plant ‘Aster amellus’ (Dsc., Strémberg 1940:
87). Denominative BovBwvidw ‘to suffer from swollen glands’ (Ar.).
*ETYM Unknown. Formation like pv@v, clay@v. Connection with Bovvéc ‘hill’ is
morphologically impossible. It can hardly be related to Skt. gavini [f.du.] ‘part of the
lower body’. If the (late) variant BouBwv is reliable, the word is then be Pre-Greek.
Bovydie [m.] “‘braggart’? (N 824, 0 79). <?>
eVAR Schol. Bovkaie.
*ETYM Contains the prefix » Bov- as in » BovBpwortic, BovKdputa, Bovrtates, etc. the
second member could be related to the pres. » yaiw (cf. Ktdei yaiwv). The a is
problematic (Zenodotus wrote Bovyrie; Chantraine 1942: 22). See Latacz 1966: 1209f.
Bovkatta [n.pl.] a festival in Delphi (inscr.). <1E? *tken- ‘slay’>
eDER Bovkdtioc name of a month.
*ETYM The analysis as ‘killing of cows’ (from kaivw) is factually correct. Puhvel KZ
79 (1964-5): 7ff. (after Wackernagel-Debrunner 1930: 372) reads ‘(festival) of 100
cows’ as in Skt. go-satam. Note that » éxatév derives from *dkii-tom > *ekaton, and
that the *d also leaves a trace in the decades in *-dkomth, > -\kovta. This shows that
the *-t- did not cause lengthening.
BovkdAog [m., adj.] ‘cowherd’ (IL). <1E *k”el(H)- ‘turn around’>
*DIAL Myc. qo-u-ko-ro /g”ou-kolos/.
*DER BovkoAiat ‘herds of cattle’ (h. Merc.), BouxdAta (-tov) ‘id. (Hdt.); Bovxodgiov
‘office of the dpywv Baowletc’ (Arist. Ath. 3, 5; cf. mpytaveiov); Bovkonic [f.], also
[adj.] ‘pasture’ (D. H.); BovkoAioxog kind of bandage (Gal; cf. BovBwvioKos s.v.
> BouBwv); BovKoAivi: kiyKAoc TO dpveov ‘the bird k.’ (H.); see Thompson 1895 s.v5
BovKodtkdc ‘ptng. to the shepherd’, “bucolic” (Theoc.). Denominative BovKoAéw
C11.), BovKoALdCopat, -1a@w ‘sing shepherd songs’ (Theoc.). From BovukdAog, as a short
name, BobKocg (Theoc.).
*ETYM Old compound of Bots and néAouat, cognate with Olr. buachaill, MW bugail
‘shepherd’. Cf. » aiitéAoc and » dugimoAoc.
lee
Bovvéc 231
BovKkowotHptov [n.] ‘arena for bulls’ (IGRom. 3, 484, Oenoanda II). <GR>
*ETYM For kovotrpiov (Vitr., Pergamon), cf. koviotpa ‘arena’ (Heberdey and
Kalinka 1897: 2, 70). Acc. to Robert Hellenika 3 (1946): 149f. however, it must be
equated with Buxavotiptov.
BovAutia [f.] “hunger like a bull’ (Timocl.). <GR>
*DER PovAtutdw [v.] ‘to have hunger like a bull’ (Ar.). BovAiwdttw (Suid.) =
BovAtutdw.
*ETYM From BovAtpoc, properly an adjective (Alex.), but also = BovAipia (Plu.) by
association with Aud; see Risch IF 59 (1949): 59. In contains augmentative » Bov-, as
in > BovPpwotic, » Bovydte.
BovAoptat [v.] ‘want, wish’ (II.). <1E *g’el- (*g”elh,-?) ‘want, wish’>
eVAR The other tenses are based on the present: BovAroopa, eBovdnOryy,
BeBovAnpat. On BéBovAa (A 113) see below.
*DIAL Arc.-Cypr. Eretr. (also Hom., see Chantraine 1942: 311) BdAopat, Lesb.
BdAAouat, Dor. (Cret.) BwAOaL; Thess. BEAAOpaL, Boeot. Bethoun, Dor. (Heracl., etc.)
drjAopat, Locr. Delph. deiAopat.
*DER BovAn ‘will, decision, council’ (Il); Dor. Arc. BwAd, Lesb. BOAAa. Denominative
BovAebw (BwA-, BoAA-ebw), -opat ‘deliberate’ (Il.), with many derivatives: BovAevua,
BovAgia, BovAevtis, BovAevtiptov ‘council chamber’.
eETYM The verb has been much discussed, yet there is no agreement on its prehistory
(the root must have been *g”el-/g’ol-). We can assume that there was a perfect
*BéBoda with present meaning, a trace of which could be found in mpo-BpéPovAa (A
113), with ov from BovAopat. The o-vocalism and the B- may have spread from there.
(We cannot exclude influence from BovAn, but this is probably itself to be derived
from the present.) However, it seems doubtful that the perfect alone is the source of
the pervasive o-vocalism. The central problem is the origin of the present, for which
a suffix -n- or -s- has been assumed, although Ruijgh Lingua 25 (1970): 315f.
maintains that only -Av- can explain the compensatory lengthening (see also Slings
Mnem. 28 (1975): 1-16). Peters 1986: 311 suggested a root in *-h,, which may help to
explain the o-vocalism: a nasal present *g”/-n-h,- would have yielded *Badvo- [or
BAavo-?], which was replaced by *BoAv-, and Pamphylian BOAEpevoc would have
BoXe- < *BeAo- < *g”elh,-. However, Peters’ solution remains problematic because we
have no evidence of BAw-, nor is there a clear basis for the introduction of the o-
vocalism.
BovAdtdc [m.] lit. “unyoking of the oxen”, ‘evening’ (II 779 = t 58, in BovAvtov Se).
<GRP>
*ETYM From > Botc and »Avw with a suffix -to- (Chantraine 1933: 303). The length
in Ab- is caused by a laryngeal, also seen in Lat. so-li-tus, Skt. li-na- ‘cut off, and in
ToAB Idw*- ‘to send’.
Bovvéc [m.] ‘hill (Hdt.). <PG?>
*VAR Bovvoc; otiBac, kbmptot ‘bed of leaves, matress (Cypr.)’ (H.).
232 Bovmanidec
*DER Bodvic [f] ‘hilly (A; cf. Oodpic). Plant names Povvidc ‘Brassica napus’
(Agatharch.) and Bovvov ‘Bunium ferulaceum’ (Dsc.), cf. Strémberg 1940: 117.
Bovvitnge epithet of Pan, but reinterpreted as containing Botc; Dor. Bwvitne.
*ETYM Acc. to Hdt. 4, 199, the word is Cyrenaean, but it is actually Doric (Solmsen
BPhW 1906: 756f.). It is a dialectal word that spread in Hellenistic times (DELG).
Fur.: 208, 213 cites pouwds, povviadikdv as variants of Bouwidc, which may point to
Pre-Greek origin. He further adduces Basque muno ‘hill’, and additionally refers to
mpovvouc: Bovvotcs (H.). Fur.: 213% thinks that Bovvdc: ot1Bdc ‘bed of straw’ derives
from Pvvw.
Bovmakides VAR PoumdAtva. = PovpdAtov.
Bovmpnotic [adj.] ‘poisonous beetle’ (Nic.); also a plant, Bunias erucago? (Thphr.).
<GRP
*ETYM See Amigues RPh. 64 (1990): 89-97, who interprets it as ‘who inflames cattle’,
and explains the plant name as secondary to that of the animal.
Bovattvov [m.]/[n.]? - Botavn, Aeyouévy tpipvAdov ‘a plant called clover’ (H.). <PG>
eETYM Fur.: 318 thinks that the word is Pre-Greek because of the group mt, which is
quite possible.
Bovpdwv [m.] ‘mule’ (Edict. Dioclet.). <Lw Lat.>
eETYM A loanword from Lat. burdo.
Bods [f., m.] ‘cow, bull, ox’ (I1.). IE *g”eh,-u- ‘cow’>
eVAR Gen. Bodc; acc. B@v (Dor. and H 238), Dor. nom. Bic; Att. acc. Bodv after Bods
(see below).
*DIAL Myc. go-o /g”6ns/? (Ruijgh 1967a: 131).
ecomP As a first member, Bov-, Bo(F)- (before vowel): Bovkddoc, BobBotos,
> Bovtupov, Bonddtis, »Bowmic. On augmentative > Bov- s.v. and » BotBpwortic,
> Povydte, > BovAyiia. See also ȎxatouPbn. As a second member also -Botog, e.g.
évved-Botos (Il.) < *-Bofto- = Skt. gdvya- (see below).
*DER Diminutives Boitéiov (Ar.), Bovdtov (Hermipp. pap.). Further Potty
‘cowherd’, also adj. ‘of a cow’ (A.), with 1oAv-Bovdtn¢ ‘rich in cows’; Boets ‘strap of
cow-leather’ (6 426), Bowv, -@voc [m.] ‘cow-sty’ (Heraklea).
Adjectives: Bdetoc, Bdeoc ‘bovine’ (Il.), substantivized fem. Boein, Boén ‘cow-hide’
(1l.). With a suffix -«-: Boet-Kdc (Th. et al.) and Bo-ixdc (Elis, Priene); also Botvoc
(gloss., Eust.); Bomdnc¢ (Adam., Apollon. Lex.).
Denominative verb Bodw ‘to transform into an ox’ (Eust.).
On Bodog, BovKaiog see » BovKdAoc. See also » Boda and » Bovods.
*ETYM Bois is cognate of Skt. gduh, acc. gam (= B@v), Lat. bds (from Osc.-Umbr.),
gen.pl. boum = Bowv = Skt. gévam, U acc. bum = pov; Arm. kov (u-stem), Olr. bd,
OHG chuo, ToA ko, ToB ke,, Latv. gitovs all ‘cow’, OCS gov-edo ‘cattle’. Adjective
*g”ou-io- in -Bo(F)tog = Skt. gdvya-, Arm. kogi ‘butter’.
The root was probably *g”eh;-, as seen in » BdoKw ‘to tend’; the circumflex accent in
the nom.sg. points to a lost laryngeal. The original inflection is still unclear: we
expect *g”eh,-u-s, gen. g”h;-eu-s (proterodynamic); the latter form explains Av. gaos
Bpapevs 233
and Gr. Boréc, but not Skt. gduh, nor the acc. gam, Bwv, which look like old forms.
The Greek nom. could be *g”eh;-us > Botc; the acc. may have been *g’6m < older
*e”oum.
Bovods [f.] ‘path for cows’, only dat. Bovooi (Orchomenos, Arcadia, Schwyzer: 664, 15;
18). <GR?>
*ETYM From *Bov-odfog (Schwyzer: 450); related to »oetw. Cf. urAoodn: 05d¢, dV
Tg mpopata éAavvetat. “Pddtot ‘road on which cattle is driven (Rhod.Y (H.), as well
as » Bova. Not related to Ion. Buocdc ‘depth, bottom’ (as per Fraenkel Glotta 32
(1953): 22).
Bovtavn [f.] A: - (1) pépog Tt Tig paKpac vews ‘part of a long ship’; (2) i} paotte ‘a
whip’, 1] (3) tavuotc Tij¢ Boetac ‘force of an ox’. (4) wépoc dé Tic vews, Mpdc 6 TO
mndddtov dSeoptevetat ‘part of the ship to which the rudder is tied’. (5) SiAoi dé Kai
udxnv ‘a battle’. (6) andiav ‘nausea’. <PG(V)>
VAR Cf. B: Bovotavi; Boootacia, 1) tHv Bowv otdotc ‘cowshed’. (2) i) udottE ‘whip’,
(3) kai mAny1 ‘blow’.
*ETYM Glosses A1, B3, and A4, which was added later, are unexplained. Gloss A2 is
identical to B2: they show the typical Pre-Greek variation t ~ ot (Fur.: 304f). For As,
Fur. compares BUtava-: KdévdvAot ‘knuckle, swelling’ (H.), and for A6, he suggests
that a gloss BobtaAtc (Aisop. 85) andwv was lost (Fur. 305f.). A3 and Bi are probably
folk etymologies from antiquity.
Bodt(t)t¢ [f.] ‘vase in the form of a frustum of a cone’ (Hero). < PG(V)>
eVAR Also Bovtn.
eETYM Lat. buttis may be borrowed from Greek; the Greek word itself is evidently
Pre-Greek because of the alternation t ~ tt. See » Butivn, Bwtiov, » Bwoiov (cf. also
Szemerényi BSOAS 19 (1957): 627f.).
Bovtipov [n.] ‘butter’ (Hp.). <GR>
eVAR Also Bobtupos (Gal.), after tupdc.
*ETYM From Boic and tupdg; cf. BobotaBpov (: ctaBpdc). Lat. bityrum is borrowed
from the Greek, and from the Latin in turn OHG butera, MoDu. boter, etc. See
Schrader-Nehring 1917(1): 177f.
Bowntic [adj.] epithet of Hera: ‘with the head of a cow’(?), ‘with the eyes of a cow’ (II.).
<GRP
*ETYM From > Botc and > *wy.
Bpa [2] - ddeA got, b10"HAeiwv ‘brothers [Elean]’ (cod. IAewv) (H.). <2>
eETYM If the word is related to ppatnp, it could perhaps be an Illyrian element in the
Elean dialect, cf. Alb. vélla ‘brother’, which is unexplained otherwise (Demiraj 1997;
cf. also Kretschmer Glotta 3 (1910-1912): 33; Pisani Sprache 7 (1961): 100). Latte even
reads TAAvpiwv for the IAewv of the manuscript.
BpaBevc [m.] ‘judge at the games, arbitrator, umpire; leader’ (S.). < PG?>
eDIAL Here perhaps Myc. mo-ro-qa, but form and mg. (a person, official?) are
unknown.
234 Bpapirov
*DER BpdBevpa ‘decision of a judge’ (S.), BpaBeia ‘decision’ (E.), Bpafetov ‘prize’
(Men.).
*ETYM Etymology unknown. Probably Pre-Greek (see Chantraine 1933: 125). In order
to account for the Myc. form (where /a/ may phonetically be [o]), we may
reconstruct *mrog”-, *mrag’-, or *mrg’-. If this word is of Pre-Greek origin indeed,
this could imply that the athletic contests, too, are part of the Pre-Greek heritage.
BpaPvAov [n.] ‘sloe, Prunus spinosa’ (Theoc.). <PG?>
eVAR BpaBvros [f.] (Aret.). Mss. also BpaBt-, BpaBr-; also BapBiAoc (Gp).
eETYM Unknown; a loanword. Cf. BpaBvAn = daveumvry 1 gotvuci) (Ps.-Dsc.). See
André 1956 s.v. brabilla.
Bpayos [2] - ZAoc ‘marsh-meadow’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM Bpayoc might somehow be related to Bpdxoc, Bpdyea ‘shallows’ (Hdt.). For
these words, Fick BB 29 (1905): 199f. proposed that they are of Macedonian origin,
whereas Cabej 1969: 176 compared Alb. bérraké ‘sumpfiges Land’. According to
Moutsos KZ 88 (1974): 74-76, who reads Bpaydc (as in the ms.), the word means
‘embankment, garden-plot’ (however, his IE etymology remains quite uncertain).
Bpayxos [m.] ‘hoarseness, angina’ (Hp.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Also Bdpayyoc (Hippon.), Bpdyxy [f] (CXenocr.) ‘id.
TEpttpaxnros adAyndwv ‘pain around the neck’ (H.).
*DER Bpayxanéosg ‘hoarse’ (Hp.), Bpayxdsc ‘id.’ (AP). Bpayxdw, Bpayxtdw [v.] ‘to have
a sore throat’ (Arist.); Bpayytaforo8e- mviyous8e ‘choke, stifle’ (H.). Different mg. in
Bpayxta [pl.] ‘gills of fishes, bronchial tubes’, also Bapdyyta, Bapdyvia (Hdn.).
*ETYM The resemblance with Bpdyyoc ‘windpipe’ may have caused the semantic shift
of Bpdyxta. Fur. 128, 276 connects the word with Bpaxywédnc: tpayuc ‘rough, harsh’
(H.), Bpaxiac: tpaxyeic témovg ‘rough places’ (H.), and Bapaxivijotv. axavOatc.
oxoAow ‘thorns, palisade’ (H.). Thus, we arrive at a set of variants Bpax-/ Bpayx-/
Bpayx-, which are typical of Pre-Greek. The aorist Bpayetv ‘rattle, clash’ (Johansson
KZ 36 (1900): 345f.) may also be connected as ‘produce a raw sound’. The additional
a in the first syllable of Bapayyoc (Schwyzer: 278, 831) may be due to purely phonetic
epenthesis, but this type of variation, too, is frequent in Pre-Greek words as well
(Fur.: 378-385).
Bpaduc [adj.] ‘slow’ (Il.). <1E? *g”rd-u- ‘slow’>
eVAR Compar. and superl. Bpadvtepoc, -tatoc, also Bpadiwv, Bapdtotog and
Bpadiotatoc (Ael.).
*DER Bpadutie, -tito¢ ‘slowness’ (Il.), Bpadoc ‘id.’ (X; after taxoc). Denominative
Bpadvvw ‘retard’ (A.).
eETYM Bpadvc may morphologically be identical with Lith. gurdis ‘slow’, Latv. gurds
‘tired’, reflecting *g”rdu- (Fraenkel Phil. 97 (1948): 172; Fraenkel KZ 69 (1951): 76ff.).
Lat. gurdus ‘dolt, heavy’ can be connected as well (De Vaan 2008 s.v.).
>
and Bpayyia: 1
6pa8v 1 [n.] ‘savin, Juniperus sabina’; also ‘Juniperus foetidissima’ (Dsc.). <PG?(v)>
VAR Also Bopatov [n.] (D. S.); Bopativn (Aq.).
Bpdoow 235
eETYM BpdOv has been compared with a Semitic word, Aram. b’rat, Hebr. b’r6s,
Assyr. burasu ‘cypress’; Lat. bratus (Plin.), an Anatolian cypress, must go back to the
same source (Lewy 1895: 34; Schrader-Nehring 1917(1): 671).
Fur.: 187 thinks it is rather a loan word from the Near East, comparing kvitapiocog
and Hebr. gofer (this might be supported by the suffix -tv-). For the u-stem, cf. u@Av,
uicv, and o@pv (Chantraine 1933: 119), as well as Saxpv ‘resin’.
BpaOv 2 - mda TIc Beoic OvoUEVN “some herb offered to the gods’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
Bpaxcu [f.pl.] ‘breeches’ (pap. inscr., D. S.), worn by Gauls. <Lw Celt.>
*ETYM Borrowed from Celtic, just like Lat. bracae.
BpaKadrov =pdzadov.
BpaKava [n.] + ta dypia Adyava ‘wild vegetables’ (H.; also Pherecr., Luc.). <PG?>
*ETYM Bpdxava has been compared with OHG moraha, OE moru ‘carrot’. Fur.: 330
rather compared Baxavov ‘cabbage(-seed)’ (Aét.), which requires the assumption of
an alternation 6 ~ Bp (or even B ~ 85 ~ Bp); for such an alternation there are indeed
parallels in the Pre-Greek lexicon.
Bpaxeiv [v.] - cvvévat ‘to comprehend’; Bpd&at- ovAAaPetv, Saxetv, katamtetv ‘to put
together, comprehend; bite; gulp down’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM Perhaps also to be considered here is Svofbpdaxavov- dvoxepéc,
dvokatavontov ‘hard to manage, ... hard to understand’ (H.). Since Roth KZ 19
(1870): 223, the word has been connected with Skt. mySdti ‘touch, take, seize’ (*mrk-).
Further comparisons have been with Bpdwat- ovAdaBetv, avak@oal, Kpvyat,
Onpedoat ‘comprehend; spend; hide; hunt’ and Bpdntetv- éoietv, xpvrtetv,
agavitev, TH oTOuaTt EAKetv, i] OTevaletv ‘eat; hide; render invisible; suck up with
the mouth; sigh’, as either influenced by papwpat or related to it (with assimilation of
« to initial u-, giving 1; Schwyzer: 302). All of these comparisons are uncertain (see
Pudpntw). Cf. further Bpdxetov: ... mAPoc ‘crowd’ and Bpattetv- mANOdvetv,
Bapvvetv ‘multiply, oppress’ (H.). See Belardi Doxa 3 (1950): 200. See » BpdEau.
Bpakos [m.]? +» KaAapoc. iudtiov moAvTEAgs ‘reed; an expensive cloak’ (H., also Sappho
57, Theoc. 28,11). <?>
eETYM The word has been identified with » paxoc ‘ragged cloth’, but the meaning
does not fit. Also, the first gloss is unclear. Perhaps the word goes back to *urko-,
parallel to yapxav- paBdov ‘rod’ (H.; Belardi Doxa 3 (1950): 199f.).
Bpantetv >Bpaxeiv.
Bpacow [v.] ‘to shake violently, agitate, boil (up), winnow’ (Ar.). 42>
VAR Att. Bpdttw, also éx-Bpr}oow (Gal.), aor. Bpdoat, éBpaoOnv, fut. Bpdow, perf.
BéBpacpat. In H.,, + 16 Hovxs] OSvpecBar ‘wailing in silence’. Also Bpdtw ‘be boiling’.
*DER Bpaopds ‘boiling’, Bpdopua ‘id.’, Bpaopatiacg ‘upheaval’ (Posidon., etc; cf.
LvKntiag cetopdc, cetopatiac Chantraine 1933: 94f.), Bpdotc ‘boiling’ (Orib.).
Bpdotne [m.] ‘earthquake’ (Arist.), Bpactip ‘winnowing-fan’ (gloss.).
236 Bpdcowv
*ETYM Bezzenberger BB 27 (1902): 152f. connected the word with Latv. murdet ‘boil
up’, Lith. murdau, murdyti “etwas im Wasser riittelnd behandeln”; this is uncertain.
Bpacowv =Bpaytc.
BpavkavacBat [v.] - éxi tTHV KAaLdvTWV Taldiwv A€yEeTat WE [LiLLpLA Pwvijc ‘is said
when children weep, onomatopoeic’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM Related to BpobKoc?
Bpaxetv [v.] + HXioat, yo~roat ‘to sound’ (H.), ‘to rattle, clash’ (Il.). < PG?>
eVAR Aor. Boye, éBpaye. Perhaps here Bpdyadov- xpepetiopov ‘neighing’ (H.).
*ETYM Possibly related to » Bpayxoc.
Bpaxiwv, -ovoc [m.] ‘upper arm’, as opposed to > 17} u< (IL). <GR?>
*DER Bpaxtoviov “‘armlet’ (Delos II*), Bpaytovotrp ‘id.’ (Plu.), see Chantraine 1933:
327f. Bpayiddtov, -dpiov (Sm.), BpaxidAtov (Alex. Trall.) from Lat. bracchiale,
bracchiolum.
*ETYM According to Pollux 2, 138 originally the comparative of » Bpayvc: 6t1 éoti Tod
TIHXEws Ppaxbtepoc “because it is shorter than the forearm’. However, the
phonetically regular reflex of *mrg'-ios- is probably seen in Bpdoowv (K 226):
Bpaxiwv would have to be a later formation. Alternatively, Ruijgh Minos 9 (1968):
147f. (see also Ruijgh 1991b: 585) assumes that it has the same suffix as KvAAoTIodiwv.
The word was borrowed as Lat. bracchium, which in turn was the source of MW
braich, etc.
Bpaxuc [adj.] ‘short’ (Hdt., Pi.). <1E *myg"t- ‘short’>
VAR Grades of compar. Bpayttepos, -tatoc, Bpdaxtotoc. Bpaxiwv (in this sense only
Choerob., elsewhere ‘upper arm’, s.v.); hapax legomenon Bpdcowv te vdog (K 226),
after Oa00wv?
DIAL Acol. Bpoy vc.
*DER Bpaydtng¢, -tIyt0¢ (PI.); tO Bpayocg (only Procop.). Denominative Bpaxytvw
‘shorten’ (Hp.). On Bpdyea [n.pl.] ‘shallows’ see » Bpdayoc.
*ETYM Bpaxtc (< *mrg'ii-) finds a morphological match in Skt. muhuh, mihu [adv.]
‘suddenly’, muhurtd- [n.] ‘short time, moment’ (Prakritisms for *mphi-), Av.
marazu- ‘short’ in marazu-jiti-, marazu-juua- ‘short life’ resp. ‘short-lived’ (cf. 6 Bioc
Bpaxvc [Hp.]), Sogd. murzak ‘id’, OHG murg(i) ‘short’, and OE myrge ‘entertaining’
(“kurzweilig”). Further related are Go. ga-maurgjan ‘to shorten’, and Lat. brevis (<
*mreg"u-i-).
Bpéyua VAR Bpeytdc. = Bpexttoc.
Bpéypa 2 = Bpéxw.
Bpéyua 3 [n.] a substance found in peppercorns (Dsc.2, 159). <LW India>
eETYM Word of Indian origin, acc. to Pliny NH XII, 14,27; see Hemmerdinger Glotta
48 (1970): 64.
Bpexexexéé [interj.] imitation of the sound of frogs (Ar. Ran. 209). <ONOM>
BpévOoc 237
Bpéuw [v.] ‘to roar, grumble’ (Il.). <ONOM>
VAR Only pres.
*COMP Bapvt-Bpopos, etc; -Bpept-Etn¢ in épt-, bwt-Bpey-etng (I.). -Bpév-tac in avakl-
Bpév-tac, apyt-Bpév-tac. Also aiodo-Bpdvtac from Bpovtdw.
*DER Beds ‘loud noise’ (Il.) whence Bpdttog ‘boisterous’ (Pi.), Bpdptoc as a name
of Bacchos (A.). -Bpovtnh ‘thunder’ (Il.), Bpdvtng name of a Cyclops (Hes.),
Bpovtrjotog (Zetc); Bpovtéa name of a precious stone (Plin.). Denominative
Bpovtaw ‘to thunder’ (Il.). Bpevtai- Bpovtai (H.). Deverbative Bpopéw (iterative-
intensive) (Il.); Bpwpdouat ‘cry’ (Ar.). Further Bpepeaivwv- fyov H. see
> BAeteaivw. Note that the -vt-forms refer to thunder, whereas the forms with p and
without t indicate droning sounds in general.
eETYM Although Bpguw resembles Lat. fremé ‘to rumble, roar’, OHG breman ‘buzz’,
and MW brefu ‘roar’ (Pok. 142), these cannot be connected, since they derive from
*b'rem-, whereas Greek has B-. Therefore, it is rather an onomatopoeic word.
> Bpduoc ~ Bdppoc in the sense ‘oats’ (Hp.) is not related, but probably Pre-Greek.
Cf. > ypeptetiCw.
Bpévdov [m.]/[n.]? - EAa@ov ‘deer’ (H.). Bpévtiov- 1 Kepadt Tob éAd@ov “a stag’s head;
the head of a deer’ (Str. 6,3,6, EM). «LW Messap.>
*ETYM A Messapian word (EM), possibly also found in place names, e.g. Bpevtéctov
= Brundisium. Further possible cognates are found in NGm., eg. MoSw. dial.
brind(e) ‘male elk’ and MoNw. (dial.) brund (Latv. briédis, probably from Gm.); cf.
Alb. bri ‘horn, antlers’, without a dental (Demiraj 1997 s.v.). See Krahe 1955: 39; Rix
Beitr. z. Namenforsch. 5 (1970): 115ff.
BpévOoc [m.] is attested in wide variety of (only partly polysemic) meanings: 1. a bird
(a waterbird in Arist. HA 609*23, but a singing bird (v.l. BpivOoc) in Arist. HA 15716 =
Kdoovgov ‘blackbird’ (H.); see Thompson 1895 s.v.); 2. ‘pride’ (Ath.); 3. + 71vOuryv,
tbpBos ‘bottom, base; tomb’ (H.). 4. a perfume BpévOov: wvpov ti ‘a perfume’ <tw&v
TIAXEWV>, WC Pakkaptc (an unguent), oi dé dvOivov LWpov ‘perfume of flowers’ (H.),
cf. BpevOiva@: avOivep (H.). 5. BpévOrva- pitdpia tivd, oi¢ EpvOpaivovtat ai yuvaixes
Tag Mapes ‘roots with which women redden their cheeks’ - oi 5& &yxovoav, obk ed
... of 6& @dKog Corchil’?) napepipepées Kbder A~poditns (H.) 6. BpévOtc = Bpidak (Nic.
fr. 120), BpévOiE- Optdakivry. Kimptot ‘lettuce (Cypr.y (H.). <?>
*DER PpévOetov (pov; Sapph.). BpévOuc, -voc [f.] ‘perfume of BpévOetov [Lwpov
(Phid.). More usual is BpevOvopat (pres. only) ‘to behave haughtily, swagger’ (Ar.),
also BpevObvoztat (AP).
eETYM DELG is of the opinion that the name of the bird is the same word as that for
‘arrogance’, which is quite doubtful. It suggests that there were two groups,-the bird
name (and ‘arrogance’) on the one hand, and the plants and perfume on the other.
The word for ‘tiuBoc may constitute yet another group. However, these categories
remain uncertain.
If the v.l. BpivOoc is reliable, the bird name may be Pre-Greek because of the
variation / e. On the other hand, Bptvdeiv- Ovpodo8at, épeBilerv ‘be agitated,
238 Bpétac, -E0¢
provoke’ (H.) is not related (pace von Blumenthal 1930: 6, Krahe DLZ 51 (1930): 1654;
see also Alessio Studi etruschi 15 (1941): 190ff.).
Bpétac, -e0c [n.] “wooden image of a god’ (A.). <PG?>
*DER PN Bpétwv (Attica), Bechtel 1917a: 136.
eETYM DELG suggests that the word is the Doric equivalent of » Edavov, likewise an
image of a god. No etymology (see Benveniste RPh. 58 (1929)128f.).
Bpégog [n.] ‘newborn child, young of an animal’ (I1.). <1E? *g”erb"- / g”reb'- ‘child,
young’>
*COMP Bpe@o-Ktdvog ‘child-killing’ (Lyc.).
*DER Bpegawdng ‘childish’ (Ph.), Bpegd8ev ‘from childhood’ (Eust.).
*ETYM Bpéqos is related to OCS Zrébe, Zrébucv ‘foal’; the Greek reflects *g”reb"-, but
the Slavic must go back to *g”erb"- (in South Slavic, the regular metathesis of PSI. *er
yields ré). The appurtenance of MIr. brommach ‘foal’ (< *g”romb'ako-) is uncertain;
on Skt. garbha- ‘womb’, see » deA gic.
Bpexttdc [m.] ‘front part of the head’ (II.). <1E? *mreg'-n- ‘brain(-pan)>
eVAR Also Bpéypa [n.] (Stratt; Schwyzer: 206), Bpeyyoc (EM), Bpéxpa (v.l Alciphr.
3 5):
*ETYM Not related to Bpéyw. The word is rather related to WGm. words for ‘brain’:
OE breegen, MLG bragen, OFr. brein, etc. (PGm. *bragna-), from *mreg"- or *b'reg'-;
cf. also OW br(e)ithel. The connection of Benveniste BSL 31 (1930): 80 with Av.
marazu- ‘cervical vertebra’ and Molran. words for ‘neck’ from *myz- remains
uncertain.
Bpéxw [v.] ‘to wet, drench’ (Hp.). <1E? *merg'- ‘wet, moisten’>
eVAR Aor. BpéEat, BpexOijvat, Bpaxijvat; avaBéBpoyev (P 54).
*DER Bpoxn ‘rain, moistening, inundation’ (Democr.), Bpoyetdc (AP), Bpoxpds,
Bpéypa (Erot.). Bpoyic ‘ink-horn’ (AP), Bpdytov ‘id.’ (pap.).
*ETYM In spite of the doubts expressed in DELGs.v., and the difference in meaning,
Bpéxw is possibly related to Latv. merguét ‘rain slowly’, merga ‘soft rain’, which can
be traced back to *merg"- (Trautmann 1923: 182; however, Ru. morosit’ ‘rain slowly’
cannot be connected because of its -s-). Bpexw would require *mreg'- with
schwebeablaut (cf. the discussion s.v. » Bpé@oc; perhaps it is a secondary full grade
on the basis of a zero grade *Bpay-). See » Bobytoc.
Bprjooety [v.] - TO peta BnXdc avantvetv. Eviot tTadTa ywpic Tob p ypd@ovot ‘to spit up
by coughing; sometimes written without the p’ (Gal. Lex. Hipp.); Bprjooe- Bricoet ‘to
bleat, cough’ (H.). <ONOM>
DER Ppryua- Andntvopa 410 PWpakoc, Mapa InnoKxpatet ‘what is spit out from the
chest’ (H.) Acc. to Bechtel 19172: 12f., also the Boeot. PN Bpeixidac (= Bpnk-) (?).
eETYM An expressive (onomatopoeic) word, a variant of Brjooetv, perhaps under the
influence of » Bpayeiv. The gloss Bpjocovotw: BAnY@vta. pwvei Ta TpdPata “calls
the cattle’ (H.) suggests that the -p- is a variant of -A- (and perhaps of 6 in the cluster
B5-?; cf. Fur. 330).
BptyKa 239
Bpi (Ppt) [2] - éxi tod peyddov Kai icxvpod Kai yaAeod tiHetat ‘an epithet of the
[words] great, strong and fierce’ (H.). <PG>
DIAL The interpretation of Myc. pi-ri-ta-wo is uncertain.
*COMP In e.g. Bpt-rv0< ‘crying loudly’ of Ares (N 521), with r7bw (Bechtel 1914 s.v.),
Bptdpews see below, Bpinpov: peydAws Kexaptopévov ‘very happy’ (H.), Bpiakyoc
‘Bacchante’ (S.) with iayw, "Iaxxoc.
*DER Bptapdc [adj.] ‘strong’ (II.); Bpiaw [v.] ‘to be or make strong, mighty’ (Hes.)
back-formation from Bptapdc? See Schwyzer: 682f., Bechtel l.c; also Bptepdc. For
Bptdpews, a giant with hundred arms (lIl.), in Hes. Ofpidpews, the interpretation
‘who causes much damage (apr) (Bechtel 1914) is most uncertain; much more
probably it is a Pre-Greek name, cf. Fur.: 168°.
With -0-: Bpt@w ‘to be laden with, be full of (IL), perf. BéBpi8a, aor. Bpioa; BpiBtc
‘heavy’ (?) (Il), Bpi8o0c¢ [n.] ‘weight’ (Hp.), Bpt8oovvn ‘id,’ (Il). Here also Bpivéeiv-
OvpoboOa, épeicerv ‘to be agitated, irritate’ (H.) with prenasalization of Bp.0-? (For
the mg., cf. Bptudopat.) Further > Bpiun, > Bpyurdopat. See also » Bpivw and »bBpic.
*ETYM Since the idea of an old ‘ablaut’ *i / ia must be given up and such cases must
be reconstructed as *-ih,- / -ih,-e, Bptapdc could in principle continue *g”rih,-eros.
The suffix can hardly be anything else, because we cannot assume a derivational
system *-i- / -ro- here, nor has a root *Bpiap any plausibility (pace Benveniste 1935:
15). The connection with »Baptc ‘heavy’ is very doubtful, as this word continues
*g"rh,-u-; a derivative *g”rh,-iH- would have given *Bapt-. *g”r-iH-, derived from a
root without laryngeal, would be possible, but the only evidence for such a root is
Skt. gri-smd- [m.] ‘midsummer’ (Wackernagel KZ 61 (1934): 197f.). However, the
semantics are very weak, and for the explanation of the second part -smd- as from
sama ‘[half-]year’, Av. ham- ‘summer’ is difficult as the latter derive from *smH-. As
Fur.: 168°; 174’; 246f. remarks, the word group, meaning ‘big, strong, yaAemdéc’,, can
be alternatively connected with Bpidc ‘great, difficult’ (see » Bpiun). Since Bpip- is
very probably related to 6Bpipoc (cf. OBptdpews), this whole etymon must be of Pre-
Greek origin in view of the variants (Fur: index). See >» ppyidooopal.
Bpia = ndXc, teixoc, in Thracian (Str. 7, 6, 1); Bpiav: tiv em aypoic (aKpoic?) KwuNV
‘an unfortified village in the country (in the periphery?) (H.). <Lw Thrac.?>
eETYM The word has been connected with ToA ri, ToB riye ‘town’ (which may
continue < *urih,-en-) since Lidén 1916: 143f. (see Adams s.v.). » piov ‘peak,
headland’ has also been compared. The theory of Pisani KZ 75 (1957): 78f. (i.e., that
the word is Ligurian) is improbable. Fur.: 270" refers to TloAtupPpia, ZnAv(E)pBpia
and 355 to Bpéa, a town in Thrace. As DELG remarks, the word can hardly be
regarded as genuinely Greek.
Bprapdc =Bpi.
Bpiyka [m.] - TO pkpdv. Kbmptot ‘small (Cypr.Y (H.); Bpiyxocg name of a sea-fish (ap.
Ath. 322e), = iyOt¢ kntwone¢ ‘cetaceous fish’ (H.) (Thompson 1947 s.v.); further
avwddpkac BpiyKoc (cod. Bpikxoc) 6 ix8dc, b1d Onfaiwv ‘sea-fish (Theb.) (H.)
(Stromberg 1943: 58); also PN (Eretria). <?>
*ETYM Unknown. For the stem formation, see > BpiGw.
240 Bpitw
BpiCw [v.] ‘to be sleepy, nod’ (A 4, 223, A.). <2>
eVAR Aor. éBptba (Od., E. Rh. 826 [lyr.], v.l. EBptoa), Bpi—ou- bnv@oat, vvotdE au ‘sleep,
take a nap’; Bpio8eic: bnvwoac H; Ppitw, -otc [f.] = évumvidpavtic (Semus 5).
aBpuctov: ... dypumvov ‘sleepless’, abpi—: éypnydpwo ‘awake’ (H.; cf. dmpi— s.v.
> dnptySa and Schwyzer: 620).
eETYM Unexplained. The connection with Bpi-, Bpi8w (Curtius 1858: 475; cf. Lat.
somno gravatus) is improbable.
Bpidw =Bpi.
BpikeXor [m.] - of pév Tobs iotdmodac, and tod Bdpovg Kai tod EtAov: oi Sé
BapBdpovc: Aidvpoc 5é Ta Tpaytka Mpoowneia, Tapa Kpativy, oiov Bpot@ eikedat,
év Lepigiotc ‘long beams of the loom, made of a weight and wood; barbarians;
characters in tragedy (apud Cratinus, acc. to Didymus); like a mortal (in Cratinus’s
Seriphians) (H.). <PG?>
eVAR Also: Bpikehoc: Kpativoc Zepipiotg (204K.) “<aip’,> aipe dedpo todc
Bptkédovc” (“raise high the beams”): got 5& BapBaptkov TO Svopta, TiHetou dé [Kai]
etl TpooWNWV TpaylK@v Kai eipytar oiovel Bpot@ [e]ikedoc 7 Bptkiv [el]ixedoc.
Bpiyes yap 8voc BapBapixdv ‘the word is barbarian; it is used for tragic characters
[too] and it is used like “like a man” or “like a barbarian”. For the Bpiyec are a
barbaric race. (Paus. Gr. p. 169 Erbse). Cf. Bpucdv- BapBapov; BpuKdc: PapBapos;
Bpiyec: BapBapot. oi 6é coAotKtotal ‘barbarian, or those who speek incorrectly’ (H.).
eETYM Perhaps we are dealing with a Pre-Greek word Bpix-/ Bpux- ‘barbarian,
foreigner’: the variation | ~ v is well known, and -e\- is a Pre-Greek suffix (see Pre-
Greek: suffixes). The idea that the word has anything to do with Bptyec is clearly
folk-etymological, whereas an interpretation as Bpot@ eixedoc is a learned
etymology. According to Gro&elj Ziva Ant. 4 (1954): 166f., it is a Pre-Greek word
related to ppixec: yapakec ‘pointed stick, palisade (?) (H.). The gloss as iotémodec
‘beams’ in H. is unclear; perhaps it is inspired by a folk-etymological interpretation
of Bpixedot from Bapoc and Ked- (= EdAov).
Bpiun [f.] - amen. Kai yvovaikeia appntorotia ‘threat; also womanly vice’ (H.,
supposed to refer to A. R. 4, 1677 Mnédeing Bpittn moAvPappdKov); doubtful conj. h.
Hom. 28, 10 (of Athena); also probably Orph. Fr. 79 = ‘roaring’. < PG>
VAR Cf. Boytdc: pLéyac, yaAemdc ‘great, difficult’ (H.)
*DER Bpytw epithet of Hecate and Persephone (A. R.), also Ofpuyiw; Bpytwdnc
(Herm. apud Stob. [?]). Verbs: Bpipdoptat ‘snort with anger’ vel sim. (Ar. Eq. 855,
Phid.) with Bpitinua (H., API. [?]), more usual é-Bpytdoptat (A.); Bptdoptou ‘id.’
(X.), Bptpaivetat Oupaivetat, opyifetat ‘is angry, rages’; Bpiwdwv- tH tod Agovtoc
XPWLLEVOG Pwvyj ‘using the voice of the lion’; Beytdte dpya eic ovvovoiav. Kirprot
‘is longing for company (Cypr.)’ (H.).
*ETYM Probably based on Bpt- in Bptapdc, Bpi®w. As these words are rare, their
meanings are not quite clear (cf. Solmsen KZ 42 (1909): 207”). The assumption that
the original meaning was ‘heaviness, vehemence, energy’, etc. is partly based on the
wrong etymological connection with Bapuc (see the discussion on > Bpt-). Pre-Greek
Bpdpos 1 241
| origin is proven by Fur. (index) credible connection with ppytdoooptat, the whole
group of Bpl-, and with » 6Bputog (cf. OBpyiw). See > Bpi.
Bpivdeiv =f pi.
Bpttépaptic [f.] epithet of Artemis on Crete (inscr., Str.), also a goddess or nymph on
Crete, Dreros (Call. Dian. 190). <PG(V)>
eVAR Also Bpttdptapmic, -papmeta (Crete); There is also a form Bpvtdépaptic
(Wahrmann Glotta 19 (1931): 170).
*DER Bpttopdptia [n.pl.] festival on Delos (inscr.).
eETYM Acc. to Marinatos Apy. AeAt. 9: 7off. it belongs to the Aetolian DN
Mdprnooa. Wahrmann (lc.) held that -ttapmic is the original form, but it is
improbable that Bpttépaptic is due to dissimilation.
Acc. to Solin. 11, 8, it means ‘dulcis virgo’ = ‘sweet maiden’, which seems confirmed
by the gloss. Latte thinks that the gloss may have been invented secondarily to
explain the name, but Brown 1985: 41 rightly objects that the u-stem cannot be
accounted for in this way. Proposals for an IE etymology are useless. For the
interchange m/ t, Fur.: 166 compares Ilavometc / Pavotevc; see also ibid: 389. A
variation t/ v is also known from Pre-Greek. See » Bpttv.
Bprt [adj.] - yAuKv. Kpfjtec ‘sweet (Cret.)’ (H.). <PG>
*COMP See also on » Bpttoplaptic, epithet of Artemis on Crete (inscr., Str.), also a
goddess or nymph on Crete, Dreros (Call. Dian. 190).
*ETYM Unknown. The hypothesis of Magnien Glotta 21 (1933): 178 is improbable.
Bpdyxoc [m.] ‘windpipe, throat’ (Hp.). <PG(v)>
*DER Bpdoyxta [n.pl.] ‘bronchial tubes’ (Hp.), Bpoyyin [f] ‘system of conducts
connecting heart with liver’ (Hp., cf. dptnpia), Bpoyxetov ‘bronchial cartiledge’ (S.).
Bpoyxwtrp ‘neck in a garment’ (J.; cf. tpomwtiip - tpomdc, Chantraine 1933: 327f.).
Denominative Bpoyyidler katamtivet ‘gulps down’ (H.).
*ETYM The word is evidently connected with » BpdEat and Bpdy8oc. The nasal infix,
which would be inexplicable if the word were IE, can be easily understood as Pre-
Greek prenasalization. For the formation of Bpdx8oc¢ ~ Bpdyxoc, compare Kdx)ocg ~
Kdyxvn, and 116x80¢ ~ pLoyéw. It is conceivable that Bpox6- is not a suffixal derivation
from this word, but just another form of the root. Further, » Bpdyyoc and > Bpayeiv
belong to this group, with the typical variation a/o.
Bpoxds [adj.] - jewpdc, “EAAnvec ‘dull (H.); Bpdkwv: dad, anaidevtoc, ofov Booka
| ‘who has not learnt; uneducated; like a piece of cattle’ (H.). <?>
eETYM DELG refers to Bpdkot- dttéAeBor ‘locusts’ and considers it to be “un emploi
plaisant” of ‘locust’. To my mind, it is rather an accidental homonym. Fur.: 145
suggests connection with mpdkov- MAitov ‘numb’ (H.), and, much more doubtfully,
with Lat. bargus ‘sine ingenio’.
Bpdpos 1 [m.] ‘oats’ (Thphr.). <PG(v)>
VAR Also Bdpytoc (Dieuch. apud Orib.).
242 Bpdpos 2
eETYM Probably Pre-Greek on account of the alternating vocalism; cf. further
examples in Fur.: 392.
Bpdpos 2 [m.] - téT0¢ gic Sv EXagot Odpodot Kai dpodevovot ‘place into which deer
urinate and defecate’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM Unknown. Hardly related to Bpéuw (as per LSJ).
Bpovt =Bpépo.
Bpdkar [v.] ‘to gulp down, swallow (againy (u 240, 5 222; H. Bpdtat as a simplex =
poijoa, AP). <PG>
eVAR Aor. pass. avaBpoyév (A 586), perf. dvabéBpoyev (P 54, acc. to Zenodotus for
avaBéBpbyev). Bpdgat ... katameiv ‘gulp down’ (H.). Cf. Bpové tpaynAoc, Bpdyxoc
‘neck, throat’ (H.).
*COMP Mostly dva-, Kata-BpdEar.
*DER Bpdx80c¢ [m.] ‘throat, gullet’ (Hp.), BpoxOwdn¢ ‘shallow’ (?; Nic.); Bpox8iqw
‘take a mouthful, clear the throat, give to drink’ (Arist.).
*ETYM The surprising o-vocalism in the aorist can hardly be explained by Aeolic
origin, in spite of the gloss Bpd&at. The notation kata-BpwEat (Ar.) may be due to
influence of BiBpwoxw. Bpdx8oc, probably an action noun, has been compared with
yvaoc, otfPoc, etc. (Schwyzer: 510f., Chantraine 1933: 367), but these are body parts
(note that yva0oc is Pre-Greek). Not related to BiBpwoKw, as *g”rh;-C- would have
given *Bpw-C-. From other languages, one adduces Gm. and Celt. words like MHG
krage ‘neck, throat, collar’, ME crawe ‘crop, craw (of a bird) (which may contain
*g"rog'-), and Olr. brdgae ‘neck’, MW breuant ‘windpipe’ from PCI. *brag-, PIE
*g"rdg"- (not from *g”rHg"-, as this would give Bpn/a/wx- in Greek). However, this
IE etymology can explain neither Bpdx80c, nor »Bpdyyoc or »Bpayxoc. The
aberrant o-vocalism is confirmed by the a-vocalism of Bpdayyoc, which should be
interpreted as reflecting Pre-Greek origin. If Bpovk& tpdyndoc, Bpdyxoc (H.) is
reliable, it would also remain unexplained by the IE etymology; for o/ov in Pre-
Greek, however, cf. kohotéa/ koAoutéa (see Pre-Greek).
Bpotdc [m., f.] (mortal) man’, also ‘mortal’ (IL). <1 *mr-td- ‘dead, mortal’>
*COMP aecitiBpotos ‘shining on mortals’, BpotoAotydc¢ ‘ruining mortals’ (IL), etc.
Note &Bpotoc ‘without men’ (A. Pr. 2).
*DER BpdteEos (T 545, etc.), Bpdtetog (Archil.) ‘mortal, human’ (cf. Wackernagel 1916:
69', S. Schmid 1950: 28f.); Bpotrotos ‘id.’ (Hes.), after IBaxrjotoc, PiAotrolog, etc., see
Chantraine 1933: 41f; Bpotal: yuvaixec ‘women’ (H.), corrected by Latte to Bpotoi(?).
&-uBpotos ‘immortal, divine’, note d-Bpdt vvé (E 78), cf. &tupiBpdtry daomtic ‘shield
protecting in all directions’ (B 389); dutBpdotocg ‘id.’, auBpooin ‘Ambrosia’, food of
the gods (all Il.). On PNs with ttdptoc see Masson RPh. 89 (1963): 222f. Unrelated is
> Lapaive.
*ETYM Bpotés, Aeolic from *mrtd-, agrees with Arm. mard ‘mam’ (*mrto-), Skt. mrtd-
(verbal adj.), Av. marata- ‘dead’; Lat. mortuus, OCS mrotvs ‘dead’ (with suffix after
vivus, Zivo). The privative Skt. a-mfta-, Av. a-maga- ‘immortal’ is comparable to 4-
utBpotoc. Another vocalism is found in » toptéc: dvOpwioc, Bvntdc ‘man’ (H.) =
~—
Bpdxoc 243
Skt. mdarta-, Av. marata- ‘the mortal one, man’, probably representing a different
ablaut grade *mor-.
Bpdtoc [m.] mostly interpreted as ‘clotted blood’ (l.). Except for pLéAava Bpdtov ‘dark
blood’ (w 189) only at verse end in the formula Bpdétov aittatdevta ‘red blood’ (H
425). <2>
*DER Bpotosetc ‘bloody’ in évapa Bpotdevta (Z 480, etc.) and Bpotdevt’ avdpaypia
(E 509); further the hapax BeBpotwpéva tevyea (A 41 = Q. S. 1, 717; after this Stesich.
42 dpdxwv ... Kapa BeBpotwpEévoc).
*ETYM Perhaps Aeolic (with retracted accent) for *Bpatéc, but the connection with
Skt. murtd- ‘clotted’ (pres. mirchati) is only possible if loss of the laryngeal under
unknown circumstances is accepted. (The word has been compared with otpa-tdc,
Aeol. otpo-tdc, to Skt. stir-nd-, but the latter contains a different root; see Beekes
1969: 243.). Differently, Leumann 1950: 124ff.: he maintains that Bpdtoc is from
&uBpotoc, wrongly taken as d&vaitwv; this is hardly probable. Improbably, Schulze
KZ 29 (1888): 257f.: that aupiBpdt (aortic B 389, etc.) is from *Bpotdév ‘body’.
BpodKog [m.] ‘locust’ (Thphr.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Bpodxoc (LXX, Ph.), BpovKxa (Cypr., H.); BpadKog (Cret.), Bpatkn (AB, H.),
Bpe<d>Koc: 1 fuKpa dxpic, b10 Kprytm@v ‘small locust (Cret.)’ (H.), BptbKoc (H.),
Bpdxol attéAeBot, aKpides ‘locusts’ (H.).
eDIALIon. acc. to H.
*ETYM BpvKocg (and Bpotyoc) was compared with BpvKw ‘eat greedily, grind the
teeth’ (EM), but the agreement may be secondary. No doubt a Pre-Greek word, a
hypothesis which is confirmed by the vocalic variation. The names of small animals
frequently show such variations, but this is precisely due to foreign origin, or to
dialectal differences (cf. Schwyzer: 198). See also » Bepxvic. Lat. bruchus is borrowed
from the Greek, MoFr. bruche in turn from Latin.
BpodAog [m.] - 16a Evvdpoc ‘plant growing in water’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM The text has movijpos; see Rohlfs 1930: 388.
Bpdx8oc =Bpdéat.
Bpdxoc [m.] ‘noose, slip-knot’ (Od.). <PG(v)>
VAR Bpvyxdc: Bpdxoc (H.).
*DER Bpoyic ‘id.’ (AP).
eETYM The word has been connected with ,idpottov: éx pAoiod mAEytta TL, @ ETUTTOV
aAAtAovs Ttoic Anntpiotcs ‘plaiting of bark, with which the A. used to hit each other’
(H.), but it is uncertain whether the noose was made of bark (see Fur.: 341). Bpdxoc
has also been compared with Slavic words like OCS mréZa ‘net, noose’, Serb. mréZa
‘net’, and Latv. mefga, mafga ‘railing, gallery’, Lith. mdrska ‘net’ (Vasmer 1953(2):
119). However, these words would need implausible reconstructions *morHg'-skeh,-
and *merHg'-ieh,-, whereas they could be explained much more easily from *merg-
with Winter’s law. If the gloss on Bpvyxdc, which had not been noticed earlier, is
reliable, then the prenasalization points to Pre-Greek origin. Not connected to
> Bpéxw, nor to P LLéptuc.
244 Bpo
Bpi =Bpdv.
Bpvarivwv [v.] - dtapprcowv ‘breaking’ (H.). <PG?>
*DER Bpvadtynov. wogov, HXov ‘sound’ and Bpvadixtat moAeutKol opynotat:
‘uevédovtor “IBuKocg Kai Ltnotyopos ‘war dancers; steadfast in battle (Ibyc. and
Stes.) (H.). Further, Aaxwwka dpxfata dia Madéacg ... Kai Bpvddiya...,
Tpoowpxobvto dé yuvaixec kai A7toAAwwt “Laconian dances ... and B. ..., which the
women danced for Apollo, too’ (Poll. 4,104); BpvAAtxiota [read Bpvad-]- of aicypa
TMpoowneta mepitiOépevor yuvarkeia Kai buvovg ddovtecs ‘people who wear ugly
masks of women and sing songs’ (H.); BpvddAtya (read Bpvddtya?; ms. -ixya):
Tpdownov yuvaikeiov ‘female mask’ (H, further corrupt).
*ETYM Derived from *Bpvadog (-n, -ov), which itself is connected with » Bpvu, but
the meaning does not match very well. For the semantics, it has been compared with
Bpvdacoptat dvaPakyevoopat peta Tivog KtvijoEws ‘burst into Bacchic frenzy with a
certain movement’ (H.). It is probably a Pre-Greek word: Fur: 174 also cites
Bpvavi@v: pletewpiCdpevog Kai Kopwwi@v ‘is raised and streches the neck [is
ambitious]’ (H.).
BpvOakes [?] - of xttHvec BouBUKtvoL. 7 yévoc iBayevwv ‘silken tunics; an ancient
stock’ (H.). <PG?>
*ETYM Fur.: 187 compares Bputtyyoi: yttwvec ‘tunics’ (H.), and further, Bputiviy:
Buociviy (H.); he reconstructs a word *Bpv8/t-o¢ ‘linen’ (or ‘silk’?). Cf. » Bbococ.
BpvKog [m.] - Kfpvt, oi 5é BapBapos, oi Sé atteAeBoc ‘herald; barbarian; locust’ (H.).
<PG(V)>
eVAR BpvKatvar igperat b10 Awptéwv ‘priestesses (Dor.) (H.). Also Bpvydc: Kijpvk
*ETYM On the explanation atté\eBoc, see BpodKoc; for BapBapoc, see Bpixedot. For
Bpvydc, cf. Bpvyadeid, the epiclesis of Hermes at Pharsalos (Dettori Myrtia 15
(2000): 27-33). Further unknown.
Bpidxw [v] ‘to bite, eat greedily’ (Com.), next to Bpdxw ‘grind the teeth’ (Hp.), but the
distinction is not always clear . <IE *g”ruH¢'->
VAR Aor. Bpvéau, fut. Bpv&w.
*DIAL BpvKw Att. acc. to Moeris and Ammon. ,
DER Bevypdc (Eup.); BpvKetdc: tadtov TH Bovypg@, Kal BovrpOp1d¢ dpoiwc. Awpteic
‘the same as £., and likewise for B. (Dor.)’ (H.); cf. Saxetdév, BpvynOpoc. Further
Bpuxedavdc: moAv~ayos ... ‘eating a lot’ (H.), cf. nevkedavdc; BpvydSrv ‘with
clenched teeth’ (?) (AP).
*ETYM If the k in BpvdKw is secondary for x in Bpd—au, then BpvEw and Bpbyw may
continue *g”ruH¢"., cf. OCS gryzo, grysti ‘gnaw’, Lith. grduziu, grduzti ‘id’ (the initial
accentuation of Ru. gryzla shows that the root must have contained a laryngeal).
Further related are Olr. bron ‘sorrow’, MW brwyn ‘biting pain’ (from *brtignos with
pretonic shortening), and possibly Arm. krcem ‘gnaw < *kurcem (perhaps
metathesized like turc, gen. trcoy ‘jaw’; see Lidén 1906: 34f.), if c for expected j can
find an explanation. Cf. » Bpdv, » Bpvy dopa, » Bpdxtoc.
Bpbxt0c 2.45
BpvAtxtotai =BpvariGwv.
Bpdv in Bpvv einetv ‘call for drink’, of small children (Ar. Nu. 1382). <ONOM>
eVAR Also Bpd or Bpod.
*DER BpvAAw ‘id’ (Ar. Equ.1126); BpbvAAwv: brtomivwv “drinking a little’ (H.).
*ETYM Probably based on an onomatopoeic form. West Glotta 47 (1970): 184f., thinks
it represents Bpdtov, which would be surprising.
Bpvocos [m.] a kind of sea urchin (Arist.). < PG(V)>
eVAR GutBputtot eidoc éxivov Baracciov, AptototéAns adtods dé Bpbttovs Kade
‘kind of sea urchin, also called B. by Arist. (H.) (also 4Bputtot); also Bpdttoc: eidoc
éxivov TeAayiov, &> grow AptototéAng, ol dé ix8bv, of SE TPIGVAAGBwe, d&uBpuTToOV,
Tiv, Adyng totei ‘some: a fish; others, with three syllables, d1B., [?]’ (H.; it cannot be
concluded that the reading &Bputtot is false).
eETYM The variants, together with the prenasalization, prove that this is a Pre-Greek
word.
Bpvtava =BvTava.
Bputtyyoi =Bpv8axec.
Bpitos [m.] ‘beer’ made of barley (Archil.). «LW Thrac>
VAR Also -ov [n.]; also Bpobtoc, Bpdtttov (H.).
*DER Bpvtea (-ta) [n.pl.] ‘refuse of olives or grapes, Ta otétpvda’ (Ath.). Bpbtivoc
(Cratin.), Bpvtikdc (Antiph.).
*ETYM As is evident from the variant forms, Bpttos is a loan word from Thracian. It
may be identical with OE brod, OHG prod ‘juice’, Olr. bruth ‘glow (*b'rutos, -om).
The closest comparandum is Lat. défriitum [n.] ‘must boiled down’, from Lat.
ferv(e)6; see Schrijver 1991: 254f. Whether the long 6 of the Greek goes back to
Thracian as well is unknown. Lat. brisa ‘refuse of grapes’ is probably also derived
from Thrac. Bpttea, 1a (Demiraj 1997 s.v. bérsi). Not connected to > @péap,
> POpvVw.
Bpdx dopa [v.] ‘to roar, bellow’ (II.). <ONOM>
VAR Perf. BéBpdya (with pres. mg.), Aor. BpvxrjcoaoBau.
*DER Bpvxr}Otdc ‘roar(ingy (Arist.), Bpvbynua ‘id. (A.); retrograde Bpvxr (Opp., cf.
Bpvxw); Bpvxitic Bpvxntip; Bpvynddov (A. R.). Perhaps here also Bpovyetoc: ...
Batpaxyov d5é Kimptot ‘frog [Cypr.]’, Bpvxdc: Krypv— ‘herald’ (H.; also » BpuKdc). For
the forms see Fraenkel 1912: 95? (p. 96).
*ETYM The intensive perfect BéBpvxa (cf. péLvKa, etc.) was the basis of Bpvxdoytat.
Probably of onomatopoeic origin.
Bpdxto¢ [adj.] ‘deep (under water)’ (A.). <2
*DER bmdPpvxa ‘under water’, originally an adjective acc.sg. (€ 319, Hdt. 7, 130; see
Bechtel 1914 s.v.), later adverbial (Arat.); br10Bpbytocg (h. Hom: 33, 12); mtepiBpvxtoc
‘engulfing’ (S.). Secondary Bpvya “depth of the sea’ (Opp. H. 2, 588).
eETYM One would have to start from a noun *Bpv&, Bpvyxdc ‘water, depth (of the
sea). On the formation of bmdBpvya, bmoBpvxtoc, see Schwyzer 1950: 532.
246 Bpuxds
Connection with Bpéxw is phonetically impossible, and the meaning is different as
well. There seems to have been a connection with Bpvydojtct by popular etymology.
Bpvxdc =BpvtxKoc.
Bpvxw =Bpv«Kw.
Bpvw [v.] ‘to swell, teem with’ (Il.). <?>
VAR Only pres. (but Bptoac Procop.).
*COMP Old &Bpvov [n.] ‘new-born (lamb) (t 245), ‘foetus’ (Hp.), type gutedoc,
éyKéados.
*DER Bpvorg (Suid.), Bpvopds (Arc.), also PN as Bptac, Betowv. Also Bpvatw with
Bpvdoouat avaBaxyevooptal peta Tivocg KivrjcEews ‘burst into Bacchic frenzy with a
certain movement’ (H; uncertain dveBpbatav Ar. Eq. 602) together with Bpvaoytdc
‘voluptuousness’ (Plu.), Bovaxtng epithet of Pan (Poet. apud Stob.). Bptov [n.] ‘tree-
moss, etc.’ (Hp.) with Bpuwdne, Bpudetc (Nic.); Bpuwvn, Bpvwvia ‘black, white vine’
(Nic., Dsc.; see Chantraine 1933: 207f.). See » Bpvahifwv. Denominative Bpvdopat ‘to
be grown over with Bpvov’ (Arist.).
*ETYM No etymology.
Bpa@pos [m.] ‘stench’ (LXX, Gal.). <?>
eVAR Sometimes Bpdpoc.
*DER Bp@pa ‘ordure’ (?; Ev. Marc. 7, 19); Bpwpwdnc, Bpouwdne ‘stinking’ (Str.);
Bpwptéw (-0-) ‘id’ (AL).
*ETYM No etymology. The word has been supposed to be identical with Bpdptoc
‘noise’ (Kretschmer Glotta 9 (1918): 222f., Kretschmer Glotta 11 (1921): 98, Hatzidakis
Glotta 22 (1934): 130-3). Differently, Kalitsunakis Glotta 12 (1923): 198. Lat. brémus,
brémoésus, exbr6mé is borrowed from the Greek. The word lives on in the chemical
element (Fr. brome, E. bromine, etc.).
Bvac [m.] ‘eagle-owl, Strix bubo’ (Arist.). <ONOM>
DER Verb Bitw (Biac éBuke D. C., see Schwyzer 716). Deverbal Bia = Buac (Nic.).
eETYM Derived from the onomatopetic Bt after the nouns in -ac¢ (Schwyzer: 461,
Chantraine 1933: 27f., 30). Similar instances of onomatopoeia are e.g. Arm. bu ‘ow!
(= Georg. bu), MoP bam ‘id’, Lat. bub6, Bulg. buh (Pok. 97f; Schrader-Nehring
1917(2): 216; André 1967: 45). Cf. » BUKTNQ¢.
BUBAOs [m.] The Egyptian papyrus, ‘Cyperus Papyrus; papyrus stalks, bark, roll, paper’
(Hdt.). <PG?>
VAR BiBAog, BittBAtc; BipiBAtvoc (or -tvwv): eidoc otvou Kai yévoc cytméAOv év Opaxy
kai 6 madatdg oivoc. Eniyapptocg dé dm’ dpav BipAivwv. gott 5& Opdkne ‘kind of wine
and vine in Thrace, also old wine. Epicharmus [uses it as] from the B. mountains. It
is from Thrace.’ (H.).
*DER BUBAtvog (Od.), BiBALVoc (pap.) ‘made of papyrus’; (both) also a kind of wine,
see DELG; also BittBAtvoc (LSJ Supp. and H., see above). BuBAtd (on the accent see
Wackernagel and Debrunner Phil. 95 (1942): 191f.) ‘plantation of papyrus’ (Tab.
Heracl.; but see Scheller 1951: 47). BuBAiov, BiBAiov (see Kretschmer KZ 57 (1930):
BvOdc 247
253) ‘paper, book’ (IA). BiBAiSiov with strange long 1, BipiBAtc, -150¢ ‘cords of B.’, cf.
BiBAidec: Ta BiBAia FH oxotvia Ta Ex BiBAOV meMAEypEva (EM 197, 30).
eETYM The papyrus rind was supposedly named after the Phoenician harbor Byblos,
from where it was shipped to Greece. Since the name of this town was Gbl in
Phoenician, next to Akk. Gublu, and Hebr. G*bal, we would need to assume the the
initial gu- was interpreted as g”u- by the Greek, or that distant assimilation g-b > b-b
took place. However, E. Masson 1967: 101-7 concluded that the word is of unknown
origin and that the town was named after it and Alessio Studi etruschi 18 (1941): 122f.
assumed that the word was Pre-Greek. Fur.: 364 offers evidence for v/ 1 in Pre-Greek
(the forms with -- appear to be old, not due to late assimilation; cf. Kretschmer KZ
57 (1930): 253). Pre-Greek origin is also strongly suggested by the prenasalized forms
(which are hardly expressive). Cf. » 1&11upoc.
BuBdc [adj.] = ‘pweotdc, mArpne, ptéyac’ ‘full, great? (Sophr. 115 apud Suid. and H.).
<ONOM>
*DER PN Bufwv Masson Verbum 18 (1995-6): 319 (Euboea), so the word is old.
eETYM Familiar word, from > Buvéw, » Bbw, etc, either with reduplication or with
-Boc. On words in -Bdc, see Chantraine 1933: 261.
Bv0d¢ [m.] ‘depth (of the sea)’ (A.). < PG>
*COMP GBvacoc ‘bottomless’ (Hdt.), substantivized fem. ‘abyss, underworld’ (=
Hebr. tahém, LXX, NT, paps cf. Schwyzer RhM 81 (1932): 203); Buooodoptebw “build
in the deep > brood over (in the deep of one’s soul), ponder deeply’ (Od.), metri
causa for Bvocodojtéw (Eust., Suid.) like oikodopéw, etc., see Chantraine 1942: 368.
*DER BUOtoc “of the depth’ (late), fem. Bu8itic (waytoc, AP). Denominative BvOiqw
‘sink’ (S.); ptc. Bv8dwoa (Hila) ‘going in the deep’ (Nic. Th. 505). Further Buoodc
[m.] ‘depth of the sea’ (Il.), Buocd8ev (S.). Also BUooa (Opp. after Bijooa? so
probably secondary); further Biooakor Bd8por ‘pits’, BvocadetovTl: TH BvOa
égikvoupévy ‘reaching the depth’ (H.); also BuOjidc: dvtpov, mvBpAv, Kai BuOpurv
‘cave, bottom’, perhaps corrupt.
*ETYM A base form *BvO1dc¢ or *BvO0dc, for Bvoodc (Frisk), does not inspire
confidence, since this would presuppose that the word is epic (Aeolic): *-d'i- and
*-Ts- would give IA -o-. In order to connect the word with BaOuc (and Bijooa), a
labiovelar has bee posited, but then the straightforward connection of Ba8vc with
Bév8oc must be abandoned. Moreover, assuming a labiovelar would mean that the B-
is irregular (one would expect yv-): it would have to have been introduced from
Biiooa, which remains a guess. A connection with yv8icowv: Siopvcowv ‘digging
out’ (H.) would pose the same problem; the form is better left aside. The earlier
attempts to connect BaOuc and Bijooa (with a, as opposed to v) are most improbable,
and should now be abandoned. Bv0dc - Buccdcs shows a typical variation in Pre-
Greek words; see Fur.: 248-263, e.g. dvnBov/ avnoov. The conclusion is confirmed by
Bucoad-, with a typical Pre-Greek suffix; cf. kdpvdoc beside kopbdadoc/Kopvdadd6c
(Fur.: 254). One may also compare the glosses d\tvococ: Kijtocg ‘sea monster’ and
aBvddv: Bad.
2.48 BuKkavn
Van Windekens KZ 100 (1987): 307 connects Hitt. akkus(s)a- ‘Fangrube’, which is
quite improbable (“B au lieu de -«- sous influence de Bucadc”).
BuKavy [f.] ‘trumpet, horn’ (Plb.). <Lw Lat.>
*DER Bukavaw ‘to blow the horn’ (Plb.), Buxaviytic (Plb.); Bukavitw (Eust.)
Bukavotis (Plb.), Bukavioptdc (Nicom.).
*ETYM A loan word from Lat. bacina; for the suffix, cf. machina : unxavy
(Niedermann IF 37 (1916/1917): 147f. contra Cuny 1908: 108ff.: from unweakened
*bicana). A more exact rendering is Bov-; Bouxtvatwp (Lyd.) = bicindtor and the
hybrid form Bovxtvitw (S. E.) are directly borrowed from Latin. See also
> BovKovoTiplov.
BvKtI¢ [adj.] / [m.] only BuKtawv avéttwv (Kk 20), also substantivized as ‘stormwind’
(Lyc.). <ONOM>
*ETYM If the word means nvedvtwv, pvontov (i.e. ‘blowing’), as the ancients
suggested, it may be compared with BeBuxw@o8at nempio8a <napa> Oettadoic
‘blow, kindle (Thess.)’ (H.), and further with » Buvéw. According to Fraenkel 1910:
19’, the word is connected with Bvfw, BvEat ‘to hoot (like an owl)’ (see » BUdc). See
the discussion on k-enlargements of onomatopoeic bit- and bu- in Pok. 97f. and 100f.
Buvéw [v.] ‘to stuff (Hdt.). <?>
VAR Also Bivw (Hdt.), BvCw (Aret., H.); Bbw, aor. doar, fut. Bow; BéBvopat (Od.),
EBdoONV, (Tapa) BvoToc.
*COMP Often with prefixes dta-, ém-, Tapa-, 1po-.
*DER Bvotta ‘plug’ (Hp.), Bvotpa ‘id.’ (Antiph.); Bvt [adv.] (< *Bbo-dryy, see below)
‘closely’ (Hp.), together with Butév- muxvov, ovvetdv, yadpov dé kai téya “compact,
intelligent, haughty, big’ (H.). Also BvAAG BeBvouéva H., with denominative
BeBvAA@oGat- BeBvoOat (H.). Fur. 213° suggests that Bovvdc: otiBac ‘mattress’,
Kvzptot (H.) is derived from Buvéw.
*ETYM Like kuvéw, Buvéw could represent a continuation of a nasal present *Bu-vé-o-
w, with Biv- perhaps from a zero grade Buv-o- (e.g., in the 3pl. *Bvvoovt, see
Schwyzer: 692). Alternatively, it could go back to *Bvo-véw with secondary -éw.
Buvéw has been compared with Alb. m-bush ‘fil? and words for ‘pouch’, e.g. MIr.
buas (< *bousto-), ON posi, OE posa, OHG pfoso, PGm. *ptisan- (< *biison-).
However, this connection fails on the necessity to assume a root with PIE *b- (the
material collected in Pok. 98ff. is too heterogeneous). Cf. »Bupdc, » Povpwv,
> BUTava.
Bvvn 1 [f.] ‘malt (for brewing) (pap., Aét.). <?>
eVAR Bou, -ews [n.] (after Kiki, Ko,yWU, etc.).
*DER Doubtful Buvetc: oxevaoptd tt KpiOtvov ‘dish made of barley’ (H.; Lagercrantz
1913: ad PHolm. 15); constructed from a gen. Bivewc?
*ETYM Unknown; of foreign origin?
Bdv1j 2 [f.] - P4Aacoa ‘sea’ (Euphor. fr. 127), medKn ‘pine’ (H.). <2>
*ETYM The meaning ‘sea’ fits well to the homophonous name of Leucothea (Ino) in
Lyc. 107, but its etymology is unknown.
pvotak 249
Bivntos an Egyptian garment (Hdn.). <Lw? Eg>
eETYM Unknown.
Buptov [n.] Bvpiov: oiknua ‘abode’; BupidBev- oikoBev ‘from home’ (H.). Cf. evpuptov:
TO evotkov eipital, StL KaTa THY Bavpiav i} Kata Meooariovg onptaiver oikiav
‘comfortable to inhabit, because B. means “house” in Messapian’ (EM 389,25); and
Bavpid8_ev = oixo8ev ‘from home’ (Cleon Sic. 2). <Lw Messap.>
DER Perhaps Bupitdc: otaOitdc ‘stable’ (H.), s.v. von Blumenthal 1930: 3.
eETYM Messapian word, also seen in Germanic: ON bur [n.], OHG, OE bir [m.]
‘cottage, room’ (PGm. *bira-); cf. Pok. 149. With a different ablaut are » Bavpia and
> Bapic. See Krahe IF 57 (1940): 116. The words are supposed to be r-derivatives of
the root for ‘live, be’; see » pvw.
Buppdc [m.] - cavOapoc. Tuppiyvoi ‘dung-beetle, drinking cup (Etr.)’ (H.). <Lw? Etr>
*ETYM The word is believed to derive from the color, from Gr. nuppdc = Lat. burrus
‘deep red’ (Paul. Fest. 31). See Fohalle 1925: 157f. and Kretschmer Glotta 16 (1928):
166. However, this is hardly appropriate in the case of a cup. Fur.: 213 connects it
with pvpooc ‘basket’ (Call. fr. anon. 102; H.), Etr. murs; the word lives on in Otrant.
vurro, Toscan. borraccia (Alessio 1955: 736).
Bupoa [f.] ‘skin, hide’ (Hdt.). <PG?>
*COMP Pupoodé yn (Ar.).
*DER Pupoic (H.); Bipotvos ‘of leather’ (D. C.), Bupotkdc ‘id’ (Gp.), also ‘used by
tanners’ (Hippiatr., to Bupoetc), Bupowdne ‘id’ (Gal.). Bupoetc ‘tanner’ (Act. Ap.) for
older Bupaodéwne (Ar.); Bupoetw ‘tan’ (H.), Bupoeiov ‘tan-pit’ (sch.). Denominative
Bupodw ‘to cover with skins’ (Ath. Mech.). Old is only Bupoivn ‘leather thong’ (Ar.
Eq. 59, 449).
*ETYM A technical term without etymology (Forbes Glotta 36 (1958): 271, see further
Frisk). The word may be of Pre-Greek, as argued by Fur-.: 65, etc., who also compares
atvptdv: iLattov ‘cloth’ (H.).
Btooa [f.] a bird (Ant. Lib. 15). <>
eETYM Etymology unknown.
Bbooos [f.] “Byssos”, flax and the linen made of it (Emp.); later also referring to cotton
and silk. <Lw Sem.>
*DER Bucotvos ‘made of 8.’ (Hdt.); Bioowpta ‘net from B.’ (AP; on the formation see
méthwpia, etc., Chantraine 1933: 187).
eETYM The word is supposed to have been borrowed by Greek from Eg. w:d ‘linen’
via Semitic (Hebr., Aram. bits; see E. Masson 1967: 2off. Szemerényi Gnomon 43
(1971): 661).
Bvaodc =Bv06c.
Bvotak [m.] ‘moustache’ (Antiph. 44.4 apud Ath. 4, 143a). <PG> |
*VAR Cf. Buotaya: mwywva ‘beard’ (H.).
eETYM The explanation of Biota— as adapted from jwotak after Buvéw is highly
improbable. Rather, it is evidently cognate with twotag, the words being of Pre-
250 Bitava
Greek origin because of the alternation B ~ u (Fur.: 116, 218; cf. «/ y, see also Giintert
1914: 128). For further variants, see > wwotak.
Bbtava [n.pl.] - kovdvAo1 ‘knuckle’. oi 6& Bpbtava (H.). <PG?>
*ETYM A formation in -avov (Chantraine 1933: 197ff., Schwyzer: 489f.). Although the
word has been connected with »ButOdv - mA80c ‘crowd’ (H.) and » Bittog -
yovaixdg aidoiov ‘private parts of a woman’ (H.), this is only a superficial
resemblance in form. The variant with Bp- points to a Pre-Greek word; further
examples are adduced by Fur.: 330.
BurO6v [n.]? - TAMPO¢ ‘large number, crowd’ (H.). <?>
eETYM The word has been connected BUtava and BUttoc, for which there seems to
be no rationale.
Butivy [f.] - Aayvvoc H dytic. Tapavtivor ‘flask or chamber-pot (Tarantian)’ (H.).
<PG(V)>
*VAR Cf. Att. mdtIvn ‘flask covered with plated osier’ (Poll.), title of a comedy of
Cratinus (Ar. fr. 880 K.-A.).
*ETYM The interchange 1t/ B proves Pre-Greek origin (the variation voiced/ voiceless
being extremely frequent in such words; Fur.: 101-200). The suffix -iv- is also
frequent in Pre-Greek (see Pre-Greek, Suffixes). VLat. butina is borrowed from the
Greek, and the Latin is in turn the source of e.g. OE byden, OHG butin, MoHG Biitte
(Fi. putina, Ru. bédnja, etc. are again borrowed from Germanic; see Vasmer 1953
S.V.).
BbttOs [m.]? - yovatkdc aidotov ‘female genitals’ (H.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Cf. LtutTd¢: TO yuvatkeiov ‘id.’ (H.).
eETYM Fur.: 218 connects the gloss with y-, which shows that the word is Pre-Greek.
Szemerényi refers to Hubschmid 1955: 76.
BwBdc [adj.] name of a handicap, acc. to H. = xwddc, mnpdc (mtopdc cod.) ‘lame,
disabled’; by Plu. Fr. inc. 149 used together with kw@dc; in MoGr. it means ‘dumb’.
<2
*DER PN Bwdc, Bouac, L. Robert 1963: 30-33.
*ETYM Cf. KoAoBdc, KAaytBdc, etc. (Chantraine 1933: 261).
BwAnvi [f.] dumtedoc ‘grape-vine’, growing in Bithynia (Gp. 5, 17, 5). <PG (or LW
Anat.)>
eETYM Fur. 219 compares pwAa€, a Lydian name for wine.
BwAHTH¢ [m.] ‘fungus, especially mushroom’ (Ath.). <LW? Lat.>
eVAR Also BwAitn¢ (Gp.; Gal.), also ‘root’ of the lychnis.
*DER BwArjtLov ‘saucepan’, BwANTdpta TUVaKta (pap.), BwANTiVvos dptoc (Ath.), after
the form.
*ETYM Borrowed from Lat. bolétus (Sen.), which was named after the Spanish town
Boletum (Niedermann IF Anz. 29 (1912): 31f.). BwAitnc is remodelled after the
derivatives in -itnc, and borrowed into Latin (Plin.) again (Redard 1949: 70); its
meaning ‘root’ is due to influence of BaAoc.
Bwtidvetpa 251
B@Aos [f.] ‘lump, clod of earth’ (I1.). <?>
eVAR Also [m. ].
*COMP épiBwrog, éptB@Aa (I].).
*DER Adjectives BwAwdn¢ (Thphr.), BwAtvocg (H.); adverb BwAnddv (Dsc.); BwAWwots
‘formation of lumps’ (pap.). Old is B@Aak [f.] = BwAOc (Pi; cf. on -a— Chantraine
1933: 379; BwAdxtoc (Pi.). BwAic: patn¢ eiddg tr év taic Bvotaic ‘kind of ball in
sacrifices’ (H.); unclear the gloss on BwAdvat (H.).
*ETYM Etymology unknown; hardly connected with » Bo\Bdc.
Bwtdc [m.] ‘step, stand (for chariots), base (of a statuey, most frequently ‘altar’ (I).
<IE *g”oh,-mo- ‘stand’>
*COMP Bwitoddxoc ‘one that waited about the altars to steal the meat, ribald’.
*DER Buwpic ‘step’ (Hdt; on the word CEG 6), Bwhtioxoc technical term (Hero.);
Banat: 6 ptkpdc Pwpdc, broKoptotiKde ‘small altar (hypocor.)’ (H.). Bwyitic (sc. yi)
‘sacred land’ (Pergamon). Bwy1iotpta ‘priestess’ (Nic; on -iotpia Chantraine 1933:
106); Pwpae: Bwpordxoc H., see Chantraine 1933: 381f.; on -a& see Bjorck 1950: 263}.
Adjectives Batoc (S.), also month name (Lamia); Bwptaiog (S.). Note Batnvev:
woce ‘swore’ (H.) from *Bwaivw ‘swear (with the hand on the altar)’.
*ETYM Verbal noun *g”oh,-mo- to é-Bn-v (é-Ba-v). For the meaning, cf. » Baotc and
OP gadu- ‘place, throne’ (from ga- = Ba-, Br-).
Bwvitns =Bovvoc.
Bwpets [m.] ‘mullet’ (Xenocr.). <Lw Eg.>
VAR Bwpidtov [n.], also Boupidtov (Alex. Trall.).
*DER On the PN with Bwp- (Bpoc, Bwpakoc, Bapytoc) see BoShardt (below).
*ETYM Bofhardt 1942: 61 derived the word from B@pot dpOaAtioi ‘eyes’ (H.), just as
Stromberg 1943: 42f., but Bpot is probably from *Fwpot (see » dpaw). Connected
with Copt. bori, Arab. biiri; see Thompson 1947 s.v. and Hemmerdinger Glotta 46
(1968): 247.
Bwoiov [n.] a utensil (pap.). <PG?>
*DER Bwoidia (pap.). Also Bwtdpiov (Zos. Alch.); Bwotdtat is probably bad
orthography for -idta.
*ETYM From Bwtiov- otayviov ‘wine jar’ (H.) with tt > ot; see Olsson Symb. Oslo. 4
(1926): 62f. The word may be related to » Bobt(t)ic.
Bwotpéw [v.] ‘to call (to aidY (Od.). <GR>
eVAR Only present.
*ETYM The word is connected to » Bodw just as €Aaotpéw (Il.) to éhatvw, éha-oat
and kadtotpéw (Call.) to kaAéw. It is an expressive formation, based on the nominal
suffixes tep-, tpo- (cf. Risch 1937: 310), but details remain unclear.
Bwrdtev =yatdrat, odtdw, and wre}.
Pwrtdvetpa eVAR Bwtwp, etc. = BdoKw.
ya>ye.
yaBa8ov [n.] - tpvBAiov ‘cup, bowl <Lw? Sem.>
eVAR Also kaba0a (accent unknown; pap. III*); also fem.sg. (Edict. Diocl.). And
CaBatoc¢ ttivak ix8unpocs mapa Tagiots ‘a trencher for fish (Paphian)y (H.).
*ETYM Semitic origin has been assumed (E. Masson 1967: 75, which could also
account for Lat. gabata. Alternatively, we may consider Pre-Greek origin (Fur.: 187
assumes that it is a Mediterranean loan). Cf. » yaBeva, » KaBoc.
yaBeva [n.pl.] - dEvBagua, rot tpvpAia ‘small vessel; cup, bowl (H.). <?, PG?>
*ETYM On the basis of MoGr. forms, Moutsos Orbis 18 (1969): 535-540 argues that
yaBevov < *yaBtvov < *kaBtvov, a derivative from kaBoc. Fur.: 116, etc. compares the
word with » yaBa8ov, which is certainly a possibility.
yayatnes [m.] (sc. \i8oc) ‘lignite’ (Orph., Plin., Dsc.). <Lw Anat>
eVAR Also yayyitic or yayyritic Ai8oc (Str.); this form may have been influenced by
the adjective ‘of the Ganges’. And éyyayic métpa (Nic.) = yayatne.
eETYM According to Pliny 36, 141, the word derives from Tdyac or Tdayyat, a town
and river in Lycia. The forms with yayy-, with prenasalization, confirm its Anatolian
(= Pre-Greek?) origin. Lat. gagatés, with MoFr. jais, MoHG Gagat, etc, was
borrowed from the Greek.
yayyaiverv [v.] + TO peta yéAwtoc mMpoonaitew ‘playing with great laughter’ (H.).
<ONOM>
eVAR Cf. yayyadidec: yedaoivot ‘front teeth; dimples’; yayyakav, yayyanileBar-
Tjdeo8a ‘to enjoy oneself; yayyahoc: 6 evpietaBetoc TH yvwptf] Kai evdjtetaBoAoc
‘fickle in belief; changeable’.
eETYM yayyatvetv is a reduplicated expressive form, which has been taken to belong
together with Skt. garijana- ‘despising’, which in turn was connected with OE canc
‘insult’. As the Skt. form appears only in MInd., the connection remains very
uncertain. Neither is the word related to Lat. ganni6, etc. Cf. » yoyyvtw.
yayyapov [n.] ‘small round net for catching oysters’ (A.). <PG?>
eVAR yayyaytn [f.] (Str); yayydpn caynvn 7 diktvov dAtevtikdv. kai oKedoc
yewpytkov ‘drag-net or fishing-net; also an agricultural tool’ (S dpotov Kpedypa
‘similar to a flesh-hook’) (H.); yayyapov: Sixtvov. kai 10 mepi TOV dpPadov ‘fishing-
254 Vayyhytic
net; also that which is around the navel’ (H.); yayyapovAkoi: cayivevtai ‘dragging
an oyster-net’ (H.).
eDER yayyaptetc: aAtevc, 6 TH yayydttn épyaCdptevoc ‘fisherman, he who handles the
y. (H.); yayyautevtis ‘id.’ (conj. EM).
eETYM Technical term, certainly of foreign origin and probably Pre-Greek. Not
related to » yévto ‘he took’. Neumann 1961: 100 connects it with Hitt. kank-' ‘to
hang’; this is most uncertain.
yayyiytis =yayatne.
yayyAiov [n.] ‘tumour on a tendon, or the head’ (Gal.); the nerve knots now called
ganglia have been compared to such a tumour. <PG?>
eDER yayyAwd19¢ ‘like a y.’ (Hp.).
*ETYM Unknown. The word is mostly connected with » GyAic, » yéAytc, > yaAtvOol,
> yédtvOou. It is most probably non-IE, and possibly Pre-Greek (Fur.: 129).
yayypatva [f.] ‘gangrene’, an illness that eats away the flesh (Hp.). < PG?>
VAR Cf. yayypatva: payédatva “cancerous sore, cancer’. oi dé kapkivos ‘lobster’, etc.
*DER yayyparvooual, yayypaivwotc, etc. (Hp.).
eETYM For the suffix, cf. » payédciva. The basic form is uncertain, for a discussion of
which see Chantraine 1933: 108f. it is perhaps *yadyypwv, *yayypoc, or *yayypa.
Alexander Polyhistor in St. Byz. s.v. Tayypa gives this word as a name for ‘goat’. In
antiquity, it was compared with ypdw ‘to devour’ (thus also Frisk), but this is
certainly incorrect. It is most probably a Pre-Greek word (a-vocalism, -atva,
prenasalization?). Cf. » kapkivoc.
yadaopov [n.]? - évnpdotov ‘rent for corn land’. GR?
eVAR Ms. yadaotov corr.
*ETYM Latte Mnem. 3/10 (1942): 91’° reads yadaopov for yakaotov in the manuscript
on the basis of a comparison with daojtdc ‘rent’.
yady [f.] - KiBwtdc ‘box’ (H.). <PG(v)>
*ETYM Cf. yavdétov: KiBwtiov (H; Belardi Rend. Acc. Linc. 8: 9 (1954): 620). Because
of the prenasalized variant, the word is Pre-Greek. Because of the deviant semantics,
Lat. gandeia, an African vehicle, is not related.
yadoc 1 [m.] name of a fish, also called 6voc (Dorio apud Ath. 7, 315f.). < PG(V)>
eVAR yadapoc (Diogenian) = yaiddapiov (pap. VI-VIIP), MoGr. yaidapoyapov (see
Thompson 1947 s.v. 6voc and Saint-Denis 1947 s.v. asellus. Very unclear, see DELG.
eETYM There is a variety of names for the dvoc-fish: yaAiac, yaddepiac, KahAapic,
xednaping, etc. (Stromberg 1943: 130f.). Fur.: 3393, 254 adds yalac: ix8vc motdc ‘a fish’
(H.), assuming Pre-Greek origin. DELG explains ya'iéapiov as a loan from Arabic
(Andriotis, Etym. Lex. s.v.), but disassociates it from yadoc.
yadoc 2 +yavdoc.
yata [f.] (royal) treasury (Thphr., OGI 54, 22 [III"]). <Lw Pers.>
yaiw 255
*COMP yaCo-pvaAag ‘guarding the treasury’ (LXX).
eETYM According to Pomp. Mela 1, 64 and others, ydCa is of Persian origin, cf. MP
ganj (ultimately going back to Median; see Mayrhofer KEWA 1: 315 with references).
Arm. ganj was likewise taken over from Iranian. Lat. gaza, and probably Syr. gaza,
were borrowed from Greek.
yatag =yddoc 1.
ya8ta [f.] - dAAavtia ‘small sausage’ (H.). < PG>
*ETYM Unknown. See Belardi Ric. ling. 4 (1958): 196. Fur. (index) connects the word
with ynOvAXic, ayadic.
yata [f.] ‘earth’ (I1.).
*COMP Dor. yatdoyoc, Lacon. yaidFoxoc, epic » yairoxoc, epithet of Poseidon, also
> évvooiyatog (Il. s.v.). dvwyatov ‘upper floor of a house, granary’; also avéxatov:
dTEPWOV, yPdgeTtat Kai dvwyewv H.; perhaps the form with -o- is original, the other
variants being due to folk etymology.
*DER yaurjtog ‘from the earth’ (Od.; with -r/loc, Chantraine 1933: 52); yawv ‘heap of
earth’ (Tab. Heracl. 1, 136) beside yaewv (IG 14, 322: II 83, Halaesa); youdw ‘change
into earth’ (Tz.).
eETYM Unknown, see > yi).
yaijoxoc [m.] Epithet of Poseidon, secondarily of Zeus, etc. (Il.), mg. uncertain,
mostly taken as ‘earth-shaker’ (= » évvociyatog, s.v.). <?>
eVAR Dor. yaiaoxos, Lacon. yaraFoxoc.
*ETYM yatroxoc is a compound with yaia as the first member, but the interpretation
of the second member is debated. The solution of Borgeaud KZ 68 (1944): 221f. that
the word means ‘bringing home (i.e., the husband of) Gaia’ (viz., Tooed@v) is
impossible. Kretschmer Glotta 5 (1914): 303 interpreted yatrjoyoc as Taiav oxevwv
‘mounting Gaia’ or T'aia dyouptevoc, basing himself on the myth that Poseidon inmoc
had intercourse with the earth goddess Demeter. However, Lacon. yatafoxoc shows
that the second member started with f-, for which there are no indications in the
case of » dyéw and mp dxebwv. Alternatively, Nilsson 1941: 419 understood ‘faring
below the earth’ (with Poseidon as a river, after Hesychius, “O éni tijc yic
oxovpEvoc”), which is implausible, too. Most scholars follow Meillet 1924 and
connect the second member with Go. gawigan ‘to set in motion’. Cf. further aiyioxoc
(s.v. » aiyic).
yaisog [m.] a Gaulish javelin (Ph. Bel.). <Lw Lat.>
VAR Also yatoov [n.].
*DER yatodtat/-ot ‘mercenarii’ (Plb.) is a loan from Lat. gaesatus.
*ETYM Like Lat. gaesum, the word is from Gaulish, but via Latin: cf. the PN Gaesato-
rix, Gaeso-rix, Vandal. Gaise-ricus, Go. Rada-gaisus. We can compare Olr. gae, Co.
gew ‘javelin, and OHG and OS gér, OE gar, ON geirr [m.] ‘spear’. See further s.v.
> xaioc.
yaiw = ydavuptat, ynOéw.
256 yakou
yakod - 160, yAvK0 ‘sweet’ (H.). <?>
*DER yaxoutwvij¢ HSudtn¢ ‘fond of drinking’ (H.).
*ETYM Unknown.
yaAa [n.] ‘milk’ (I1.). <1 *gikt(-) ‘milk’>
eVAR Gen. ydAaktoc. Rare forms: dat. yaAaxt (Call. Hek. 1, 4, 4), gen. yaAatoc
(pap.), tod yada (Pl. Com.). Also yAdyog [n.] (B 471). Other forms: yAak@vtec:
uotol yadaKtog ‘full of milk’ (H.); KAdyoc¢: yada. Kpiytec (H.), see below; with
hypocoristic gemination yAaxkév- yaAaOivov ‘sucking (milk) (H.); and yAakto-
@ayog ‘living on milk’ (Il); these forms may be due to simple assimilations (or
metathesis).
*COMP Old is yada-617-vdc ‘sucking milk’ (Od.) from yada and Ofjo8a; on the suffix
cf. ayavéc, etc. (Schwyzer: 452), also T1OMvn. Also yadaxto-ndt1¢ ‘drinking milk’
(Hdt.), etc. On yada as a second member see Sommer 1948: 83.
*DER yadaxtic (métpa) name of a stone (Orph.) = yadaxtitng (Dsc.), both also as
plant names = t180paddoc (Aét., gloss.; after its juice, see Stromberg 1940: 58); yaAak
name of a white shellfish (Arist; Stromberg 1943: 109; cf. Chantraine 1933:379);
pydAtov s.v. Adjective yakaxtwdnc¢ (Arist.). Denominative verbs: yadaktitw,
yakaxtdouat, yakaxtidaw. With € (from t assibilated before 1) yaAakiacg (kbK\oc)
‘Milky Way’ (D. S.; see Chantraine 1933: 95; also yadaxtiac Ptol.); yaddkta [n.pl.]
name of a festival for Cybele (inscr., Thphr.), from which TaAaktwv month name on
Delos (inscr. III*). Independent is yadkatuov: Aayavov dyptov ‘wild herb’ (H cf.
ydAov); perhaps from *yadaxt-pdv (Strémberg 1940: 58); Fur.: 374, 389 compares
adaktopov. See on m»ydAayya. From yAdyoc derive the late forms yAayepdc,
yAaydetc; also meptyAayrs (II 642) and yAaydw (AP).
*ETYM Outside Greek, only found in Lat. lac (De Vaan 2008 s.v.) and Armenian (see
below). The basis of the Greek forms is *galakt- or *glakt-; the latter is seen in
yAakto-payos (N 6). As an alternative to assuming a proto-stem with two variants,
we may consider the possibility that yaAa goes back to *glakt (from *glkt) with loss
of the final consonants and development of a secondary vowel in the nom./acc. (cf.
yvuvn). In that case, yAaxto- (see above) would be the expected outcome for the
oblique cases, whereas yaAaxtoc would have analogical ydA- instead of yA-. Since in
the nominative the final consonants must have been lost in subsequent stages, i.e.
*galakt > *galak > yada, the intermediate stage could have yielded the t-less forms
like yAdyoc. The Armenian forms, class. kat‘n and dial. kaxc’, have been explained by
Kortlandt (following Weitenberg) as from acc. *glkt-m, gen. *glkt-s via an
intermediate *katt’- with al < *] (Kortlandt REArm. 19 (1985): 22). MIr. lacht, etc.
were borrowed from Lat. lac. The derivation of Szemerényi KZ 75 (1958): 170-184
from *mlg/k- (from the root of auéAyw) is impossible, as this root was *h,melg-. Not
related is Hitt. galaktar ‘soothing’; see Kloekhorst 2008 s.v. kalank-i ‘soothe’.
yadayya [?] ‘galingal, Alpina officinarum’ (Aet.). <Lw Sem.>
*ETYM From Arab. khalandjan, itself of Chinese origin. See André 1956 s.v. galenga.
yaAas - yi ‘earth’. napa Ev«Aitw (H.). Corr. EdxAw? (PW 6, 1055). <?>
yan 257
*ETYM Etymology unknown. The word is Mediterranean, according to Belardi Doxa
3 (1950): 200.
yaArdouov +yddaoplov.
yaAén, yaij [f.] ‘weasel, marten’ (Batr., Ar.); also a fish name (Ael.), see Strémberg
1943: 108. <?>
*COMP yade-ayKwv (Arist.), also yakt-dykwv (Hps after the frequent first members
in -l: dpyt-, Kvdl-, etc; see below), properly “with arms like a weasel’, i-e. ‘with short
upper arm’, cf. Solmsen 1909: 225f; yahed-BdoXov [n.] “weasel stench”, ‘dead nettle’,
substantivized bahuvrihi, = yadnoyic “weasel eye” (Dsc.); on the names see
Stromberg 1940: 138f, Lehmann IF 21 (1907): 193 Denominative yadidw =
akoAactaivw ‘be licentious’, “ce qui serait ssmantiquement satisfaisant”(?) DELG.
*DER yaAdevc ‘young weasel’ (Crat.), after Avk-tdevc, etc. (Chantraine 1933: 364; see
below); yadewrti¢ ‘gecko lizard’ (Ar.), ‘weasel’ (Luc.); on the formation see Schwyzer:
500; also ‘swordfish’ (PIb.), cf. s.v. » yaAedc.
*ETYM The formation of yaAé1 shows that the word originally indicated the skin; cf.
dAwmek-én, etc. (Chantraine 1933: 91) and Lat. galea below. yadén has been
connected with Lat. glis ‘dormouse’ and Skt. giri-, girika- [f.] ‘mouse’. However, the
Skt. word is only attested in lexicons and probably did not really exist (Mayrhofer
EWAia 1: 488). In spite of its deviant meaning, the Latin could perhaps be related if
yaA- reflects *glIH-V-, Lat. glis possibly going back to *glHi- (Schrijver 1991: 242).
yadén is not related to MW bele ‘weasel’ (pace Schwyzer: 299; cf. De Vaan 2008 s.v.
felés). The original meaning ‘weasel-skin’ is found in Lat. galea ‘leather helmet’, cf.
kvvén properly “dog-skin’. For a possible connection of ‘weasel’ with » yaAdwc
‘husband’s sister’, see there.
yaAsdc [m.] ‘dogfish, shark’ (Pl. Com.), also = yaé1 (Aret.). <?>
*DER yaAewdng ‘like a shark’ (Arist.), yaAewtnyg ‘swordfish’ (Plb. see below), also
yahakiag = yadedc (Gal.); connection with yaAakiac ‘milky way unclear; remarkable
compound yadewvupoc = yahedc (Phylotim. apud Gal.), cf. also kaAAtwvvpog name
of a fish, see Stromberg 1943: 108f.
eETYM Stromberg lc. maintained that the dogfish was named after the weasel, but
the formation of yaAedc is unclear (a back-formation from yaAewti¢ after
daoxahaBbwrnyg : doxddaBoc?). On yadedc, see Thompson 1947 s.v. For yakewvupoc
etc. Frisk and DELG (s.v. yaAé1)) suggested contamination and tabu-formation,
which remains gratuitous.
yaArvn [f.] ‘stillness of the sea’ (Od.); also ‘lead sulphite’ (Plin.), see Chantraine RPh.
91 (1965): 203-5. <IE *glh,-es- ‘laughter’>
eVAR Dor. yahava.
*DER yaAryvela (yakdaveia) = yadrvn (Eur.), after caprveia?; not from yaAnvis (only
Arist. Phgn. 811b 38); yaArvain (A. Rs cf. dvaykain beside avaykn), yadrvatoc (AP).
yaAryvoc ‘still’ (E.). After the numerous adjectives in -po- (not an old r/n-stem):
yadnpdc (H.); after the adjectives in -epoc: yadepdc (H.).
258 yoAt
*ETYM Similarly to ceArvn, the variants yadrvn and yadava derive from *yahao-va,
in turn from an, s-stem that is also seen in yéAwc, yeAao-tdc, etc. Because of its e-
grade, yeArvn (termed Aeol. by Jo. Gramm. Comp. 3, 1) is perhaps to be ranged with
the latter words. yaArvn must originally have meant ‘cheerfulness’; cf. yedeiv-
Adittetv, AvOetv ‘to shine, flourish’ (H.). For the ablaut grade *glh,-es-, cf. Arm. catr
‘laughter’. See > yea, » yArjvn, » yAi}Vvoc.
yart=dAtc.
yadtdayKkwv =yahén.
yaliag =yddoc.
yaArvOot [m.pl.] - EpéBrvOot. of 62 yaArGot ‘chick-peas; elsewhere yaAtGou’ (H.). <PG>
VAR Also yéAtvOor épéBivOot (H.).
*ETYM Pre-Greek (note the suffix -tv8oc¢ with a variant without prenasalization, as
well as the interchange a/e). Not related to » yéAytc.
ydaAtov [n.] 1. ‘bedstraw, Galium verum’ (Dsc. 4, 95) and 2. ‘dead nettle’ (Plin. 27, 81).
<GRP>
VAR The first also (ibid.) yakattov (cf. dAdttov ‘salt’) and yahaiptov (unclear).
*ETYM In the sense ‘bedstraw’ etc., ydAtov is related to yaAa because it was used as
rennet (Dsc. l.c., cf. Str6mberg 1940: 108). In the sense ‘dead nettle’, we should rather
compare »yaAén in view of other words for ‘dead nettle’: yaAedBdoAov and
yaAnowic.
yahAapiag °VAR yaAXepiac. =KadAapiac.
yaAAapocg [m.] ‘member of a Dionysiac cultic society’ (inscr. Philippopel, II?).
yaAAapoc: Ppvytaxdv Svopta mapa Adkwot ‘a Phrygian name, acc. to the Laconians’
(H.). <Lw Phr.>
*ETYM See Dunst KZ 78 (1963): 147ff. Cf. » ydaAXoc.
yaAAta [n.pl.] - Evtepa ‘intestines’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM As *FaAdta, the word is perhaps from *FaAva, related to eiktw ‘wind, turn,
etc.’ (Lidén KZ 61 (1934): 22f.). Cf. ON vil [n.], viljum [dat.pl.] ‘viscera’, IE *uel-io-.
On the development, cf. Lesb. Thess. otdAAa, from *otdAva.
yaAXoc [m.] ‘a priest of Cybele, eunuch’ (inscr, Epict.). <Lw Phr.>
*COMP yadAojtavijc, yadAtapBiKkdv metrical term (not in LSJ).
DER yaAAaiog ‘of a y.’ (Rhian.), yakAaCw (Schwyzer: 633, 12).
*ETYM In antiquity, the word was believed to be Phrygian. Probably, » yaAAapoc is
related.
yaddows [f.] “husband’s sister’ (Il.). <1 *glH-6u-s ‘husband’s sister’>
eVAR yaddw [gen.sg.], yaddw [dat.sg.] and [nom.pl.], yadowv [gen.pl.] (with metrical
diectasis). Also yaAtc: yaAadc (H.), see below.
DIAL Also Att. yaAwe, -w (acc. to Hdn. Gr.).
Yaya, 259
eETYM The Greek forms derive from *yad-af-o- (not *yad-wf-o-; Beekes MSS 34
(1976):13ff), a thematicization of *glh,-eu-, which is probably an oblique stem of
*9(e)lh.-6u-s (formation as in »mdtpwc, > untpwc). The PIE term denoted the
unmarried sister of the husband, cf. Lat. gl6s ‘husband’s sister’ (secondarily ‘brother’s
wife’; the loss of the laryngeal in Latin is difficult to account for, see Schrijver 1991:
131). Further cognates are Arm. tal ‘id.’ (i-stem), which has initial t- for c- after taygr
‘husband’s brother’ (see »darjp); and Slavic words like OCS zolova, Ru. zdlva,
zolévka, which must reflect *-uy- instead of *-u-, probably through adaptation to
-uh,- after other feminines. yéXapoc: adehqovd yuvij, Dpvytoti (H.) is unclear (for
*yéXafoc? Hermann Gétt. Nachr. (1918): 222f.). Oettinger 1998: 649-654 points out
that in Romance languages and dialects, ‘weasel’ and ‘aunt’ are often homonyms,
because of the behaviour of the aunt; for the same reason, the IE terms may have
been identical. The nature of the laryngeal is difficult to determine, unless the
Hesychius gloss has *yaAaf-og < *glh,-eu-os. yaXtc could represent *g1H-i-.
yauiBpdc [m.] ‘son-in-law, brother-in-law (sister’s husband)’ (Il.). <IE *g(e)mH-
‘marry>
DER Rare and late: yattBpotidetc ‘son of a yattBpdc’ (lamb., after Aeovtidevs, etc.),
yatBpevw ‘form connections by marriage’ (LXX).
*ETYM Outside Greek, one compares Skt. jamdtar- = Av. zamatar- (with secondary
-tar-); cf. Av. zamaoiia- (< *-mavya-) ‘brother of the son-in-law’ and Skt. jami-
‘related’, fem. also ‘daughter-in-law’, Lat. gener, Alb. dhéndérr, dhandér(r). The
formation of the BSI. terms is isolated: Lith. zéntas, OCS zeto. The BSI. and Alb.
words, as well as Lat. gener, must have been influenced by *genh,- (ylyvoptat),
although even then Latv. znuéts remains difficult, as it seems to go back to *gneh,-
to-. The Greek and Indo-Iranian forms must belong together, the Greek requiring
*ém-ro-, the Indo-Iranian forms *gomo-; »ya,iéw might have been formed
secondarily, or else the resemblance may be due to later influence yapéw (cf. Viredaz
IF 107 (2002); 152-180).
yatéw [v.] ‘to marry’ (Il). <IE *g(e)m- ‘marry’>
eVAR Fut. yapéw (yap), aor. yrat, perf. yeyaunka, -nat (Att.); late yaprouw,
éydtinoa, éyapiOnv; isolated fut. yapiéooceta I 394 ‘give in marriage’ (Aristarchus
reads ye [tdooeTal).
*DER Back-formation yapoc [m.] ‘wedding’ (Il.). From yapéw: yayetn ‘wife’ (Hes.);
from ydauoc: yapétng ‘husband’ (A.). yaurAtoc ‘nuptial’ (A.) with the month name
Tapndtwv (Arist.). A suffix -I- also in yaueda [n.pl.] ‘wedding offerings’ (Delphi V*)
and TatéAtog months name (Dodona). Desiderative yaunoeiw (Alciphr.).
*ETYM There are no cognate verbs outside Greek. The connection with yévto,
byyeptocg = ovAAaBn, yéuw is uncertain. Probably connected with » yaytBpdc.
yaya [n.] name of the letter (X.). <Lw Sem.>
eVAR yépia (Democr.). :
eETYM From Semitic; cf. Hebr. gimel and the word for ‘camel’: Hebr. gamal, Aram.
gamla (Schwyzer: 140).
260 yanenArat
yauenAai [f.pl.] ‘jaws of animals’ (Il.). <PG?>
*VAR yvattpai- yvdGot ‘jaws’ (H.).
*DER Backformation yaxipai (Lyc.).
*ETYM Cf. tpdynAog ‘neck, throat’, etc. Generally connected with » ydéupog and
youtgioc, but the a-vocalism is problematic: Neither a popular word, a zero grade
*yag- with restored nasal, nor influence from yaytwdc or yvatttrp (CEG 1) seems to
be a sufficient explanation. The suffix -A- occurs in Pre-Greek (see Pre-Greek), so
the word may be Pre-Greek. Pedersen (see WP 1: 534) pointed to Ru. gubd ‘lip’, etc.
yauyoc [adj.] “curved, crooked’ (Ar.). <PG?>
*COMP yautw@vve (I1.), yopywvuyxoc (Epich.) ‘with curved claws’.
DER youtOouct (Arist.), yopryywAr (H.).
*ETYM It seems evident to connect the word with >» yvdéumttw. On the assumption that
yatiydc is a back-formation from yattwwvvy(o)-, the absence of the -v- was
implausibly explained as the result of dissimilation (Leumann 1950: 156). Equally
unattractive is it to assume a contamination of yvdyitw and Kduntw (Giintert 1914:
115f.). We rather have to connect yatwoc with (a variant of) > Kaumttw, and possibly
> yvouuttw is related as well. If so, all of these words may well be Pre-Greek.
ydavat eVAR Cod. yava. = aivw.
yavdocg [m.] - 6 moAAd eidWc Kai Mavotpyoc. tives 5& yddog ‘a villain who knows
much; some authors have yddoc’ (H.). < PG>
eVAR Cf. ydooc: 6 dnatéwv. 6 1OAAd eidwe Kai Mavotpyog ‘a deceiver; a villain who
knows much’.
*ETYM The prenasalization proves Pre-Greek origin; see Fur. 254, 288. This
conclusion is confirmed by the variant with o.
yavitat [?] - damavot, dowtot ‘extravagant men; spendthrifts’ (H.). <?>
eETYM DELG hesitantly and unconvincingly suggests a connection with Lat. ganea
‘underground house’, which implies some relationship with » ydvog 2.
ydavog 1 >ydavutat.
yavoc 2 [m.] - mapadetcog ‘garden’ (Cyprian, acc. to EM); yavea- xrymtoug ‘gardens’
(H.). <LW.Sem.>
*ETYM From Semitic (Hebr. gan ‘garden’); see E. Masson 1967: 74.
yavos 3 =yAdvoc.
yavopat [v.] ‘to brighten up, be glad, rejoice’ (Il.). <1E *geh,u- ‘be bright, be glad’>
VAR Present; further only fut. yavboooptat (E 504); late perf. yeyavupta.
eCOMP Tavu-tunjdne, etc.
*DER yavopata: dptbpata ‘seasonings’ (AB), yavbopata (Paul. Sil.), from which
(with rhotacism) yavippata H.; yavupdv- AevKdv, 60, iAapdv ‘white, sweet,
merciful (H. yavepdv EM), yavutedeiv- yavuredgiv, novopata moiety “bring joy’
(H.), yavocg ‘brightness, joy (Sapph.), with yadvwya = ydvocg (Ph.), yavwdng
(Thphr.), dujyyavéc: Aautnpdv ‘bright’ (H.) and yavéopiat (Anacr.) with ydvwots
yapkav 261
(Plu.). Denominative yavetv. AevKaivetv ‘to become bright’ (H., EM). Pres.
yavboKopict (Them.). Homeric ptc. yavéwvtec, yavowou, etc. ‘glitter, gleam’ (Il.),
innovations after the verbs in -avdw (see Risch 274, Chantraine 1942: 360), late
present yavéwow (Arat. 190) and yavaooat: opAGat, WSdvou ‘wash clean, rejoice’
(H.). yaiwv in Kvdet yaiwv (Il.) ‘rejoicing in splendour’ vel sim, yaieoxov- éxaipov
‘rejoiced’ (H.).
*ETYM ydvuttat is an old nasal present *gh,-n-u-, cognate with yaiwv, from *yaF-lw <
*gh,u-id. Possibly further related to » yatpoc (*geh,u-ro-) and » ynéw.
yarteXeiv [v.] - dyteAetv ‘to have no care for’ (H.). <PG?>
*ETYM Without any additional support, Bechtel KZ 44 (1911): 354 connected the word
with the PNs Arg. Tawiac, Delph. Tawwv (cf. Kretschmer Glotta 5 (1914): 307). It has
also been proposed to correct this entry, ie. to *vaneAeiv for viyteAetv (Whatmough
Class. Phil. 53 (1958): 203f.). Alternatively, Fur.: 391 convincingly adduces dnaneiv-
auedetv (H.): because of the variation in the initial, a very promising indication of
Pre-Greek origin.
yap [pcl.] ‘for, since’ (Il.).
eETYM From > ye & dp. See Schwyzer 1950: 560.
yapya [f.] - atyetpoc “black poplar, Populus nigra’ (H.). <PG?>
eETYM Fick 1905: 82 compares the Attic Deme called Tapyrjttd¢ and Tdpyapa
(Troas).
yapyahitw [v.] ‘to tickle’ (Pl). <ONOM>
eVAR yayyadiCw (Phryn.), with yayyahidec: yehacivot front teeth; dimples’ (H.) and
yayyadtaw (H.).
*DER Backformation yapyadoc (Ar.), yapyaAn (Com.).
*ETYM Onomatopoeic formations with reduplication (for *yad-yad-); cf. Schwyzer:
259 and 647.
yapyapa [n.pl.] ‘heaps, lots (of people)’ (Com.). <ONOM>
VAR Dissimilated yapyaka- 1tf90c, TOAAG ‘a multitude, many’ (H.).
*DER yapyapic: 8dpvBoc ‘tumult’ (H.), yapyaipw ‘swarm’ (Com., Sophr.); yapydptat:
hiBot adto@uets ‘natural stone’ (H.)? With another vowel yépyepa- moAAG (H.).
*ETYM Reduplicated onomatopoeic formation. Not related to > ayeipw, » dyootdc.
Comparable independent formations are seen, for instance, in Lith. gurguljs ‘tangle
of threads, swarm (of birds)’, gurguolé ‘mass (people, bees)’.
yapyapitw [v.] ‘to gargle’ (Orib., sch.). <ONOM>
*DER Deverbal yapyapewv [m.] ‘uvula’, also ‘trachea’ (Hp.); cf. dvOepewv. With
different vocalism yépyepoc: Bpoyxoc ‘windpipe’ (H.), cf. on » yapyapa.
*ETYM Onomatopoeic formation with intensive reduplication; see Schwyzer: 423.
yaprav [2] - paBdov. Maxeddvec ‘rod, wand (Maced.)’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM Reminiscent of » yappa - pabdoc; » yapoava - ppbyava. Kpijytec ‘stick (Cret.)’
(H.) and » yéppov. However, the words can hardly be cognate, even if they are from
262 yapvov
Pre-Greek. Not related to Bpdxoc: kdAaytog (pace Pisani Acme 1 (1948): 312; Belardi
Doxa 3 (1950): 200f.; Kalléris 1954: 136f.; see also Forbes Glotta 36 (1958): 253f.).
yapvov [?] - 10 ow Tic TAT LVIs otdrptov, 6 Tov GEova tpiPet ‘iron implement in the
nave of a wheel, which pounds the axle’ (H.). <?>
eVAR Pollux 1, 145 writes yapKov.
*ETYM Etymology unknown.
yapoc [m.] ‘sauce or paste made of brine and small fish’ (A.). <?>
VAR Also ntr. (pap.), yapov (Str.).
*DER yapaplov, yaprpov ‘bowl for y.’ (pap.); yapitixdc (pap.); yaptvocg and yapioxoc
fish names (Marcell. Sid.); Stromberg 1943: 41 and 88. _
*ETYM Etymology unknown; Lat. garum is borrowed from the Greek (see DELG).
yappa = yéppov.
yappiopeBa [v.] - A\oudopovpeda ‘we are reproached’ (H.). <?>
eETYM An expressive form which recalls Lat. garrio, ‘to chatter’. The connection with
> yiipuc is doubtful. Bechtel 1921, 2: 369 opts for Laconian origin.
ydapoava =yéppov.
yaoos =yavdoc.
yaortnp [f.] ‘belly, paunch, womb’ (II.). <?>
*VAR Gen. -tpdc, -tépoc (for the inflection see Schwyzer: 568, Chantraine 1942: 96
and 215).
ecoMP As a first member yaotp(t/o)-. Old 6yaotwp (H.).
*DER ydotpa, -1) ‘belly of a vase’ (Il. inscr., cf. tytpa); yaotpwv ‘pot-belly’ (Alc.).
Denominative yaotpiCw (Ar.).
eETYM yaotnp is often derived from *ypao-trp as “glutton”, which would be a
derivative of » ypdw; the word would be matched by Skt. grastar- ‘eclipser’, an
astronomical term (allegedly from “devourer”). However, the semantics are far-
fetched since the belly is not an “eater”, nor is DELG’s comment convincing: “le
ventre de femme en tant quelle concoit et porte un enfant”. If » yévta should be
related, we might think of a *gnt-tér with tt > st, but this remains quite uncertain.
yataAau [f.pl.] - odAai ‘barley-corns’ (H.).
*ETYM Mostly corrected to yatetAai and, as *fatethai, connected with » wtetAn.
yavAd¢ [m.] ‘milk-pail, water-bucket, beehive’ (Od.). <?>
*VAR yavAog, with different accent (see Hdn. Gr. 1, 156), a (round) freighter (Epich.,
see Chantraine 1928: 7).
*ETYM A connection with » ywAedc and » ybadov (q.vv.) and, outside Greek, OHG
kiol, ON kjoll ‘ship’ has been considered. Alternatively, yavAdc could be borrowed
from Semitic, cf. Hebr. gulld ‘vase for oil’. Specifically Phoenician origin cannot be
proven with the gloss yavdoi Kai ta Motwxtkad mAoia yadAot Kadobdvtat ‘also
Phoenician ships are called y.’ (H.); see E. Masson 1967: 39ff. Lat. gaulus is borrowed
from the Greek.
yéywva 263
yavvaxns [m.] a thick cloak, Persian or Babylonian? (pap., Peripl. M. Rubr., Clem.
Al.). <Lw Pers.>
eVAR Also kavvakne (Ar.) and kavvaxn [f.] (pap.).
*ETYM Borrowed from a Persian word that reflects older *gauna-ka- ‘hairy’ (cf. Av.
gaona- ‘hair’). Assyr. gunakku, a garment, is borrowed from the same source,
whereas Lat. gaunaca (since Varro) was taken over from the Greek (see Schwyzer ZII
6 (1926): 234ff.). Alternatively, Fur.: 119 assumes a ‘vorderasiatisches Wanderwort’
(see R. Schmitt Glotta 49 (1971): 102-105).
yadtpos [adj.] ‘haughty, exulting in’ (Archil.). <¢>
*DER yauvpné ‘braggart’ (Alc.), yavpdtne ‘exultation’ (Plu.). Denominative yavpidw
‘bear oneself proudly’ (Cratin.); yavpdopat ‘id.’ (E.).
eETYM Mostly connected with > yavupai, > yéw. MIr. guaire ‘noble’ (< *gaurios?)
has also been cited as a comparandum. Cf. » dyavpdc.
yavoamos [m.] ‘shaggy woollen cloth, frieze’ (Str.). «<Lw Balkans?>
eVAR yavodmngs (Varro).
*ETYM For a suggestion, see Fur.: 119, who compares Kavoia ‘Macedonian felt hat’
(NB: forms like *yavdartoc, which he often cites, e.g. 229, are ghost forms). Lat.
gausape(s), -a, -um (Lucil.) is borrowed from the Greek. yavoatog is not borrowed
from from Assyrian guzippu, kuzippu ‘cloth’ (Lewy KZ 58 (1931): 26ff.).
yavods [adj.] ‘crooked, bent outwards’ (Hp.). <PG?>
*VAR Or yatooc? (DELG; the accent varies).
*DER Thence yavoddac: wevdri¢ ‘false’ (H.; see DELG); denominative yavodw (Sor.).
Also éyyavoov: évoxapBov ‘crooked’ (H.), cf. Stromberg 1946: 127.
*ETYM For the suffix, cf. BAatodc, AoEdc, etc. (Chantraine 1933: 434). yavodc has been
compared with yavAdc, which is semantically improbable, and with yupdc, ybahov
(from a PIE root *geu- ‘curve, etc.’), which is formally impossible. The origin of the
word is rather to be sought in Pre-Greek.
ye [pcl.] ‘at least, at any rate’ (Il.). <IE *ge emphatic pcl.>
eVAR Dor. Boeot. ya.
eETYM Combinations like éuéye, oéye invite a comparison with Go. mi-k, bu-k,
although mik could be influenced by ik ‘T. The particle »-yt has a comparable
function, cf. Skt. hi (from *¢"i), and also Skt. ha (from *g'e) and ghd (from *g"o), and
further Lith. ne-gi, ne-gi ‘not’, OCS ni-ze ‘neque’, ToA -(@)k, ToB -k, Hitt. ammuk
‘me’, etc.
yéyetos [adj.] ‘antique’ (Hecat.). <?>
eETYM DELG remarks that the word never means ‘of the earth’, so that connection
with yi is improbable. However, the meaning could actually derive from ‘earth-
born’ (LSJ).
yéywva [v.] ‘to shout so as to make oneself heard’ (Il; on the meaning Wackernagel
1916: 156f.). <?>
264 yeioov
*VAR Old perfect, with preterite (plpf.) (€)yéywve, éyeywvel, éyey@vevv (-eov), inf.
yeywvéuev, -elv, ptc. yeywvéovteg (Chios V*); imp. yéywve (A.), yeywveitw (X.),
3sg.pres.ind. yeywvei (Arist.); new aor. yeywvijoat (A.), Fut. -ow (E.). Unclear
yeywvai: ai outAicu ‘intercourse’ (H.).
*DER yeywvijotc (Plu.). From the ptc. yeywvac the adj. yeywvdc, -v ‘loud-sounding’
(A.). Recent yeywvioxw (A.).
eETYM Often connected with > ytyvwoxw, but the lengthened vowel was usually left
unexplained (see Schwyzer 770). Hackstein 2002: 187ff. assumes a desiderative PGr.
*ge-gon-s- from an IE root *gh,en-, also seen in ToA ken- ‘call’. On this proposal, see
now Vine 2007: 343-357.
yeioov [n.] ‘projecting part of the roof, cornice’ (E.). <PG?>
eVAR Often yeiooov, yeicoc [n.] (LXX, Hell. inscr.).
*DER yelowpa ‘penthouse’ (Poll; cf. Chantraine 1933: 186f.); yelowotc: TO tig oTEyN]S
etéxov ‘projecting part of the roof (H., EM), from yeio6w (EM), but see Chantraine
1933: 288.
eETYM A Carian word, acc. to Steph. Byz. s.v. Movéytooa, who compares Car. yiooa
‘stone’ (which does not fit very well semantically). Fur. 117 compares Georg. kvisa
‘gravel’, etc. cf. further kionpic ‘pumice-stone’ (Arist.). In any case, the word is a
loan, like many other terms for building, on which see Schwyzer: 62; the term could
be an Anatolian LW or (= 2) Pre-Greek.
yeitwv, -ovoc [m., f.] ‘neighbour’, also as an adj. (Od.). Also y<e>itovac: ta dv0
aidoia ‘the two genitals’ (H.), also in MoGr. (Pontos, Koukoulés Apy. 27, 61ff.).
<IE?>
eCOMP As a second member in ta Metayeitwa a festival in Miletus (V*), with the
month name Metayeitvwwv (IA), beside Tedaysitvioc, etc. (Rhodos, Cos,
Chalcedon).
*DER Late fem. yeitatva (AB, cf. téxtatva, etc.). With yettov-: yeltovia
‘neighbourhood’ (PI.) with yettovéw (A.), yettovebw (Hp.). With yettv-: yettvidw
(S.), yettvia, yeltviog (pap.), yeltvéw (pap.), etc.
*ETYM If the ablaut in the suffix is old, yeitwv cannot be a recent creation. However,
it lacks a good etymology (in any case, not related to yeicov).
yeAavdpov [adj.] - yuxpdv ‘cold’ (H.; in wrong position). <?>
*ETYM yeAavdpov is reminiscent of Lat. gelidus. Contrary to what Frisk argued, the
unusual formation of the Greek word does not prove that the entry is corrupt;
rather, its correctness is corroborated by the French dialect word jalandro from the
region of Grenoble (Hubschmid Vox Romanica 3 (1938): 130). If we assume substrate
origin and a pre-form *yeAad-po- with prenasalization, all three words could be
related (perhaps the ultimate source is Galatian).
yeAdw [v.] ‘to laugh’ (I1.). <1E *gelh,- ‘laugh’>
eVAR Aor. yehao(o)a, with yeAdoopa, éyehaoOnv, yeyeAaopat (Att., etc.).
yépLw 2.65
*DER yéAaoua ‘laughing’ (A., see below), yehaottc ‘id.’ (Call.), yedkaoti¢ ‘laugher,
sneerer’ (S.), €yyeAaotiic (E.), yédkacig (EM). yedacivos ‘laugher’ (Ael.), plur. ‘the
front teeth’ (Poll.). Also yeAdoxw (AP) and yehacetiw (P1.).
Beside yedaw stands yéAwe, -wtoc (epic acc. yéAw for yédwv, yédov, Att. gen. yEAw)
[m.] ‘laughter’ (11.), with yeA@w (Od., see Chantraine 1942: 365f.) and yeAoioc (B 215,
where yedoliog metri causa, cf. Schwyzer: 467 and Chantraine 1942: 168) with
denominative yehowdw, yehoratw (LXX). yeXao- in d-yéAao-toc (6 307), also in
yedavijs (Pi.) < *yeAXao-vijc? Also in yeAaprc: yadnvin. Adxwvec ‘calm of the wind
(Lacon.) (H.) < *yedao-prjc; also in yekaw, yeAdo-ca <*yehao-iw. Aeolic o-stem
yéXoc [m.] (cf. Epwe : Epog : Epaotéc).
*ETYM Beside yéhwe (*gelh.-ds) stands Arm. catr, gen. catu ‘laughter (with ci-catim
[v.] ‘laugh’); cf. Clackson 126-132. For the ablaut, cf. yad- < *glh,- in yaArvn. The
‘physical’ meaning is preserved in yeAeiv- Adumetv, avOetv ‘glow, flower’ (H.). Cf.
Pm yaArvn, & yAnvn, & yAijvoc.
yéAyn [n.pl.] ‘frippery’ (Eup., Luc.). Acc. to H., (6 p@mo¢ Kal) Pappata, Kai dtpaktot,
kai xtévec ‘[petty wares and] dyes, and spindles and combs’. <?>
*DER yéAyet Partifet, yxpwuatilet ‘dip, tinge’ and yéAyta mv, oan, KovpdAta
‘woof, blade, coral’ (H.).
*ETYM No etymology. Hardly connected to > yédytc.
yéA ytc [f.] ‘garlic’, or its cloves (Thphr.). <PG>
VAR Gen. -i5oc, -180¢; plur. yéAyetc, yéA yes.
*DER yeAyiSdouat “change into y.’ (Thphr.), yeAywWeverv: amatrAoyetv ‘to speak
deceivingly (vel sim.) (H.).
eETYM The obviously related synonym » dyAic suggests that yéAytc is to be analysed
as a reduplicated *ye-yAtc. Evidently, the variation d- ~ zero or d- ~ ye- cannot be of
IE origin. In addition, Fur.: 123, 127 (etc.) adduces oxedANic, -id0¢ (Plu; also oxehic
Alex. Trall.) with the same meaning; this form cannot be separated from yéAytc, and
so further confirms Pre-Greek origin because it adds, e.g. the interchange y ~ x. The
suffix, too, with a long vowel 1, is typically Pre-Greek. Any connection with
> yayyAlov is a mere guess.
yéAEvos [?] - domddehoc, vapKtodos ‘asphodelus, narcissus’ (H.). <PG>
*ETYM Fur.: 138 compares oxéAtvoc: aypia Kumdpiacos “wild cypress’ (H.); see his
comments.
yéttw [v.] ‘to be full (of) (IA). «IE? *gem- ‘take, seize’>
eVAR Only present.
*DER yulos ‘freight, cargo’ (IA) with factitive youdw ‘load’ (Babr.); poet. yépoc [n.]
‘load’ (A.). Deverbative with causative value (Schwyzer: 717): yepiw ‘to fill, load’
(A.); also yepdw ‘id.’ (pap.).
*ETYM Probably related to U kumiaf [acc.pl.f.] ‘gravidas’ whence, as a loan, Lat.
gumia [m., f.] ‘glutton’. Connection with Lat. gemd is difficult (see E-M: ‘be full’ <
sigh’?). Cf. Szemerényi ZDMG 101 (1951): 219. The word has further been connected
with » yévto ‘took’, which is semantically not evident.
266 yeved
yeved eVAR yever. >ylyvopal.
yEVELOV eVAR YEVELAG. = YEVUG.
yévva [f.] ‘descent, birth’ (Pi.). <1E *genh,- ‘beget’>
*DER yevvadac [m.] ‘noble (of birthy (Ar.), Att. yevvijtn¢ ‘member of the yévoc
(Is.); yevvikdg ‘noble’ (Com., Pl.); yevvnets ‘begetting’ to yevvaw, see below. Old is
yevvatoc ‘of good origin’ (Il.) with yevvatdtr¢ (E.). Beside yévva and yevvaioc, we
find the verb yevvaw ‘to beget, generate’ (Pi.) with yévvinua (S; yéviva after yévoc),
etc., y€vvnjoic, yevviztiis ‘begetter’ (S.); yevvrjtwp (A.) and yevvitip (App.) ‘id.’,
yevvyteipa (PI1.), yevvijtpia (Phryn.). From yevvdw also yevvntixds (Arist.) and
yevvijets (Emp.).
eETYM yévva and cognate forms are obviously related to root represented by yévoc
and yiyvopuat. However, problematic is the origin of the geminate vv, which is
certainly not expressive (pace Meillet BSL 26 (1925): 15f., Chantraine 1933: 46). If the
verb yevvdaw is primary (as argued by DELG), we could perhaps explain the wv as the
result of a restoration of the root yev- (for instance after y€voc) in a va-verb (like
Sduvrut, Sauvaw). On the other hand, yevvaioc seems to be an old formation, which
in turn suggests that its basis yévva is old as well (as argued by Wackernagel KZ 30
(1890): 300 and 314; for yevvaioc, Schwyzer Glotta 5 (1914): 195f., has suggested that it
actually stands for *yeveaioc). As none of the above solutions is really convincing,
we should rather consider some kind of irregular, for instance analogical
development of *n ja; after all, yévva ends in short -a, which seems to presuppose -ia
< *-ih,. See » yiyvouat.
yévos = yl yvopat.
yévta [n.pl.] ‘intestines’ (Call.); kpéa, onAdyxva ‘meat, innards’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM No etymology. According to Eust., it is a Thracian word. Szemerényi WuS NF
1 (1938): 156f. connects it with » yaotip, which is theoretically possible if the latter
reflects *gnt-tér.
yevtiaviy [f.] a plant, ‘gentian’ (Dsc., Hp.). <?>
*DER yevttag pita (Androm. apud Gal, Dsc.), for *yevtiavac, Chantraine 1933: 353.
*ETYM According to Dsc. 3, 3, the plant is named after the Illyrian king Gentis, which
has been associated with the fact that the plant was prominent in the Alps; cf.
Stromberg 1940: 135. On the form of the name of the Illyrian king, Gent(h)ius, see
Krahe 1929: 53f. Compare also Venet. ve.n0e.i [dat.].
yévto [v.aor.] ‘he took’ (0 43). <IE? *gem- ‘seize, take, etc.’>
eETYM Like Aéxto ‘he laid down’, yévto is either a med. root aorist, or an s-aorist that
lost its -o- (*A€k-o-to, *yéu-o-To; on the pu, see below); cf. Schwyzer: 751 Zus. 2. If
they are root aorists, both verbs have analogical full grade. To yévto < *yéuto, we
can probably further add the ipv. &nd6-yeue- dpedke. Kimptot ‘draw away (Cypr.)’
and by-yepoc¢: ovAAabny. Dadapivor ‘grip, hold (Salam.)’ (H.). From other languages,
comparisons have been made with MIr. gemel ‘fetter’, Latv. gumstu, gimt ‘seize, etc.’,
as well as OCS Zomo, Zeti ‘opiyyetv, comprimere’. The word has furthermore been
yépac 267
compared with Gr. » yéuw ‘be full’, which could be the thematic present beside the
athematic (sigmatic) aorist yévto. Not connected to » yavéw, nor to »ydayyapov
net’.
yévug, -vog [f.] ‘jaw’, also ‘edge of an axe’ (Il.). <1E *genu- ‘chin’>
eVAR Sometimes 0 metri causa.
*DER yévelov (< *yevef-tov) ‘chin, beard’ (Il.), with yeveidc¢ “beard, cheek’ (Od.);
yevelatic, -rtIN¢, fem. -attc, -ft1¢ ‘bearded’ (Theoc., cf. banvity¢), yeveloAng ‘id.’
(Hdn.); yevetactip ‘chin-strap’ (Poll., cf. Bpayiowotrp). Denominative verb yeveraw
‘to get or have a beard’ (Od.), etc. Also yevnjic ‘edge of an axe’ (S. Ant. 249 gen.
yevijsos).
eETYM The u-stem has parallels in Olr. giun, gin ‘mouth’, MW gen ‘cheek, chin’, plur.
geneu, Go. kinnus ‘cheek’, ToA Sanw-e-m [du.] ‘cheeks’, and further Arm. cnawt and
Skt. hadnu- [f.] ‘jaw-bone’ (with an unexplained h- for j-, Mayrhofer EWAia 2: 801),
whereas Lat. gena ‘cheek’ is reshaped after mala (but the u is preserved in dentes
genuini ‘molars’). Compare also Av. *zanauua (written zanuua), MoP zanax, Khot.
ysanuva ‘jaw’. Not connected to » yva8oc.
yepavdpvov [n.] ‘old tree-trunk’ (Thphr.). <GR>
eETYM A Hellenistic innovation: a substantivized adjective yepavdpvoc (Thphr.,
etc.), modelled after weAav-Spvov ‘heartwood’ (Thphr,; cf. to wéAav dSpvdc & 14); see
Stromberg 1937: 99. Cf. also yepavdpvec (H.), from dptc. See » yépwv and & dpic.
yépavos [f., m.] ‘crane’ (Il.), also metaphorically of various kinds of apparatuses, and a
fish name (see Stromberg 1943: 120). IE *gerh,-en-/-eu- ‘crane’>
eDIAL Myc. ke-re-na-i [dat.pl.] /kerenahi/, see RPh. 73 (1999) 84 (doubtful).
*DER yepavic kind of bandage (medic.). yepavitic name of a stone (Plin.), yepaviac
‘with a crane (neck) (Phryn.), yepaviov ‘geranium’, also called yepavoyépwv
(Stromberg 1940: 54 and 159). See also Thompson 1895 s.v.
*ETYM Beside the o-stem yépavoc (*gerh,-n-), we have an n-stem in yépryv or yeprv
(H.) < *gerh,-én. Old name of the bird ‘crane’, with a suffix -n- or -u-, seen in Arm.
krun-k; Celtic, e.g. Gaul. tri-garanos ‘with three cranes’, MW garan; Germanic, e.g.
OE cran, OHG kran-uh; Lith. garnjs ‘heron, stork’. The u-stem appears in Lat. gris,
Lith. gérvé (**gerh,-u-), OCS Zeravo (*gerh.-6u-) with BSI. *g- by depalatalization from
the zero grade *¢rh.-.
yépasg [n.] ‘gift of honour’ (II.); originally “old age’, see » yfjpac. <I *gerh.- ‘old’>
eVAR Gen. -a0¢ or -we.
*DIAL Myc. ke-ra /geras/.
*COMP Compound a-yépao-tog ‘without gift of honour’ (Il.).
*DER yepaldg ‘old’ (Il., accent like in madatdc); yepdoutocg ‘honouring, honoured,
aged’ (h. Merc., cf. Schwyzer: 493); denominative yepd¢w ‘honour’ (EM). Beside
yépac stands yepapdc ‘honourable’ (Il; hardly an old r-stem as per Benveniste 1935:
16; different Schwyzer: 516), fem. yépatpa (Il. [v.l.], see Bechtel 1914), and yepaipw
‘honour, distinguish’ (11.).
268 YEPYEPLLOG
eETYM Cf. Skt. jards- [f.] ‘old age’. » yépwv, » yijpac, and »ypaic are cognate.
Perhaps also connected with > yepyéptioc.
yepyéputos [?] a kind of olives (Call.). See H., Suid., Ath. 56 d. They are dpumenng, ie.
ripe on thetree. «LW Sem.>
*ETYM Semitic origin seems possible: for a connection with Hebr. garg’rim ‘ripe
olives’, see Hemmerdinger Glotta 48 (1970): 41. Therefore, the word is rather not
related to yépwv, etc.
yepdtoc [m.] ([f.]) ‘weaver’ (pap. II*). <Lw?>
eVAR Accentuation unknown. Also yépétc.
*COMP yepdtopaBdiott¢ (pap.), yepdorotdv (gloss.).
*DER Feminines yepdia (Edict. Diocl.) and yepdiaiva (pap.). yepStaxdc and yepdiwv
‘weaving-shed’ (pap.).
*ETYM Identical with Lat. gerdius (since Lucil.); further unknown. Was it borrowed
into Latin from Greek? Hebr. girda@a ‘weaver is also from Greek, acc. to Bauer in
WH .s.v. As the word is very late, a loan is probable. See Frisk Supp.
yepotog °VAR yepoitav, yépuc. > yépwv.
yéppov [n.] different objects of wickerwork: ‘shield’ (Hdt.), ‘wattles, booths, body of a
cart’ (D.), ‘stake, arrow’ (Eup.), = 16 aidoiov ‘genitals’ (Epich.). <EUR>
«COMP yeppo@dpos ‘shieldbearer’ (P1.).
*DER yeppadia: otpwtnpidia ‘crossbeams’ (H.); cf. Chantraine 1933: 72, Schwyzer:
487. Here also yépovpov: dkpov adtevtikod kaAdpov ‘point of a fishing rod’ (H.)? (cf.
yéppov = ‘stake’), variants yévowov (H.) and Képoytov (sch.), see below; not to
dyeipw as per Latte. On yappa and ydpoava s.v. » yapoava.
*ETYM yépoupov (not to be corrected to yépotpov, contra Latte), which is found next
to yévoov and Képoov, points to a substrate word (interchange e/ a, k/ y, t/ v).
Probably, Arm. ca7 ‘tree’, plur. ‘shrubs’ is also to be compared, as well as perhaps ON
kjarr [n.] ‘shrubs’ (PGm. *kersd-), and ON kass ‘basket’ (PGm. *kdrsa-). Within
Greek, ydpoava and ydppa may be related. The whole group of words probably
derives from a European substrate; see Fur. 117. Lat. gerra [f.] ‘wicker-work’ is
borrowed from the plural yéppa.
yépwv, -ovtog [m.] ‘old man’; also as an adjective ‘old’ (II.). <1E *gerh.- ‘be(come) old,
ripen’>
eVAR As an administrative term oi yépovtec ‘the elders’.
*DIAL Myc. ke-ro /ger6n/? ke-ro-si-ja /geronsia/?
*DER yepovotog ‘concerning the elders’ (Il.), yepovoia ‘council of the elders’ (in
Sparta, Carthage, etc, D.; on these forms see Collinge Glotta 49 (1971): 218-229),
yepovoiac ‘member of the y.’ (Sparta), yepovotaoti¢ ‘id.’ (Plb.; Chantraine 1933:
316ff.), yepovotaxdc. Diminutive yepdvtiov (Ar.), yepdvtetog (Ar.), etc.
Denominative yepovtetw ‘be a senator’ (Sparta), with yepovteia (Ephesus).
yepovtiaw ‘get older’ (D. L.). Beside yépwv, yépovt- there are a few formations with
yepu-: yépuc and yepttac: yépwv (H.), cf. mpéoBug and mpeofbttac. Also PNs
TeptdAoc, TépvAdog, Tepus, -vdoc hypocoristic? (Bechtel 1917a: 15). Of the forms with
yA 269
-Ol-, yepoitav: mamnov. Kpijtes ‘grandfather’ (H.) is inverted writing for yepttav;
yepota [n.pl.] ‘old stories’ (Corinn.), if correct, is perhaps after the adjectives in -oioc
(see Bechtel 1921, 1: 304). Unclear is yepwvia (H.), see Latte, despite Scheller 1951: 33”.
yepwxia (Ar. Lys. 980) is perhaps graphic for Lacon. yepw‘ia (von Fritz AmJPh. 66
(1945): 196f.; but see Wackernagel 1916: 2087; also Schwyzer: 218). yepdatn ‘old’, of a
horse (POxy. 6, 922; DELG refers to yepatia; not in LSJ).
*ETYM In its formation, yépwv is identical with Skt. jarant-, Oss. zerond ‘old (man)’.
One may further compare Arm. cer, -oy ‘old man’ (o-stem) and MoP zar ‘id.’. Cf.
> yépac, > yijpac, » ypadc.
yevouct [v.] ‘to taste’ (Il.); yebw, yetoat ‘give a taste’ (Hdt.). IE *geus- ‘taste’>
eVAR Aor. yevoao8a, fut. yevoouat, perf. yéyevuat; secondary athem. form yetpe8a
(Theoc. 14, 51).
*DER yebdua ‘tasting’ (IA), yetou “id” (Democr.), yevOpdc ‘id.’ (Nic.), yebotns
(Chios), yevotrptov (Com.); yevotikds (Arist.).
*ETYM The compound G-yevo-tog ‘not tasting, inexperienced’ (Att.) points to a basis
*yevo-opat, which agrees with Go. kiusan, ON kjdsa ‘taste, choose’, OHG OS kiosan;
further, with Skt. jusdte, -ti ‘id’ and Lat. gustare = OHG OS koston ‘taste’, as well as
Go. caus. kausjan from *gous-eie/o-.
yéqopa [f.] ‘bridge’; on other mgs. in Homer see below (II.). < PG>
VAR Boeot. Béqupa, Cret. dépupa, Lacon. digoupa (H.).
*DER ye@upic: MOpvn Tic emi yepvpac, wo Hpaxdéwv ‘whore on the bridge’ (H. also
with another mg.); denominative yepupdw ‘make a bridge’ (IA; Il. ‘dam up’, see
below’) together with yepvpwotc (Str.), yepvpwua ‘bridge’ (J.), yepupwtij¢ ‘bridge-
builder’ (Plu.); yeupifw ‘abuse’ (Plu.), acc. to H., “émei év’EXevoivi ni thc yeptpac
Toig pvotnpiotc KabeCopEvor EoKwrtov Tov Tapidvtac” ‘because the people sitting
at the bridge in Eleusis during the mysteries used to mock at the passers-by’; thence
ye@upltopds (Str.), yepuptoti (Plu.).
eETYM The variation of the first consonant between y-, B- and 6- suggests a
labiovelar *g’-, although the reflex y- is then difficult to explain. The evidently
cognate Arm. kamurj ‘bridge’ would also pose unsurmountable problems if the word
were IE. Beekes Glotta 78 (2004): 12-21 follows Fur. 97, etc., who sees it as a loanword
from Anatolian, connecting Hattic hammuruwa ‘beam’. An original meaning ‘beam’
fits all passages in Homer and, notably, the expression moAguoto ye~vpac, where it
has the same meaning as phalanx (‘tree, beam’). The Lacon. form with -t- and -ov-
points to non-Greek origin as well.
yi [f.] ‘earth’ (IL). «pcp
eVAR Dor. ya, Cypr. (a is uncertain, see Lejeune BSL 50 (1954). Ion. plur. yéau is an
innovation (Schwyzer: 473, Schwyzer 1950: 51, Meister 1921: 172, 253).
*DIAL In the Thebes tablets we find maka, interpreted as /Ma Ga/ ‘Mother Earth’
(e.g. Avrantinos-Godart-Sacconi, Thebes (...) Les tablettes, 2001):
*COMP Often as a first member y1)- (ya-), mostly yew- from yn-o- (late also ye-n-
from y17-1-, yé-o- and yeto- after -yetog:< -yr)-to¢): yn-yevis ‘earthborn’ (IA), yr-
Aogog (Pl.), yew-Ao@oc (X.) ‘earthen hill’, yewyetpia, -in ‘surveyeing of lands’ (1A),
270 yncyyeng
yewpydc ‘peasant’ (IA) < yn(-0)-Fopydc or -fepydc, cf. yaBepydc: <d> aypod
wwo8wtrc. Adkwvec ‘tax farmer (Lacon.)’ (H.).
*DER Diminutive yrd.ov (Ar.); adj. yryivoc ‘earthen’ (IA), Dor. ydtivoc, yewdng¢ (PL.),
yerpdoc (Hp., cf. s.v. €yyapoodvtec); rare yrytne (S. Tr. 32) ‘peasant’, cf. yaitat- yewpyoi
(H.), Redard 1949: 36; denomin. yedotat ‘become earth’ (D. S.)
*ETYM No IE etymology; the hypothesis of Meier-Briigger MSS 53 (1992): 113-6
(connecting *genh,- ‘to beget’) is incorrect. Probably related to » yaia, which is a Pre-
Greek word as well. On possible » Aa ‘Earth’, see » 6a and » Anpujtip, as well as
>Tlocedawv; however, this is rather doubtful. For the interchange 6-/ y-, cf.
yégupa/ Sépupa and Fur. 388f. The word is likely to go back to *gaya, which was
contracted to *gd at a very early date. See Pre-Greek under the suffix -at-. Cf. » aia
and > yéyetoc.
yncyyymAcg [2] - 6 Gyptoc pic ‘wild mouse’ (H.). <PG>
VAR Also yrjAtypoc.
eETYM There is no reason to correct yi(y)ynAtg into yryy-. A suffix -p(o)-, as seen
in the variant yrAtypoc, is well-known from Pre-Greek; likewise, ynyy- shows
typically Pre-Greek reduplication and prenasalization, for which yiyyAvpog and
ydayyatog may be compared. Without doubt, the word is of Pre-Greek origin.
ynBéw [v.] ‘to rejoice’ (Il.). <1E *geh,d"- ‘be glad’ (?)>
eVAR Perf. yéyn8a, aor. yiOfjocat (Dor. yaéw, yéya8a, yaOijoat); late presents
yrGoptcu, yw (Dor. ya6w).
*DER yroovvn (Il.), yrnOdovvog (Il.); late yfOo0c¢ [n.] (Epicur.) and yrPadéocg
(Androm., apud Gal.). Also yaooav: jdovijv ‘joy’ (H.), if with Baunack Phil. 70
(1911): 376 from *ya8-Lav.
*ETYM Because of Lat. gaude6, gavisus sum, a pre-form *yaf-e0-éw was reconstructed
for ynSéw (see Schwyzer: 703), but the contraction then needed would have to have
been very early and have spread even to the perfect (Chantraine 1942: 429).
Moreover, the present *geh,u-ed"-eie- would be an isolated formation within PIE.
Recently, the word has been compared with ToA katk-, ToB katk- ‘be glad’ (<
*geh,d"-sk-), which has yielded the reconstruction *geh,d"- for Greek (LIV, Adams
1999: 150). The same root is found in > yaiw < *yaf-1w and » yavupat.
ynOvAnic, -ido¢ [f.] name of an onion (Epich.); cf. Stromberg 1937: 84. <PG(V)>
eVAR Also yrOvov [n.] (Ar.), yrtetov [n.] (Ar.), Kiytlov (Cratin.), yardvAAdSat (H.).
Fur.: 187, 253 further adds yaa: ddAdvtia ‘sausage’ (H.), d&yacvAXic ‘Ferula
marmarica’ (Dsc. 3, 84). ayaBic = ornoatic ‘sesame’ (H.).
DIAL Dor. yaOvAXic.
*ETYM Because of the many alternations, e.g. t/ 8/ 6, a/ at, y/ K, yrnOvAXic is obviously
of Pre-Greek origin. The suggestion of DELG that yrtetov was remodelled after
ynéw (which would explain the variation t/ 8) is implausible in itself and does not
account for the other variants. The folk-etymological suggestion of Kalén 1918: 103ff.
to analyse yn-OvAXic as ‘Erdsackel’, with *Ovov ‘sacculus’ (as found in yOvov) is of
course to be abandoned.
4
yeyyAlav 271
yiipas [n.] ‘old age’ (IL). <1 *gerh,- ‘be old, ripen’>
eVAR Gen. -aoc, -we.
*DER ynpatog ‘old’ (Hes.; cf. yepatdc s.v. » y€pac), ynpadéos ‘id’ (Anacr. after the
adjectives in -adéoc), yipdets ‘id.’ (Alc., see Chantraine 1933: 272f.). Further yripetov
‘thistledown’ (Arat.) and ynpdviov. yepav<oyépwv> H.; cf. Stromberg 1940: 159%
yrnpdatiwv H., glossed as (*)ypava.
Further ynpdoxw ‘to get old’ (Il), 3sg. aor. éynpa, ptc. yrpac CIL.), inf. ynpdveu or
ynpavat (A., cf. Schwyzer 682); aor. éyrpaca (Hdt, also as a causative like épvoa:
épvv, Schwyzer: 755y); fut. ynpacoptat, -ow (IA), later yeypaka, éyrnpabrv. New
present ynpdw (X.); aor. ynpeic (Xenoph.) after Sapteic. From ynpdaoKw: ynpdoutoc
‘getting older’ (Tlos), and ypavotc (Arist.) after byiavoig (Chantraine 1933: 281).
eETYM The word stands beside yépac, with a remarkable long vowel which has been
explained as deriving from the s-aorist, but this cannot be proven. On éyrpa as the
reflex of an old s-aorist, see Barton Glotta 60 (1982): 32-49 and Hardarson 1993a. 72-
76. Cf. » yépac, > yépwv, » ypaidc.
yiipus [f.] ‘voice, speech’ (Il.). <1? *geh.r- ‘voice, sound’>
eDIAL Dor. yapus, -voc.
DER yipbu, yapvw ‘sing, speak’ (h. Merc.), yrputa (A.).
*ETYM Comparable forms are found in Celtic and Germanic, which, however, often
have a short vowel, e.g. Go. kara [f.] ‘care, solicitude’ and OE cearu [f.] ‘id’, OHG
chara [f.] ‘lament(ation)’, and OlIr. ad-gair < *gar-et. LIV connects the Celtic verb
with Oss. zel- ‘resound’ and reconstructs an IE root *gar- ‘tonen, rufen’ with *a,
ablauting with *a for forms like yfipuc, Olr. gdir [f.] ‘cry’, W gawr ‘crying, battle’.
However, a-vocalism, and certainly a :: 4 ablaut, is of course impossible in PIE: the
evident reconstruction is *gh.r-, *geh.r-. The zero grade *gh.r- explains the Celtic
forms with -a-, and theoretically also the Germanic ones, although the latter are
perhaps better kept apart because of their deviant meaning. Forms with -rr-, like Lat.
garrid, and Gr. » yapptaie8a are rather not related (LIV suggests onomatopoeic
origin).
yiyaptov [n.] ‘grape-stone’ (Simon.); cf. Strémberg 1937: 140 for the names of kernels.
<PG?>
*DER ytyaptic: otagic ‘grape’ (H.), yryaptwdig ‘stone-like’ (Thphr.); yryaptwviov
‘unripe grape’ (Dsc.)
*ETYM Reduplicated formation. It is often connected with Lat. granum, MoHG Korn,
Kern, which is formally improbable (Greek would have a different suffix and
reduplication). The word is rather non-lE, that is to say a Pre-Greek loan.
ytyyis, -id0¢ [f.] kind of turnip, French carrot (Alex. Trall.). <PG?>
*DER ytyyidiov a plant, Daucus Gingidium (Dsc.); yryyuxtdiov (schol. Nic. Al. 432).
*ETYM Solmsen 1909: 213f. assumed *yeyyic, with assimilation, connecting the word
with » yoyybAoc. However, it is rather a Pre-Greek word.
yeyyAiav [f.] - ka vpia Kepadtic Epeodv ‘woollen hood for the head’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM Unknown.
272 ytyyAtopdc
ylyyAtopds [m.] - yapyadtoploc a6 xelp@v, yéAwe ‘tickling by the hand; laughter’ (H.).
<ONOM>
eETYM DELG compares xtyAtojtoc (hardly influenced by »yiyypoc). Neither is it
related to yiyyAvptoc.
yiyyAog [m.] - vavoc ‘dwarf (H.). <ONOM?>
eETYM Unknown.
yiyyAvpos [m.] ‘hinge, joint, pivot, gudgeon’ (X., Epid.). <PG>
eVAR Also yryyAvidg; and yvya- (ap. Frisk), ytyAvtov (ap. Frisk), not in LSJ.
*DER yty(y)Avpuov (Anthem.), yryyAvp@dng (Arist.), yeyyAvpiwtd¢ (Ph.),
yyyAvpdoptat (Hp.).
eETYM Technical term of unknown origin (cf. Schwyzer: 423). Not related to Olr.
glin ‘knee’, etc. (as per Petersson 1922: 8f.). Probably Pre-Greek (note the
prenasalization and interchange t/ v).
yiyypos [m.] name of a Phoenician flute (Men.). <PG or Lw Phoen.>
VAR Also -ov H., -Gc [m.]. yiyyAapoc (Poll.), yryyAdptov (AB) by dissimilation?
*DER Thence ytyypdiivog ‘like a y.’ and ytyypavtdc “(made) for a y.’ (Ath.); yryypiat:
avAoi utKpoi, év oi¢ mpWtov pavOdvovorv ‘small flutes, on which they first learn’,
ytyypaoptdc: HXog ‘sound’, ytyypi: émipwvnpd te ext KatapwKroe AEydptevov. Kal
eidoc avAod ‘an interjection in case of mockery; also a kind of flute’ (H.).
eETYM According to Ath. 4, 174f., the word is from Tiyypijc, the Phoenician name of
Adonis, but it is actually rather an expressive onomatopoeic formation (not related
to yiipus or yépavoc). Lat. gingrina ‘genus quoddam tibiarum exiguarum’ (Paul.
Fest.) is borrowed from the Greek.
yiyvopat [v.] ‘to be born, become, arise’ (Il.). <I1E *genh,- “beget, arise’>
eVAR Ion., etc. ylvopiat (Schwyzer: 215), Thess. Boeot. yivuptat, Cret. yivvoptat; aor.
yevéoOul, perf. yéyova, yéyajlev, yeyawco, med. yeyévnpiat (recent), fut. yevrjoonat;
recent are yeviOfvai and yeviOrooptat (Att., etc.); trans. s-aorist yeivaoBat (epic,
etc., from *yev-o-; Schwyzer: 756, Wackernagel 1916: 175), also yetvdjte8a, -[Levoc
(either for yi(y)vouat, Schwyzer: 715, or for yev- with metrical lengthening); athem.
root aorist yevto (Hes. analogical innovation, see Schwyzer: 678f.).
*COMP -yvn-to¢ in e.g. » kaciyvijtos ‘brother’ and -yv-og in veo-yv-d¢ ‘newborn’ (A.
Hom.), with a suffix -to- in 616-yv-tog ‘of the same origin’.
*DER Action nouns: 1. yévog [n.] (yewds, -yevijc) and yovoc, yovi (yovets ‘parent’).
2. yeved (Ion. -1)) ‘lineage’ (Il; see Chantraine 1933: 91). 3. yevé-OAn (IL) and yéve-
Odov (A.) ‘id’, together with yevé@\toc and (rare and late) yeveOMtaxdc, yeveOidtoc,
yeveOAiwna, yeveOdatw. 4. yeve-tH ‘birth’ (Hom.); hypocor. TevetvAXic name of
Aphrodite as a protectress of birth (Ar.). 5. yéve-otc ‘birth, origin’ (IL). 6. » yévva.
Agent nouns: yevé-twp (Ion. Dor.) and yeve-trp (Arist.) ‘begetter’; on the difference
see Benveniste 1948: 46; fem. yevétetpa (Pi.); yevé-tn¢ (Ion.); thence yevéoua [n.pl.]
‘parentalia’ (Hdt.). yvjotos ‘of real descent’ (Il.) from yvntdc. Cf. further > tyvntec;
yvwtdc, -tr ‘relative’ belongs to ytyvwoKw.
YLVUTITT}pLov 273
eETYM The reduplicated pres. yiyvoptat is also found in Lat. gigno [act.] ‘to beget’, and
the aorist éyéveto corresponds to the Skt. root aorist djani, whereas the perf. yéyova
matches Skt. jajana. Nouns include yévog (= Skt. jdnas-, Lat. genus) and yovog (Skt.
jana-), yevétwp, yevetip (= Lat. genitor, Skt. janitar- and janitdr-), yevéteipa (= Skt.
janitri, Lat. genitri-x); yéveoic (with e-grade) corresponds to Skt. jati- “birth, family’,
Lat. ndati-d, OE (ge)cynd (all with zero grade). Gr. -yviytoc is from *gnh,-to-, while
-yv-og in compounds shows loss of the laryngeal, as in Lat. privi-gn-us ‘born
separately’ = ‘stepchild’; furthermore, note the correspondence veoyvdc: Go.
niuklahs ‘as a child’ (dissimilated from *-kna- < IE *-gnh,-o-).
yltyv@okw [v.] ‘to come to know, perceive’ (Il.). «IE *gneh,- ‘recognize, get to know’>
eVAR Ion., etc. yivwoxw (cf. yivopat beside yiyvouat), Epidaur. yvwoxw, aor. yv@vat,
perf. €yvwxa, fut. yvwooptat; with analogical -o-: yvwoOijvat, Eyvwojtat; later s-aor.
yv@oao8at (Man.).
eCOMP Many compounds.
*DER yv@otc ‘inquiry, knowledge’ (IA), often in compounds, eg. ava-yvwoc
‘recognizing, reading’ to dva-ytyvwoxw ‘recognize, read’; yvwun ‘thought,
judgement’ (Thgn.); rare yvd@ia ‘token, opinion’ (Hdt.); usual yywuwv [m.] ((f])
‘interpreter, expert, etc.’ (IA); yvwtdc ‘known’ (Il.), often with -o- yvwotdc¢ (A;
ayvwotog Od.) like in yywottp ‘surety, witness’ (X.), yywotng ‘id.’ (LXX), etc. With
a suffix -p- we find yvwptyoc ‘well-known, familiar’ (Od.), yvwpifw ‘make known,
become acquainted with’ (IA), yvwptotc, yv@ptopa, YVWPLOLLOG, YYWPLOTTG, etc.
With unexplained vocalism d&yvoéw ‘to fail to perceive or recognize’ (Il; jyyvoinoa
with ‘false’ -ot-; see Chantraine 1942: 99) together with ayvoia, dyvoid (Att.); after
voéw and compounds: dvoid, dvotd, etc. (in any event, not derived from *&yvo-foc,
which would be a related to &yvwc, dyv@toc ‘unknown’, Od.).
*ETYM ytyvWoxw matches Lat. (g)ndscd, OP xsndsa- in xsndsahiy ‘you shall
recognize’ (subj.), etc., and probably Alb. njoh, although these forms have full grade
*éneh;-, whereas Greek probably has a zero grade *gnh,-sk-. Likewise, the *to-ptc.
yvwtdc corresponds to Lat. ndtus, Skt. jfidtd-, as well as Olr. gndth ‘known’ and ToA
a-knats, ToB a-knatsa ‘fool’, where the Greek form points to *gnh,-to- (as does
perhaps Tocharian). Cf. further OCS znati ‘recognize’, 1sg. znajo, Arm. aor. can-eay
T recognized’, Go. kann, pl. kunnum, ptc. kunps ‘known’. On ayvoéw, see above; on
> yéywva, see there. Hitt. kane/iss-* ‘to acknowledge’, which was thought to reflect
*gnéh,-s- (with Eichner’s Law, i.e., that a laryngeal does not color an old lengthened
grade), can be accounted for with a conventional reconstruction *gn(e)h,-s-
(Kloekhorst 2008 s.v.). Nevertheless, the vocalism of OE cnawan ‘know’ (< PGm.
*kné-) and ToA kfiasu ‘I have recognised’ (< *knés-) remains difficult. For yvwptwoc,
cf. Lat. gndrus < *gnh,-ro-; Gr. yv@otc, Lat. noti-d and Skt. -j/ati-, however, may be
independent formations.
ytrdc [adj.] - Etepd~Oadoc ‘one-eyed’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM Perhaps connected here is the PN TiAAog, T'\Adic (but see on vedytAAog, as well
as Bechtel 1902: 64).
ytvinthptov [n.] ‘broom’ (P- Leid. X, 19). <?>
274 yivvoc
eETYM Perhaps for *yiviotrptov; cf. Lat. genista.
yivvog [m.] ‘offspring of a mare by a mule’ (Arist.). <PG?>
eVAR Also ytvoc (Ialysos). LSJ (and Supp.) give the accentuations yivvoc, ytvvéc and
yivoc. Also ivvdc (H.) and bvvoc.
eETYM Unknown; see DELG. The forms without y- or with v may well be late. It can
hardly be from yiyvoytat. The word is probably Pre-Greek. Cf. » évivvoc.
yitov [n.] uncertain; ‘comestibles’? (UPZ 89,14, II*). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
yAaBpiyvn [f.] Cretan plant name (unknown poet III). <PG>
eETYM See Neumann 1967: 229-235. Probably a local name, i.e. Pre-Greek.
yAdayos = yala.
yAdtw [v.] ‘to sing aloud (uédocy (Pi. Fr. 97). <?>
eVARCf. yAkayyacet mtepvocetau, KeKpaye ‘he flaps the wings, shrieks’ (H., Cyr.).
*ETYM Onomatopoeic; cf. » kAdCw. But von Wilamowitz (following the sch.) reads
yéAt; thus, does it mean ‘suck’?
yAatvoi >yArv1.
yAdpwv, -wvos [adj.] ‘blear-eyed’ (com.). <PG?>
eVAR Also yAanupds ‘id.’ (Hp.). From yAdpoc: wba ‘mucus’ (H.) after adjectives in
-wv and -vpdc (pAeyupéc ‘inflamed’, Chantraine 1933: 231). Denominative yAaudaw
(Poll.) = Anutdw (which LSJ does not give), yAduvEoc = yAauvpdc together with
yAanvitaw (EM), for yAa[po]-pv&oc? yAnuwdn¢ = yAapvpdc (Gal.), after Annwdns
‘full of rheum’?
eETYM Unknown. The comparisons with Lith. glémés, gléimés [pl.] ‘slime’ (not
related to MoE clammy ‘sticky’) and Alb. ngjomé ‘humid, fresh’ (Pok. 361) are very
doubtful. The word may be Pre-Greek. From Greek comes Lat. glamae = gramiae
‘viscous humor that collects in the corners of the eyes’.
yAdvog [m.] ‘hyena’ (Arist.). <PG?>
VAR Cf. yavoc¢ 1 batva, bd Dpvy@v kat Bibvva@v H.; also yavvoc ‘hyena’ (Phlp. in
GA).
*DER Hence the fish name yAdvic, -toc (-ews), -t60¢ [m.] ((f]) ‘Silurus, sheat-fish’
(Com., Arist. yAdviog Hdn.), thus called because of its voracity and the sound it
makes, see Stromberg 1943: 70 and Thompson 1947 s.v.
eETYM Unknown. The word may be Pre-Greek.
yAapic, -ido¢ [f.] ‘chisel’ (S., Delos III*). <?>
eETYM For the formation, cf. the semantically related ypagic, yAugic, Komtic, etc.
(Chantraine 1933: 338).
yAavkds [adj.] in Hom. (II 34) and later poets of the sea, post-Hom. always the color
‘blueish-green or grey’ (Il.); see Pétscher RhM 141/2 (1998): 97-111. <PG?>
DIAL Myc. ka-ra-u-ko /Glaukos/.
yhénw 275
*DER yAatKocg name of a fish (Com, see Strémberg 1943: 23f. and Thompson 1947:
48); yAavxia t) yAavxiov: Botdavn ttc ‘a plant’ (H.: Plin.); also ‘juice of the horned
poppy’ (Dsc.) and name of a duck (Ath.), both after the color; yAavxidavov name of
an eye salve (Gal.). Denominal ptc. yAavkidwv ‘gleaming?’ (Il.), but acc. to Pétscher
Glotta 72 (1994): 105-8) ‘with the green, brilliant eyes of an owl’, yAavxdopat “be
affected with glaucoma’ (Hp.), yAatkwya ‘glaucoma’ (Arist.), yAavoow ‘shine’ (H.)
cf. AevKdc: Aetoow. Several PNs: TAatxoc, TAav«n (Il), TAavxwv, -iwv, etc. See
> yAavKa@rtc.
eETYM Hardly connected to » yadtvn, » yekaw. Improbably, Leumann 1950: 148ff.
(with incorrect analysis of yAavk@mic; see Chantraine 1966: 193ff.). No etymology.
The word is hardly IE, as *gleh,u-ko- would be an unusual formation; therefore, it is
rather Pre-Greek.
yAavkaric [adj.] ‘with the bright eyes of an owl (Il.), epithet of Athena. On the mg.
Potscher Phil. 141/1 (1997): 3-20 (not to yAavxds “blue’). <GR>
eETYM The owl was associated with Athena. Its eyes are remarkable for their ‘éclat
nocturne’. Cf. Bowmic epithet of Hera. See » yAadé.
yAavvoc [m.] a kind of chiton (Poll. 7, 48). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
yAadé, -Kdc [f.] ‘little owl, Athene noctua’ (com., Arist.). <PG?>
*VAR LSJ gives yAavé. Besides, there is a word yAavé ‘wart cress’ (Dsc.), which is also
given as yAd& (Hdn. Gr. 1, 395, etc.).
eETYM Derived from yAavkdc by the ancients, which is rejected by Thompson 1895
s.v. as a folk etymology. Thus also Pétscher Phil. 141/1 (1997): 3-20 (see on
> yhavxdric). Some bird names with the k-suffix are provided by Specht 1944: 204;
note mépdi§ and the many Pre-Greek words in -& (see Pre-Greek on word end). The
etymology is unknown. The variation in the word for ‘cress’ may point to a Pre-
Greek word (which is probable anyhow), but it is not sure that ‘owl’ and ‘cress’ have
the same origin.
yAagupos [adj.] ‘hollow(edy (IL), ‘polished, smooth, refined, elegant’ (Ar.). <?>
*DER yAagupotng ‘neatness, elegance’ (Ph.) and yAagupia ‘id.’ (Plu.). Rare is yAdpu
[n.] ‘cavern’ (Hes. Op. 533) and yAdgw ‘hollow out’ (Hes. Sc. 431), also (late)
‘engrave’ (StayAawaoa, see ClassRev. 12 (1898): 282 [Coptos II?]).
*ETYM Dissimilated from -vAdc, according to Leumann Glotta 32 (1953): 223”, which
would be derived (cf. Atyupdc : Atybc) from a u-stem that is perhaps represented by
yAd@v. In the sense ‘hollow out’ (attested only once), yAdgw may be secondary.
Later, when this verb means ‘engrave’, it looks like a cross between yAtow and
ypapw. The development to ‘smooth’, etc. probably went via ‘engraved’ and
‘polished’. DELG thinks that yAagv- was dissimilated from *yAvgv- (see » yAb@w);
this is doubtful.
yAémw eVAR yAéqapov. = BAéEtw, BAEQapov.
276 yA
yAnvy [f.] ‘eyeball’ (Hom, also in a reviling sense © 164), also ‘pupil of the eye’ (Ruf.
Onom., H.), metaph. ‘socket of a joint’ (Gal.), ‘honeycomb’ (AB, H.). <PG(V)>
*DER yArvea [n.pl.] ‘gaudy things, trinkets’ (QO 192), ‘stars’ (Arat.); sing. yAijvoc =
yAnvn (Nic.), = pdog (H.). yAnvic (IG 5(1) 1447: 9 [Messene III-II*]) mg. unknown.
Artificial is Hell. yAjv = yAnvn (Hermesian.), cf. Schwyzer: 584 A. 6. Also PNs:
Thivoc, TAijvec, TAnvw, PAnvets. Unclear is the mg. of tpi-yAnva (éppiata, Hom.);
tp{yAnvoc also as an attribute of Hecate (Ath.).
*ETYM The basic meaning of the word is probably ‘shining’ (see DELG), whereas
‘socket of a joint’ seems secondary. One may compare yaArvn ‘calm weather’ and
yAatvoi: Ta Aapmpvopata THv TEpike~adaldy, olov dotépec ‘ornaments of head-
bands, like stars’ (H.), which last word is known only from this gloss.
Comparison of yAatvoi with OHG kleini ‘gleaming, elegant, fine, small’, OE cléne
‘clean’ is quite uncertain, since we would then have to separate the other Greek
words without -t-. For yAjvn, Lamer IF 48 (1930): 231f. assumes a basic meaning
‘puppet’, opting for Pre-Greek origin. If yAatvoi is indeed related, this conclusion
seems most probable, since a/ at is frequent in Pre-Greek words (cf. ynOvAXic /
yat8vAddat; pace DELG, which remarks that this variation would render an
etymological comparison ‘imprudent’).
yAnXov —BAnXwv.
yAia *VAR yAivn, yAiov. =yAotdc.
yAivog [m.] ‘Cretan maple’ (Thphr.). <PG?>
VAR Also yAgivoc.
eETYM No etymology. See Amigues RPh. 73 (1999): 84.
yAioxpog [adj.] ‘sticky, penurious’ (IA). <?>
*DER yAioxpwv ‘niggard’ (Ar.), yAtoxpdtne¢ (Arist.), yAtoxpia (sch.). Denominative
yAtoxpatvopiat ‘be sticky’ (Hp.), yAicxpaoyta ‘glue’ (Hp.); yAucypetouat ‘be niggardly’
(M. Ant.).
*ETYM To » yAixouat, » yAotéc. The formation is unclear; cf. Chantraine 1933: 225.
Fur.: 297 thinks the -o- of yAioxpoc points to a Pre-Greek word. See the conclusion
under > yAotdc.
yAotds [m.] ‘glutinous substance, gum’, also the oil and sweat scraped off by athletes
(Semon.); secondarily also [adj.] (pap.). <EUR>
*DER yAowwdij¢ (PL); yAoidc: 1 KakorOn¢ imnocg Kai moAvdrKtIs Mapa Lopokhet
‘horse with bad character and biting according to S.’ (H.), yAoinc, -1To¢ [m.]
‘slippery, shifty’ (Hdn. see Chantraine 1933: 267). Denominative yAotdojtat ‘become
sticky’ (Dsc.), yAoudlw ‘twinkle with the eyes’ (Hp.). Also yAta ‘glue’ (EM) and yAtvy
(EM) together with yAtvwdng (Dsc.), yAiov- ettovov, ioxupov ‘well-strung, vigorous’
(H.), perhaps also yAtatat matCel, anata ‘plays, deceives’ (H.), yAiWoot TO maiterv
‘play’ (EM). Further yAittov- yAowv (H.). Verb yAixoptat, properly ‘stick to’, so ‘long
for’ (Hdt.), only present except for éyhtEdy.uv (Pl. Com.); deverbal yAtydc (H.), yAtx@
(EM). The semantic development is not always clear (see DELG). See » yAioxpoc.
yAvKvG 277
*ETYM If from *yAoiféc, the word agrees with Ru. (dial.) glev ‘slime of fishes’ (Slav.
*glévo < *gloi-uo-). If, however, it derives from *yAowdc, the word may correspond to
OE clég ‘loam, clay’ (PGm. *klaiia-). The n-suffix in yAivn, also in CS gléno ‘slime’ <
*gloi-no- and in Ru. glina ‘clay, loam’ < *glei-neh,-, is explained as from a nasal
present seen in Olr. glenim (*gli-neh,-mi), OHG klenan ‘stick, smear’. The gloss
yAittov (H.) is best explained, like Lat. glittus ‘sticky’, with a geminated variant of
the t-suffix seen in Lat. gliten [n.] ‘glue’ (< *gloi-t-en-?; it is not an old r/n-stem, as
per Benveniste 1935: 104) and Lith. glitus ‘sticky’. yAia is compared with Ru. glej ‘clay,
loam’ (< *glojv). There is no cognate for yAtxoucal, analyzed as a x-present in
Schwyzer 702. See Pok. 362f. Not all comparisons are convincing. Most words cited
are from BSI. or Gm., which suggests European substrate origin.
yAoupos [m.] ‘gold’ (AP); cf. yAotvpea: ypboea, Dpbyec ‘golden items (Phrygian) (H.).
<LWw? Phr>
*ETYM This word recently turned up in a Phrygian inscription from Dokimeion in
the form yAovpeog (Brixhe Kadmos 43 (2004): 7-26). It clearly represents the
Phrygian reflex of PIE *¢'lh,-ro-. Cf. » yAwpéc.
yAovtds [m.] ‘buttock’, also dual (X.) and plur. (Il.). <PG?>
VAR yAovta (sch. Theoc. 6, 30).
*DER yAovtta ‘id.’, also medullary tubercles near the pineal gland of the brain (Gal.).
Diminutive yAovBiov?
eETYM Compared with Sln. glita, gluta ‘ump, swelling’ (if < *glout-); further, with
OE clid [m.] ‘mass of stone, rock’ and MoE cloud, which are semantically less
evident. Without t-suffix Skt. gldu- [m.] ‘round lump, wen-like excrescence’; see
Mayrhofer EWAia 1: 511. Schwyzer: 501"° and 577” considers a secondary t(o)-suffix
(cf. mpwktdc). The IE material (in Pok. 361) is not very convincing. If the -0- is
reliable, the word is rather Pre-Greek.
yAvkuc [adj.] ‘sweet’ (Il.). «IE? *dlku- ‘sweet’>
eVAR On yAvkiwv, yAtoowv, yAvKUTEpoG, yAUK(e)LOTEpOs see Seiler 1950: 48ff.
eDIAL Myc. de-re-u-ko perhaps /dleukos/.
*DER yAvKwv individualising (Ar. Ec. 985), also PN, together with TAvkwvetoc
(Heph.); yAvkéetc (Nic.). Diminutives: yAvkddiov ‘sweetmeat, vinegar’ (Choerob.;
for the mg. cf. hog = b&oc), yAvKidtov (pap.). yAuKiv(v)ac¢ [m.] ‘cake made with
sweet wine’ (Seleuc. apud Ath. Cretan [H.]). yAvkbtn¢ (Hdt.). Denominative
yAvKkaivw (Hp.), yAbkvoua (Lib., Sch.), with yAvKavotc (Thphr.), yAvkavtikds (S.);
yAvKatw (LXX), etc; yAvkaoia ‘family-love’ (Sammelb.); yAuKiGw (Pagae, Gp.),
yAvxtotdcg (Callix.); éy-yAvoow ‘be sweet’ (Hdt. éyyAvkug Dsc.; yAvetc ‘sweet wine’
(Phryn. Com.); yAedétc: oivoc éynpa <éywv> ‘wine [containing] must’ (H.), cf.
yebdKoc. Also yAuKepdc (Od.), the fem. TAvKépa (with retracted accent) as a PN,
with Ivképtov. With geminate: yhuxkdv- yAukv and yAvKKa: 1) yAvKbty¢ (HL). Plant
name yAv«K- Botavy tic é5Wdtit0¢ ‘an edible plant’ (H.) and (strange) yAvKuju) =
yAvkbppila (Hp. apud Gal.), cf. Stromberg 1940: 63. yAedKoc [n.] ‘sweet wine’
(Arist.), yAedktvog (Dsc.), yAevKitns (oivoc) = yhebdkog (Arist. comm.); yhevkrioac
278 yAvew
‘stunned by sweet wine’ (H.); also yAevKn = yAvKvti¢ (sch.) and yAebktc, see yALEIc
above.
*ETYM If the word is to be connected with Lat. dulcis, we should reconstruct *6)-.
The Mycenaean form seems to confirm this idea, but the v in the root is unexpected.
On Arm. k‘aicr ‘sweet’, see under »1)5vc. The full grade yedKog looks like a late
innovation after the numerous neutral s-stems, but ayAevKrjc¢ (Epich.) seems to be an
old form.
yAtew [v.] ‘to carve, cut out, engrave’ (IA). <IE *gleub'- ‘cut, carve, split’>
VAR Pres. always 0; aor. yAUwal, fut. yAvyo, aor. pass. EyAVPONv/ éyAdEn, perf.
yEyAVpLLLaL.
*COMP éppoyAv@etov ‘statuary’s shop’ (PL.); tptyAv@os, an architectonical element.
*DER yAv@r ‘carving’ (D. S.), yAbupa ‘engraved sign’ (Eup.), yAvgic, mostly -idec
[pl.] ‘notches, especially at the end of an arrow’ (II.), chisel, etc.’ (J.), cf. axic for the
suffix; yAv@avog ‘knife’ (h. Merc.); yAvugeiov (Luc.); yAvgetc ‘carver, sculptor’ (J.),
yAvgevtis ‘id’ (pap. VIP); yAumtip = yAv@avoc (AP), yAbmtyg ‘carver’ (API.),
yAvmtikdg (Poll.). Adjective yAvgikr) (téxviy; Thrace).
eETYM Germanic has the ablauting verb, e.g. OHG klioban ‘cleave, split’, pret. kKloub,
opt. klubi. Lat. glibo ‘bark, peel’ probably represents the old full grade *-eu-. Also
related is Ru. glyboko ‘deep’, etc; see Vasmer 1953 s.v. Some compare > yAa@upoc.
yAwpov [?] - vouov ‘custom, law’ (H.). <GR?>
eETYM Kukules ’Apy. "Eg. 27 (suppl.) 76 compares MoGr. (Karpathos, Cyprus)
yAwpdc = yAwpdc; yAwpovoyu ‘grass’. Differently, Latte.
yA@ooa [f.] ‘tongue, language’ (II.), ‘rare, dialectal word’ (Arist.). <IE *glég’-s, gen.
*glg"-ds ‘point’ >
VAR Att. yA@tta; Ion. also yAdooa (see below).
*COMP yAwoo-apyog ‘garrulous’ (Pi.), from yA@oo-aAyos ‘id.’; from here otéapyos,
see Stromberg 1944: 31; different (to apydc ‘quick’) Willis AmJPh. 63 (1942): 87ff.
*DER yAwoodptov (Dsc., pap.), yAwooidtov (Zen.); yA@oonpa ‘point of an arrow’ (A.)
retains the original mg; see Chantraine 1933: 186), also ‘rare word’ (Quint.),
yAwoonpatixds (D. H.); yAwoowsdng ‘talkative’ (LXX), yAwoods ‘id.’ (Hdn.); yAwooic
‘inflammation of the tongue’ (Hippiatr.). yAwttic ‘end of a pipe, glottis’ (Hero), also
a bird (Arist., see Thompson 1895 s.v.); yAwttikdc (Arist.); denominative yAwttiGw
‘kiss with the tongue’, yAwttto1dc (AP).
eETYM Originally “provided with a point”, a derivation in -ta from » yAd@yec. Ion.
yAdooa points to a paradigm *yAwy-, *yAax- which can be explained as nom. *glog'-
s, gen. *glg"-ds. (see Beekes 1969: 246).
yA@xec [f.pl.] ‘beard of corn’ (Hes. Sc. 398). <IE *glig’-s, *glg"-ds ‘point’>
*DER See » yA@ooa. Also yhwyic, acc. yAwyiv, gen. -ivoc (Hdn. 2, 431, 437) [f.] ‘end of
the yoke-strap, barb of an arrow, etc.’ (II.). Thence yAwyitvwtdc (Paul. Aeg.).
*ETYM yhuyic continues *-ih,-s, with different development before a consonant than
word-finally (in yA@ooa). There are no certain cognates. The connection with CS
yvotépa 279
gloge ‘thorn’ (Bezzenberger & Fick BB 6 (1881): 237) is doubted by Machek Ling.
Posn. 2 (1950): 145.
yva8ydc [m.] ‘jaw (Hom.). <PG>
eVAR yva8oc [m.] (Hp.). Note yvattpai (H. acc. to LSJ, but notin Latte).
*DER PN of a parasite ['va0wv, with Tva8wvetoc, Tvabwvidic, Pva8wvdptov (Plu.).
Denominative yva86w ‘hit the jaw’ (Phryn. Com.).
eETYM yvaOtdc is formed from yva6o<, after hatwdc, Bpexpdc, OpBahtdc. The word
has always been compared with Lith. Zdandas ‘id’, Latv. zudds ‘chin, sharp side’.
However, the Lith. acute accentuation either points to a laryngeal, or it may have
been caused by a following d (Winter’s Law). In neither case can we connect the
Greek word: a preform *gnh.d"- would have given **yva8oc, and *gnh,ed'- gives
**vavaGog; therefore, the Lithuanian, with its entirely different structure, cannot be
cognate. Actually, -va- cannot be derived from any other PIE form either, and the
word must therefore be non-IE, i.e. Pre-Greek (this also excludes further connection
with yévus, as the latter is of course IE). Macedonian kdavadot o1aydvec, yva8ot (H.)
has often been compared as well; it may well be related, but only as a Pre-Greek
word (perhaps it stands for *kvadot with epenthesis, see Fur.: 378). kavadot has also
been connected with kvwdwv, kv@dahov.
yvaintotc [adj.] - xaAtvotc ‘bits or bridles’ (H.). <PG>
eVAR Also yAauyoi: yaAtvoi otdLaTos ‘bits or bridles for the mouth’ (H.).
*ETYM The word is typically Pre-Greek: first, it displays the variation mt/y (see Fur.:
263) as well as v/A (see Fur.: 388), and second, the structure yvaC- cannot be IE (see
also under » yvd8j10¢).
yvauirttw [v.] ‘to bend’ (IL.). <PG>
eVAR Aor. yvdqiyat, verbal adj. yvapintéc.
*DER yvaumtip ‘jaw (Androm. apud Gal.), cf. yvapipai s.v. » yau@nral; yvduyic
‘bending’ (EM). Without second nasal (dissimilated?) yvantet- kqpntet and yvamtdc
= yvaumttoc (H.).
eETYM The etymology of yvdyimtw is unknown. Although it is commonly assumed
that it was influenced by kaintw (cf. kvdttntw; e.g. Frisk s.v.), yvaumtw does not
have the x- of kdymtw, nor can the -v- have been taken from there. An Indo-
European etymology seems excluded because yvajin- cannot have a PIE preform
(see under » yv&Ojt0c). However, an alternation yv-/ k- (as in yvdumtw : Kdpmtw) is
not typical for Pre-Greek either. If the insertion of the v-could be explained, we could
perhaps assume voicing of kv- to yv-. Cf. also Guilleux RPh. 70 (1996) s.v. yvapintw.
YVANTW eVAR yvagahdAov, yvagevs, = KVAMTW.
Yvijoloc =ylyvouat.
Tvipwv =Kviguv.
yvdqoc =Svdqoc.
yvotépa [f.] the fish BadAwth, Ballota nigra (Ps.-Dsc. 3, 103). <PG(V)>
280 . yvb6oc
eVAR Also yvwtépa.
eETYM Fur.: 370 compares dyvwtidtov, a variant with a prothetic vowel. Thus the
word is Pre-Greek.
yv8oc [n.] ‘pit, hollow’ (Lyc.). <PG?>
*VAR Also msc. (H., also yvv@dc).
*ETYM Formation like Ba8oc, BvO6c. Note yvugai- varat ‘vales’ (H.). Fur.: 390 points
to oxb@oc / oxb80c. The word is probably Pre-Greek.
yvv§ [adv.] ‘with bent knee’ (Il; Erbse Glotta 32 (1953): 240ff.). <1E *genu- ‘knee’>
*ETYM From > yovv with zero grade and analogical -& after m0&, Adak, etc. (Schwyzer:
620). Although the zero grade of yévv does not recur in »yvum-, contrary to
common belief, it is in fact found in mpdxvu ‘kneeling; utterly’ (il.), where,
admittedly, the aspiration is not well explained (cf. Av. fra-snu- ‘with the knees
forward’; Mayrhofer EW/Aia 1: 585). The zero grade *gnu probably occurred in the IE
paradigm of ‘knee’, e.g. Hitt. ganut [instr.sg.] and Av. Znubiio [dat.-abl.pl.].
yvum- [v.] ‘to be depressed’ (Men.). <PG>
eVAR Also yvun(e)t-. yvOnwvec: otvyvoi, Katngeic, AtoALOL, Tapetpévol. Kai
pakakol, amd tod ic yovu mentwxévat ‘hateful, downcast, spiritless, those who have
been passed over; also faint-hearted; after “being on one’s knees” (H.) with the
verbal forms yvumdévtt (leg. yvunodvtt) and from *yvund6w: éyvutwpévov:
tadainwpov. katngés ‘miserable, downcast’ and éyvuntw8n - Tpvga. Kai TO Evavtiov
‘with delicacy; also the opposite’ (H.) and kateyvunwyévov (Plu. Mor. 753c), -Hévwc
(Men. 857). With yvunt-: yvumteiv. do8eveiv. padakilecOa ‘to be weak, show
weakness’ (H.) and yvunt@v- (cod. yvowv) vw8paivwv ‘sluggish’ (H.). From
*yvuntow: Kateyvutt@o8at = Kateotvyvao8a (H. s.v. yvbmetou). With anaptyctic
vowel: yvinetor éxtetapévot, dSethoi, dAdo dé Katngeic ‘stretched prostrate,
wretched; miserable’ (H.). Here also yvunecév. apydv, oi 5é ékAvtov ‘brilliant;
buoyant’ (H.) with interchange t/ o.
*ETYM Fur.: 315 has correctly observed (following Latte; see now LS] Supp. sv.
yvumtdw) that this is a separate verb with the variants yvum- and yvumt-, as well as a
variant yvumet- with anaptyxis; the variation m/ mt, etc. is well known in Pre-Greek
(Fur.: 307ff; Pre-Greek section 5.5).
yoda 283
eETYM Like Bodw, pvKdopat, etc., yoaw is probably a deverbative intensive; ydoc is
deverbal. We may compare OHG gi-kewen ‘call’, OE ciegan ‘id’? < PGm. *kaujan, the
Skt. intensive j6-guv-e ‘speak out loudly’, as well as .an r-derivation in OCS govoro
‘noise’ with govoriti ‘make noise’ (Ru. also ‘speak’), see Derksen 2008 s.v. Pace
DELG, the connection between yodw and Bodw is attractive. The different initials ©
can be explained from paradigmatic split, ie., an original *g”- was lost before a zero
grade *g’u- in the preform of yodw; the semantic differentiation can easily be
secondary.
y6yypos [m.] 1. ‘conger eel’ (Antiph.); 2. ‘tubercular disease in olive trees’ (Thphr.).
<PG?>
*DER yoyypiov (sch. Opp. H. 1, 113); also yoyypwdn¢ (H: yoyypwdi tis édaiac
ékgvoig as an explanation of ydyypoc); also yoyypoetdyc (Arist.); yoyypwvn
‘excrescence on the neck’ (Hp, cf. yoipdc ‘id’, from yoipoc ‘pig’; suffix like in
KpOTWVvn). :
eETYM The botanical-medical term is just a metaphorical use of yOyypoc = ‘conger-
eel’: the fish is round, thick, and voracious, like in kapkivoc, Lat. cancer. The fish
name is often considered to be Pre-Greek (e.g. Fohalle 1925: 157ff.; cf. Kretschmer
Glotta 16 (1928): 166). Pace DELG, » yoyyvAoc is not related. Lat. conger (gonger) is
borrowed from Greek.
yoyy{w [v.] ‘to murmur, grumble’ (LXX). <ONOM>
DIAL Ionic acc. to Phryn.
*DER yoyyvouidc (Anaxandr.), yoyyvoic (LXX); agent noun yoyyvotrs (Ep. Jud.,
Thd.), yoyyvooc (Thd.; see Chantraine 1933: 435); yoyyvotikdg (Erot.). In H. also
yoyypvlev and yoyyptoat: we xoipoc pwvijoat ‘sound like a pig’, after ypvCetv.
eETYM An onomatopoeia without certain cognates. Skt. gangiuyati ‘cry loudly’,
gunjati ‘hum’ are only parallel onomatopoeic formations, and the same is true of
> yayyaivetv.
yoyytAog [adj.] ‘round’ (A.). <?>
DER Substantivized (with change of stress) yoyyvAoc “the round one” = ‘kovdvAoc,
the clenched fist’ (sch.), ‘6Avv@0c, wild fig’ (Nic.). yoyyviic (com.), yoyybAn (Str.)
‘turnip’, also ‘round bread’ (Ar.), yoyyvAidtov ‘pill’ (medic.); yoyyvAwsSng ‘round’
(sch.); denominative yoyytAAw [v.] ‘to make round’ (conj. Porson Ar. Th. 56 for
YVOpiosg eVAR yvuwpilw. = ytyvwoKw. yoyyvAitw after yoyybA<A>elv- ovotpégetv ‘to condense, become compact’ H.);
, sid yoyyvAetpata- otpoyyvAetpata ‘globular things’ (H.). Isolated yoyyvdkatns ‘who
de Saris . hurls balls of fire’(?) epithet of Zeus (Lyc.). a
*ETYM Next to yoyyvAog, we find otpoyytiAozg ‘id.’ (cf. also dyKtAoc, KaymbAOg with
similar meaning). The etymology is unknown: a connection with ON kokkr ‘clump’
Z 500 (see Chantraine 1942: 392’). (< PGm. *kanku- < *gongu-) is highly doubtful, as is the comparison with Lith.
*DER yOn¢, -1}to¢ [m.] ‘sorcerer’ (IA), yortiKdc (Arist.), yortebw “bewitch’ (Pl.), with gunguljs ‘ball’; nor does a relationship with » ytyyic, yryyidtov ‘a kind of turnip’ seem
yorteia, yortevpa (Pl.), yorytevoic (Plot.), yortevtiKds (Poll.), yontebtpia (Eust.); | probable.
fem. yorttc (AP). yooc [m.] ‘lament’ (Il.). yoepdc ‘wailing’ (A.), analogical yorpdc¢
(Lyc.), yowd1¢ ‘id.’ (Pl.), also yoedvdc (A.), after OAopvdvdc, cpEpdvoc, etc. (cf.
Schulze 1933a: 398); also yorpwv (API.).
yodw [v.] ‘to groan, weep’ (II.). <1E? *gou(A)- ‘call, cry’>
VAR Fut. yorjoopat (late -r}ow), aor. yorjoat (Amorgos), isolated preterite ydov [3p].]
yoda [n.pl.] - Evtepa. Maxeddvec ‘intestines (Maced.)’ (H.). <?>
282 yodav
eETYM yOda has been compared with MLG kit ‘weak parts of an animal’ and Skt.
guda- ‘intestine, vagina’ (Pok. 393), but this connection is problematic because the
required root structure with two unaspirated voiced stops was not allowed in Proto-
Indo-European. Latte reads yoda instead, connecting yoAdc, yoME. His suggestion is
adopted by Fur. 141, who also adds xé)ov ‘id’.
yodav [v.] - kAaietv. Kimptot ‘to cry (Cypr.y (H.). <?>
eVAR yodov: yorta ‘sorcerer’ (H.).
eETYM The reconstruction *fod- has been assumed, but is not certain. Connection
with » avdn is impossible. Latte reads *yoavau.
yoedvdc eVAR yorpdc. = yodw.
yoita [?] - otc ‘sheep’ (H.). <?>
eVAR Cf. yotav: bv. Maxeddvec ‘wild swine (Maced.)’ (H.).
*ETYM Fick BB 29 (1905): 200 read the word as bc and conjectures that it is from yot
yot, the grunting of a pig (AP 11, 327). This is a mere guess.
yodotva [f.] - yAwpa. i) yoAova ‘pale; name of a plant’ (H.). <PG?>
*ETYM The suggestion of Grogelj Slavistiéna Revija 4 (1951): 263f. to connect OCS
zelend ‘green’, etc. is phonologically impossible (see » yAn). Although Latte assumes
that this entry (and the following, yoAopévn Botdviy) is corrupt, we should rather
take the form at face value: it is obviously related to yoAovd, the variation o ~ o in
the vocalism pointing to Pre-Greek origin.
yoAtptov [n.] - KéAvgos. oiketov Tapavtivots ‘pod, shell (Tarantian)’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM Only worthless guesses have been made.
yopog [m.] - Cwpdc ‘soup’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM Latte reads Ow4tdc. von Blumenthal 1930: 15’ thinks the word is Messapian,
related to xéw (from *¢"(o)u-mo-). There are mere hypotheses.
y6u@os [m.] ’peg, bolt, nail’ (Od.); also a fish name (gloss.; Strémberg 1943: 36), ‘tooth’
(H.). <1E *gemb'- ‘bite’, gomb"o- ‘cutting tooth’>
*DER youiog (d5av) ‘molar’ (IA), yougitns ‘kind of styrax’ (Aét.), yougdptov fish
name (sch.). Denominative yopi@dopat, -dw ‘to fasten with bolt or nails’ (A.) with
yougwotc (Gal.), yoppwjta “framework, peg’ (Plu.); youpwtip ‘shipbuilder’ (AP),
you@wtiptov ‘tenon’ (Delos ITI*); yoppwttkty téx vy ‘shipbuilding’ (Pl.). yougiatw ‘to
have toothache, gnash the teeth’ (LXX) with you@taoyidg (LXX) and yougiactc
(Dsc.).
*ETYM Old word for ‘tooth’, probably ‘cutting tooth’: Skt. ja4mbha-, Alb. dhémb, OCS
zobe, Latv. zuobs, ToA kam, ToB keme. Cf. xouBouc: d6dvtacg yougioug (H.),
Illyrian? (Krahe IF 60 (1952): 297). Forms with a metaph. meaning include OHG
kamb ‘comb’ and Lith. Zaritbas ‘sharp side’. On the deviant meaning in Greek (from
the use of the cutting teeth as pegs), see Porzig 1954a: 184f. Verbs include Skt.
iterative jambhdayati ‘grind’ and Lith. Zembiu, Zembti ‘cut’ and OCS zebo ‘tear up’; on
the meanings, see Narten KZ 79 (1965): 255ff.
yopyvpa 283
yovr eVAR yovoc. = yiyvopiat.
y6vov [n.] ‘knee’ (Il.); also ‘joint of plants’ (Hdt, cf. Stro6mberg 1937: 101). IE *genu,
gonu ‘knee’>
eVAR Gen. (*ydévf-atog >) yovatoc, epic Ion. yobvatos, epic also youvéc (< *yovf-
6c), plur. yovata, yobvata, epic also yodva.
*DER yovatwon¢ ‘with joints’ (Thphr.); denominative youvdéCopat ‘clasp the knees’
(as a suppliant) (Il.) with yobvaopia (Lyc.), youvaojtdc (Eust.), also youvéopat ‘id.’;
yovatdoptat ‘get joints’ (Thphr.), yovatitw ‘bend the knee’ (Cratin.).
*ETYM yovu derives from the PIE word for ‘knee’: Skt. janu, Av. zanu-drajah-, MP
zanuk (pointing to PIE *o, lengthened by Brugmann’s Law); Hitt. genu, Lat. geni,
ToA kanwe-m, ToB keni-ne ‘knees [du.]’, Arm. cun-r, plur. cun-g-k; Gm. words like
Go. kniu < PGm. *knew-a-, with the zero grade from the gen. *gneu-s (for the zero
grade *gnu- cf. further » yvv€, s.v.). On Hom. Oewv év yovvaot keitat, see Schwyzer
1923b: 283ff. Cf. also » ywvia. Cf. also » iyvin.
y6oc >yodw.
yopydc [adj.] ‘grim, fierce, terrible’ of look, gaze (A.), later also ‘vigorous, lively’. <?>
eVARTopya, acc.pl. Topyots (Hes.)
eCOMP yopyway, yopywrtds (A.).
*DER yopyétn¢ ‘rapidity’ (Hermog.), yopyia = agilitas (gloss.), denominative
yopydoua ‘to be spirited’, of horses (X.), yopyevw (pap., Sm., H.).
Topy®, -odc [f.] (Il) name of a female monster with a petrifying look, whence T'opy-
eit) KegaAn (Il.); on the formation see Schulze 1892: 254; plur. mostly Topydvec
(Hes.), with new singulars Topyéva (acc.), etc. (E.), whence Topydévetog (A. Pr. 793,
etc.), Topyévn (Hdn.), Topyovwéng (sch.) and the plant names Topydévetov and
Topyowds (Ps.-Dsc.; see Strémberg 1940: 101). Also Topyddec (S. Fr. 163), explained
by H. as ddtddec; and Topyidec: ai Oxeavidec (H.). PN Topyv8iwv (© 302) and
Topyiac with Topyietoc ‘Gorgias-like’ (X.) and: yopytdlw ‘to speak like G’ (Philostr.).
*ETYM According to Frisk, yopydc is not related to Olr. garg(g) ‘raw, wild’, OCS
groza ‘shiver’ (as argued by Osthoff 1901: 44ff.), nor to Arm. karcr ‘hard’ (pace
Pedersen KZ 39 (1906): 379). With Topyw primary to yopyéc, Leumann 1950: 154f.
took the former to be a back-formation from yopywy (yopydrtc¢), yopywmdc (on an
implausible connection with » yopyvupa, s.v., see Szemerényi Gnomon 43 (1971): 663).
yopyvpa [f.] ‘underground drain’, sometimes used as a prison (Hdt. 3, 145, EM, H.); cf.
apdadta- tod TvOptévac Tov Kepaytidwv, od¢ Eviot yopytpac Kahodotv ‘the base of
roof-tiles, which some call “yopybpac” (H.) which LSJ translates ‘water-pot, trough’.
Cf. also kopxddpva- bdpdpva ‘water-course’, perhaps to be read as *kopKdpea:
bdpop(p)6a (Fur.: 141, which would fit the word order). <PG(v)>
eVAR yepyupa (Alcm. 132); accent unknown.
DIAL Kopxvpéa (Core. II*). Cf. yépyepoc: Bpdyyxoc (H.) [DELG].
*DER yopyvptov ‘subterranean channel’ (LSJ Supp. Sparta).
. ETYM Perhaps related to yapyapi{w, as per DELG. yopyvpa, with all its variants, is
definitely of Pre-Greek origin: variations «/ y/ y and e/ 0; ending -éa (see Chantraine
284 youvoc
1933: 91f.); suffix -vp- like in yépupa (see Pre-Greek). Thus also Neumann 1961: 91, on
words for drainage, etc.
yovvog [m.] ‘hill (IL), acc. to EM and Orion = bwnodc¢ tém10<¢ ‘elevated place’. <PG(V)>
*DER From Tévvog, *Totvoc perhaps the name Tovvetc B 748, see Bofhardt 1942:
uf.
eETYM youvoc is not related to the Thessalian PNs P'ovvoc, T'évvot, and Tovvotooa
(the alleged *yovfoc would probably not yield the attested forms, see Buck 1955: $54),
nor to »yévv, with which it was compared since antiquity (EM; equally
unconvincing is the comparison with Ru. gumno ‘threshing-floor’ see Derksen 2008
s.v.). We should rather compare y@voc (H.) and y@voc (H.), which implies that the
word is Pre-Greek in view of the variation. Fur.: 138 mentions additional material
from Sardinia (Gonnos, Gonni), Berber, Basque, and Caucasian.
yowpog [m.] a cake (Sol. 38, 3). <PG(v)>
eETYM The word can be compared with d&yyoupoc: eidog mAaKodvtos ‘kind of cake’,
with prothetic vowel and prenasalization (cf. kbvwy/ ayybvwy [which is not from
*ava-!]). Therefore, it is of Pre-Greek origin. Perhaps further connected to » yiptc,
> yupivn.
yovtaptov [n.] ‘tomb’ (inscr. Phrygia). <Lyd.>
*ETYM This is probably the same word as yobvtn (inscr. Lydia III’). Probably
somehow connected with Hitt. kuntarra- (Neumann 1961: 66f.); from Hurrit.
kuntari-?
youttatov [n.] a cake (Chrysipp. Tyan. apud Ath. 14, 647c). <LW Lat>
*ETYM From Lat. guttdatus, -um ‘sprinkled’ (Martialis), in turn from gutta ‘drop’.
ypaaui [f.pl.] marine animal (Peripl. M. Rubr. 38). <(Lw) Ind.>
eETYM An Indian word; cf. Skt. graha-, grahd- “crocodile, alligator, snake, etc.’. See
Goossens Le Muséon 59 (1946): 621ff.
~ ypapav [f.] - oxagiov, B68pov ‘small bowl or basin, hole’ (H.). <Lw Gm.>
eVAR MoGr. (Laconia, etc.) ypdBa = tpwyAn ‘hole’, often in place names, see
Georgacas ByzZ 41 (1941): 360f., Rohl fs 1930: 461.
eETYM Kretschmer Arch. slav. Phil. 27 (1905): 234 states that the word is from Gm.,
e.g. Go. and OHG graba ‘ditch’. Or is it perhaps from/via Illyrian? See also
Hubschmid ZRPh. 77 (1961): 432. Cf. » ypaBtov.
ypaBtov [n.] ‘torch, oakwood’ (Stratt.; also S. Fr. 177 [cod. ypagiotc]?). <EUR?>
*ETYM From an (Illyrian?) word *grabu for “beech, oak’, seen in U Grabovius, epithet
of Jupiter; the word is also found in MoGr. ypdBoc (Epirus), yaBpoc (Arcadia).
Further compared with Ru. grab ‘hornbeam’, etc. and OPr. wosi-grabis. See Vasmer
s.v. Georgacas ByzZ 41 (1941): 361f., and Porzig 1954a: 148. These comparisons are
rejected by Garbini 1969: 391ff,; cf. also Restelli 1969: 820.
Fur.: 169 compares yoBpiat- pavoi, Aaumttipe_s ‘bright, torches’ (H), which cannot be
ignored; he concludes that the word is a non-IE substrate word, perhaps from the
Balkans. See » kpaBBatoc.
ypagw 285
ypaia °VAR ypaic. = ypatc.
ypamcs [adj.] “6 épputidwyévoc, wrinkled’ (EM), ‘cast slough of a serpent’ (H.), in S.
Ichn. 177 the mg. is unclear; name of a bird (H.). <?>
*DER ypantns ‘wrinkled’ (Eust.), ypanivnc: oivoc tpaxtc ‘harsh wine’ (H., EM). Not
here, as per Frisk, ypatdopat ‘become old’; see » ypatc.
eETYM Unknown. Not related to ypatc, yijpac. DELG suggests that ypdmic is a
hypocoristic of ypantng ‘wrinkled’ cited by Eust., which may derive from ypagw.
ypacos [m.] ‘smell of a goat’ (Ar.). 4 GR?>
*DER ypdowv ‘id’ (M. Ant, cf. yva0wv beside yva00c, Leumann Sprache 1 (1949):
207"), ypaswvia = ypdooc (Archig. Med.).
*ETYM ypdooc is supposed to be a word for ‘he-goat’ = “gnawer” from >» ypaw ‘to
gnaw’. On -oo-, see Chantraine 1933: 4336f.
ypais [f.] ‘old woman’ (II.); a sea-crab (Artem., H., see Strémberg 1943: 95, thus also
ypaia [Epich.]); said of the scum of boiled milk (Ar.). <IE *greh,-iu- ‘old woman’>
eVAR Gen. ypadc (Schwyzer 574).
eDIAL Ion. ypriic, yprds.
*DER Enlarged to ypata (Od., also adj. ‘old’) < *ypaF-ta; coll. ypatBia i ypaitia (i. e.
ypatria): maviyyupic. Tapavtivot ‘assembly, festival (Tarent.) (H.); see Scheller 1951:
32. Another enlargement in ypdiic, -iSo¢ (Charito), Dor. ypatic (Call.).
From ypatc: ypawdnc¢ ‘like old women’ (Chrysipp.); from ypaia: ypatoAgac:
Tovnpas 7) dAEBpiacg ypaiac ‘poor and wretched old women’ (H.) (cf. the adj. in
-dAng¢, but see DELG; the translation d\e8piac is folk-etymological).
Denominative verb ypat(w ‘to remove the ypaic from the milk’ (Ar.); from ypaia:
ypatdopat ‘to get old’, of wine (AP).
*ETYM From the root *gerh,- in yépwv, yépac. Probably from *ypa-1v- < *greh,-iu-,
with -tv- like in bUc ‘son’ (plur. viec); the element -iu- has nothing to with *h,oiu-
(see » aiwv), pace Szemerényi. See » yEpwv, > yépac, > yiipas.
ypa@w [v.] ‘to scratch, write’ (II. [aor. only]). <1E *gerb"- ‘scratch, carve’>
eVAR Aor. ypayat.
*DIAL ypo@w (Melos).
eCOmP Often with prefix: dva-, émi-, ovv-, etc. Many compounds with -ypdagog as a
second member (e.g. Aoyoypd@oc ‘writer of speeches’); the proparoxytona are
passive, e.g. dypa@og ‘not written’.
*DER yparttveg [f.pl.] ‘scratching’ (w 229); ypagr ‘id. also ‘prosecution’ (IA; ypopa
Epid.), ypagixdc; ypagea [n.pl.] = ypappata (Arcad., El.); ypagnua = ypappa (AB);
ypauur ‘line’ (Pi.), ypapptkds ‘linear, geometric’ (Gal.), ypapputatocg ‘id’ (Dam.),
ypauuwdng (Thphr.); ypaypmotip a chirurgical instrument (medic., cf. Bpaxtov-
totrp) and ypaypwotdg (Eust; ypapuitw uncertain in Eust. 633, 63). ypaupa, plur.
-ata ‘line, writing, letter’ (IA); also ypacoua (Arc; < *ypa@-oua), ypaOuata (Arg.)
and ypomnata (Aeol., Balbilla); see Schwyzer 317 add. 1 and 523f. On did ypappa
Bikerman Rev. de phil. 64, 295ff. From ypdypa: ypaypdatiov (Luc.), ypapudpiov
‘weight of 2 oboles’ (Aét.); ypapatetc ‘writer, secretary’ (Att.) with ypayyatetw
286 ypawatocg
and ypayuatetov ‘writing table, etc.’, ypappat(e)idiov; ypaypateia ‘secretariate’
(pap., Plu.); ypappatixdc, ypappatixevoua (AP); fem. ypaypatixrh (téxvn)
‘grammar, etc.’ ypapuatiotis ‘secretary, teacher’ (IA), ypappatiCw (rare; Herod.,
Messen., Boeot.); ypapuatiotixr ‘elementary education’ (Phld.). ypaupuds ‘writing’
(Hdn.). ypagets (Dor. Arc. also ypogetc) “painter, writer’ (Emp.), ypagetov ‘writing
instrument’ (Arist.); ypamtip ‘writer’ (AP), ypamtetc (sch.). ypagic ‘slate-pencil’
(PL; ypogic Epid.); ypagioxoc medical instrument (Cels.). éntypaBdryv ‘scraping the
surface’ (Il.) shows the original meaning. Desiderative deverbative ypayeiw (gloss.).
eETYM All forms can be explained from the root form ypaq- < *grb'-. The principally
Doric variant ypog- (ypopa, -ic, -ebc, -ebw, obyypogos, etc.) does probably not
represent old o-vocalism, but rather an inner-Greek variant of pa from a zero grade
(DELG). Outside Greek, we have PIE *gerb"., seen in Gm. (OE ceorfan ‘cut, carve’,
MHG kerben ‘id.’), and further in Slav. e.g. OCS Zrébii (*gerb'-) ‘allotment’ (prop.
carved stick’?). » ypipaoBat is problematic.
ypawaios [m.] = KapaBog ‘crab’ (Diph. Siph. apud Ath. 3, 106d). <PG>
*ETYM Not from ypagw, as per Chantraine RPh. 91 (1965): 211-214. As Frisk states,
the origin is unknown; perhaps it is a Mediterranean word. He compared xdpaBoc
(Epich.). Fur.: 123, 154 adduced other forms for ‘beetle’ and ‘crab’: Lat. scarabaeus,
which presupposes *oxapaBatoc (note the agreement with our word), oxopdBvAocg
(from *oxopB-), and oxoprtioc. So we have prothetic *s- and the variations a/ 0, B/ 1.
All of these point to Pre-Greek origin. Fur. assumes that ypaw- stands for *yapw-
(but the y is difficult). This gives a word (s)karP-. Furthermore, he compares
KapauBiog (Fur. 109), kapBapeot Kdpabor H; kapaBides (169); Knpagic and
kepapBvé, KepaubnAov (with the interchange e/ a and prenasalization). Frisk points
to the “allgemeine Ahnlichkeit mit ital. (g)ravosta, nhd. Krebs, Krabbe und anderen
germ. Wortern ebenso wie mit kapaBoc”. See » KapaBoc.
ypaw [v.] ‘to gnaw, eat’ (Call. Fr. 200). <IE? *gres- ‘gnaw, eat’>
eVAR Only impf. éypae. Athem. ipv. ypao®& (Cypr.), them. (contracted) ypa- paye.
Kurrptot ‘eat! (Cypr.Y (H.). Also ypaivetv: éoOietv ‘eat’ (H.).
*DER ypdotic [f.] ‘green fodder’ (pap., Hippiatr.); more common xpdéotic¢ (Ar.),
probably due to folk etymological connection with another (unknown) word;
ypaotiCw ‘feed at grass’ (Gp., Hippiatr.), ypaotiopoc (Hippiatr.); kpaotiCopat ‘graze’
(Sophr.), kpatiptov ‘mangar’ (Poll.). Also ypaootc (PHamb. 39 II, TIP). With prefix
Kaypa: katapaydc. Ladapivior (H.), see Bechtel 1921, 1: 421 and 446.
*ETYM The word has been compared with Skt. grdsate ‘devour’ (in which case ypaw
would be from *grs-e/o-). Cf. also » ypdooc. Connection with » yayypatva, » ypa@voc
is improbable. Cf. » yaotnp.
ypnyopéw =e ycipw.
Ypijvoc >aypnvov.
ypivtns = pivoc.
ypinog [m.] ‘fishing basket, creel’ (AP, Artem.). <PG(V)>
ypoo@pog 287
eVAR = ypigoc [m.] (Plu.), mostly metaph. ‘riddle’ (Ar.; see Chantraine 1928: 20),
secondarily as adj. ‘obscure’ (Hdn. Epim. 16).
*DER yplpotn, ‘obscurity (Hdn.). yputetc ‘fisherman’ (Sapph.), yputebw (Zonar.),
ypimnic (téxvn, AP); ypinwv ‘id’ (AP); denominative ypiméw (Syria), yputitw (Lib.,
H.), ypintopa (EM, Zonar.). ypipwdrjc¢ ‘enigmatic’ (Luc.), ypipevdw ‘give a riddle’
(Ath.). Also ypimmpeva: ovveAkdueva kal onacLWda<¢ ovpnaboivta, oi dé éyyiCovta
‘contracting and undergoing spasms; approaching’ (H.); yeypipwe: 6 toic xepolv
a\tevwv ‘fishing with bare hands’. Several lemmata in H.
*ETYM The variation 1/ @ is typical for Pre-Greek words; such an origin for a
fisherman’s word is quite understandable. Comparison with MHG krebe [m.]
‘basket’, ON kjarf, kerfi [n.] ‘bundle’ (from *e) or Skt. grapsa- ‘bundle’ must therefore
be rejected. There is no reason to connect the word with » yéppov.
ypiowv, -wvog [m.] ‘swine’ (Hdn. Gr. 2, 249, H.). <?>
eETYM Although ypiowv is generally considered to be onomatopoeic, cf. ypiAos s.v.
> ypv (and >» ypougas), this lacks support.
yptpao8at [v.] - ypagetv, oi 5& Everv kai dytooewv. Adkwvec ‘to write; to scratch,
scrape (Lacon.) (H.); ypig@peva aAyrpata ‘sufferings’ (Hp. Prorrh. 1, 100, Erot.);
the definiens ypagdpeva, énavetkovpeva ‘being written or unrolled’ in H. is
unclear. <?>
eETYM PoKkapi~doua has been compared. Perhaps also connected are » dypetpva,
aypign ‘harrow’.
ypoipac, -a5o¢ [f.] - b¢ maAaa, oxpdqa ‘old swine’ (H.). <ONOM>
VAR Also ypdyugic, -to¢ [f.] (Hippon., H.), ypopuatva [f.].
DER ypougatw ‘grunt’ (gloss.).
eETYM Onomatopoeic words. Cf. ypbw, and also otougdlw ‘speak loudly’. Lat.
scrofa ‘sow’ is perhaps a loanword from Greek. Note the absence of the nasal (i.e.
prenasalization?).
yp6v8oc [m.] ‘fist? (PAmh. 2, 141, 10, IV?, sch., gloss.), ‘breadth of a hand’ (Aq.), also
‘grasp, spoke of a machine’. <?>
*DER ypovOwv: avagtonolc, fv mpwtnv pavOdvovow avAntai Kai KiBaptotai
‘upward stream of air, which flute players learn first’ (H., Poll.), with which was may
perhaps connect ypovOwvevetat (cod. -Bov-)- Ovpodtat ‘becomes angry’ (H.).
*ETYM The suffix -80c¢ used to be distinguished (cf. pacOdc, Bpdx80c, kba8oc), which
admitted comparisons with ON krumma [f.] ‘hand’, OHG krimman ‘press’, and Lat.
gremium ‘lap, womb’. Lith. grumdau ‘von oben gewaltsam stofend stopfen’ belongs
to the productive iterative-intensives in -dau (cf. grumiu, grumti ‘press into, fill’). All
of these comparisons, however, are quite uncertain.
ypooqog [m.] ‘throwing spear’ (Plb.); oi ypoopoudyot ‘javelin-fighters’ = Lat. velites
(Plb.). <?¢>
eVAR Kpd0q@oc (Eust.).
“eETYM A technical term borrowed from an unknown source; note that the word is
late.
288 ypb
ypd [n.]? usually with negation: a ‘small quantity’, often of sounds (Ar.); acc. to sch.
Ar. Pl. 17 of the grunting of a swine (clearly onomat.); = 6 b16 To Svvxt Pirtog ‘the
dirt under the nail’ (H; also ypv&) and = ypvtn; a small coin (Suid.). <ONOM>
eVAR Indeclinable.
*DER ypbtw, aor. ypvéat ‘grunt’ (Ar.), ypvoptdc (Agathocl.); ypbdAoc, expressive
gemination yptAdoc ‘piglet’ (Ath.), metaph. ‘eel’ (Diph. Siph; because of its
thickness and sound, see Strémberg 1943: 68f.); ypvAiwv- yotpoc ‘pig’ (H.); as a PN
TpiAog, -wv, etc. (Bechtel 1917b: 581); ypoAiCw (Ar; ypvAdiCw rejected by Phryn.);
ypvAtopds (Arist.); ypvAAN bv wv ‘sound of pigs’ (H.). yoyyptletv, yoyypvaat
(H.) were influenced by > yoyytCetv.
*ETYM For onomatopoeic ypv(w, compare Lat. grunnio, grundio, OE grun(n)ian,
OHG MoHG grunzen. A difficult comparison is that with ypwvadec: OnAetat ovec
‘female pigs’ (H.), which has been thought to represent the Laconian pronunciation
with [u]; cf. MoGr. youpotwvt ‘swine’ (is yéwva H. an error?) and see Kretschmer
Glotta 13 (1924): 135. Cf. further » yptAXozg ‘caricature’ and ypvAAtopdc a dance.
ypv¥AXog [m.] ‘caricature’ (Plin. HN 35, 114). <?>
*DER ypvAAo-ypagéw ‘draw caricatures’ (Phld.). Also a dance (Phryn. PS p. 58 B.);
thus also ypvAAtopdc, with ypbAXog = 6 dpyotpevos (ibid.).
*ETYM Deemed an Egyptian (i.e. Hellenistic) word by Phrynichos; see Latte Glotta 34
(1955): 190f. It is not from the PN ['pvAAog (Plin.); see Latte ibid. See further Page
Class. Rev. 7 (1957): 189-191 and Maas Greece and Rome 5 (1958): 71. There is no
relation between ypvAXoc and yptAoc. DELG thinks the connection between the
dance and ‘caricature’ is evident.
ypopéa [f.] ‘bag or chest for old clothes’ (Com., Phid.). <PG>
eVAR Codd. often ypupaia; also ypupeia, ypopeia. yptt [f.] ‘trash, trumpery,
womans dressing-case, vanity-bag, frippery’ (Sapph., pap.); ‘small fry’ (Gp.).
eCOMP ypvpeonwAns (Luc.); yputonwAng (Cos, pap.); yputo-d6xKn (AP).
*DER Diminutive yputdpiov (Zen., pap.); yputeveta- mapacxevdletat ‘to prepare,
put on make-up’ (H.).
*ETYM In origin, the word probably denoted small things of little value, later also the
chest, etc. The formation of ypupéa is rare; together with the variants -aia, -ela, it
suggests a non-Greek (= Pre-Greek) formation, on which see Pre-Greek on the suffix
-at/e(t)-. Perhaps connected to ypd as ‘something small’. The comparison with Lat.
grumus ‘heap of earth, hillock’ is unconvincing; better, but still doubtful, is that with
OE cruma ‘crumb’. From ypupéa probably comes Lat. crumina ‘bag, purse’; see
Pfister IF 56 (1938): 200ff. Likewise, ypbtn may be the source of Lat. scrita [n.pl.]
‘trash, frippery’.
ypvvov [n.] = cixuc dyptoc ‘kind of wild fish’ (Ps.-Dsc. 4, 150). <?>
eETYM André Et. class. 24 (1956): 10 connects the word with ypvoet = tHget (Arist. Pr.
876b 15) because of its fluid contents; this is most uncertain, as the verb itself is
unclear.
ypvvoc [m.] ‘dry wood, torch’ (Hom. Fr. 18, Lyc. 86, 294). <?>
ybadov 289
eVAR ypouvoc [m.] (v.l. and Call. Fr. anon. 84).
*DER ypvvn Nipasiorse ‘frankincense’ (Theognost. Can. 108). Cf. the TN I'pbvetov,
Ipbvot (Aeolis), Fick BB 23 Ce) 22 and 213.
eETYM Unknown.
ypwndc [adj.] ‘hook-nosed, curved’ (Pl.). <PG(v)>
*DER ypumdtis (X.). Denominative ypuntdopat ‘become hooked, of nails’ (Hp.),
ypvnwoicg (medi.); further ypintw, ypumaivw and ypupraivetv- ypumotoBal,
ovykduntetv “bend together’ (H.). Them. aorist ypumov (like éxtumov) “become
wrinkled’, of the earth in an earthquake’ (Melanth. Hist. 1); thus yav éypvpiuévav
(Gortyn); idem ypunavitw (Antiph. Soph.) and ypumdvioc (ib.); ypumddtov-
YEpovttov. f] yputdaviov (H.), ypuitvév- otvyvov ‘abhorred’ (see DELG). Root noun
ypoy, -nd¢ [m.] the mythological ‘griffin’ (Aristeas apud Hdt. A.), later the real
‘lammergeier’ (LXX); cf. yoy, oxww, yAadk; also ypinat- ai veocoiai tov yun@v. oi 5é
yomat ‘the young of vultures; vultures’ (H.). ypuBdc: yptw (H.) after the nouns in
-Boc? (Chantraine 1933: 261). Metaph. yptmec: uépog T@v Ti\¢ vews oKev@v Kal
a&yxvpat ‘part of the ship’s tackle and anchors’ (H.).
*ETYM A connection with OE crumb, OHG krump ‘crooked’ is not very probable (the
nasal is difficult). The nasal in ypvpmaivw could be a Pre-Greek prenasalization, but
could also be of inner-Greek origin. The long wu is difficult to account for in IE (it
requires *-uH-). Giintert 1914: 132f. thought that yptw was ydw, influenced by
ypumdc; this is unconvincing. Grimme Glotta 14 (1925): 17 assumed a loan from
Akkadian (karabu ‘griffin, cherub’; cf. Hebr. k’rab and Lewy 1895: uf.) through
Hittite. From the archaeological perspective, origin in Asia Minor (and the Near
East: Elam) is very probable, for discussions on which see DNP s.v. Greif, and
Hemmerdinger Glotta 48 (1970): sif. (note that it is not connected with Akk.
karubu), Wild Wien. Ak. Sb. 241/4 (1963): 3-28. It is not certain that ypvy is related to
ypumdc. The adjective makes the impression of a Pre-Greek word (ypuyt-), thus this
would be true of the mythical bird as well (whatever its ultimate origin); note
ypuBdc, which may prove a Pre-Greek alternation of stops. Fur.: 175 assumes further
variations on the basis of the Latin forms. Note also yptvoc: yptw H., which fits in
his system as showing m/ F (236). Through Lat. a the word entered the
Western Eur. languages (griffin, Greif).
yputn = ypupéa.
ypvy =ypindc.
yp@voc [adj.] ‘hollow, cavernous’ (Lyc.). <?>
*DER ypwvn ‘hole, kneading trough’ (Nic., AP), ypwvouc (H.) in several specific mgs.
*ETYM The usual reconstruction *ypwo-voc vel sim. (to » ypaw) is quite uncertain, as
the verb shows no ablaut; the meaning hardly fits, either.
ybaAov [n.] ‘hollow (of a cuirass), vales, dells’ (I].), also of the hand, cf. yyvaAiCu; see
below. IE? *gou- ‘hand’; *gu(H)- ‘bend’ (?)>
*DER yuaAdc epithet of Ai8o0¢ (Call. Fr. anon. 331), with different accent ybadoc [m.]
‘cubical stone’ (EM 243, 12); yudAacg ‘cup’ (Megara and Macedonia, Ath. 11, 467c; see
weet eth ee
290 yoyai
Solmsen 1909: 216). éy-yvaA-i(w ‘hand over’ (Il; see Schwyzer: 736). Independent
éyybahov (Orion) = éyxothov. Also yuéAtov: KéATIOv ‘lap’ (H.).
eETYM For the formation, one might compare dyKaAn, dttpaddc (Chantraine 1933:
245ff.). For éyyvahiCw, the meaning ‘hollow of the hand’ has been posited. Cf. YAv.
gauua- ‘hand’; see » éyytn. Mostly connected with > yr, > yvia s.v.
yvyai [?] - marmot ‘grandfathers’ (H; cod. méytmo1). «LW? Anat
eETYM If manmot is correct, this is an Anatolian word cognate with Hitt. huhha-
‘grandfather’, HLuw. huha-, Lyc. yuge-; see Kloekhorst 2008 s.v. Brandenstein 1954b:
65 connects it with the name of the Lydian king P'bync. Cf. Heubeck Lydiaka (1959):
62f; however, Neumann 1961: 69ff. connected it instead with the bird yvync. The
same word as Lat. avus, Arm. hav ‘grandfather’, ie. *h,euh,o-. See » KoK bau.
ybyng; -ov [m.] a waterbird (Dionys. Av. 2, 16). 4?>
eETYM Perhaps onomatopoeic, after its sound; see Thompson 1895 s.v. Lidén 1892:
g2f. connected the word with Lith. guzas, -utis ‘stork’, ON kjuklingr ‘chicken’, etc.
ybnc, -ov [m.] a. ‘the curved piece of wood in a plough (Hes. Op. 427, 436), dpotpov
abtéyvov ‘plough whose yt1¢ is of one piece with the éAvjia and iotoBoetc, not
fitted together (mkt6v)’ (Hes.); b. ‘lands’ (trag.), mostly plur., also a measure in
tetpa-yvoc ‘of four y.’, etc. (Hom.); sometimes fem., cf. ybr pLétpov mAEBpov
‘measure of 100 ft./10,000 sq. ft’ (H.); also yboc [m.] (pap.); c. ‘the system of
dotpayador (H., Poll.); d. -yvoc with e. dupiyvoc. <IE? *gou- ‘hand’; *gu(H)- ‘bend’
(>
*COMP digi-yvoc of lance and javelin (Il.), ‘with a limb at each end’? (Triimpy 1950:
59); metrical lengthening dyigtyvretc, said of Hephaistos, ‘crippled on both sides’(?);
tetpa-yvos ‘of four y.’ (land measure).
eETYM This word belongs to a difficult complex. It probably consists of: (1) ybaAov,
(2) yvia, (3) éyybn, which I have treated separately, which correspond to 1, 4, and 2
in DELG s.v. yb1(c) . Here, ybr(¢) (DELG nrs. 3, 5) is treated.
The basic form *yv(17)- ‘curve, curving’ has been assumed. For comparison, we have
MoP gosa ‘corner’ and Av. gu- ‘hand’; the other forms in Pok. 393-8 are hardly
relevant.
Here probably > ybadov, > yvia; see also » yupdc. Hardly to » yvAtdc.
yvia [n.pl.] ‘limbs’ (IL), also ‘lap’ (untpdc¢ yuta, h. Merc. 20); rare sing. yutov ‘hand’
(Theoc. 22, 121); ‘body’ (Pi.). <1E? *gou- ‘hand’; *gu(H)- ‘bend’ (?)>
DER yutdw ‘cripple’ (Il.), with yuidc ‘lamed’ (Call.).
*ETYM Connected with > yg and » éyytn.
yvd1dc [m.] ‘knapsack’ (Ar.); also an animal, ‘hedgehog’? (Sophr. 73; see also sch. Ar.
Pax 527). <?>
eVAR Also yvAtoc.
eDER Also yvAAlov: ayyeiov mAeKktdov ‘plaited vessel’ (H.), and the fish names
yvAdioxot- ix8vec motoi (H.), yvAdptov = pvkivog (sch. Opp. H. 1, 111). The gloss
yvard¢ eidog motnpiov, mapa Maxeddovv ‘kind of drinking cup (Maced.)’ (H.) will
be a mistake for yudAasg (s.v. ybaAov).
yun 291
eETYM Unknown. ON kyil ‘bag for victuals’, OHG kiulla ‘bag’ < *keula- have been
compared; see WH s.v. vola. Further related to ybadov? Fur.: 120 compares yvAdptov
with » KvAAapoc.
yvdAdc [m.] mg. unclear, “block of stone’ (Milete VI-V*) carried in a procession for
Apollo (Nisson, Gr. Rel. 1,189); kbBos, tf] tetpaywvoc AiBoc ‘cube or cubic stone’ (H.);
yvAAoi: otoALoi ‘equipment, apparel’ (H.; Latte: corrupt). <?>
DER yvAAtva: épeiopiata, yeicot ‘prop, projecting part of the roof (H.). On yvAddc
eldoc motnpiov, mapa Maxeddow, yvAAtov: &yyetov mAEKtév (H.) see » yvAtdc.
eETYM No etymology. Lewy KZ 55 (1928): 72f. connects the word with Hebr. golél
‘Rollstein’.
yupvoc [adj.] ‘naked, unarmed’ (II.). <IE *nog’-no- ‘naked’>
eVAR AMOVOLOV: Amoyptvwotv ‘stripping bare’ (H.).
eDER yuptvdc, -ado¢ [f.m.] ‘naked’ (E.); ‘trained’ (E., Att.); collective = ‘trained men’
(Amorgos, Astypalaia, Cos). yujtvijs, -ijto¢ [m.] ‘light-armed warrior’ (Tyrt.), with
yuptviytixds (X.), yupivijotog (Arist.), youviytedw (Plu.), yupviyteia ‘light-armed men’
(Th.), ‘nakedness’ (Corn.); yujiviytnys, fem. -itig ‘naked’ (Lyc.). yupvikds (aywv)
‘gymnastic’ (opp. immtkdc) (Hdt.). yupvindds ‘poor’ (H., EM, after vooroc, etc.).
yopvotiys [f.] (LXX). Denominative yujtvoouat ‘to strip’ (Il.), -6w (Hdt.), yoivwoic
(Th.). yuprvaCopat ‘to exercise (naked)’ (IA); yuptvaotie ‘trainer’ (P1.), yupvactixds ,
1 yupvaotikr (téxvij) ‘gymnastics’ (IA); yUjtvaopta ‘training’ (D. H.), yopivaotc ‘id’
(Poll.); yuuvdo.ov ‘training’ (Pi.), ‘school for exercise, gymnasium’ (Att.),
yuptvaciwdng (Cic.); yupvacia; on -ctov, -oia Schwyzer: 469f. yupvacidiov (Arr.) and
yuptvaotnptov (Gal.). yupivietw “to be naked’ (P. Ross. Georg. 3, 28, IV).
*ETYM Old inherited word. With a dental suffix, we have Lat. nidus (< *nog"od"o-
per Schrijver 1991: 274f.), Olr. nocht, Go. naqabs, OHG nackt, and ON nokkviér.
Without a suffix are Lith. nuiogas, OCS nag (with acute lengthened vowel according
to Winter’s Law); with a suffix -no-, Skt. nagnd-, Av. mayna- (dissimilated); with -n-,
Gm. forms like ON nakinn, OFr. naken, probably modelled after the n-participles.
Hitt. nekumanza (with e-vowel) is modelled after the adjectives in -yant- (becoming
-mant- after u). With e, we also have Arm. merk < *meg’ro- (cf. Av. mayna-). The v
is from *o like in vv& after a nasal and before a following labiovelar; the -uv-, from
*-9"n- (cf. dyivdc). We also find Avjivéc (H.), with dissimilation of *vujtvéc, as well as
anoAvypLatoc¢: anoybuvwoic. Kbmpiot (H.), with preserved -y-. The essential point,
the initial y-, was explained by Kortlandt (ap. Beekes Orbis 37 (1994): 91) as an
assimilation *noy”no- > *yoy”no-. The initial [n-] was reanalyzed as /y-/, since n was
not a phoneme in Greek.
yovn [f.] ‘wife, woman’ (IL). <IE *g”en-h, “woman’>
eVAR Gen. yvvaixdc. Boeot. Bava (Corinn.), plur. Bavijkac: yuvaikac H; Cypr.
*Bova does not exist (O. Masson 1961: 298). Voc. ybvat from *yuvaik, see Schwyzer:
582f. The stem yvv-cux- probably derives from an adj. *g’neh,-iko- (Szemerényi
AION 2 (1960): 13-30; against Lejeune REA 63 (1961): 435).
eDIAL Myc. ku-na-ja /gunaia/.
292 yonn
*COMP On the forms of yuvr) as a second member 4- dvdpd- Katd- pLdd- piAdyvvoc,
G- mt- Kadd- dpot- cprroydvaik, aybvaiKkoc, a- pl- KaKO- KaTAa- [LLOO- TOAD-
ptroyvvatoc, a- avdpo- ploo- veo- moAv- gidoybvig see Sommer 1948: 6af.
Exceptional ybv-avdpoc ‘hermaphrodite’, and yuvat-pavie (Il.). Survey in DELG s.v.
*DER Diminutive yuvaikdpiov (Diocl. Com.), yvvaixiov (Longos), yuvaixioxiov-
tadioxtov (H.); yuvaixiag [m.] ‘womanish man’ (Eup.; like veaviac); yuvaixwvitic
‘women’s room’ (Lys.), rare yovaixwv (X,, like avépwv).
Adjective yvvaixrioc, -etog (Od; as avdpriioc, -etog), yuvatkikdg (Arist; like
avdpikdc), yovaixwdns (Plb.: dvdpwdr¢), yvvaucnpds (Diocl. Com.; after movnpdc,
etc.).
Denominative verbs yuvatxitw, -opat ‘to behave like a woman’ (IA) with yvvaixtotc
(Ar.) and yuvatktopds (Plb.); yovatxdopat, -dw ‘to be, make womanish’ (Hp.).
Not derived from the extended stem yuvatk-: ybvvtc, -60¢ “womanish man’ (A.) and
ybvatog [adj.] (cf. SeiAatoc), ybvatov [n.] ‘woman’.
*ETYM yvvi} derives from the PIE word for ‘woman’, *g”en-h., e.g. Skt. (Ved.) gna-
‘woman, goddess’, Av. gand ‘woman’. An exact match with yvvat- is offered by Arm.
kanay- in the plur. kanay-k‘ [nom.], etc; the element -x- is seen further in Messap.
gunakhai ‘yuvaukt’(?) and NPhr. kvaikav, kvatKo.
The labiovelar also appears in Go. gino (n-stem), Olr. ben (a-stem) ‘woman’, both <
*g”en-. The full grade, replaced by the zero grade in Greek, is seen in e.g. Arm. kin,
OPr. genna, OCS Zena, Skt. jani-, ToA sam, ToB sana. The zero grade is found in
Olr. ban- (in compounds), gen.sg. mnd < *bnds. A lengthened grade is seen in Go.
gens (i-stem) ‘woman’.
The word was originally a proterodynamic h,-stem: nom. *g”en-h, (seen in Skt. jani-,
ToB sana), gen. *g”n-eh,-s (in Olr. mnd). The Greek u-vocalism probably goes back
to a zero grade *g”yh,-V-, although this would normally be expected to give *Bav-,
which is the form attested in Corinna.
On muvdopat ‘to woo for one’s bride’, see »tupvioxw. The full grade may be
preserved in » Bevéw, a variant of » Bivéw (acc. to De Lamberterie RPh. 65 (1991):
149-160).
yim [f] - Kotkmpa yfic, Sakdun, ywvia. ‘cavity in the earth, den, corner’ (Call. Aet.
Oxy. 2080, 73). <EUR>
eVAR ybrtac: KadvBac, kai Barkdpac. oi 5 yunwv veoootds ‘hut, den; nest of young
birds’, referring to » yvy through folk etymology. of dé tac Kata yij¢ oixroetc, oi dé
omnAata ‘a habitation below the earth, caverns’ ... (H.).
*ETYM The word is connected with a Gm. word for ‘room, cave, etc.’: ON kofi, OE
cofa, MoHG Koben, etc. These words may be European substrate words; see Beekes
KZ 109 (1996): 223-227. Av. gufra- ‘deep’ is probably unrelated; see Mayrhofer
EWAia s.v. gabhird-. On yundptov, see » yoy.
ybnwvec [pl] dancers in Sparta (Poll. 4, 104): of d& yinwvec Evrivwv Kwrwy
émtBaivovtes WPYovvto, diagavi Tapavtividia dumteyopEvot ‘some say the yUmwvec
danced upon wooden limbs, putting on tarantinidia, translucent dresses’. <?>
*COMP bitoytmwvec (ib.).
ywredc 293
eETYM Unknown.
yvpyaQdc [m.] ‘wisker-basket, creel’ (Ar.). <PG>
eVAR Accent after Hdn. Gr. 1, 145. Also ybpya8ov (BGU 1092, 29) and yépyaBoc
(POxy. 741, 5).
eDER yupyd8tov (PHolm. 18, 17).
*ETYM Technical word. Connected with ger- (‘plait’?) in » yéppov? The word looks
Pre-Greek.
yupivoc = yupdc.
yiptc, -ews [f.] ‘the finest meal’ (Dsc.). <?>
eVAR Also ybptocg (PSI 4, 428, 44, III’).
DER yupivn kind of cake (Luc.), yopitns (a4ptos) ‘bread from y.’ (Ath.), yvptotrptoc
(gloss.).
eETYM Unknown. Perhaps connected with » yotpoc.
yipodc [adj.] ‘round, curved’ (t 246: yupdc év @pototv [‘round in the upper arms’, ie.,
‘muscular’?]). <1E? *gou- ‘hand’; *gu(H)- ‘bend’ (?)>
*DER ydpo¢ [m.] ‘rounding, circle’ (Thphr.) with ybptoc ‘forming a y.’ (Anon. apud
Suid.), yupadéocg (Opp.). Denominative yupdw ‘make round, make a circle’ (LXX,
Nic.) with ybpwotc (pap., Gp.); also yupebw ‘walk in a circle’ (Str.). yuptotdc ‘curved’
(sch.), ypptov: kugov ‘hunchbacked’ (H.). Also yupivoc [m.] ‘tadpole’ (Pl; but with
short v) with yuptvwdn¢ (Arist.). Here also PIN like 'upai 1tétpat (5 500), see Bechtel
1914 S.V.
*ETYM Connection with *gou- ‘hand’, *guH- ‘curved’ (see Frisk) seems quite possible.
See > ybrj<, » ybadov.
yb [m.] ‘vulture’ (11). <PpG>
eVAR yordc.
*DER yumidc (métpa) ‘where vultures live’ (A. Supp. 796 [lyr.]; cf. dpect-tac, etc.
Schwyzer: 508); yimtvog ‘belonging to a vulture’ (Luc.), yumtaiog ‘id’ (Tz.), yunwdnes
‘vulture-like’ (Arist.). yumdptov ‘nest, cranny’ (yumapiots kai mupytdiotg Ar. Eq. 793).
eETYM Monosyllabic bird name like oxwy, yAat&, etc. The usual connection with
*geu- ‘bend’ (see » yipdc, » ybaAov, etc.) is quite uncertain. The word is no doubt
Pre-Greek.
ytbwos [f.] ‘gypsum, chalk, cement’ (Hdt.). <Lw Sem.?>
*DER yuwiov (pap.), yuwi«xr ‘tax on plasterers’ (pap.), yowivocg (EM), yowwdne (Sor.);
denominative yuy6w ‘plaster with gypsum, chalk over’ (Hdt.) with yowwots (Gp.)
and yowwrrc¢ (EM); yuwitw ‘id’ with yoytopds (pap.).
*ETYM From Semitic? See Mu & Arnolt TAPA 23 (1892): 70.
ywAzdcg [m.] ‘hole’ (Arist.), ypwA<e>toi: onAata. Kai ai mpdog BdAacoav Katadvoetc
‘caverns; descents towards the sea’ (H.); plur. ywAe(t)a (Nic.). <?>
*ETYM The word has been compared with Lith. gudlis, Latv. guola ‘lair, nest’ (Lith.
guliu ‘lie down’), and Arm. katat ‘hole, hiding-place’. However, this comparison
must remain uncertain and JE origin is not very probable. We have to reckon with
294 ywvia
influence from @wAgdc (Fraenkel KZ 71 (1954): 40); cf. also the remote similarity
with » ybadov, etc.
ywvia [f.] ‘corner’ (Hdt.), also ‘leader’ (LXX). On its use in geometry see Mugler 1958-
1959. < GRE
*COMP As a second member -ywvog in tpi-ywvog, etc. (like -BiBAoc to BiBAiov, etc.),
see Debrunner IF 60 (1952): 40ff.; cvyywviocg (RPA. 73 (1999) 84).
*DER ywvidiov (Luc.); ywwaioc (Pl. Com.), ywvujyioc (Delphi), ywwwdn¢o (Hp.),
ywviaKdc (Procl.); ywvioc (pap. VIP).
ywwatw (Porph.) with ywviacpds (Ar.); ywvidopat (Dsc.) with ywviwua (Eust.) and
ywviwotc (Archig. Med.). For mapaywviCw see RPh. 71 (1997): 155f.
eETYM Generally connected with » yévv. Since the paradigm of *gonu- contained no
lengthened grade and mathematicians were Pythagoreans, the long w must be
explained as the regular Doric development of *yov-ia; the long a in Skt. janu arose
from short o in *gonu by Brugmann’s Law and is irrelevant. Alternatively, Hamp
MSS 43 (1984): 19f. explains the long w from the type tpi-ywvoc.
y@og [m.] - pvnpetov ‘memorial’ (H.). <2>
*ETYM Unknown. For a suggestion, see von Blumenthal 1930: 15 A. 1, who considers.
the word as Messapian (or Macedonian), deriving it from IE *g"6uo- beside *g"ouo-
in Gr. xovc.
y@nac [acc.pl.] - kohotovc. Maxeddvec ‘jackdaw (Maced:)’ (H.). <PG(v)>
*ETYM According to Lesny KZ 42 (1909): 297f, y@mac is identical to yimac;
according to Hoffmann 1906: 47, it is to be connected with ox@macg (both hypotheses
doubted by Kretschmer Glotta 3 (1910-1912): 307). See » oxwy, which could be yet
another variant (Fur.: 110).
ywpitds [m.] ((f.]) ‘quiver, which was also a bow-case’ (@ 54). <LW Iran.>
eVAR Hesychius’ xwpvtdc will be due to ancient folk-etymology, as appears from Ap.
Soph. (mapa TO ... xwpetv), while yoputdc (H.) may be just a mistake.
eETYM According to Benveniste 1937b: 42ff., a loanword from a Scythian compound
(see under téfov) that contains the word for ‘cow’ (see » Bodc), Iran. Tw- in Tw-
Baprg, etc., as a first member. The interpretation of the second member is totally
unclear however, since (pace Benveniste) we can hardly identify it with MoP rida
‘intestine’ and interpret the whole compound as ‘cow-hide’ (Morgenstierne KZ 61
(1934): 29f.). If the second member cannot be ‘hide’, the first member need not be
‘cow-’ either. Alternatively, Lubotsky suggests that ywpttdg may derive from
*varutra- ‘something that protects’ (Skt. varitdr-), with v- > g- as in later Iranian.
For the Greeks, the pronunciation of the initial may already have resembled g(w)-,
and a substitution of -va- by 6 is trivial. Note that this etymology additionally
explains the long 0.
A
Sa- [pref.].e.g. in da-@otvds ‘very red’ (Il.), especially of animals, and 6a-oxtoc ‘very
shady’ (Od.). <GR>
eETYM From déta-, Aeol. (a-, although the conditions are unclear (metrical
explanation in Chantraine 1942: 168, see also Sjélund 1938: 25f.). See » Sdoxtoc.
6a [interj.] (trag.) in lyrics, e.g. A. Eu. 874 oiot 64 ged. <2>
eETYM According to sch. Ag. 1072, EM 60, 8, the word is Doric for yd, yi, which
Kretschmer finds in Dor. Aaydatnp (see » Anpuytyp) and in Dor. Tloteddv (see
> Ilooeid@v). However, it is probably only an exclamation. On the accus. Adv, see
> Zevc.
daytc, -dd0¢ [f.] ‘puppet’ of wax (Theoc. 2, 110). <PG(S)>
eETYM Technical word of foreign origin. Etymology unknown. Probably a Pre-Greek
word (suffix -06-).
Sadvooonca [v.] ‘to be distracted’ (Sophr. 117, H.). <?>
eVAR Also datdtocec8at-: EAxeoOaut ‘to be drawn, pulled’ (H.) and daidya0covuc (for
*§aidvocovat?): Bacavitovot ‘they put to the test’,
eETYM Since Roscher-Osthoff IF 5 (1895): 282 (and, later, LIV’ s.v. *dewk- ‘ziehen’),
the word has been connected with Lat. dico ‘lead’, Go. tiuhan ‘draw’ (cf. » adevxrjc,
> évOvKéws), assuming intensive reduplication *da1-5vK-10-. However, different from
that tradition, DELG notes that the word has “pas d’étymologie”. Indeed, if 5a- is
not a late notation for dat- (as argued by e.g. Schwyzer: 841 and Frisk), the variation
da-/Sat- may point to Pre-Greek origin.
Sazye [interj.] - oi5a, étiotapat ‘I know, understand’ (H.). <GR>
*ETYM Latte and Pearson read Saeiw (a subjunctive, acc. to DELG), for which I see
no support. Alternatively, MoGr. (Cappadocian) dayw ‘I know’, from oida éyw
(Schwyzer: 769), has been compared (Kretschmer Glotta 12 (1923): 215), which is
more probable.
Adeipa [f.] name of a chthonic goddess in Attica, to whom a pregnant sheep was
sacrificed (Pherecyd. 45, Lyc. 710, inscr.); also Aaipa (A. Fr. 277, inscr.). <PG(S)>
DER Aaetpitis [m.] name of a priestess (Poll.).
eETYM Formerly compared to formations like kvéi-dveipa and connected with
» Sarva, Skt. dasrd- ‘effecting miracles’ (cf. » dSai-ppwv) but this is semantically
unattractive. Nilsson Arch. f- Religionswiss. 32 (1935): 82f. and Kern in PW 4: 198of.
296 dafjvat
assumed a feminine of » darjp, so properly “sister-in-law”, which is not convincing
either. More probably Pre-Greek (where a suffix -eipa occurs more often).
Saijvat [v.] ‘to learn’ (IL). <1E *dens- ‘learn’>
VAR Epic also intr. aor. darpevan, fut. darjoopat, perf. dedarka, Sedawc (Od.), med.
Sedarcu (h. Merc.), redupl. aor. (with caus. mg.) dédae ‘taught’ (Od.), dédaov [3pl.]
(H.), inf. dedaac8at (for SeSaéoGa1?) (11 316), secondary dde, éae (A. R.), Salt] fjoat-
616dEcu ‘learn’ (H.); present » diddo0Kw.
*DER darnuwv ‘knowing’ (IL) with Sannoobvn (A. R.); privative » ada; Sdanotc
(EM); > Adetpa. .
eETYM The stem 6a- derives from the zero grade of IE *dens-. The full grade is seen
in Av. didaijhé < *di-dens-h,ei and in nominal forms like Skt. dasrd- ‘effecting
miracles’. The aor. 6&-6a-e is from *de-dys-e-t. Cf. » Sijvea, > Si6doKw, > Saippwv.
danp [m.] ‘husband’s younger brother, brother-in-law’. <IE *deh,i-uer- ‘brother-in-
law’>
eVAR Acc. -€pa, voc. daep, gen.plur. daépwv O 769 (verse initial) and 762 (Il.), Hell.
and late also the accus. and dat.sing. Saipa, Saupi, nom.plur. dépec (Lydia), gen.sg.
dfipoc (Bithynia).
°DER Adetpa is rather not related.
*ETYM Old kinship term, agreeing with Skt. devdr-, Arm. taygr, Lith. diever-is, OCS
déver-v; thus it derives from *datfrp. Is daipi from *datfpi, and *Saifpwv for
metrically impossible Saépwv? See Schwyzer: 266 and 568. Lat. lévir was transformed
after vir and has J- for d- and é for ae from the colloquial language.
Sai [interj.] always after interrogative ti, m@c Sai ‘what, how then?’ (a 225, w 299 [both
doubtful]; Com.; often false for 5€). <GR>
*ETYM Innovation to 61 after vi) : val. See Schwyzer 1950: 563°; 570.
dai [f.] ‘in battle’ (I1.). <2>
*DIAL Myc. da-i-qo-ta /da™i-k*ontas/, Antpovtne.
*COMP datktapévwv D 146, 301. PNs Adummog (Milete), Aatkpatng (Olbia), Aaihéwv,
Aaipéviys (Athens).
*ETYM Isolated epic dative (also Hes. Th. 650, A. Th. 925), formerly derived from a
root noun *datc. However, the Myc. form without -w- shows that this
reconstruction is untenable, so it is rather not related to » daiw. New accus. Sdiv
(Call. Fr. 243). See » dijioc.
SaidaAAw [v.] ‘to work artfully, embellish’ (I1.). <PG?>
eVAR Only present stem.
*DIAL Myc. da-da-re-jo-de /daidalejon-de/.
*DER daidadpa ‘work of art’ (Theoc.). daidadov [n.] ‘id, ornament’ (IL); Aaidadoc
name of a mythical artist (Il.), SaiSadoc ‘artful’ (A.); SatdaXeog (IL, cf. wappaipw:
[Lapidpeoc, etc; acc. to Leumann a metrical variant to modv-daidadog ‘rich in
ornaments’); also dadadetc (Q. S., like matmaddetc). Denominative Saidardw (Pi.),
dordaAevouct (Ph.) with dadarevtpra ‘artful female artist’ (Lyc.).
Saiouat 297
eETYM The relation between darddAdw, Saidadoc, and daidadov is debated. Leumann
1950: 131ff. started from a Mediterranean word daidadov ‘ornament’, from which
datddAdw and the compound modv-daidadoc¢ ‘rich in ornament’ would be derived.
Others have taken dat6a\Aw, which was thought to be an intensive reduplicated
formation, as the starting point (cf. Schwyzer: 647 and 725). Within Greek, » déAto¢
and »d1Agojict have been compared (see s.vv); further, dad)et- Kaxoupyei ‘do
wrong’ (H.) and > d6)\wv; see also » SéXoc. Not related are several words for ‘build,
split’ in other IE languages, e.g., Lat. doldre ‘hew’, Skt. dar-dar(i)ti ‘split’, Olr. delb
‘form’ (< *del-wa-), etc. Instead, we should consider Pre-Greek origin, for instance
through a connection with the PN Aaidahoc. Assuming that the verb is primary,
5aiSaAAw may have to be interpreted morphologically as a reduplicated *dal’-dab-.
Sardvoceo8a =Sadvocoouat.
daiGw [v.] ‘to cleave, pierce’ (Il.). <GR>
evar Aor. daiEau, perf. ptc. Sedaiypévoc.
DER Oaiktip “divider”, of Ares (Alc.), also of yéoc (A. Th. 916); also daiktwp (ydpoc
A. Supp. 798); Saiypdc (EM); Saixtacg in eg. undrodaiktacg (B.); kapmo-Satotat
(Gortyn) is rather from Saiopo with analogical -o-, like in dedatopévov, SaicBeic
*ETYM Deverbative from > daiojict (see Schwyzer: 736).
Saipwv, -ovoc [m., f.] ‘godlike power, fate, god’ (II.). <IE *deh,-(i-) ‘cut, divide’>
*DER Adjective Saytdviog ‘belonging to a daipwv (Il.); on Saytowe see Brunius-
Nilsson 1955; ntr. daipdwov ‘godlike power’ (IA); datpovikdg ‘id.’ (Plu.); Saipoviakds
‘id’? (PMag. Osl. 1, 143); Saytowwdn¢ ‘like a 5.’ (Ep. Jac, Procl.). Rare and late
Satovic (Procl.) and daipévicoa (PMag. Leid. W. 16, 48). On Saipovy (Alcm. 69?)
see Schwyzer: 524. Denominative daytovaw ‘be possessed by a 6.’ (A.), Satpovidw
‘id? (Phid.), Saytovrytia: Sapovitetou. Kpitec H., after verbs of disease in -dw, -1dw
and -1tiaw (Schwyzer: 731f.); Saupovitopat ‘id.’ (Philem.) with daytovicpds (Vett.
Val.), ‘become a god’ (S. Fr. 173, H.); SatpowaCopor = Saytovidw (pap.). Often as a
second member of compounds: bahuvrihi (Bapv-, dvo0-); substantives (aya8o-,
avOpwrto-); see Frisk s.v.
*ETYM The word is connected with » daiopcu as ‘divider’ (cf. von Wilamowitz 1931:
363); for the semantics, cf. OP baga-, OCS bogs ‘god’ beside Av. baga- ‘part’, Skt.
bhdga- ‘id’, related to bhdjati ‘divide’ (the meaning has not developed from
“Zerreifer, Fresser (der Leichen)”). See Nilsson 1941: 216ff. and (on its development
in modern languages) Chantraine CRAI 1954: 452-5.
Saiopat [v.] ‘to divide’, med. ‘to feast’ (IIL.). <1E *deh,-, *deh,-i- ‘cut, divide’>
eVAR Saivut, aor. datoat, fut. daicw, Satoeic.
*DER Abstracta Saic, -tdc [f.] ‘portion, meal’ (Il.), compounds dBpo-, ou6-; daity
‘meal’ (II.); Sattuc, -bog [f.] ‘id.’ (X 496; Chantraine 1942: 96) with dattvpwv, -dvocg
[m.] ‘guest’ (Od.); dattvpovetc (Nonn.); datotc ‘division (of property)’ (Gortyn) with
dacaviyy = mttodvn (EM), daiciwov (-tov EM)- édwdiov ‘food’ (H.); Sa8ud¢
‘division, divided land’ (inscr.). Nomen loci: daitipiov (EM). Agent noun: dattpd¢
298 ddloc
‘divider, carver’ (Od.) with Sattpoobvat [pl.] ‘the arts of the carver’ (m 253);
denominative dattpevw ‘to divide, carve’ (Il.) with daitpeia (Hdn.); Aaitwp as a PN
(© 275), ovvdaitwp ‘conviva’ (A.); daitpdv ‘part, portion’ (A 262); daitng title of a
priest (E. Fr. 472, 12), as a second member in Aayo-daitac (A.). Isolated is Sartadevs
‘banqueter’ (A.), cf. dattaddopict ‘to banquet’ and dattadovpyia (Lyc.). An
enlargement of daiopat is » daifw. See » Saitwv.
eETYM Satoptct (with analogical -t-) agrees morphologically with Skt. dayate ‘divide’
< *dh,-eie-. Other forms of this Skt. root go back to *deh,- or *dh,-, eg. da-ti ‘to
mow, cut off, di-ti- ‘dividing’, d-yd-ti ‘divide’ < *dh,-ie-. Also connected is » dfjL0¢
(Dor. da,10¢). From Gm. and Arm., the word for ‘time’ has been connected: OE
tima, ON timi ‘hour, time’, PGm. *ti-man- < *di-mon-; OHG Zit ‘time’, Arm. ti ‘old
age, time’ < *di-t(i)-. Alb. daj ‘divide, cut’, aor. dava may be related, too. See LIV’ s.v.
*deh,i)- ‘teilen’. Cf. » datéoptat and » dant.
Saioc =dijioc.
Satodvn = mttcdvn (EM 264) ‘peeled barley’. <?>
eETYM Unknown. See Fur.: 255, 337.
daippwv [adj.] ‘artful, experienced’; ‘brave’ (Il.) by secondary connection with > dai ‘in
battle’. «IE *dens- ‘high mind, power’>
*ETYM Compound with > gpijv (s.v.; cf. d-gpwv); the first member is perhaps from
*§ah-t-, related to Skt. das-rd- ‘effecting miracles’, with i and ro alternating as in
Kvdl-dvetpa and kvdpdc (Schwyzer: 447). Note that this would presuppose that *s > h
in the Greek outcome of clusters *-ysV-. On dug’ Odvoqi Saippovi daietat top (a
48), see Risch 1947: 88.
Saiw [v.] ‘to kindle’ (I1.). <1£ *deh,u- ‘burn’>
eVAR intr. perf. dé5na ‘burn’, ptc. dedavptevoc (Semon. 30 B), dantat (Y 316, D 375),
aor. Safjvat, xdaBT] (= -Fi): exxavOy. Adkwvec ‘let it be burnt out, lit (Lacon.)’ (H.).
*COMP Compounds with dva- (A.), kata- (H.). Beom-daéc (mip, M 177, etc.)
‘flaming godlike’ (rather to the aor. dafjvat than to Sdoc?).
DER Sdo¢ [n.] (< *Sapfoc) ‘torch’ (Hom.) together with davdc < *bafeo-véc ‘fit for a
torch, dry’ (0 322, Ar. Pax 1134 [lyr.]). daAd¢ [m.] ‘firebrand’ (Il) < *6afeddc (=
SaBerdc: daddc. Adkwvec H.), daeddc (Sophr.); *6afoc: *hafed-dc like vépoc: vepéd-
1m; further SadAov- hipkextov EvAov ‘half-burnt wood’ (H.). Diminutive da)iov
(Ar.); 6aX6c also = jtehavoupoc ixOUc ‘fish with a black tail’ (H.), metaph. ‘burnt out
= old man’ (AP), with hypocoristic gemination dad\@: amdémAnktos. of Sé thy
ZEwpov mapBévov 1H yuvaika kai mpeoButépav ‘dumb woman; an over-aged maiden
or woman’ (H.). daiic, -ido¢ [f.] ‘torch’ (Il, on Att. Sac, daddc see below) < *dafic,
whence the diminutive dadiov (Ar.); dadic ‘torch-festival’ (Luc.), 546tvoc ‘ptng. to
the torch, made of pine-wood’ (Gal.), Sadw65n¢ ‘resinous’ (Thphr., Plut.), to ddc¢
‘resin-glut’, name of a disease in pines (Thphr.); Saddopct “become affected with
resin-glut’ together with Sa6wotc (Thphr.), see Strémberg 1937: 167. Compounded
dadobyxo¢ ‘holding a torch’. davakec: Ovpddwzec ‘pieces of burning wood’ (H.), cf.
Bechtel 1921, 1: 118, Grogelj Ziva Ant. 2 (1952): 206. Saepdv- péAav. Kal TD KaLd[EVOV
daxpv 299
‘black; burning’ (H.), perhaps also Emp. 90 for dSadepdc. danpdv: Seppdv,
KavLLaTNpdv, Aquimpdv, Mpo@avés ‘warm, very hot, glowing, shining forth’ (H.).
SanOuidv: gumpnopov ‘burning’ (H.), on the formation see Chantraine 1933: 137f;
Latte (with Vof) corrects it to SarOpdv. » SadKoc - 6 Opacvc. Kai Botavy tis Kpytiky
‘bold; also a Cretan plant’ (H.) is rather PG. Not here > dai ‘in battle’, because Myc.
has no -w-.
eETYM As shown by dedavptévoc, Saiw goes back to *daf-1w. Att. dag (Sac < *Saif-tc)
originates from a metathesized *Saifw (cf. Cor. Atdaifwv). The perfect dé6na < *5é-
daf-a resembles Skt. du-dav-a (gramm.), to which the present du-n6-ti ‘to burn’ is
related (for *dundati, acc. to LIV? s.v. *deh,u- ‘in Brand geraten’). Olr. ddim ‘to burn’
and OHG zuscen ‘id.” may have to be connected as well. Cf. Peters 1980a: 37. See
> Ovn and & dijioc.
Sdxvw [v.] ‘to bite’, also ‘to sting (of insects), wound’ (II.). <1E *denk- ‘bite’>
eVAR Aor. Saxeiv (II.), dFGat (Luc.); fut. da€opat (Hp.), Syfoptat (E.); perf. dé5rnypau
(Ar.), dedaypévocg (Pi.), 5é5nxa (Babr.), dé5axa (AP); aor. pass. SnxO8ijvat (S.),
daxijvat (Aret.); vb.adj. 4-6nktoc (Hes., Hp.).
*COMP Compounds with daigt-, ava-, avtt-, etc. also @vpodaxij¢ (Od.).
*DER dakog [n.] ‘bite, stitch’, often ‘biting animal’ (Pi.) = daxetdév (Ar., cf. Epmetdv),
daypds ‘bite, stitch’ (Ruf.), daypa ‘id? (Nic.), Sakta: Ta Gypia d6pwGdpta ‘wild birds’
(H.); 5a& = 054— (Opp.) together with dakt-aopd¢ = ddaypdc (Ti. Locr; after
Llapaolidc, etc, see Chantraine 1933: 141f.). From énk-: dijyya ‘bite, stitch’ (A.),
Onyuds ‘id.’ (Hp.), SAEs ‘id’ (Hp.); Siktn¢ ‘biter, biting’ (E.) with Sn«trptos ‘id. (E.)
and Snktikdg (Arist.); SHE, SyKdc ‘worm in wood’ (Tz.) after o@ré. Saxvwdne ‘biting,
stinging’ (Hp.), daxvnpds ‘id’ (Phid., cf. ddvvnpdc), Saxvic: dpvéov eidoc ‘kind of
bird’ (H.), daxvaic ‘biter’ (Phryn.). Expressive daxvaCw (A.), daykavw (Hdn.).
eETYM The aorist Saxetv agrees morphologically with the Skt. present ddsati ‘bites’;
the perfect daddmsa and nouns like damésa- ‘bite’ show that the root was denk-.
Therefore, Snx- in dyEopat, etc. is a secondary full grade of dakeiv, after Arppyoptat:
AaBetv. Probably we should connect ToB tsak*- ‘bite’ (Adams 1999 s.v.), whereas in
Gm. we find nouns like OHG zangar ‘biting, sharp’, ON tong ‘tongs’ (perhaps Alb.
dané ‘tongs’ is related, too). Further forms in LIV? s.v. *denk- ‘beifen’,
daxpv [n.] ‘tear, drop’ (IL, also Peripl. M. Rubr. 30 = ‘resin’, cf. » BpdOv). <1B *drk-
h,kru- ‘eye-bitter’ > ‘tear’>
VAR Dat.pl. daxpvot; also daxpvov [n.] (IL, from the plur. daxpva).
*COMP tapa-dakpv plant name (Ps.-Dsc.); many bahuvrihis in -daxpuc.
*DER Diminutive daxpbdtov as a plant name (Ps.-Dsc.); Saxpv-detc ‘rich in tears’
IL.); Saxpvwdr¢ ‘running’ (of wounds, Hp.); denominative Saxptw ‘weep (over)’
Il.) with daxpdpa ‘mourned for’ (Orac. apud Hdt. 7, 169), ‘tear’ (A.).
*ETYM Old word for ‘tear’. Also seen in Arm. artasu-k‘ [pl.] (< *draku-, see below),
sing. artawsr (< *draku-r); Gm., e.g. OHG zahar, Go. tagr; Celt. e.g. OBret. dacr,
Olr. dér < *dakr(o)-. In addition to these forms, there is also OHG trahan < PGm.
*trahnu- < IE *draknu-. It has been supposed that earlier *drakru- gave these various
forms by dissimilation. But the eastern languages have similar words without initial
300 6aKt vAoG 1
consonants: Skt. dsru-, Av. asri-, Lith. aSard, ToA akdr, ToB akrina [pl] (see
Pinault 1997: 219-233). To explain all different forms, Kortlandt AAL 6 (1985)
assumes a compounded form *dyk-h,kru ‘eye-bitter’, where the first element is from
*derk- ‘to see’ and the second element from ‘bitter’. For Hitt. iZhahru- [n.] ‘tears’,
Kortlandt (l.c.) reconstructs *sk”-h,kru (from *sek”- ‘see’). A Hell. form *5axpipta is
often assumed to be the source of Lat. dacriima, lacrima, but see now the discussion
in De Vaan 2008 s.v. dacruma.
daxtvAog 1 [m.] ‘finger’ (also as a measure, etc.), ‘toe’ (IA). <PG>
eVAR Boeot. daxxtAtoc (Tanagra).
eCOMP Compounds like tetpaddxtvrAoc ‘four-fingered’; pododaxtvdroc ‘rose-
fingered’.
DER Rare diminutives: daxtvAidtov (Ar.), daxtvAicKoc (Lebadeia), SaxtvAic (Steph.
Med., Plin.); Saxtbdtog [m.] (-ov [n.]) ‘(finger)ring’ (Sapph. Hdt.) with the
diminutive SaxtvAidiov (Delos III’, pap.), also Saxtvdidpiov, -idpvov (pap.,
dissimilated from -tdptov [Chantraine 1933: 72f.]), SaxtvAn8pov (Them, cf.
Chantraine 1933: 373), SaxtvAnO8pa ‘glove with fingers’ (X., Chantraine l.c.).
daxtvXitic plant name (Dsc.; after the root which is thick like a finger, Strémberg
1940: 37), daxtvAevc name of a sea-fish (Ath.). Adjectives: daxtvA-tatos ‘as thick as a
finger’ (Hp.), daxtvAtkdg ‘ptng. to the finger’ (Ath.), daxtvAwtds ‘with fingers’
(Ion.). Denominative SaxtvAitw ‘to count with the fingers, etc.” (H.) together with
daxtvdtotH¢ (pap.), an unknown profession.
eETYM No etymology. Because Boeot. daxxvAtoc can hardly have its -xx- from -KT-, it
is rather from *datKvAoc. A form *datK-vA- looks perfectly Pre-Greek: cluster -«t-
(< -tk-) and a suffix -vA-. Not connected to OHG zinko; the relation to Lat. digitus is
unclear.
SaxtvAog 2 [m.] ‘date’, the fruit (Arist.). «LW Sem.>
*ETYM From Semitic (Arab. daqal, etc.), reshaped to SaxtvAoc by folk-etymology
because the leaf resembles a hand; see Lewy 1895: 2of.
Sarayxav =8ddacca.
dadrj¢ [adj.] - pwpdc ‘dull (H.). <PG?(v)>
eVAR dadaic: oi duadeic ‘those who are ignorant’ (sch. Theocr. 9, 33e).
eETYM Fur.: 255 connects the word with Caaiva: ttwpaivw ‘be dumb’ (H.).
Savaxn 301
*ETYM Connected to > Sdyivnpu, Sapdoat; see Chantraine 1933: 236f. Cf. WH s.v.
damma ‘buck, doe, etc.”
Sapap, -aptos [f.] ‘wife’ (11; on the meaning, see Gernet 1937: 393ff.). < PG?>
eVAR Sdtoptic: yuvry ‘woman’ (H.; perhaps Aeol.).
*DIAL Myc. da-ma-te, du-ma-te [dat.sg.] /damartei/, /dumartei/?
DER No derivatives.
*ETYM Etymology unknown. Since Schulze KZ 28 (1887): 28:f., it has been derived
from the word for ‘house’ (see damedov, Seondtn¢, and Sdptoc) and the root dp- in
apapioxw with a dental suffix; likewis, 660p-t-t¢ (Schwyzer: 451°). Others have seen
an old neuter in -p in dauap; see Benveniste 1935: 30 and Lejeune 1972 $29*. Ruijgh
Lingua 51 (1980): 90 connects the word with taptia, which might point to Pre-Greek
origin.
Sapvnut [v.] ‘to tame, subdue, conquer’, especially of horses (l.). <1E *demh,- ‘tame’>
*VAR Also pres. dative [3sg.] (for Aeol. Sapva, according to Schwyzer: 694), aor.
dapido(o)at, intr. Sapfvat, perf. dédunuat (all Il); to Sapdo(o)at a new present
dapatw (A.), fut. daydoow, 3sg. Saytd (II.), aor. pass. Sapta-o-Of,vat (I1.), also (after
SéS5unptat ‘TI have built’) dttnOFvat (I1.).
*COMP Compounded with b7to-. As a first member in Sdttv-utmtoc (Orph.).
*DER Ounthp (inmwv) ‘tamer’ (h. Hom., Alcm.), fem. Spujtetpa (IL), SpAotc (itmwv)
‘taming’ (Il.); a-Suns, -toc [f.m.] ‘untamed, unmarried’ (Od.), also &-d5y1-to¢ ‘id’?
Cl.) and a&-ddyta-o-tog (Il), a-ddpia-tog (trag.), Spatéa (Dor.). daytactéa (H.);
paddtiac. Isolated are Sapta- and Sattv- in: Aaptaiog ‘tamer’, of Poseidon (Pi.),
Sapdateipa (AP), matv-Saydtwp “all-tamer’ (Il.), late fem. mavdapdteipa; ddptacig and
Saytactixds (sch.), Sapdotns ([Epich.] 301 [2], gloss.); Sapvijtic: Sapdtovoa, tyrwpdc
‘avenging’; dajtvoc: ioc. Tuppyvoi (H.). dapacwvov and dautvapiévn plant names
(Dsc., Ps.-Dsc.; a love potion acc. to Stromberg 1940: 92). See further » SaytdAnc. Not
here > die.
eETYM The present Sdttviryju, Aeol. Sdyivayu agrees morphologically with Ol.
damnaim ‘to bind, tame (horses)’ from *dm-n-eh,-mi, from a root *demh,- seen in
Sajtd-oat, where the expected *deta- was reshaped to dayia-, partly after -dajto- <
*dmh,-o-; the zero grade *dih,- is found in dun-Ofvat (Dor. Sua-). There are many
representatives in other IE languages, e.g. Hitt. damas-*' ‘he forces, urges’. Gr. mav-
Saptatwp, Lat. domitor, and Skt. damitdr- may be independent parallel formations.
As a second member in compounds, inmd-datog (Il.) is reminiscent of Skt.
as arim-dama- ‘conquering the enemy’ (though the latter rather reflects *domh,-o-);
SaA6c > Saiw. (-)6,ujTo¢ is from *dmh,-to- (Lat. domitus is an independent formation).
Sapa =Sapevypu. davaxn [f.] name of a small Persian coin; éhéyeto 52 kai 6 toicg vexpoic Si5d6pevoc
OBoAds ‘an obol offered to corpses’ (H., Call., Poll., EM). <Lw Pers.>
eETYM From Persian, cf. MoP daéna(k) ‘quarter of a dram (drachme)’. See Eilers Welt
des Orients 2 (1959): 333.
SapdAng, -ov [m.] ‘tamer’, said of Eros (Anacr.), ‘younger bull (still to be tamed)’
(Arist.). <IE *demh,- ‘tame’>
eVAR Fem. dapiadtc (A.); data Ary (E.) ‘young cow’.
*DER Diminutive dapidAtov (pap.); Sdpiadog ‘calf? (Hdn.); denominative Sapariqw
‘to tame’ (Pi.). On Adtadtc as a PN see Schmid Phil. 95 (1942): 118".
302 Aavaoi dapda 303
compare Lith. dim-stis ‘court’? The form Camedov is explained (see Frisk) as an
inverted writing of da- after the intensifying prefix (a- / da-; this is hardly
convincing. Cf. » Gaxdpoc and perhaps » d\AdSaTtOc. °
Aavaoi [m.pl.] “‘Danaans’, a Greek tribe (Argos), used by Homer as a general name for
the Greeks. According to an ancient tradition, they took their name from king
Danaos, who came from Egypt. < PG>
*ETYM Kretschmer Glotta 24 (1936): 15ff. sees in the Danaoi the people of the
Scythian king Tanaus, who in the 15" c. came to Argos. Kretschmer also compared ‘
the river namesTanais and Donau, and the Indo-Iranian ethnonym Danu-, etc. This
is untenable; the name is certainly Pre-Greek. A country Danaja (T/Dnjw), with a
city Mukana, is mentioned in inscriptions from Egypt, from Amenophis III (1390-
1352 BC) and earlier from Tuthmosis III (1437 BC); see DNP s.v. Danaos and Latacz
Sanuc, -150¢ [f.] ‘carpet, rug’ (com.).
*DER Diminutive damtdtov.
eETYM Giintert 1914: 151 assumed a folk-etymological reshaping of tdmic after
danedov ‘ground’, but the word is rather a variant of » tamnc.
dantw [v.] ‘to devour, consume’ (IL). <PG?>
2001: 150-165. po eVAR Aor. Sayau.
F vee : a. ; ; : eCOMP Compounds with dmo-, dta-, kata-, whence katadandvny and katadamavaw
Sa(v)daiverv [v.] - atevilerv, ppovtitery, Ltepyrvav ‘to look intently, consider, ponder (Hat, X.)
(H.)
*DER dandvn ‘cost, expenditure’ (Hes. Op. 723; cf. oxantw : cokamdvi)) with derivative
dandvvdAha (Corc.); dSanavnpdc ‘spendthrift? (Pl.) with Sanavnpia (Arist.);
denominative Sdanavaw “spend, consume’ (Hdt.) with dandvnua (X.), damavijotc
SavSariSec =Sevdanic. (Aristeas) and damaviytikdés ‘consuming’ (S.); Sanavytis EM; deverbal Sdmavoc =
danavnpdos (Th.); isolated Sanavovpteva (Andania I*) as if from danavow or -éw.
dantng ‘eater’ (Lyc.) from the present stem, unless = d47-t11)¢; from the aorist stem
day- with a suffix -A-: daw-tArj¢ ‘abundant’ (Ion., Arist.; dayttdc Emp. may be older
acc. to Solmsen IF 31 (1912/13): 461ff.) together with dayiAeia (Arist.) and
Saytrevoptat (LXX). See > Sapdantw.
*ETYM If dantw is formed from a root dan-, this may be compared with Lat. daps
(sacrificial) meal’, and perhaps with the ToA pret. and subj. tap- ‘eat’, ToB tapp-
‘consume’ (?), although the Tocharian initial ¢- from *d- is problematic (Adams 1999
s.v.). Further connections have been proposed with Lat. damnum ‘expenditure, loss’
and ON iafn ‘sacrificial animal, meal’, which could be from *dap-no-m, as well as
with Arm. tawn ‘feast’ (< *dap-ni-). Skt. dapayati ‘divide’ is a productive causative-
formation from da- ‘divide’, and is therefore not connected. In spite of the proposed
cognates, which do not convince on the semantic side, we may also consider Pre-
Greek origin for dan(t)-/ Saw-, especially if it should be related with » detnvov (Fur.:
325). Lat. dapino is a loan from danavaw.
eETYM Sa(v)daivw has nothing to do with » devdiiXa; it may be Pre-Greek (*da(n)-
dan-yw).
Savdadoc [m.] « 6 Epi8xadc, 16 Spveov ‘robin, redbreast’. <PG?>
*ETYM Unknown.
Savbné, -1Koc [m.] name of a big dog (Ps.-Callisth. 2, 33 cod. B). <PG?>
eETYM Unknown. Cf. the other forms with -1)k- in Pre-Greek.
Savoc [n.] ‘gift’ (Euph. 42), ‘loan, debt’ (Call. Epigr. 48). <1? *dh,-no- ‘gift’>
*DER Sdvetov [n.] ‘loan’ (D.) with Savetaxdg (Cod. Just.), denominative daveitw,
-optat ‘loan, give credit’ (Att., Hell. also davi(w), from which ddaveiopta ‘loan’ (Th.),
Savetopds ‘loan, credit’ (Att., Arist.) and Savetotis ‘usurer, believer’ (LXX,) with
Savetotixds (Thphr.). Unclear is davac: ptepidac. Kaptottot ‘portion’ (H.).
*ETYM The suffix is just as in d@evoc, Ktivoc, etc. Brugmann-Delbriick 1897-1916: 1, j
256 connects it with » datéopat, ie. IE *dh,-no-; cf. Skt. dind- ‘divided’? Not directly
related to didwut, as *dh,-no- would give *Sovoc. Alternatively, the word could be
foreign.
54k —daxvo. Sapata [f.pl.] name of the kitchen, which is offered by a phratry at a matrimony
Saka [f.] - P4ha00a.’Hreiparat ‘sea (Epir.) (H.). <?> (Delphi V-IV*). <?>
eETYM Unknown. eVAR Also Sapatoc [m.] name of a Thessalian bread (Seleuc. apud Ath. 3, 114b);
dapatov [n.] (Coropa VI-V*; not quite certain).
eETYM The comparisons with Skt. dirva- and MoDu. tarwe ‘wheat’ and MoE tare, or
Sandvyn =Santw. that with Lith. dirva ‘field, floor’ (see Fraenkel 1955 s.v.), are very doubtful. See
Kalléris 1954: 147-151. DELG refers to Sdpov (H.). Cf. » Spapuc.
Sapda [f.]? - pédtooa ‘bee’ (H.). <¢>
doc = daiw.
Sanedov [n.] ‘ground’ (Od.). <IE%>
VAR Canedov (Xenoph., Paros).
DER No derivatives.
*ETYM Possibly a zero grade of *dem-, seen in deo-ndtn¢ and Sdtt-o¢ (and daiap?),
compounded with médov. ON topt, (O)Sw. tomt ‘building place’ have been
compared, which would continue PGm. *tum-feti- (= *da-medi-); further, can we
eETYM Perhaps reduplicated: Skt. dardurd- ‘frog, pipe’, Lith. derdéti ‘rasseln,
schwatzen’ and Olr. dardaim ‘to roar (of a deerY have been compared. See also
Belardi Doxa 3 (1950): 202 (Adpdavot, etc.). Fur.: 391 considers the word as Pre-
Greek.
304 Sapdaiver
Sapdaiver [v.] - podbvet ‘stains’, dveddpdave- dvepddvve (H.). <>
eETYM Specht KZ 66 (1939): 203f. unconvincingly analysed dap-d-aivw, -dvw,
connecting a word for ‘excrement’ seen in OE tord [n.] ‘excrement’, ON tordyfill
‘dung-beetle’, as well as in Latv. dirst ‘cacare’, Lith. dirsé ‘back’. As this is mere
speculation, the etymology is still unknown. Cf. » ddpéda.
Sapdantw [v.] ‘to devour’ (Hom.). <?>
VAR Only present except Sapddwn (Opp.), dapdayat pAEat, orapdeat ‘break, tear’
(HL), dedapSage: kataBéB pwxe ‘he eats up’ (H.).
eETYM Intensive reduplicated formation with unclear -p-, perhaps connected to
dantw (Fur.: 326). See Frisk for older litt.
Sap8avw [v.] ‘to fall asleep’. <IE *der- (?) ‘sleep’>
eVAR The simplex as a present only Hierocl. in CA; aor. 5pa8ov (v 143); mostly
kata-dap8dvw (PL), also éyxata-, émtkata-, ovykata-, and dzto-, mapa-, aor.
-dpaGeiv (Od.), -dapBeiv, perf. -SedapOrka (Att.), later aor. -SapOrjvat (see Schwyzer
759). Mostly as a suppletive aorist to the pres. [xa0-]evdw ‘sleep’.
DER No derivatives.
eETYM Sap8avw bears a certain resemblance to Skt. dré-ti ‘to sleep’, Lat. dormio ‘id.’,
CS drémati ‘slumber’ (from *drém-). Theoretically, the @ could be a secondary
formant (cf. Benveniste 1935: 191 and Chantraine 1942: 329).
Saplelip [2] - 16 a7td tod peyadov daxtbdov émti TOV LuKpov Sidotr}ta ‘the distance
from the thumb up to the little [finger]’; also Sdpiv- omBayirv. Apkdadec ‘span
(Arcad.) (H.). <2
eETYM DELG assumes rhotacism in the first gloss and thinks it is Laconian, and
borrowed from the Arcadian form. See » da@pov 2.
Sapxa [?] kind of kaoia (Dsc. 1, 13). <PG?>
eVAR Odkap (v.l.).
*DER ddpkavog = épvOpddavov (Ps.-Dsc. 3, 143); for the formation cf. dxavoc,
pa@avos, etc. (Stromberg 1940: 144).
eETYM Unknown. The form dapxavoc might confirm the reading of the lemma. Is
the word Pre-Greek?
Sapkes =dpdoooptat.
Sapry [f.] - capyavn, Kd@tvoc ‘basket’ (H.). < PG(V)>
eETYM Fur.: 261 connects tapmn and Sdpz7t and, further, cdpmove KiBwtotc, BiBvvoi
dé EvAtvoug oikiacg ‘boxes; wooden dwellings (Bith.) (H.) This proves Pre-Greek
origin. Note that the word is also attested in Anatolia (Bithynia). Older suggestions
(see Frisk; Gtintert IF 45 (1927): 347: cross of » tapm1 s.v. and *Sdpen = Skt. darbha-
‘grass-bundle’; Bechtel 1921, 2: 289: 6- “vulgar” for t-) have therefore become
obsolete.
Sac > Sain.
datéo Hat 305
SdaoKtAAog [m.] an unknown fish (Arist. HA 591a 14: tépnetat tH BopBdpw kai Kd7tpw
[‘it enjoys filth and excrement’]). <?>
eETYM Wood AmJPh. 48 (1927): 303 derived it from 6d-oxtoc ‘shadowy’, which is a
mere guess.
Saomdijttc [f.] of unknown meaning; used of the Erinyes, Hekate, the Eumenids, etc.
(0 234, Theoc.). <?>
eVAR Also daozhic, -fto¢ [f.] (Simon., Euph., Nonn, -ijte as a msc.du. in Nic.),
daocmArt1¢ [m.] (An. Ox.).
*ETYM Unknown. The formation is like yepvijttc, kvviyyétic, etc. (Schwyzer: 451).
There are several explanations. An analysis as dao-7t\fTI¢ looks nice formally, but a
connection with mAnoiov, d-7Antoc, Dor. a&-mkatog ‘unapproachable’, iAattc
‘spouse’ (Bechtel 1914) seems strange. The first member must then be connected
either to dactc (Osthoff MU 2 (1879): 46ff.), or to *Sa- ‘house’ in dd-medov.
Differently, Solmsen RhM 60 (1905): 497ff.; Schwyzer: 451.
Saovc [adj.] ‘hairy’; ‘aspirated’ as a grammatical term (Od., IA). <2>
eCOMP Compounded with dygi- (Hom.), év- (Dsc.), émti- (Thphr.), bmép- (X.), b7t6-
(Dsc.).
*DER daovtn¢ ‘hairiness, aspiration’ (Arist.), dacoc [n.] ‘thicket, shagginess’ (Men.),
ddovpa eye-disease = tpdywpta (Sever. Med.; cf. Chantraine 1933: 186f.); daovAXic [f.]
hypocoristic of bears (EM 248, 55); AacvAAtoc epithet of Dionysus (Paus.; acc. to EM
lc. ttapd tO Saovbvetv tac dyimédovc, “because vine-branches are rough’).
Denominative dacbvopat, -w ‘become, make hairy’ (Ar.) with daovvtijs, -ttKdc
‘aspirating’ (gramm.), dacvopds (Dsc.). Note dackdv- daov (H.); unless from
ddoxtov as per Latte. On » ddoxKtAXos, see s.v.
eETYM The old connection with Lat. dénsus depends on the development of -o- after
sonantic 4. Hitt. dassu- ‘heavy, strong’ used to be added here too, but it is now rather
connected with Gr. dt6aoxw ‘learn’ by Kloekhorst 2008, who reconstructs *de/oNs-
u- (cf. also » Safjvat). A pre-form *dntu- vel sim. was proposed because of PNs like
Delph. Aatucg and Phth. Aatvov, but the -tv- in these names cannot reconciled with
the -ov- in daovc: the latter cannot reflect *-tu-.
Satéonat [v.] ‘to divide’ (Il.). «IE *dh,- ‘divide’>
eVAR Aor. 5d0(o)ac8uu, perf. SE5aopia; from the aor. the new present Sdcow (Call.
Fr. anon. 145).
DIAL Myc. e-pi-de-da-to /epi-dedastoi/, e- pi-da-to /epi-dastos/.
eCOMP Compounds with dva- (dvadaojtd¢ ‘redistribution’), dmo- (-ddouloc,
-daopdc), dia-, €v-, KATA-, TTOT-.
eDER Satiti¢ ‘divider’ (A.), datipiocg ‘dividing’ (A. Th. 711; haplological for
*Satytiptoc), Sdatnyoic (Poll.). Saopdc¢ “distribution, tribute’ (Il) < *dat-op16¢,
ddopevoic ‘distribution’ (X.), ddopata: ttepiopata ‘parts’ (H.); daotihp name of an
official (Aetol.). Lengthened present daticcetv-: K\aptcoety, éoGietv ‘to lap, eat’ (H.),
iterative preterite dacdoxeto (I 333).
306 dadKoc
eETYM No exact parallel. The verb contains the zero grade 6a- < *dh.- of the root of
> ditloc, Sayoc, and »datoutat. For the present formation, cf. matéouat and
Schwyzer: 7o05f. and 676.
Sadkog [m.] name of several Umbellates (Athamanta Cretensis, Peucedanum
Cervaria, Daucus Carota; Hp., Dsc., H.; see Andrews Class. Phil. 44 (1949): 185).
<PG(V)>
eVAR Also dadxov (Thphr.), davxetov (Nic.), Savkiov (Gp.); also Sadxoc (below),
Savyxpdc ’Cretensis’ (Nic.), see also on » Sdgvn ‘laurel’.
*DER davxitn¢ (oivoc), see Redard 1949: 96.
eETYM The plants are characterized by their sharp smell and the bitter, burning taste
of the root, such that a connection with daiw ‘kindle, burn’ has been proposed; see
Frisk for older lit, where the scholia to Nic. Th. 94 on davyttdg (v.l. dabKoc) are
mentioned: ITAovtapyxog mAiova pév prot yévty Tij¢ Potavijs eival, TO dé KOLVOv Tic
dvvaptews idiwua Spytd kai mupWdec ‘Pl. says that there is more than one species of
the plant, the common peculiarity of the meaning being “sharp and fiery”. However,
the name of the Daukos plants rather derives from their gummy sap, which is
collected from certain species and which burns with a bright flame; cf. davxpov:
edKavotTov EvAov Sdgvne ‘well-burning wood of the laurel’. Note the form kadKov in
Ps.-Dsc. 2, 139, which was influenced by kaw, katoat. Mediterranean origin is quite
possible. Under >» daqvn, it is argued that this is one and the same word; in addition,
dadKxoc and dabxoc are actually identical, too: Savxov: 16 pévtot SadKov Kal dadxov
ypagetau, emi tivwv dé kal yAbKov H.).
SavAdc [adj.] ‘thick, shaggy’ (A.). <?/PG>
eVAR SatAog (Paus. Gr.).
*COMP Evdavdov: Aoy<j1>@5ec, Saov ‘overgrown with bushes, rough’ (H.).
eDER AavAic in Phocis?
*ETYM Cf. the antonyms ywAdc, wiAdc for the suffix (Chantraine 1933: 238). Direct
connection with daotc is impossible. If a suffix -t- is assumed for » daovc, then
davrdc < *dusu-lo- could remain with Lat. dénsus.
davw [v.] ‘to sleep’ (Sapph. 83), 5avoev- Exouir61 ‘he fell asleep’; dSavwe: Eypryyopwe
‘awake’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Improbably, Giintert 1914: 163. No better is the hypothesis of Bechtel 1921, 1:
118 (that the word is related to Skt. dosa- ‘evening’). See under » deiehoc.
Saqvn [f.] laurel’ (Od.). <PG(v)> ;
eVAR Variants: Adeviy; Sdgpvy. Tepyator (H.) and davbyva (Thess. Cypr.) with
Aavyvatog (Aetol.); also Savyxpdg “Cretensis’ (Nic., H.; see dadKoc).
*DER Sagvic ‘laurel’ (Hp,; cf. kedpic and Chantraine 1933: 343), Sapvwv ‘laurel wood’
(Str.), Sapvitic ‘Kassia of laurel, etc.’ (Dsc.), -itr¢ (oivoc, Gp.), epithet of Apollo in
Syracuse (H., EM). Adjectives: Sapvw6n¢ ‘laurel-like’ (E.), Sdqvivoc ‘from laurel’
(Thphr.), dapviaxds (AP), Sapviets ‘rich in laurels’ (Nonn.), dapvaioc ‘belonging to
the laurel’ (Nonn.), also an epithet of Apollo (AP, Nonn.), Aagvaia epithet of
béeA0c¢ 307
Artemis in Sparta (Paus.), also Aapvia (Olympia, Str.). Adgvic [m.] PN, Aagpvotc
TN.
eETYM While it is obviously in some fashion related to Lat. laurus, dagviy is a
typically Pre-Greek word that showing several types of variation. The variants 5aq-
v- or davk/x-(v/.t)- can be explained by assuming a proto-form *dak”-(n)- (note that
there is no *Aavg-, see Pre-Greek B 1). Thus, dagv- and Savx/x-v/t- were one and
the same word originally.
Sagotvdc =da- and gotvdc.
Saytrys =Santw.
6é [pcl.] adversative and copulative: ‘but, and’ (II.). <IE *de deictic pel. >
eVAR Myc. -de, e.g. da-mo-de /damos de/ ‘but the people’.
*ETYM Probably from »6r by means of vowel reduction, following the functional
bleaching, as per Leumann Mus. Helv. 6 (1949): 85ff. Because of Myc. -de, the
connection as *g”e with OCS Ze ‘dé’ (as defended by e.g. Delbriick 1893-1900(2):
502ff.) is impossible.
-de [postp.] local (deictic) postposition governing the accusative of direction,
originally accentuated 5€ (A. D. Adv. 179, 5; 181,13, Hdn. 1, 498), later enclitic as
opposed to dé ‘but’ (I].). <IE *de deictic pcl.>
*DIAL Myc. ku-do-ni-ja-de /Kudonijan-de/; a-mo-te-jo-na-de /harmoteidna-de/ ‘to
the wheelwright’
*ETYM Identical with (ablauting) OCS do ‘towards’, Gm.,, e.g. OE to, OHG zuo ‘to’
(IE *do); further, Lat. in-de and en-do, indu. The deictic function of -de is also
observed in 6-6g, etc. See also » Setipo.
déato [v.] ‘seemed’, isolated imperfect 3sg. (¢ 242). <IE *deih.- ‘shine’>
eVAR Besides decyinv. edoxivalov, &éddfalov ‘I approved, supposed’ and déatar-
gaivetau, doxel ‘it appears, seems’ (H.); Arcadian subj. deatot and (aor.) dea[on}rot.
Here perhaps also the aorist Sodocato ‘seemed’, subj. dodooeta (Hom.) for
*decooato, -etat after E50ke ‘he expected’ (Wackernagel 1916: 61f.), but cf. tpoyatw
‘Trun quickly’ from tpéyw ‘I run’; see Ruijgh 1957: 130.
eETYM The disyllabic root *deih,- is continued in 6€a-to and in the adjective » éfjA0c¢
< *d5ێa-Aoc. There has been some debate on whether, in *-ViHC-, the laryngeal
assimilated to the yod or not (cf. the thematic optative in -ot-). If so, then our form
may continue a thematic verb in *deih,-e-to. Sanskrit has di-de-ti ‘shines’, ipv. di-di-
hi. See » Sioc, » Zevc, » Séehoc.
dédae =Sarjvau.
dédta eVAR Also Sedioxopat, Sedittopa. = deidw.
SéeX0¢ [m.] ‘binding’(?), only K 466. <1E *deh,- ‘bind’>
VAR SéeXoc: Seotdc, Gia “band, bond’ (H.).
. eETYM Although déedoc has traditionally been identified with the adjective dfAoc
‘clear’, even since the ancient grammarians, Ruijgh Lingua 25 (1970): 319 (see
308 det
> dijAoc) has convincingly argued that this is wrong. According to him, it is rather a
noun in the passage of the Iliad. 5€eAoc is derived from déw ‘to bind’ with the suffix
-eXo-; its meaning could have been ‘tie’ (cf. the gloss by H.; for another, less plausible
option, see Ruijgh l.c.).
Sei = déw 2, déoptat.
Setdioxopat [v.] ‘to greet, welcome’ (Hom.). <IE [188] *deik- ‘show’>
VAR SeldéxaTal, -To, Setk-vb-pevoc, Setk-avdwvto and de(t)-dtoK-dplevoc.
*ETYM These forms were corrected into *5déxata, etc. by Wackernagel BB 4 (1878):
268ff., who connected them with Skt. dasndéti and wanted to restore the (supposed)
intensive reduplication in the Greek form (see Beekes 1969: 114). On the use of the
different forms, see Tichy Glotta 54 (1976): 71-84. Forssman Sprache 24 (1978): 3-24
showed that det-, consistently found in the texts, is the correct reading. The form det-
dex- is the most difficult and replaces Set-dix- (Forssman $31). The other forms
replace *det-di«-; the original meaning was ‘to show’. Cf. also » 6ndéxatau.
dSeidw [v.] ‘to fear’ (Il.). <IE *duei- ‘fear’>
eVAR Old perfect continuing *5é-dfot-a; plur. deidipev < *dé-SFi-pev, with a new
sing. deidia (IL), Att. dédmev, déd1a; new perfect Hom. deidSoixa, Att. dédoika < *5é-
dfoi-Ka (doubtful is dedpoixwc [for dedfot-]- <de>dSouwcs H.?), with a new present
dedoikw, fut. Sedotkrjow (Sicily); sigmatic aorist deio (Il.) < *5fei-cat (Eddete < *é-
dfet-ce), them. root aor. in mepi yap die (E 566, etc.) and diov (X 251) < *6ri-e, -ov
(Il.); see on > Siepau; fut. deicopat (I1.).
*DER To deidw: Setd-hpLwv (I 56, Nonn.) after the adjectives in -fjuwv (Sar-pwv, etc.).
To deioat: SetoiAoc: SetAdc ‘wretched’ (H.); to dédoixa: Sedeixedov: dei poBovpevov,
detAdv ‘frightened all the time’ (H.) Expressive deverbative detSicoopiat (epic), Att.
dedittopat, aor. dSediEac8a, Sedi—acGat ‘be frightened’, first < *Sedpucroptat, unless
analogical after the verbs in *-(i)oow. Innovation after the ox-verbs dedioxopiat (Ar.).
Cf. also » déoc, > dSeitia, » SetAdc, > Setvdc.
eETYM Oeidw is related to Av. duuaé9a ‘threat’, and, with an s-extension, Skt. dvésti
‘hate’. Possibly, Lat. dirus ‘fearful’ is to be connected (if a dialectal form from *duei-
ro- or *dyeis-o-; cf. De Vaan 2008). Further related to > dic ‘twice’, » dbw 1 ‘two’; see
Benveniste Word 10 (1954): 254f. The comparison with Arm. erkncé‘im, etc. ‘to fear’ is
rejected by Kortlandt AAL 10 (1989): 43-52.
dziedoc [adj.] ‘ofthe afternoon, of the evening’, [m.] ‘evening’ (Od.). <?>
eVAR -6v Hdn. Also deiehov [n.] ‘evening meal’ (Call.); denominative SeteAujoac
‘after the evening meal’ (p 599; after éotujoas).
DER deiAn [f.] ‘afternoon, evening’ (also 111, unless to be read detéAn, Wackernagel
1916: 166; Hdt.) with detAtvdc (LXX), SeteAtvdc (Theoc.). Doubtful denominative
deiAeto (1 289; read by Aristarchus for d¥ceto); see Schwyzer 722f. Uncertain
ebdelAog (Alc. POxy. 2165 I 3), of Adgoc; see Gentili Maia 3 (1950): 255f. Cf.
evdeieAoc.
deipa 309
*ETYM The word is not related to Skt. dosd- ‘evening’, etc., nor to SiAoc. Ruijgh
Lingua 25 (1970): 319 argues that deiehoc must be connected with Myc. e-u-de-we-ro
/eu-deiwelos/.
detkavowvto = dydéxatau.
Seixvuzu [v.] ‘to show’ (IL). <IE *deik- ‘show’>
VAR Also them. deuxvibw; Ion. déxvupu, Cret. dixvuti, aor. SeiEa.
eCOMP Often with prefix: dmo-, év-, éml-, KaTa-, TapadeiKvuLU, etc.
*DER deikc, frequent compounds and-, év-, éni-deiic, etc. (IA); Seiya ‘proof,
Tapa-, év-, émi-derypia, etc. (IA), with mapa-derypatixdc, Serypatilw, Serypatiopds,
etc. (Arist.). Agent nouns: deixtng, év-, mpo-deiktns, etc. (Hell.) with deucticdc, dso-,
év-deiktiKdc, etc. (Att. Arist.). Nomen loci: detxtripiov ‘scene’ (pap., EM) with
Serctyptac [f.] ‘mime’ (Plb.). Isolated deikrnAov “(mimic) performance, picture,
sculpture’ (Hdt, see Chantraine 1933: 242, Schwyzer: 484) with deixndixtac (Dor.)
‘actor, bioKptiti¢ (Plu.); also SeixeAov (Democr.) and deikavov (EM). See on > dikn,
eETYM With the exception of Cret. dixvutt and the noun dikn, the Greek vu-present
with secondary full grade has ousted all other ablaut forms. Outside Greek, we find
thematic presents, e.g. Lat. dicd (old deic6) ‘speak’, Go. ga-teihan ‘show, make clear’,
OHG zihan, MoHG zeihen ‘accuse’, Skt. disdti ‘show, demonstrate’. Other
formations are the Sanskrit intensive dédiste, the Iranian yod-present Av. disiieiti
‘show’, and deverbatives as Lat. dicadre, OHG zeigon ‘show’. Cf. in general Gonda
1929. Hitt. tekkussiie/a-“ ‘to show’ is not related (see Kloekhorst 2008). See also
> dndéxatat.
SeiAn eVAR Also deideto. = deiedoc.
dSetAdc [adj.] ‘cowardly, miserable’ (Il.). <1£ *duei- ‘fear’>
eCOMP &-, Opaov-, mav-, Tepi-.
DER 6ethia ‘cowardice, uselessness’ (IA) with SetAidw ‘fear’ (LXX), amto-detAtdaw (Pl.)
and (dmo-)detriacic (Plb.); SetAdty¢ (H.) and denominative detAaivw ‘be fearful’
(Arist.), detAdoptat (S. Ichn. 150%, LXX); detAtatvw ‘make fearful’ (LXX). Expressive
deikatog ‘wretched’ (Emp.), detAaidtn¢ (sch.); deiAaxpog (Ar; Frisk 1934: 63f.),
detAaxpiwv (Ar.), Sethakpivac (EM).
*ETYM Usually analyzed as *dpet-Adc or *5fet-eAdc, a stem in -Ao- beside *5fetoc >
dé0c, comparable to the pair vepéAn: vé~oc. However, Kuiper Glotta 75 (1999): 63-67
finds the meaning ‘cowardly’ only in N 278; elsewhere in Homer, it means ‘vile,
worthless, miserable, wretched’. Moreover, the initial 5- does not make position, and
out of 36 instances, dSethdc is never found in hexameter-initial position, which shows
that it was probably *SeeAdc. Therefore, he prefers a connection with Skt. dind-
‘weak, minor, miserable’ < *dih,-no-; de\Adc then reflects *deih,-(e)lo-.
Seiwa [n.] ‘fear’ (I1.). <1E *duei- ‘fear’>
*DER dettadéog ‘timid’ ({[Arist.] Phgn., Mosch,; cf. Oapoadéoc, optepdadéoc, etc.),
Seipwatoeic (AP), Sempatnpds (A. D.), Seytatwdng (Aret.), Aeisatiac epithet of Zeus
'(D. HL), Aeitiag PN (cf. Schwyzer: 526). Denominative Seytaivw ‘be afraid’ (h. Ap.)
310 deiva, 6 (1, TO)
Sepatdouci, -dw ‘to get, make frightened’ (Hdt.) with Sewatwotc. Often personified
as Agipiog ‘Fear’ (II.).
*ETYM From *6ret-ta, related to > deidw.
deiva, 6 (1), 16) [?] ‘N. N., mr. so-and-so’ (Att.). <?>
*VAR Tod deivoc, oi Seivec, etc., sometimes indecl. tod deitva (more forms in
Schwyzer: 612), always with the article.
*ETYM Unknown. The explanation from plur. *1tdade va (cf. éxetvoc) ‘this (and) that’
> *tadeiva, with analogical 6 detva, has now been abandoned: the singular forms are
much more common than the plural forms. Biraud 1994: 57-69 proposes that it
consists of *de (proximate deixis) + pronominal *en- (with distant deixis) and final
adverbial —a, lit. “Mister-this-or-that-way’.
Setvdc [adj.] ‘fearful, terrible’, also “awesome, strong, extraordinary’, etc. (Il.). <IE
*duei-no- ‘fearful’>
eCOMP Ttav-, Ttepi-, DmEp-.
*DER detvotng (Att.), especially as a rhetorical term. Denominative detvéw ‘to
exaggerate, magnify’ (Th.), together with deivwoic (Pl.) with detvwttkdc (Corn.) and
deivwia (Phld.); detvatw ‘to be in fear’ (LXX). PN Aréviacg (Cor.). Expressive
Aetvaxwv (inscr. Schwyzer: 417).
eETYM From *6rei-véc, related to »deidw. The pair KAeivdcg (< *kAEfed-véc): d-
k\e(F)¢ enables an alternative analysis of Setvdc beside *d-dpettc (> a-derc):
namely, from a basis *dfeteo-voc, with early contraction.
Seimvov [n.] ‘meal’ (II.). <PG?>
eCOMP With -deinvov as a second member: 1. substantives aptotd-, Aoyo-, wevdo-; 2.
Bahuvrihis in -detmvoc like d-, obv-, piAd-. As a first member: deinvyotos (-dc), scil.
kaipdc ‘time for eating’ (p 170), from deinvov and é6- ‘eat’ (with compositional
lengthening), with to- as in Sopnnotéc (sv. »dd6pmov) and Pm adpiotov; also
Seimvnotusc ‘id? (H.).
*DER Diminutive detmviov (Ar.), detmvaptov (Diph., AP). deutvitic (otoAn) ‘cloth for
meal’ (D. C.). dettvoobvn = deinvov (Matro; parodizing); Agimvetc [m.] a hero in
Achaia (Ath.). Denominative deimvéw ‘to have deinvov’ (Il.), whence detnviytic
‘guest’ (Plb.) with detmvntikds (Ar.) and detnvntiptov ‘dining room’ (J.). detmviCw ‘to
entertain (a guest) (Od.) with demvotiptov ‘dining room’ (Mantinea I*); on
deuntvéw and detmvilw see Schwyzer: 736.
eETYM No etymology; perhaps of Pre-Greek origin. Fur.: 339 assumes that it derives .
from *dainvov and compares >» dantw, Lat. daps, damnum, etc,
deipac, -ado¢ [f.] ‘height, mountain ridge’ (h. Ap.). The exact mg. is uncertain; see
DELG. <PG?(s)>
DIAL Cret. drpac.
*COMP As a second member in byi-detpoc.
*DER Without suffix (or from detpr; see below): Setpaioc ‘hilly’ (Lyc.). Also Seipoc:
AOGos. Kal Avavtnes Tomo ‘ridge; steep place’ (H.); derived from byi-detpoc?
déka 311
eETYM On the assumption that Seipdc goes back to *depodc, it was connected with
Skt. drsdd- ‘rock, millstone’, but this etymology must be abandoned because *-ad- is
not an IE suffix (Mayrhofer EWAia 1: 741f.). Alternatively, Ehrlich KZ 39 (1906):
569f. posited a pre-form *gerio-, relating it to » Bopéas, etc. (s.v.; also Forbes Glotta
36 (1958): 248). However, Miller Glotta 54 (1976): 159ff. showed that the Attic word is
epic, and probably Homeric in origin, so that it can reflect Sepf-a5- (which also
matches Cret. Srpdc), which makes a connection with Att. dépn ‘neck, ridge’
possible (for the semantics, cf. the gloss deipoc.Ad@oc H.). Although there are no
other indications, the suffix may point to Pre-Greek origin. See » dépn.
Seipy = dépn.
Seipiav [v.] - \oSopeiaBat. Adkwvec ‘to abuse [Lacon.]’; detpetot- AoiSopot ‘railers’. ot
abtoi; Sepiat- Aowopiat ‘reproaches’ (H.; Bechtel 1921, 2: 370 corrects into depiav,
dSeptaiot; van Herwerden 1910: 192 into dnpuijv, etc.). <?>
eETYM Bezzenberger BB 16 (1890): 248 and Zupitza 1896: 78 have implausibly
suggested connections with Skt. jarate ‘crackles, roars, sounds’, OHG queran ‘tipple’,
etc, so far, the word remains without etymology. See also » Aotdopéw.
dzioa [f.] ‘slime, filth’ (pap. II*, Suid., EM), deic-oCoc ‘having a bad smell’ (AP). <?>
*COMP Compound déetoc: axaBaptoc. Kinptot ‘filthy (Cypr.) (H.) with loss of -o-,
as is regular in Cypr.
*DER detoahéog (Clem. Al, Suid. H.), detoahia = dxaSapoia (Thd., H.); cf.
Debrunner IF 23 (1908-1909): 23f. and 38.
eETYM Unknown. Solmsen 1909: 236f. connects the word with OCS Zidoks ‘succosus,
bdapdc’ and Ru. Zidkij ‘thin, fluid, slim’. See also Lasso de la Vega Emerita 22 (1954):
89.
Setoias [acc.pl.f.] xpewv ‘of meat’ (IG 2”, 1356 [Attica 1V?'™"]). <2>
eVAR Also detordda: tiv pLoipav ‘lot’, oi 6é Sytoipiav “double share’ (H.), cf. dtxdc
‘half, ptovdc ‘unit’, etc. (Chantraine 1933: 358).
eETYM Unknown.
déka [num] ‘ten’ (Il.). <1E *dekm ‘ten’>
*COMP ‘eleven’, ‘twelve’: év-, dw-, also Suw-, Sv6-.
*DER Inherited (see below) dékatocg (Arc. Lesb. déxotoc, cf. Arc. duw@dexo) ‘tenth’;
fem. dexdatn (sc. tepic) ‘the tenth’ (IA) with dexatebw ‘to exact tithe’ (IA), with
dexatevpa (Call.), dexdatevotc (D. H.), dexateia (Plu.), Sexatevti¢ (Harp.) and
dexatevtipiov ‘custom house’ (X.); rare Sexatéw ‘id’ (Ep. Hebr.); Sexatdc
‘sentenced to a fine of one tenth of one’s property’ (Cyren.), haplological for
dexa[tw]td¢ or dexaltev]tdc; Sexatn (scil. Huépa) ‘the tenth day of the month or
after the birth of a child, when the name was given’ (IA) with dexataiog (Pl.) and
dexatiotai (Bithynia; see Chantraine 1933: 318f.). Sexdc, -ddo¢ [f.] ‘decade, group of
ten, especially soldiers’, dexadevc ‘member of a decade’ (X.) also ‘president of a
college of ten men’ (Troezen), Sexadixd¢ (Herm. Alex. in Phdr.), dexadioti¢, -totpia
(Delos) = Sexatiotij¢; Thphr. Char. 27, 11. dexavog ‘decurio, surveyor’ with dexavia,
dexawkds (pap., cf. Mayser 1906-1938, I: 3: 88), Macedonian (von Wilamowitz 1932:
312 bexalw
4017). Isolated denominative » dexdlw ‘to bribe (the judgesy (Att.) whence dexaoptdc
(D. H.). Uncertain OAtt. dexav (IG 1’, 919).
*ETYM Gr. déxa, Lat. decem, Skt. dasa, Go. taihun, etc. derive from IE *dékm. Besides
this, there is a collective formation in -t- (Sommer 1950: 21’; also on dexdxic, -tv),
seen in Skt. dasdt, Lith. désimt, OCS deseto, and Alb. dhjeté ‘ten’, as well as in the
ordinals Séxatoc, Lith. desiratas, OCS desets, Go. taihunda, etc., IE *dékmto-. Lat.
decimus, Olr. dechmad, and Skt. dasamd-, however, derive from *dekmHo-. The
collective Sexac is a Greek innovation: on the suffix (= Hitt. -ant/d- 2 see Sommer
MSS 4 (1954): 1ff. See also » eikoot and > éxatov.
dexatw [v.] ‘to bribe (a judge) (D. H.). <GR>
*ETYM From déxoytat, in the sense ‘to make accept’? See Oldfather in PW 13: 2398 and
Szemerényi 1964: 126-8.
déxopat = déxopta.
dex [f.] - yAaiva, yAavic ‘upper-garment’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Unknown. von Blumenthal 1930: 25’ implausibly assumed dissimilation of
*texty, which would then be related to Lat. tego, toga.
déXeap, -atos [n.] “decoy, bait’ (IA). <IE? *g”elh,-ur>
eVAR Plur. deiAata, also dékevpa (see below).
*DER Denominative dekedlw ‘entice’ (IA) with deAgaopa (Ar.), deAeacpdtiov
(Philox.), SeAeaopds (Arist.) and the instrument names deAedotpa ‘baited trap’
(Cratin.), deAéaotpov ‘id.’ (Nicoph.); with deAaoctpete ‘fisher with baited trap’ (Nic,
metri causa for *deAea-, see BofShardt 1942: 68). With the same mg. deiAata [pl.]
(Call. Fr. 458), SeAjtiov (Sophr.; Sed‘ SeAgatt H.), dEAetpov (Numen. apud Ath.,
Opp.; after the instr. names in -tpov), d€ho¢ (PMagPar. 1, 939, Eust.; innovated after
the neuters in -oc).
eETYM The plural déAevpa (Ath.) suggests that dgAeap goes back to an original r/n-
stem *déAe-fap; cf. the plur. dAevpa to *dAe-fap. The root form deAe- also occurs in
deArjtiov < *SeAedtiov and in recent déAetpov (see Chantraine 1933: 332f.). Late
defAata, the only deviating form, may derive from *5é\-fata. Besides SeAe-, we find
the root form BAn- in BAfp (Alc.), from *BAH-(F)ap or *BAE-(F)ap. The pair BAtip ~
déAeap points to *g”(e)lh,-ur with initial *g’-, but further cognates are unknown.
Any connection with » BiBpwoKw (s.v.; allegedly with p > A dissimalation) can be
excluded because that word has a root-final h, instead. Hardly better is the
suggestion to connect Arm. klanem, aor. ekul ‘to devour’, Ru. glotat’ ‘to swallow’, Lat.
gula, gluttio ‘to devour’. On the basis of the similarity in form, one might consider a
connection with » BaAAw instead (p.c. M. de Vaan).
déAEtpov 1 = dédeap.
déXetpov 2 [n.] ‘torch’ (Timach. apud Ath. 15, 699e, H.). <2>
*ETYM Osthoff ZONF 13 (1937): 6 connects the word with Skt. jvdlati ‘to burn fiercely,
blaze’; this is correctly rejected by Hofmann (ibid.).
SeAKkavoc [m.] an unknown fish (Euthyd. apud Ath. 3, 118b). <GR>
de gic, -ivoc 313
eETYM From the river AéAkwv? Cf. AgéAxoc: Aiptvyn ixQvo~dpoc mepi tiv Opaxny ‘a
creek rich in fish around Thracia’ (H.); cf. Stromberg 1943: 85.
SéANOEG [f.] - ce~AKEC, | CHov Spotov tteAicon ‘wasps, or an animal similar to a bee’
(H., Hdn. Gr. 1, 89). <PG?>
DER JeAAiOla: avOpryvia. of Sé knpia ‘wasp’s nests; others honeycombs’ (H.).
eETYM The formation is reminiscent of dpvi-Oec. There seem no reason to connect it
with »Beddvn. The geminate AA could continue a phoneme I’, in which case the
word would be Pre-Greek. Forms from Lower Italy are mentioned in Rohlfs 1930:
520.
5éA ta [n.] ‘the letter delta, delta of a river’. «LW Sem.>
eVAR Gen. déAtatoc Democr. 20; further uninflected.
*DER SeAtwtd¢ ‘formed like the 6éAta’ (Arat., Eratosth.).
eETYM From Semitic; cf. Hebr. daleth, properly ‘gate’; see Schwyzer: 140 y.
5é\ tos [f.] ‘writing tablet’ (IA). <LW Sem.>
eDIAL Cypr. SaA Toc.
eDER deAtiov (Hdt.), deAtapiov (Plb.). Denominative SeAtdojtat “write on a tablet’
(A. Supp. 179). See » ddeaAtwhate.
*ETYM Note that BupAoc ‘papyrus’ is also fem. (Schwyzer 1950: 34*). The old idea to
connect datdaAAw, Lat. doldre (and even e.g. OHG zelt ‘tent’ < PGm. *teldd- [n.]),
which takes Cypr. ddAtoc as an old zero grade variant, is obsolete; the difference in
meaning is too large. Semitic origin is mostly accepted now (Lewy 1895: 171, E.
Masson 1967: 61-65). The Cypriot form confirms this. Hebr. has delet ‘gate’, plur.
‘columns of writing’, as well as ‘tablet’ (Lachish); cf. also Ugar. and Phoen. dlt. Were
daAKtov: TvaKtov, olov ypaiyatidiov both ‘small tablet’ (H.) formed after mvdxtov?
Latte corrects it to ddA ttov, which is better.
5éd@ak, -axog [f.] ([m.]) ‘mother swine’, as opposed to xoipoc ‘young pig’ (IA). <IE
*gelb'u- ‘womb’>
*DER Diminutive SeApaxiov (Att.) and deAgakic (pap. and Ostr.); also Sehgakivy
‘id’ (Epich. 124, 2; Chantraine 1933: 204), adjective SeApdxetocg (Pherecr.).
Denominative deApaxdoptat ‘become a 6.’ (Ar. Ach. 786).
*ETYM For the suffix, cf. xdpag, oxbAak (Schwyzer: 497, Chantraine 1933: 377ff.), but
otherwise the exact origin is unclear. Probably from a word for ‘womb’ (deA@vc,
*déA@oc? See » ddeA@oc). Cf. » SeAgic, » AeAgoi.
dérAGrE = Aedgpot.
deAgic, -ivoc [m.] ‘dolphin’ (Il). <1E *g”elb"u- ‘womb’>
eVAR Late nom. -iv.
DIAL Lesb. BéAgivec (EM).
*DER deAgivioxos (Arist.) and deAgivapiov (Hero). AeAgivoc “dolphin-god”, epithet
of Apollo (h. Ap.); AeAgivov temple of Ap. Delphinios in Athens (Att.); also
AeAgidiog (Knossos). deAgiviov and deAgividc (Ps.-Dsc.) plant name (after the form
314 Aghgoi
of the leaves, Strémberg 1940: 42); SeAgivetoc (Cyran.) and dedgivic (Luc.).
Denominative deAgtvitw ‘to dive like a dolphin’ (Luc.).
eETYM Cf. atic, yAwyic, etc. for the inflexion. Connected to a word for ‘womb’; see
pdehgtc and pddekgedc. Thus, the dolphin was named after its anatomical
characteristics.
AzAgoi [m.pl.] name of the inhabitants of Delphi (also attributive) and of the town
itself (h. Hom.). <1E *g”elb"u- ‘womb>
eDIAL Aeol. BeAgoi; secondary dialectal forms are Aadgoi, AoAgoi, Aepgoi
(Schwyzer: 205, 213, 275). ‘
DER Fem. AeAgic ‘Delphian’ (Delph., S.), adjective AeAgukdc (S.); déd@ug, -tkog ‘table
made after the Delphic tripod’ (Plu., EM), = Lat. (mensa) Delphica.
*ETYM Acc. to Lundahl Namn och bygd 31 (1943): 42ff., the place was originally called
*Aedguc ‘womb’ after the shape of the land. The inhabitants were called *AegFf-oi >
Aelgoi (cf. *aotf-d¢ to dotv); this form was then later used for the place as well.
SeA bc, -vog [f.] ‘womb’ (Hp.). <IE *g”elb"u- ‘womb’>
eVAR Dor. deA gba [f.] (Greg. Cor.; after urjtpa “womb’?).
*DERAIso d0AQ6¢: HL Tpa ‘id.’ (H.).
eETYM Beside the feminine word for ‘womb’, there is the zero grade neuter Av.
garabus- ‘young animal’; therefore, for deAgtc an s-stem may be considered as well
(Schwyzer: 516). Sod@dc corresponds to Skt. garbha-, Av. garaBa- [m.] ‘womb’. The
Greek form with a labiovelar (*g”elb'-u-, *g”olb"-o-) does not accord well with the *k-
in Gm. forms like OHG kilbur [n.] ‘ewe lamb’", OHG kalb ‘calf, etc., which therefore
have to remain apart, unless we assume dissimilation g” > g.
déuac = déuw.
Sepedéac [acc.pl.f.] ‘leeches’ (Epid.). <?>
*DER Also dey.iBAeic: BSEAAat ‘leeches’ (H.; with -BA- from -pA-). But the gloss stands
between déyet and déuvia, so perhaps with Biicheler and Latte for (*)depedeic?
eETYM Unexplained. There are attempts to connect the word with Lat. lumbricus
‘intestinal worm’ in Bq and WH. Connection with Alb. dhem jé ‘maggot’ is doubtful.
déuvia [n.pl.] ‘bed’ (Il.). <?>
VAR Rarely sing. -tov.
eETYM If Séuwa originally indicated the connective elements of the bed, we can
consider a connection with xpr-deuvov ‘headband’. Then dé1via could be a
derivation in -to- to an n-stem *déua (see > Séw ‘bind’). dé1w ‘to build’ has also been
adduced (Meister BB 11 (1886): 176).
dé [v.] ‘to build’ (I.). <1E *demh,- ‘build’>
eVAR Aor. deipat, perf. med. Sé5pnpat, Dor. Sé5uauau.
*DIAL Myc. de-me-o-te /deme"ontes/ ptc. fut. to-ko-do-mo /toik"o-domos/, na-u-do-
mo /nau-domos/, e-te-do-mo /entesdomos/?
dévdpeov 315
*COMP Old compounds ve6-dpatoc, ved-dpn-tos (Pi.). See also » ecd5un. Agent
noun oikoddpoc, to which oixodoptéw ‘to build’; adjectival vao-, mupyo-d5dj10¢
‘building of temple, fortifications’.
*DER déuac (only nom. and acc.) ‘bodily shape, outward appearance’ (Il.) with
analogical -ac, Sour ‘id. (A. R.), also = ‘tetxoc, oixodopit] (H., uncertain J. AJ 15, 11,
3) with doptatog ‘useful for building’ (A. R.); see also on » SdpL0c, > S@pa, > SW.
Deverbative aor. dwpijoat, -roac8at (A. R. Swprcovotv: cickodouroovoet H.), from
*Swpdw (or *Swptéw?, Schwyzer: 719), with S@pna (Lycia), év6@pnowg (Smyrna FP,
etc.), S@pnNotc, dwuntts H., Swuytwp (Man.). A short vowel appears in some late
forms: Sopéovtt- oikodopodvtt H., Sedopnpsévos (J. Aristid.) with Sdounotc, dounua
J.), Soptrjtwp (Anon. Prog. in Rh.); from oiko-dopéw (1A)?
eETYM The present déuw has a parallel in the Gm. verb Go. ga-timan, OS teman,
OHG zeman ‘to befit’. Dor. veddpatoc, Sé5ucjat are hyperdorisms, as the root had
-h,-: see Beekes 1969: 291 add. to p. 202, who adduces spellings with n in Pindar;
likewise Ruijgh Lingua 25 (1970): 316, who points to Myc. de-me-o-te. Further
connected is HLuw. ta+mi-ha ‘T built’.
Different from the reconstruction that the Greek data require (in my view), is that of
LIV? with *-h, (s.v. 1. *demh,-). See further » Seondtng.
5év [n.] ‘something’ (Democr. 156). <GR>
eVAR Gen. devdc (Alc. 76; uncertain).
*ETYM From ovdév, undév; cf. Leumann 1950: 108°.
Sevdanic, -idoc [f.] ‘kind of barley-cake’ (Nicopho, Eratosth.); devdahidac: oi pév
&vOoc¢ TL dAXoL Tac AevKds KaxpuG, oi dE Tac Entiopevac KpLBAc mpd Tod Ppvyijval, oi
dé Tac &k KpiB@v judlacg yevopévac ‘flower; white parched barley; winnowed barley
corns for roasting; cake produced from barley corns’ (H.). The a is short in
Nicophon. <PG?(0)>
eVAR Also davéanic H., Pollux.
eETYM Cf. oepidadtc ‘fine wheat flour’; further unknown. Nevertheless, the last word
is probably from Akkadian samidu. One may consider a reduplication da/e-n-dali-
with prenasalization, in which case devdahic could be Pre-Greek.
SevdirAw [v.] ‘to turn the eyes to, glance quickly’ (I 180, A. R. 3, 281, S. Fr. 1039). <?>
*DER dSevdihrke oxapdapdtte, Stavevet, onpaiver, atidce, oxwnte ‘he blinks,
winks; nods, beckons; indicates; does not respect; jeers at’ (H.). Here Aévéthoc,
Decourt 1995: n° 50, 40?
eETYM Although devdiiAw certainly has intensive reduplication, its etymology is
unknown. For suggestions, see Wood Class. Phil. 9 (1914): 145, Charpentier KZ 47
(1915): 183, Fraenkel Gnomon 22 (1950): 239, and Gro’elj Ziva Ant. 2 (1952): 66f.
devdihAw has nothing to do with da(v)daivw, which may be Pre-Greek (from
*da(n)-dan-yw).
dévdpeov [n.] ‘tree’ (Hom., Pi.). <1E? *doru, dreu- ‘tree’>
eVAR Also dévdpov (Att.); dévdpo¢ [n.], also [m.], (Ion. Dor.; see below); gen.
dévdpeoc (Hdt.), see Schwyzer: 583.
316 devdptw
*COMP 1. substantives like kapvd-, \t86-, podd-, otapvdd-devdpov; 2. many
bahuvrihis in -devdpoc.
*DER Sevdp-vgiov (Thphr. see Schwyzer: 471), devdpiov (Agathocl.). devdpwdrc¢
‘rich in trees’ (Hp.), devdprietc ‘rich in trees’ (Od.), devdpitig, -itis ‘belonging to the
tree’, also name of a stone (Thphr.), rare devépwtne, -Wtic ‘grown with trees’ (Hdn.,
E.); devépikdc ‘belonging to a tree’ (Thphr.), devdptaxds ‘id.’ (AP), dévdptvoc ‘id.’
(gloss.), Sevdpatoc ‘from trees’ (Nonn.), devdpac [f.] ‘id.’ (Nonn.). devdpwv and
dévdpwpa ‘thicket’ (Aq.). Denominative devdpdopta, -dw ‘to grow to a tree, change
into a tree’ (Thphr.) with dévépwotc (Thphr.). On devdpudw see > devd ptw.
*ETYM The form dévdpoc is modelled after the plural forms dévdpea, -éwv (to
dévépeov). The usual Attic form dévdpov is also secondary (cf. adehk@dc from
adeh@edc?); see Wackernagel 1916: 109f., Shipp 1967: 21f., 55. dévdpeov < *bévdperov
agrees with the Gm. word for ‘tree’: Go. triu, OE tréow ‘tree’, etc., PGm. *trewa- < IE
*dreu-o-. But the form of the Greek reduplication is rare (not comparable with
> yayypatva, as per DELG). See further » ddpv, » Spic. Janda 1997 assumes *dem-
drey-om ‘tree planted near the house’, and similarly Strunk 1995: 357-63. However, a
compound with such a meaning strikes me as utterly strange.
Sevdptw [v.] ‘to dive into the water’ (Epid.). <?>
*DER Lengthened Sevdpvdtev: 16 katadvbvewv Kai kpimtecOat, Kupiws eic tac Spic,
KaTayprotikds dé kai emi Tod amAG@e Sbvetv kai KpUmTetv “duck and hide, mainly in
the woods, but also misused for diving and hiding in general’ (EM 255, 55); similar H.
and Paus. Gr. Fr. 119: 10 Spvoi oxémeo8at kai 10 Kal Hdatoc SveoGat KTA. ‘to hide
among trees, also to dive under water, etc’.
eETYM Intensive reduplication of dpvetat- Kpvatetat ‘hides’, dpvdcar
KatakodvptBijoat ‘dive down’ (H.; not shortened from <dev>dpv_etal, <dev>dpvdoat,
as per Latte). Spvetat is often considered to go back to *vpv_etat, which would make
a connection possible with Lith. neriu, nérti ‘to dive, slip into’, CS ve-noro, vo-nreéti
‘napetodvec8ar’, etc. (which require a set-root *nerH-). See Frisk Eranos 40 (1942):
82ff.
Sévvoc [m.] ‘reproach’ (Hdt., probably also Archil. 65 [cod. detvoic]). <?>
*DER Further devvaCw (cf. xvddaCw) ‘abuse, revile’ (Thgn.); devvov. kakoAdyov
‘slanderous; Sevvactdv. KatayéAactov, Aotdopovuevov peta KaTayédAwtoc
‘ridiculous, reproached with absurdity’ (H.).
eETYM Unknown. Untenable suggestions are contained in Bq., Pok. 466. The
geminate is not expressive; see Hoffmann 1898: 583.
SeEapevry = Séx oat.
Settdc [adj.] ‘(to the) right (side) (Il). <1E *deks- ‘right’>
eDIAL Myc. PN de-ki-si-wo /deksiwos/; also Pamphyl. de&tpoc (Masson Glotta 39.
(1960): 111f.).
*COMP With a-, dtpt-, dttpotepo-, etc.
DER Se&td, Ion. -tr ‘the right hand’ (Il.); Se&ttepdc ‘on the right side’ (Il.). deEtotn¢
‘dexterity, cleverness’ (IA). SeEtdopat ‘to take by the right hand, welcome, greet, etc.’
dépkoptat 317
(h. Hom., Att.) together with detiwots ‘greeting’. Ph.), deEwttxdc ‘welcome’ (Eust.),
dekiwpia ‘id.’ (S, v.l. SeFfaua); deEraCoptat ‘to welcome’ (LXX, pap.) after domafopau.
*ETYM If it is from *debipoc (Wackernagel 1897: 11; cf. » Aatdc, » oKaLdc), the word is
identical with Gaul. Dexsiva dea (see Porzig 1954a: 138). Celt. and Gm. have forms
with a suffix -yo-, but without -i-, e.g. Olr. dess, Go. taihswa, OHG zeso, zesawer
‘right’, IE *deks-uo-. Ilr. and BSI. have a derivative in -n-, eg. Skt. ddksina-
(daksind-), Lith. dé3inas; Albanian has djath-(£)é, etc. perhaps from *deks(i)- (see
Demiraj 1997 s.v.). defttepdc = Lat. dexter. Further, see » déxojtau.
Séopnar = déw 2.
Séoc [n.] ‘fear’ (IL; on the mg. Schadewaldt Herm. 83 (1955): 129ff.). <1E *duei- ‘fear’>
*DER As a second member e.g. in d-Serjc ‘fearless’ (Il.), Oeovdrjc ‘godfearing’ (Od.)
from *8eo0-dfenec, Att. PN ovdijc.
*ETYM From *6fetog, a verbal abstract of » deidw.
démac, -aog [n.] ‘goblet’ (Il; on the meaning see Brommer Herm. 77 (1942): 357f.,
364f.). <PG>
*DIAL Myc. di- pa /dipas/, di-pa-e /dipa*e/ [du.].
*DER Poetical lengthening Sértactpov ‘id’ (Antim.) with demactpatoc (Lyc.), see
Chantraine 1933: 3336.
*ETYM Pre-Greek, like many other words for cups, etc. The interchange ¢/ t is
frequent (Fur.: 353ff., Hester Minos 6 (1958): 24-36). On -8pov/-otpov, see Fur.: 302°”
and 303%. Perhaps the same word as HLuw. tipas- ‘heaven’.
Sép1 [f.] ‘neck, throat’ (Att.). <?>
eVAR Ion. detpr) (since Il.). Poetical innovation deipea [pl.] (Euph.), after t1édea
‘limbs’, pSea ‘genitals’, yeihea ‘lips’, etc; also dépic (Alciphr., H.), cf payic ’spine’,
etc.
DIAL Arc. Sepfa, Lesb. dépa (Sapph.).
eCOMP Several poetical bahuvrihis only with -deipoc, as a first member only
deipay8rjg (AP), Setpoximeddov (Luc.), deipdmaic (Lyc.). Epic compound
(a1to)Setpotopéw “to cut off the neck’, as if from *Setpo-tdkoc.
*DER Diminutive detpddiov (Poll.); dépatov ‘necklace’ (E.), from mepidép-atov ‘id.’
(Ar.); déptov ‘id.’ (Charis.); Setprytiig = otpovOdc (Nic. Fr. 123), depBiotip [= SepF-]
(EM), Sep[p]totip- mepidépatov innov ‘collar of a horse’, dep[p]totic: Kvvayyn
Tlepiavxévioc ‘dog’s collar’ (H.); cf. Bpaytowotip s.v. » Bpaxiwv.
*ETYM Oépr and detprj, which reflect PGr. Sepfa (= Arc.), have been compared with
Skt. griva-, Ru. griva (originally ‘neck’; cf. Ru. grivna ‘collar’), Latv. griva ‘mouth of a
river. Apart from the highly problematic ‘extension’ with -i-, this etymology
requires a reconstruction *g”er-ueh,-, but Aeol. depa (instead of the expected *Bepa)
excludes original *g”. For the same reason, » BiBpwoxw cannot be related. A much
better etymology is offered by » Setpdc, which fits the meaning well.
SépKopat [v.] ‘to look, cast the eye (ony (Il.). <1 *derk- ‘see’>
“eVAR Aor. Spaxeiv, with “passive” forms édpaxny (Pi.), é6€px6rv (A.), perf. (with
present mg.) dédopka.
318 dépw
°COMP Prefixes dtgt-, dva-, etc.
DER Sépypa ‘glance’ (A.), Sepyptdc ‘id.’ (H.), Sépétc ‘sense of sight’ (Orac. apud Plu.,
H.); with zero grade dpdxocg [n.] ‘eye’ (Nic. Al. 481). Verbal adjective as a PN
Agpxetoc (Crete), Svo-dépxetog (Opp.): Cf. also » Spaxwv, » bnd5pa. Lengthened
verbal form depxidwvtat (Hes. Th. 911. at verse end; artificial?); innovation to
dédopxa (Schwyzer: 735): SopKatwv- mepiBAémwv ‘looking about’ (H.). See also
> Sopkac.
eETYM The perfect 5é5opxa ‘I see’ is morphologically identical with Skt. daddrsa, Av.
dadarasa. The aorist &5paxov, with the old athematic form dpaxévt- (Pi; Forssman
MSS 17 (1964): 17-19), is matched by Skt. d-drs-an [3pl.], etc. Since Indo-Iranian has a
suppletive present, Skt. pasyati, Av. spasiieiti (related to » oxéntoytat), SépKoytat is
probably a Greek innovation (on which depyOijvat, SépEoptat, etc. were built; see
Schwyzer: 758). The verbal adj. Agpxetoc may be compared with Skt. darsata-
‘visible’. Further related forms are e.g. Olr. ad-con-darc ‘I have seen’, Go. ga-tarhjan
‘orytetobv, characterize’, OE OS torht, OHG zoraht ‘light, clear’, Alb. drité ‘light’ (<
IE *dyk-teh,-). More forms are recorded in LIV’ s.v. *derk-.
Sépw [v.] ‘to skin, flay’ (I1.). <1E *der- ‘flay’>
VAR Also deipw, aor. deipat, fut. dep@, pass. Saprvat, dapOijvau, perf. dEdappat.
*COMP With prefixes dmo-, &x-, etc.
*DER 6éppia “(slayed) skin, leather’ (Il.) with diminutive Seppdtiov (Pl.); adjective
Seppdtivos ‘of leather’ (Od.), deppatixdc ‘of skin’ (Arist.) with Sepptatixtov a cloth
(pap.), Seppatwdn¢ ‘skinlike’ (Arist:), Sepwatnpdc in Seppatnpa [f.] ‘tax on hides’
(pap.), Sépprytec: of && EprBwv mepinodor (cod. meptccol) ‘the patrolmen out of the
epheboi’ H., cf. yuptvijtec, kovprytes, etc. Rare denominative amo-deppatéw ‘to flay’
(Plb; dSedeppatwpgvar as an explanation of ioyadwpévar H.), amo-deppatitw
(medic.), SeppbAdet- aioxportotel, of dé exdépet ‘to act filthily; strip the skin off from’
(H.), Sch.; see Schwyzer: 736. Further ddpjia (Delph; from dépyia, Schwyzer: 274; but
anoddppata Hdt. 4, 64 with ablaut?).
dépog [n.] = déppta (S.); also Sépac ‘id.’ (Chios, E.); Sapoc- to Bovtbmov ‘ox-butcher’
(H.). Sopa ‘flayed skin’ (IA); with Sopetvc ‘flayer’, also a throw with the dice
(Herod.), dopic ‘sacrificial knife’ (Com.), Soptkdg ‘of skin’ (Hp.), dopdw ‘smear’
(inscr.) with Sdpwotc, Sopwotmoc (pap.), évddpwita (inscr.). Sopdc ‘leather sack’ (6
354; 380). d€ppic [f.] ‘skin’, especially as a technical term for screens, etc. used in a
siege (Th.), from *dép-o1c; here Sépptov- tpixivov oaxiov ‘small bag of hair’ (H.),
Seppiokos (Att.).
Regular zero grade Sdpotc (Gal.). déptpov ‘caul, membrane’ (A 579, etc.), and détpov
(H., Et. Gud.). deptov (accent unknown) ‘flayed sheep’ (Mykonos). daprtj¢ ‘flayer’
(gloss.). Verbal adj. Spatdéc (‘¥ 169), daptdc (Milete V*); with Sdptivov- ménAov
Awobdv ‘linen cloth’ (H.). See also on » Sijpic ‘battle’ and » SdpKau.
*ETYM O€pw is related to e.g. Go. dis-, gatairan ‘to tear up, destroy’, OHG (fir-)zeran
‘id’, MoHG (ver)zehren; Lith. deru, di?ti (dirti) ‘to flay, OCS dero, dorati ‘to flay’,
and further Sanskrit with a root aor. dart [3sg.inj.] ‘to split’ and a nd-present drndati.
For the formation, we may compare the aorist éeipa < *édepoa with Skt. darsat
[subj.]. Also, Sapotc is matched by Skt. dfti-.‘sack’, Go. ga-taurps ‘destruction’, and
debtEpoc 319
Ru. dert’ ‘newly cleared land’; and likewise, dpatdéc, daptdéc¢ with Skt. drtd-. A yod-
present (cf. Seipw) is found in Lith. dirin flay’ and Skt. diryate. Further forms are in
LIV’ s.v. *der-.
Seondtys, -ov [m.] ‘master (of the house), lord’ (Pi; on its absence in Homer
[Séomoiva Od.] see Wackernagel 1916: 209 A. 1). <IE *dems-pot- ‘lord of the house’>
eCOMP In compounds with first member avto-, oiko-, ptho-.
*DER déomotva ‘mistress of the house, lady’ (Od.); SeonotvKdc ‘in service of the
queen’ (PMasp. 88, 10, VIP); also Seondtic ‘id.’ (S.), rare Seondtetipa (S. Fr. 1040),
deondtpta (sch. E. Hec. 397); on the feminine forms Fraenkel 1912: 27; on MoGr.
deonoivic Schwyzer: 133. Rare diminutive Seonotioxog (E.), deomotidiov
(Aristaenet.). Adjective Seandéovvoc ‘belonging to the lord’ (Tyrt., h. Cer.), with
deonootvy ‘lordship’ (Hdt.); deondotog “id.” (A.), Seonotixds (Pl.), Seondtetog
(Lyc.). Denominatives: 1. deomdCw ‘to be lord, rule’ (1A); déomo0p1a (Man.). 2.
deomotéw “‘id.’, mostly pass. ‘to obey a 6.’ (A.). 3. deantotebw ‘id’ (LXX); deomoteia
(P1.).
*ETYM Cf. Skt. dam pati- (also, in two words, pdtir dan), Av. dang paitis ‘lord’. In
Greek, it became a fixed compound, which changed its flexion from an i-stem (see
pnmdoic) to that of an a-stem (cf. dyKvdo-tujtns beside putic; Schwyzer: 451).
déornoiva is from *deo-not-via. The first part, IE *dems (whence Gr. deo-, Skt.
dam-), is the genitive of a word for ‘house’ (see » Sd,10¢).
detai = dé 1.
Sevkijs = adevxijc.
Sevouat eVAR dedw. > déw 2.
dedpo [adv.] ‘(to) here’, also as interj. and imperative (‘come here’). «IE *de-u-ro? ‘(to)
here’>
eVAR Here belongs the plur. Sedrte (Il.); rare sing. Sedpe (Att. inscr; after the
imperatives in -e); also Sevpi (Ar. And.) with deictic -i; Aeol. detpv (Hdn.) like
dAAv-(6tc) ‘from elsewhere’, Sevpw I 240 (Hdn.) after mpd0(o)w ‘forwards’.
*DIAL Myc. de-we-ro-(a,-ko-ra-i-ja), perhaps containing /dewero-/, a part of the
kingdom of Pylos.
eETYM The Greek word starts with the demonstrative adverb *65e (cf. the postposition
-d). Cf. further Lacon. né5evpa: totepa ‘later’ (H.).
Regarding the second part analyzed as -u-ro, the Greek form recalls the synonymous
Lith. auré and Av. auuara (see Nyberg in Boéthius 1932: 237ff.). Compare further
Arm. ur ‘(to) where?’, from *ure (cf. ure-k‘ ‘to some place’), and U uru ‘illo’. See
Ruijgh Minos 12 (1972): 441-50 for a Greek derivationas *de-u + *-(e)ro-, which is
taken up by DELG Supp.
devtepos [adj.] ‘second’, in order and time, also in status (Il.). <GR>
*DER devtepaiog ‘belonging to the second day’ (Hdt; from 1 devtépa [hépal, cf.
_ Schwyzer: 596); Sevtepeta (sc. G0Aa) [n.pl.], later also -ov and as an adjective (Hdt;
after dptoteia); Sevtepiag (oivoc) ‘bad wine, made from the draff (otétpvda)’
320 devw 1
(Nicopho [?], Dsc. after the wine names in -iac, Chantraine 1933: 94f. also
devtepivap (Lacon.) (H.); devtépiov ‘afterbirth’ (Aq.). Denominative devtepetw ‘to
be second’ (Plb.), devtepidtw ‘id’ (Ar. Ec. 634); Sevtepdw ‘to repeat’ (LXX) with
devtépwotc (LXX) and devtépwyta (Eust.). Beside Sevtepoc rarely the superlative
devtatoc (T 51, Mosch.).
*ETYM Although devtepoc is usually analyzed as a comparative of Sevopat (see » Séw
2), so originally ‘who stays behind, the following’, Ruijgh Lingua 28 (1971): 317f.
argues that it is improbable that -tepoc should have been added to a verbal stem, and
suggests that it was added to an adverbial stem *dev instead (perhaps seen in debte).
Sev 1 [v.] ‘to make wet’ (IL). <?>
eVAR Aor. dedoat.
«COMP Sevoomolds ‘steeped in color, fast’, metaph. ‘imperishable’ (PI.).
*DER Oevoutocg (témt0g Sch. M 21), from *debotg (Arbenz Die Adj. auf -t0c), or
directly from dedoat; uncertain devpata Kpew@v (Pi. O. 1, 50); also Sevtip ‘kettle’
(auct. apud Poll. 10, 105). devoonotgw and devoonotia (Alciphr., Poll.); devoo-
povotog (PMasp.VI?; cf. powotocg [from Lat. russeus ‘reddish’]). mmdodevotéw ‘to
make mortar’ (Att.) from *nndo-devot1<.
eETYM Unexplained; > dtaivw has been compared. Could the word be connected with
dvw ‘to dive, enter’ as ‘to immerse’ (Van Beek p.c.)?
devw 2 = déw 2.
5é¢ [v.] ‘to soften (with the hand), masturbari’ (Ar., Eub.). <PG>
eVAR Also med, aor. é6éyato (Hippon.)? See Scheller MSS 6 (1955): 88ff. Present
dé wet (-€i?) [38g.] (Hdt. 4, 64); aor. ptc. Seyrjoas (U 48).
*DER Segudaotai [m.pl.] members of a guild of fullers (Argos), with -aotrj¢, -totI\¢
denoting membership (Chantraine 1933: 317ff.), otherwise unclear; via *5eqic, *-150c?
déwa ‘tanned skin’ (Suid.); adéyntos (v 2; 142, etc.).
eETYM The present déyw (cf. yw) beside SEpw seems to have an s-enlargement, but
the other instances in Schwyzer: 706 are not completely comparable. Petersson KZ
47 (1918): 285 compared the Arm. denominative top‘em ‘to beat’ and SCr. dépati ‘to
butt, slay’, Pol. deptac ‘to tread’, which, however, are semantically rather distant and
do not correspond phonologically. » dip8épa has also been compared, which, if
connected, certainly points to Pre-Greek origin, as does, in fact, the variation
between -@- and -w- (cf. especially déya; Fur.: 263, etc., who also connects dipaw).
Lat. depso, -ére is borrowed from Greek.
Séyw = SéEQu.
5éxopat [v.] ‘to take, accept, receive, etc.’ (Att.). < IE *dek- ‘take, accept’>
eVAR O€koptat (Ion. Aeol. Cret.), aor. déEao8ar (Il). 3pl. déyatau (M 147), epic aor.
ptc. dé€yptevoc, isgind. édéyunv, etc. (metrically conditioned), mporti-deypiat-
mpoodéxoptcu ‘I am received’ (H,; cf. Debrunner 1956: 77ff.; on the analogical voiced
aspirated and voiced stop see Schwyzer: 772 and 769).
*DIAL Myc. de-ka-sa-to /deksato/, de-ko-to /dekto/; ra-wo-do-ko /lawo-dokos/, cf.
A.addoxos (Il.).
béw 1 321
eCOMP With prefixes: dva-, amo-, eio-, etc.
eDER Numerous derivatives, especially with prefix: 1. -66koc as a second member in
compounds (Il; also Att.), eg. io-6dKog ‘receiving arrows’ (epic), Swpo-5dKoc
‘accepting presents, corruptible’ (Att.); also the simplex »Soxdc ‘beam’; doxéc
‘container’ (Thphr., H.). 2. doxav: OrKnv ‘case’ (H.); also in dv-doxa ‘surety’ (Cret.),
éo-doxd ‘contract’ (Arc.), etc, (ava-, éx-, etc.) doxy (Att.) with doyatocg (Nic.),
doxiKdc (pap.); dvdoKevc ‘guarantor’ (H.; Dor., cf. Kretschmer Glotta 18 (1930): 91);
(éx-, bmo-, etc.) Soxevcs ‘receiver, etc.’ (Hell. and late); mavdoxetc ‘innkeeper’
(retrograde formation); to doyetve: (ék-, bm0-, etc.) doyeiov ‘container’ (Hell. and
late). 3. (am0-, &k-, etc.) d€Eic ‘reception’ (Hdt.) with dé&utoc ‘acceptable’ (pap.). 4.
(&x-, dta-, etc.) déktwp ‘who accepts’ (A.). 5. (amto-)dextr/p ‘collector’, an official (X.)
with the fem. déxtpia (Archil.). 6. déktng ‘beggar’ (6 248); ano-, bmo-dékTN¢
‘collector’ (Att., Hell. and late); with (ava-, bmo-, etc.) dextikdg ‘fit for accepting’
(Arist.); bmodéktoc ‘id,’ (Hadt.), bnodekin ‘friendly reception’ (I 73). 7. dpt-» deiketoc
s.V. 8. > deEaytevi ‘water collector’ (ptc. deEapévn with oppositive accent).
See also on » ddxkipoc, > Soy; for ddxava, Soxdavn see on » SoKdc.
Deverbative verbs: doxéw, doxdtw, mpoo-doKdw, etc, see on »doKxebw. On
dexavatat domdacetat ‘welcome, salute’ (H.) see » detdioxoptct. See further » dexatw
(from dexdc) and » déxa.
eETYM There are several forms from IE *dek-, dok- which can be compared with
dékopict: Lat. decet ‘it is fitting’ with decus [n.] (~ Skt. *ddsas- in dasas-ydti ‘honor’,
Mir. dech ‘the best’; cf. also Sektdc), dignus, doced, etc. Therefore, dékopat may
originally have meant ‘to consider something appropriate’.
From Armenian, compare tesanem, aor. tesi ‘to see’ (cf. doxebw for the meaning),
but the appurtenance of Arm. ancay ‘gift? and Slavic and Germanic words like OCS
deSo, desiti ‘to find’ (see » dw), OHG gi-zehon ‘to order’ is uncertain.
Skt. dasnoti, dasti, dagati ‘to bring a sacrifice, honor’ also belongs here, being an
originally reduplicated present *de-dk- (there is no need to assume an old
lengthened grade). From within Greek, we can connect the word with » de&tdc, from
*deks- with a zero grade s-suffix (cf. Lat. decus), with an adverbial loc. *deksi ‘right’.
See also Soxetw under > SoKéw.
Sé 1 [v.] ‘to bind’ (I1.). <1 *deh,- ‘bind’>
eVAR Aeol., etc. didn (see below), aor. Shoat, perf. med. dédepat (I.), with dédexa
(Att.), aor. pass. SeOrjvau (Att.).
*COMP Often with prefixes like dva-, kata-, bm0-, Ovv-, etc.
*DER Verbal nouns: 1. -5na (as a simplex [= Skt. daman-, see below] only sch. A. R.
2, 535) notably in bnddnua ‘shoe, sandal’ (Od.) with brodnpdtiov (Hp.),
drodnpiatapiog ‘shoemaker’ (Hypata II’), dtddnua “band, diadem’ (X.) with
StadSnpatigopat (Aq.); secondary zero grade in déua (Plb.). 2. deopidc, plur. also
deoua, déop.ata “band, fetter’ (Il.) with several derivatives: Séo,uog ‘fettered’ (trag.),
deouing: ptactiyiac, bc d&tdg éott Seopwv ‘a worthless slave, who deserves
imprisonment’ (H.), deoptic (Hp.), deoptidtov (Dsc.), Seopiatiov (sch.), Seopumpata
[pl] ‘fetters’ (A.); Seouwtng ‘prisoner’ and deopwwtrptov ‘prison’ (IA); denominative
deopebw ‘bind, fetter’ Hes.) with rare Seopevtiyc¢ (sch.), deopevtixdc (PI.),
322 5éw 2
Seopevtipiov (pap.), Séopevoic (pap.); Seouéw “id” (Hell. and late) with déounpa
(Tz.); avadéoun ‘band for the hair of women’ (X 469), déopn ‘bundle’ (Att.). 3. déo1¢
‘binding, etc.’ (P1.), especially b16-deotc ‘binding of shoes, sandals’ (IA). 4. detat [pl.]
‘torch, fire’ (A 554, Ar. V. 1361, H.); rather verbal noun ‘binding, bundle’ than from
detdc (Opp.); diminutive detic (Gal.). 5. d1ytot [pl.] ‘bundle’ (Sammelb. 1, 5, III’). 6.
-Setip, -dét1)¢ in duadAo-Setijpec ‘binders of sheaves’ (2 553, 554; see Chantraine
1933: 323), GuadhAo-détat (Theoc., AP) as inno-dét1@¢ (S.), mnpo-détac (E. [lyr.]), etc.
On > déuvia, » KprSepva, see s.vv.
eETYM Gr. detdc (in did-detoc A., detdg¢ Opp.) and Skt. ditd- ‘bound’ correspond
directly, just as fa (676-5, etc.) and Skt. daman- ‘band’, although they could as
well be parallel formations. Of the Greek presents, SiSrnpt (A 105) is probably an
innovation on the basis of dijow, Sioa, etc. after Ojow: TiO (but, according to
LIV? s.v. *deh,-, following Rasmussen and Tucker, a relatively old innovation). The
e-vowel in déw, déotc, Setdc, etc. (like that in ti-Oe-pev, Bgotc, etc.) must be the zero
grade *dh,- beside the full grade *deh,- in Sjow, etc. Furthermore, we have Skt. pres.
-dyati (a-dyati) ‘bind’ from *dh,-ie-ti and perhaps Hitt. tiia [impv.] (Melchert apud
Kloekhorst 2008 s.v.).
Séw 2 [v.] ‘to miss, lack, be in need of, med. also ‘to ask’. IE *deu(s)- ‘miss, want,
need’>
eVAR Séoua (IA), Sevw, Sevouat (Aeol., epic Il.), impersonal dei, Sevet, aor. Sefjoat,
dSenPijvau, epic é5evnjoev (t 483 = 540; Sfjoev X 100 is, if correct, an innovation to Sei),
fut. devrjoouat.
*DER dérjotc ‘need, request’ (Att.) with Sentixdg (Arist.), dénpa ‘request’ (Ar. Ach.
1059). To émdéw, -opai, émdevouat ‘need’: Emden, Emdevrs ‘in need of (Schwyzer
513); to évdéw, évdel, Evdéouar ‘need’: évderi¢ (1A) with Evdeia (Att.) < *évdéeta,
évdenpa (pap.).
eETYM d€w, devw may derive from *déF-w, but are probably also the regular
development of *5evo-w. In the latter case, we could directly connect Skt. dosa- ‘lack’
< IE *douso-, although this is doubted by LIV? s.v. *deus- and Mayrhofer EWAia 1:
749 s.v. dos-. Perhaps » dvo- belongs here; on dei, see Goodell Class. Quart. 8 (1914):
giff. and Bernardette Glotta 43 (1965): 285ff.
51 [interj.] ‘even, indeed, right’, emphatic pcl. (I.). < IE? *de>
VAR Like 5é, mostly in the second position of the sentence; also in more or less fixed
connections like -5n, émet-5n, di-Sev, Sita, etc; see Schwyzer 1950: 562f.
*ETYM Perhaps a case form (instrumental?) of a demonstrative; it would be identical
with Lat. dé, Olr. di ‘away from’. See de Vaan 2008 s.v. dé. 5é arose by weakening of
5n. See also > dai.
dnai [f.pl.] ‘barley corns’ (EM 264, 13: énai mpooayopevovtat dnd Kprntaov ai Kpr8at).
<PG?>
VAR Orqt Tal: ai Entiopevat KpLBai “winnowed barley’ (H.).
*ETYM Schulze 1892: 2884 (p. 289) interprets the word as dual, ie. »Ceat, which would
indeed be possible in Cretan, according to DELG. Latte mentions datavat: Cetai H.;
dnAgopat 323
therefore, Pre-Greek origin remains a serious possibility as well (thus also Fur.: 337,
etc.).
bndéxatat = detdioxopa.
50a = div.
Aniaveipa = drjtoc.
dijioc [adj.] ‘inimical, terrible’, of nip ‘fire’, also of moAEuog ‘war’, dvip ‘man’ (I].); by
false connection with Sarjvau: ‘able, experienced’ (API.). <?, PG?>
*DIAL Dor. ddioc, Saoc.
*DER dnioti<, -tHto¢ [f.] (on the oxytonesis, cf. Schwyzer: 528) ‘battle, struggle,
death’ (Hom.); partly as if from ‘61ji6w (Triimpy 1950: 136ff.). Denominative did,
drow ‘slay, kill’ (IL.), ‘destroy’ (IA); isolated SridaoKov (A. R. 2, 142) after epic
-aaox-. Thence dniotoa epithet of kwvetov “the killing” (Ps.-Dsc.; cf. Stromberg
1940: 64). Instead of drjid6w, Wackernagel 1916: 170f. proposes to read in the epic dniw
(Srtov for Srjovv E 452, etc.), as A. R. 3, 1374 and H. have Sretv: moAeuetv, povetetv
‘to make war, murder’, which can be a denominative of *6nic in Ani-pofos, etc. (cf.
Kretschmer Glotta 10 (1920): 49f.). Among the PNs in Ani- note Anji-dveipa (S., etc.),
formed after > dvtidvetpa, kvdt-dveipa, etc., with verbal reinterpretation of the first
member: ‘killing the man’; cf. Sommer 1934: 41.
eETYM The frequent epic expression Srov mip (verse end) and mupdc droto
(combined with Beomdaéc nbp [M 177, etc.]) suggests a meaning ‘burning’, which
makes a connection with daiw ‘burn’ likely. However, Ruijgh Lingua 25 (1970): 318
observes that Myc. Da-i-qo-ta (cf. Artpovtng) has no -f-, so it must have had an -h-,
/Da*i-/, which shows that the word is non-IE (see Chantraine 1942: 107 and
Leumann 1950: 129).
*6nkavowvto VAR *5iykvbpEvoc. = derdioxopal.
Srravydic [adv.] - &dyav pavepdic ‘very conspicuous’ (H.), Ev. Marc. 8, 25 (v.l.). <GR>
*ETYM For *trpAavyds, influenced by dfjAoc. See Blass-Debrunner-Funk 1961 §119, 4.
dnAéonan [v.] ‘to hurt, damage’ (l.). <?, PG?>
eVAR Aor. d1Arjoac8a (SaA- Theoc. 9, 36; 15, 48); El. ka-dadéoito, ka-dadéuevor
(ka-CaA-), perf. ded Anpat.
DER OrjAnpa “damage, destruction’ (Od; on the mg. Chantraine 1933; 183), and
drjAfpwv ‘damaging, ruin’ (Hom.); dyAnoicg ‘damage’ (Ion., Thphr.); Srnec
‘destructing’ (Nic.), after nominal aiyAretc, etc; SnANtrptos ‘id.’ (Teos V%, etc.), -tov
‘poison’ (Hp. Ep.); dnAntip only Hom. Epigr. 14, 8; dnAntnpiwdr¢ (Dav. Proll.).
*ETYM Schwyzer: 720 took dnAgopat as an iterative-intensive deverbative. A root
variant with short a is found in ppevo-d5aArjc ‘destroying the mind’ (A. Eu. 330 lyr.),
daAAEt Kaxovpyel “does evil’ (H.), as well as in nav-6aAnto< ‘destroyed’ (Hippon. 2);
and further, but with unknown quantity, in adadéc- bytéc ‘healthy’, d4kav- AdpV
‘maltreatment’, SaAfj; Kaxovpyy, SaAroacGat- Avprvacbai, adixf\oa ‘maltreat, do
‘injustice’ (H.). Coversely, the connection with »(d-d5ndog (Alc. s.v.) is doubtful.
Under the assumption of an original meaning ‘split’, SyAgopat was connected with
324 drAopat
darddAAw, SéAtoc and derived from IE *del- (cf. Lat. doled, dolor). However, the
ablaut forms are incompatible, and long *@ can hardly be derived from PIE (a
hyperdorism in Theoc. is improbable); therefore, the verb is probably non-IE, ice.
Pre-Greek. Hackstein 2002: 219f. implausibly argues that the long a is a secondary
lengthened grade, created within the history of Greek.
SijAoptat eVAR Dor. for » BobAouat. = BovAonat.
dijAo¢ [adj.] ‘clear’ (Od.; ExdiAog E 2). <1E? *deih,- ‘shine’>
VAR Besides d€eXoc ‘visible’ (K 466). ;
*DER Denominative dmAdw ‘make clear’ (IA) with dijAwotc, SryAwpa (Att., etc.),
drAwtikds (Hp.). Often with prefix: api-dnAoc (with, through inverted writing [cf.
Ca- = da-], dpi-Cndoc), éx-, év-, éni-, katd-dinros, etc. with éxdrddw, etc. See
Stromberg 1946 (index). Sefakdoat (BCH 1988, 283f, Mantinea IV*) has
hypercorrect F (RPh. 71 [1997] 156).
eETYM The glosses Siakov: pavepdov and dtdAac: tac dijdac kai pavepac H., dialectal
for dea-, show that dijAoc¢ continues *déaAoc < *deih,-(e)lo-, cognate with » déato <
*deih,(-e)-to. This also fits &<SmAoc in E 2 (Bechtel 1914: 98). Differently, Schulze
1892: 244 A. 2 and Chantraine 1933: 242. See also » SéeA0c and » evdeieAoc.
Anuytnp [f.] the Greek mother goddess (Il). See further Schwyzer: 567f., Sommer
1948: 147. <?>
eVAR Gen. -tepog and -tpoc.
DIAL Though one might expect the name in Mycenaean, it happens not to have been
found so far. Aapatnp (Dor., etc.), also Awuatnp, Aappatept (Thess.).
*DER Anutptoc “belonging to A.’ (A.), also as a PN; thence the month name
Anpntpioyv (Attica); Anpntpieta [pl] ‘festival for Demeter’ (Samos [IV*], after
AokAnnieta, etc.), Arptytpta [pl.] also ‘festival for Demetrios’; Anutpiactai name of
the worshippers of Demeter (Ephesus), cf. AnoAAwwaotai, etc; Anpitpiakdc
‘belonging to Demeter or Demetrios’ (D. S.); Anurytpetot [pl.] name of the dead
(Plu.). Denominative Sapatpiferv: 16 ovvayetv TOV AnpntptaKov Kapmdév. Kumpiot
‘to collect the harvest belonging to A’ (H.). Short form Anw (h. Cer., etc.), whence
An@og and Anwivn ‘daughter of Av’.
eETYM Taken as “Mother Earth” (Kretschmer Wien. Stud. 24 (1902): 523ff,
Kretschmer Glotta 17 (1929): 240), and consisting of 5a, assumed to be a Pre-Greek
word for ‘Earth’, and »urjtnp. However, there is no indication that » 5a means
‘earth’, although it has also been assumed in the name of Poseidon. Derivation from
*Aao-uatnp < IE *dms-, a supposed genitive of *dem- ‘house’ (cf. » deortétnc) by
Ehrlich 1912: 62ff., should be rejected.
Pisani IF 53 (1935): 28ff. and Georgiev 1937: 9ff., 20ff. both consider the word to be
Illyrian (like Aapia, Apia, etc.) and compare Alb. dhe ‘earth’ (see » yOwv); rejected by
Kretschmer Glotta 27 (1939): 31.
Cf. Messap. damatura, probably name of a goddess (Krahe 1955: 82); the Messapian
word must be an adaptation of the Greek name; cf. Aeinatupos s.v. » Zevc.
Heubeck 1961: 75-8 starts from ‘Phrygian’ [éav-pava/ Tdavpaa, and sees in the first
element a cognate of Gr. y8wv; he suggests that the form Awpdtnp goes back on
dnpd¢ 325
*d'$"6n-.. However, his further connection with his Minoan-Minyan hypothesis
(which would be a separate IE language) is unconvincing.
Srpuovpydc [m.] ‘handicraftsman’ (Att.). On the mg. Bader 196s. Originally a creator,
in the Dorian world it designated a magistrate. See further Palmer TPS 1954: 18-53.
<IE? *deh,-mo- ‘people’>
eVAR Ortoepydc (Od., Hdt.).
eDIAL Srptopydc (Ion.), daptopydg (Dor., :NWGr., Arc., Boeot.), Saptwpydc
(Astypal.), Saptepyoc (Astypal., Nisyr.) name of an official.
DER Srtovpyic, SnpLovpytov, Sryptovpyla, Snptovpyicdc, SrWovpyetov; SnpLovpyéw
with dryu0bpynua.
eETYM From *dnp0-Fepyde, in turn from Sita épya with verbal reinterpretation of
the second member after the types yoxo-nopmdc; partly from -Fopydéc. Further, see
> dijpoc.
dijjt0¢ [m.] ‘land, territory’ (as opposed to the town), ‘people’ (II.); in Athens also a
part of the phylai, a deme. <IE *deh,-mo- ‘people’>
eDIAL Dor. Sap0c.
*COMP Numerous compounds, e.g. d1juoKpatia ‘government of the people’ (IA),
after Odtyapyia, povapyia (Snuapxia =.‘the office of drypapyxoc’); further see
Debrunner 1947: 11ff.
*DER Doric forms are not mentioned separately:
Substantives: Snpidiov, diminutive Snpaxidtov (Ar.); Sdtns, Dor. also Sapétac
(Carpathos) ‘man of the people’ (1A, Dor.) with two normal adjectives: Srypdc010¢
‘belonging to the people, state, public’ (IA) with drpootebw intr. ‘serve the state’, also
trans. ‘make public’ and drypootdw ‘confiscate, make public’ with drpooiwotc.
drpottkds ‘belonging to the people, useful for the people, democratic’; on the
difference between Srypd0t0¢ and Srpotixdc Chantraine 1933: 392; fem. d1ypdttc;
denominative dmpotevopat ‘be Srnpot1¢, belong to a demos’ (Att.).
Adjectives: 5r\p10¢ ‘belonging to the people, public’ (Od.), 6 Sryptog (euphemistic)
‘executioner’ (Att., Benveniste Sprache 1 (1949): 121), Spwdr¢ ‘according to the
people’ (PI.), ddovvoc epithet of Artemis (Athens IV-III*), Snydtepoc “belonging
to the people’ (Call; after dypdtepoc).
Denominative dipevw [v.] ‘to make public, confiscate’ (Att.) with drypevoic and
Srppeior- ai twv Sijuwv ovotdcets ‘meetings of the people’ (H.); Srypodopat ‘sing or
explain publicly’ (Pi.) with Sapwpata: ta Sypooia addpeva ‘which is sung publicly’
(Ar. Pax 797); Snpitw ‘act as friend of the people’ (Ar. V. 699). Adverb d51p68ev
‘from the people, on communal costs’ (Od.).
eETYM A morphological match is offered by Celtic: Or. dam ‘followers, crowd’, OW
dauu ‘cliens’, W daw(f) ‘son-in-law’, OCo. dof ‘gener’; but since these are a-stems,
PIE *deh.mos was perhaps originally feminine (Pedersen 1938: 52). If the word is an
m-derivative of the verb ‘divide’ (see » Saiopat), which requires the analysis *deh,-
mo-, it must originally have meant ‘part’. On » Snpuoupyos, see s.v.
S116 [m.] ‘fat of animals and men’ (IL). <?>
*DER No derivatives or compounds (probably because of the identity with dfjp10¢).
326 dtv
eETYM The word has been compared with Alb. dhjamé ‘fat, pork, tallow’, but
Demiraj 1997: 161 thinks it may be non-IE. It hardly means just ‘fluidity, wetness’ (as
per Frisk s.v.), so the connection with the IIr. word for ‘fluid’, eg. Skt. da-nu- ‘drip,
dew’, Av. da-nu- ‘river, stream’, Oss. don ‘water, river’, is not convincing either.
51v [adv.] ‘long’, also ‘far’ (I1.). <1£ *dueh,-m ‘long’>
DIAL Dor. Sav, Sodv (see below).
*DER d1yvatéc, Dor. dav- ‘living, lasting long’ (Il.) with Snvaidtn¢g (Democr.) and
Aryvaiwv month name (Erythrai) (not containing an element *atfoc to aidv).
eETYM Like »m\rv, Dor. mAav prop. *near’, Srv is the old accus. of a root noun
*dFa-, also seen in » Sipdc, » SNPa. The notation Sodv (Alcm. 135) just renders dFav.
The form dadv- moAvxpéwov ‘lasting a long time’ (H.) can be *5Fa-16v, perhaps also
*dafov, and belonging directly to OCS dav-on> ‘old’ (Latte gives da<vai>dv). For
further cognates, see » Sipdc.
1jvea [n.pl.] ‘counsels, plans’ (II.). <1£? *densos- ‘counsel, skill’>
VAR Oij\voc (H.).
*COMP Several compounds, mostly only known from lexicographers: adrvic- GkaKoc
‘guileless’ H., EM (from where Semon. 7, 53 for traditional adnvijc), adrvews (Chios,
H.), adavéc: anpovontov ‘unpremeditated’, adrveity ameipia ‘lack of skill’,
ToAvdiyvea: TOADBovAov ‘of many counsels’ (H.).
*ETYM Brugmann Sdchs. Ber. 49 (1897): 187 (also Brugmann-Delbriick 1897-1916 2:1,
518) assumed *Sdvoea, with analogical a from »dafjvat, »daippwv for older
*dévoea, *5évoog = Skt. ddmsas- [n.] ‘wonderful craft’, Av. dayhah- [n.] ‘dexterity’,
IE *dénsos- beside *dys- in Sa-fvat, Sa-i-ppwv. However, one would rather expect
replacement by *Sdoc; see the objections in Bechtel 1914: 99 and Lasso de la Vega
Emerita 22 (1954): 92, who also sees semantic problems. Wackernagel KZ 29 (1888):
137 prefers connecting Sw, which is nothing better. Ruijgh Lingua 25 (1970): 319f.
considers the word Mycenaean, with *dens- giving Sijv- (comparing tedn-(F)evt- <
*teheo-fevt-). See also R. Schmitt 1967: 161.
Sijptc, -toc [f.] ‘battle’ (I1.; cf. Triimpy 1950: 141ff.). <1E? *der- ‘split’>
*DER Denominative Srpiopiat (Pi.), aor. Snptoavto (8 76), act. Snpioat (Thgn.), pass.
SnpivOyjtrv CII 756) as if from *dnpivw; perhaps for diptOrtnv (Schwyzer: 761; see
Chantraine 1942: 404), SnptvOfvat (A. R.), present metrically reshaped in
dnptowvto, SnpidacGat, etc. (Hom.; Schwyzer: 727, Chantraine 1942: 359); ptc. act.
S1ptovtwv (Pi. N. 11, 26; for -6vtwv acc. to Schulze 1892: 384 A. 3), Spiowvtec (A. R.
1, 752; see Schwyzer 1950: 234, partly metrically determined). Srpittetv: épiCerv ‘to
contend with’ (H.). Privative adjective a-5rpt-toc ‘without battle’ (P 42; 4-dnpis AP);
as a verbal adj. to Snpiopat ‘indomitable’ (A. Pr. 105), ‘undisputed’ (PIb.).
*ETYM Formally, dijpic seem to correspond to Skt. -dari- ‘splitting’ (as a second
member in epic), but the Skt. word is attested only rather late, which makes the
comparison uncertain. See also > dépw.
dnpdc [adj.] ‘lasting long’ (I.). <1£ *dueh,- ‘long’>
diaita 327
°VAR Dor. dapdc, mostly Srpdv, Sapdv [adv.] ‘long’. On the use Bjérck 1950: 126,
208, 210.
*ETYM Related to Sijv, 6(F)av, from *5fa-pdc. The same root occurs in Hitt. tuya
[adv.] ‘far’, tuyala- [adj.] ‘far from’ (Benveniste BSL 33 (1932): 142f.), OP duvaistam,
Av. dbéistam ‘diutissime’, Arm. tev-em ‘to hold out’ (cf. Kortlandt 2003: 102:
derivation of tew), and Skt. di-rd- ‘far’, Lat. du-dum ‘for along time’, etc. Not related
to Arm. erkar ‘lasting long’, according to Kortlandt 2003: gf.
dijta = 5H.
51 [v.] ‘I shall find’ (1l.); the future mg. is based on the perfective aspect of the verb
(Schwyzer 1950: 265). <IE? *des- ‘find, look after’>
VAR Only present (except é5nev- ebpev H.) with future meaning.
eETYM Remarkable lengthened grade thematic root present. It has been compared
with OCS deso, desiti ‘find’ (Pedersen IF 5 (1895): 47) and Alb. ndesh ‘meet’ (Jokl
Wien. Ak. Sb. 168: 1: 60ff, Pok. 190). See also Vasmer 1953 s.v. desito. Narten KZ 78
(1963): 63 compared Skt. abhi-dasati (the subj. aor. of °da- ‘be hostile’).
dtd [adv., prep.] ‘in two, apart, through’ (Il.), as a prep. ‘through’ (Il); on the mg.
Schwyzer 1950: 448ff. <IE *dis ‘apart’>
eVAR Thess. dté, Lesb, Ca (< dia). Epic > Sa-; also dtai (A; after katai ‘downwards’,
trapai ‘beside’, bmai ‘under’).
*COMP Note dtayimepéc, dtavdtya; dtampo, dé.
*ETYM Probably from *éth-a; related to Lat. dis-, OS, OE te-, OHG zi-, ze- (whence
zir-, zer- through contamination with ir-, er-), Alb. ¢- ‘apart’. Greek has added -a
after j1eTd, Tapa, etc. Cf. » dic.
StaBrytN¢ [m.] ‘circle’ (Ar.), ‘compass’ (PI. Plu.), later ‘siphon’ (Colum., Hero) because
of the formal similarity. <GR>
*ETYM From dtaBaivetv, ‘spread the legs’ (see Kalbfleisch PhW 64 (1944); contra
Stromberg 1944: 89). The meaning ‘diabetes’ is modern. See > Baivw.
didyyapov [adj.] - dtxéqadov ‘two-headed’ (H.; alphabetically at the wrong place). <?>
eETYM Schmidt and Latte consider this word corrupt. von Blumenthal 1930: 24
attempted to identify it as Illyrian.
drafopat = dttopat.
dtaivw [v.] ‘to make (the eyes) wet, cry’ (IL). <?>
eVAR Aor. dtijvat.
*DERGtavtéc (Arist.), StavtiKds (Arist.); diavotc (Gal.). On » dtepdc (Hes.), see s.v.
eETYM Unknown. See Bechtel 1914 s.v.
Siatta [f.] 1. ‘mode of life, prescribed way of life, dwelling’ (Pi. Ion., also Att; on the
mg. ‘ornaments’ in LXX Del Medico ByzZ 44, 413ff.); 2. ‘arbitration’ (Att.). <GR>
*DER dtattdopiat ‘feed onself, live somewhere, be somewhere’ (IA), -dw ‘treat as a
physician’ (Hp.); 2. dtaitdw “to distinguish, be arbitrator’ (Pi, Att.). diaitnpa (mostly
plur.) ‘way of life’ (Hp.) with dtatnpatwdne; dtaitrots ‘way of life’ (Hp.); Startrytrpta
328 dtdKoviv
[pl.] ‘living room’ (X.); dtartiyttkdc “belonging to the food’ (Hp.), and ‘belonging to
the arbitration’ (Str.); uncertain Staiti[a = dtaitnotc (epist. Hadr.; Hesperia 3, 41).
Startiytr\¢ ‘arbiter’ (Hdt.), dtartatép (Olympia VI*) and Sdtattryomoc ‘belonging to the
arbiter’ (Is.; after epéousoc; cf. Arbenz 1933: 69f.); TO StattrtiKdv ‘decision of an
arbiter’ (pap.). Staitwpa (Delph. II*) = diatta, see Chantraine 1933: 187.
*ETYM Like dptaw from *da(F)eptdw beside primary deipw, so di-altdopal, -dw
stands beside primary aivvpa (see Schwyzer: 7osf.); thus, it originally meant ‘take
out, divide’, whence ‘divide food, feed oneself, live’ and, on the other hand, ‘decide’
(with reference to jurisdiction, like » aitioc; cf. also » aioa). Siaita is a retrograde
formation from the verb. Only in the medical sense of ‘treat as physician’ is Siartaw
a denominative of dicta.
dtdxovev [m.] - dvoKivytov. Kpijytec “difficult to move (Cret.)’ (H.). <2
eETYM Unknown.
dtaxdwov [n.] - waa fH Gwpoc, Kai 1) Kprytic tod MAaKodvtos ‘barley-cake or soup or
sauce; bottom of a type of flat cake’ (Pherecr. fr. 156), of 6& néppata éantopeva tijc
eipeoimvijs ‘sweetmeats fastened on a wreath’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM Unknown.
dtaxovic [f.]? - emi dec inatiov dvwpdAov, 6 gapev Koviletv, Kai AvOpwmocg 6 pH
TLUKVOG ‘a coarsely-woven tunic; also a man who is not shrewd’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM Latte Mnem. 3:10 (1942): 82 recalls the gloss kexoviopévoc: ovvmemtheypevoc
from a sch. on Theoc. 1, 30, but this remains unclear.
d1kovoc [m.] ‘servant, diaconus’ (IA, etc.). <1E *ken- ‘hasten’>
eVAR Ion. dir\Kkovoc; secondary dtaKwv (pap.).
DIAL Myc. perhaps ka-si-ko-no if /kasi-konos/ ‘worker, companion’.
eDER Fem. dtaxévicoa (late; see Chantraine 1933: 110). Staxovia ‘service’ (Att.),
diakovkoc (Att.). dtaxovéw (6u17-) ‘to serve, be servant’ (IA) together with
dtakdvijia ‘service’ (Pl.), Staxdvijotc ‘service’ (PI.), Staxovijtixds (Alex. Aphr.).
sETYM If the formation is to be compared with that of » dugitodoc, dtaxovoc derives
from a verb lost otherwise, or else it could be deverbal derivation of dtaxovéw, which
would be an iterative-intensive deverbative like » éyxovéw ‘hurry’. dia- may have
meant ‘from all sides, completely’; its long vowel might have to be explained from
lengthening in compounds, were it not that according to Ruijgh Lingua 25 (1970):
320 only the first vowel of the second member can be lengthened. On the meaning,
see Lidén 1906: 52. Cf. also » dujvexnie.
Staxdo101 [num.] ‘two hundred’ (collective tiv dtaxociav inmov ‘two hundred horse’
Th. 1, 62). <1E *dui-dkmt- ‘two hundred’>
eVAR Ion. djkdotot, Dor., etc. Stakdtiot.
DER dtaKootootéc ‘the twohundredth’ (D. H.), 1) dtaxootooth name of a half percent
tax in Ptolemaic Egypt (pap.); diaxooidKic (Herod. Med.); Staxootampwtot name of
the highest class of taxpayers (Aphrodisias; after dexa-npwtot); dtaxootovta-yous
‘twohundredfold’ (Str.; after Exatovtd-xoug, etc.), cf. dtaxootovtdxts (Alex. Aphr.).
dtampvotov 329
eETYM The original form of the second member is -xattol, which became -Kdctot
with regular assibilation t > o and analogical -o- after -kovta, -Kootdq; Sta-, d117- is
for dt- (see Sic) after tpta-, tpt17-KdoLoL, etc. See > eikool, > ExaTdv.
dtaxovpatecBar [v.] - atevéc BAEmetv ‘to behold intently’: dia TO tov dPBadpods
Kopac héyeoBat ‘because the eyes were called x.’ (Suid., EM 267,24). 4GR>
eETYM Unknown.
dtaxtopos [adj.] epithet of Hermes (Hom.); by later poets, who understood it as
‘messenger’, also used for Iris, Athena, the Eagle of Zeus, etc. (Call.); finally also as
adjective (Staktopa ... yyea ‘swords’ Nonn.). Secondary dtaxtwp (AP, Hs cf.
dtakwv = 61dKovoc). <2>
eETYM The meaning was lost at an early date; it was used as ‘StaKovog by A. Pr. 941,
and later simply interpreted as ‘messenger’: dm0 tov didyetv tac ayyehiag ‘because
they carry over messages’ (H.). The gloss continues, however: ij oiov dtatdpwe Kai
capac Siadkeyopevos ‘or like: said loudly and clearly’. Bechtel 1914 relates it as d1d-
Ktopoc to Ktépac: “one who disposes of treasure”(?); Ostergaard Herm. 37 (1902):
333ff. takes it as god of death, based on connection with xtépec: vexpoi ‘the dead’
(H.), but this is probably a guess by grammarians to explain xtépea as ‘honors of the
dead’ (Solmsen IF 3 (1894): 98). Thieme 1952: 52f. objects to these explanations, and
analyzes *Sta-axt-topog as “transmitting to the other side [of Persephoneia]”; Frisk
deems this “mehr kiihn als tiberzeugend”. Janko Glotta 56 (1978): 192-195 follows
Hesychius in assuming that the form was thematicized secondarily and that it meant
Tyepov ‘leader’.
dtapevotds [acc.pl.] -ddaldévasg ‘charlatans, cheats’; dtapevtiyc wevorne, anatewv ‘liar,
cheat’ (H.). <GR?>
eETYM From *6t-apevouat; see > duetoacBaL.
Stappoipnda =poipa.
Stapnaé [adv.] ‘right through, through and through’ (trag., X). <GR>
eETYM From &té, dvd and -md& in Gag; perhaps modelled after » Stapnepéc.
dtaprepéc [adv.] ‘through and through, right through’, local and temporal (II.). <GR>
VAR Also with tmesis: dia S’apmepéc (Schwyzer 1950: 426).
*DER dtapmepric [adj.] ‘piercing’ (Hp.); Staymepéwc (Hp.), from there dpmepéwe:
diapymaé ‘right through’ (H.).
eETYM From été and duneipw; cf. dumeipavtes ‘having pierced’ B 426 (dtaymeipw [Q.
S.] is a secondary formation after Stameipw). The root vowel is the same as in dta-
Tepaw, Tepdvi}, etc., as well as in the adj. in -1j¢ (Schwyzer: 513). The combination
61(4)-dava, or rather -a4N-, occurs also in dtavdtya (Hom.); see > diya. Cf. Strémberg
1946: 140f. and Luther 1935: 154f. See also synonymous > dtapmdk (A.).
dtanpvou.ov [adv.] ‘going through, piercing’, especially of sounds, ‘far stretching’
(Hom.). <1E? *6ta-mp-v-1-2>
VAR Also -iwe [adv.] (D. S.).
330 didpapa
*ETYM Stampvotog arose from dtanpd ‘through and through’, to which *-tyo- was
added (see Forssman KZ 79 (1965): 14*). For the unclear v-vocalism, Aeolic origin
has been proposed (Chantraine 1942: 25; for other suggestions, cf. Bechtel 1914 s.v.;
Schwyzer 1950: 505; Schwyzer K Z 63 (1936): 60°).
Std papa =2Eepdw.
dtattaw [v.] ‘to sieve’ (Att.). <IE *kieh,- ‘sieve’>
eVAR Perf. ptc. pass. Siettrptévoc (Suyttyévoc Thphr. as if from d1-attdw); as a
simplex o@ot [3pl.pres.] (Hdt. 1, 200), étttévocg (Pherecr., Att. inscr.), éoonpévoc
(Delos III’, with Ionic -oo-). A present in -0- is > of0w.
*COMP dAevp6-tti701I6¢ ‘flour-sieve’ (Poll.), ‘sieved flour’ (Suid.).
*DER Verbal noun didttiotc (Plu.), also (deverbal) diattoc: dAevpdt<t>notc, TO
Kdoxtvov ‘flour-sieve, sieve’ (H.).
*ETYM Formerly, *(Sta-)tfFaiw was posited, and the word implausibly compared with
Skt. titaii- ‘to sieve’. Puhvel has connected Hittite kinae-“ ‘to assort’, which fits
excellently both formally and semantically (see Kloekhorst 2008 s.v. for a critical
note, though). We have to reconstruct a root *kieh,- ‘to sieve’ (thus LIV’), from
which Greek probably formed a yod-present (see also most recentlyRPh. 72 (1998)
124).
SiBoAog [adj.] ‘with double point’, of a halbert or a cloth. <GR>
DER OiBoAia ‘halbert’ (Ar.), ‘cloth’ (Plu.); diBoAéw ‘harrow’ (pap.).
eETYM DELG compares BaAhw.
diSwut 331
*DER dmddpaotc ‘escape’ (Hdt.), Spaopidc ‘flight’ (Hdt.). dSpaotoc ‘who does not run
away’ (Hdt.), also as a PN ‘Adpnotos, -Spaotog (Il.); fem. Adpaoteia, name of
Nemesis: ‘from whom one cannot flee’ (A.); also Adprotivn. Lengthened verbal
form dpackdtw = anodidpaoxw (Lex apud Lys. 10, 17; Zen.), anodpacKatw (Tz.);
dpdoxKactc (H.).
dpanétng [m.] ‘runaway (slave) (Hdt.), with unclear -1- (cf. DELG), whence several
derivatives like Spanetevw [v.] ‘to run away’. Note Spay (Ar. fr. 768).
eETYM The athematic root aorist €-Spa-v corresponds morphologically to Skt. drantu
[3plimpv.] ‘run’, from a root *dr-eh,- beside *dr-em-, seen in » Spapeiv, » Spdpoc.
See > dt0didpdoKkw.
didvptos [adj.] ‘double’, substantivized plur. ‘twins’ (II.), ‘testicles’ (LXX). <1E *dui-du-
>
*DIAL Myc. PN Di-du-mo /Didumédi/.
*DER O6vpdove [du.], -ootv [dat.pl.] ‘twins’ (Hom.), as an adj. in Nonn., both plur.
and sing., = diSvptoc; built on didvpoc after 6mawv (Chantraine 1933: 163, Schwyzer:
521); Sidwjuog = didvptog (Sammelb. 1068); medical terms SiSvpia, didvpaia [pl.]
‘testicles, etc’ (Hp.); dtSvpwtdg ‘forked’ (Cyran.); Aivpwv month name in
Alexandria (Ptol.). d:6updtn¢ ‘duality’ (P1.). Denominative didvpetw ‘to bear twins’
(LXX). dtdvpa-tdKog (-1)-) ‘bearing twins’ (Theoc.) with compositional (metrical)
lengthening for d:5vjt0-tdKo¢ (Arist.); from the former d16ujt-toKéw (-0-).
*ETYM Reduplication from 6vo with a suffix -o- (EtvpLog); cf. dapipi-duztoc ‘double’ (6
847). Analogical formations like tpi-Svjtog (D. H.) show that diduptoc was connected
with dic ‘twice’, at least at a later date. Cf. also Gonda 1953: 48.
SiBoc [m.] name of a square on the draughtboard (AP 9, 482). <LW Lat>
eETYM Loan from Lat. divus; however, the t is short. Side [v.] ‘to give’ (Il.). <1 *deh,- ‘give’>
; , : / : ; eVAR Fut. dow (5160 8, , aor. £5wka, Sodvat (see below), pass. So8Fvat,
St5doKw [v.] ‘to teach, instruct’ (Od.). <IE *d(e)ns- ‘teach’> ne Ccbaey (ClOtat'Y 558, 40 514);-20r. FOcoKd, Couval (see: Delow ), pa ouryy
eVAR Aor. Stddta (like dAvoxw : daAvEat), perf. med. ded:dax8a1; post-Hom.
dSacxijoat (Hes.), ddakw (A.), dedidaya (P1.).
*DER dt6doKadocg [m.] ([f]) ‘teacher’ (IA, h. Merc.) with didacKxahia ‘lesson,
education’ (Pi.), didackddtov ‘knowledge’ (Hdt.), late in plur. ‘tuition fee’,
dSaoKahixds ‘ptng. to the teacher’, didackadeiov ‘school’ (IA). d1d5ax1 ‘education’
(IA), Sidakic ‘id? (E.), diSaypa ‘id’ (IA), for which cf. tapdtat: tapayn, tapakic,
tapayya; Sidaypootvn ‘id.’ (astrol.). did6axtpa [pl] ‘teacher’s fee’ (Theoc.; cf.
Chantraine 1933: 332); dtdaxtrptov ‘proof (Hp.); didaxtixds ‘suitable for teaching’
(Ph., NT).
eETYM Reduplicated ox-present of »dafjvat with factitive meaning < *dah-fvat.
Since the root was obscured, the reduplication (and partly also the ox-suffix) spread
to the non-presentic forms. See Debrunner 1937: 251ff.
SiSnpu + déw 1.
d6paoxw [v.] ‘to run away’ (dnodpdc Od.; but see “Adpnotoc below). <IE *dreh,-
‘run’>
eVAR Aor. an-édpav, perf. amodédpaxa. Also éx-dt6paoKxw; the simplex is hardly
attested, see DELG.
perf. dé5wxa, Sé5opuat. Cypr. opt. door from dwxw (from the aor.).
*DIAL Myc. di-do-si /didonsi/ ‘they give’, di-do-to /didontoi/ [3pl.ind.pass.], do-se
/dosei/ ‘he will give’, jo-do-so-si /j6-dosonsi/, o-do-ke /ho-doke/ [ind.aor.], a-pu-do-
ke /apu-doke/, a-pe-do-ke /ap-eddke/, de-do-me-na /dedomena/ [perf.ptc.pass.]; a-
pu-do-si /apu-dosis/, do-so-mo /dosmos/, do-so-mi-jo /dosmios/ ‘consisting of
contributions’, do-ra /d6ra/ ‘gifts’; PN te-o-do-ra /t"e*odéra/.
*COMP Often with prefix: ava-, dvtt-, dmo-, dia-, etc. As a first member Swot- in
Awoi-8eos, etc.; cf. Knecht 1946: 11; see also below.
*DER Swe [f.] ‘gift’ (Hes. Op. 356 < dw-c or *5wt-c, see below); (ava-, avti-, an6-,
etc.)5dotc ‘gift’ (Il) with docidtov (inscr.) and ddou,10¢, often from compounds with
ém-, év-, Tapa-; Stic, uncertain; acc. to Fraenkel 1910: 105 twice in the
Amphiktyon-law of 3807 for Awtic; also d@tti¢: Swe, pepvy ‘gift, dowry’ (H.),
probably a mistake, see Latte; dwtivn, -d, ‘gift, present, rent’ (Hom., also Argolis; but
cf. Leumann 1950: 279f.), with dwtivalw ‘collect gifts’ (Hdt. 2, 180); amv-Soopdc¢
‘selling’ with amvddojuog (Arc.); -dopta in am6-, dtd-, mpd-doua, etc. cf. Wilhelm
Glotta 14 (1925): 7of. on » d@pov see s.v. Further (éx-, ént-, etc.)Sotp ‘giver’ (II),
fem. d6tetpa (Hes.); d@twp ‘id.’ (Od.); on Sotiip : dbwtwp see Benveniste 1948: 46 and
49; dwtip ‘id. (Beoi Swtijpes Edwv 8 325, etc; see below); S611 = SotHp (LXX); first
332 Siepau
only in compounds, e.g. mpoddtrj¢, fem. -ttc¢ ‘traitor’ (IA) with mpodooia ‘treason’
(1A); Swt1¢ (Hes. Op. 355, beside a-dwt1)¢; cf. Swc above and Fraenkel 1910: 118, Frisk
1948: 20), émidwtig epithet of Zeus in Mantinea and other gods (Paus.) with
’Emtdwtetov name of a tempel (Epidauros); Awtw name of a Nereid (Il, Hes.; see
below). Sotixdéc, often prefixed with ém-, [teta-, etc. (Arist.). Desiderative
deverbative (mapa-, év-, etc. }Swoeiw (Th.), iterative preterite SdoKov (epic).
eETYM Sidwiu goes back to the widespread PIE root *deh,-/dh,-. Except for the
reduplication vocalism, didw-ut corresponds to Skt. dddati, Av. dadaiti; i-
reduplication is also seen in Italic, e.g. Osc. didest ‘he will give’, Vest. didet ‘dat’, and
perhaps also in Lat. reddo, if < *re-di-do. Other correspondences are with the medial
root aorists é5oto, Skt. ddita, Venet. zo-to < *dh,-to; and with the participles
(-)dotd¢, Lat. datus, Skt. -data-, Av. data- (but zero grade in Skt. -tta- < *-dh,-to-; as
a simplex it has new dattd-). The active aorist é-6w-x-a (with -x- after 281)ka, MKa,
acc. to Schwyzer: 741) replaces the root aorist *€-dw-v (cf. -otn-v), seen in Skt. d-da-
t, Arm. et ‘he gave’ < *h,é-d6-t. Cypr. Sofevat is often equated with Skt. davdne [inf.]
‘to give’ (see Benveniste 1935: 129); however, an element *y is also found in Cypr. opt.
dvfdvot, Lat. duim ‘dem’, Lith. dovana ‘gift’, davé ‘he gave’, and other forms (see
LIV? s.v. *deh,u-). Hom. Att. dobvat is from *5o-évat. Among the nouns, compare
Swtwp = Skt. datar-, with zero grade Lat. dator; dotip : Skt. datdr-; 56o1c = Lat. dati-
6; Swe, if < *6wt-¢ = Lat. dos, -tis (if the latter is from IE *deh,-t- and not *deh,-ti-).
Asa first member, Awot- = Skt. dati-vara- ‘who loves giving, liberal’.
digwat [v.] trans. ‘to hunt, pursue’ in dieoBa (M 276, etc.), intrans. ‘to run’ in dievtat
(¥ 475) and dieoBat (M 304). <?>
VAR Subj. Siwpat, dSintat, Siwvtat (O 681, etc.), opt. diotto (p 317); act. évdtecav (see
DELG). Active preterite forms Siov ‘T fled’ (X 251; on die see Chantraine 1942: 388),
évdieoav ‘they pursued’ (2 584); note mepl yap die (E 566, etc.) ‘he was afraid’, see
below. Rare forms in A.: diopat with inf. ‘I feared’ (Pers. 7oof. [lyr.] bis), dtd,tevoc
‘driven away’ (Supp. 819, Eu. 357 and 385 [lyr.]); in Gortyn é66iyta (< é05- = ék6-),
émdieOG8at, -d1d,tevoc ‘to chase away, pursue’ (SGDI 4997-8). See on > Stwkw.
eETYM Oe ‘was afraid’ rather belongs to dédotka, » deidw. Since the only active forms
remaining are the hapax legomena Siov and évdieoav, these may be secondary after
tevtat, teoav; moreover, a PIE *dih,- could hardly have become dte-, which also
suggests that these two forms are analogical. Consequently, the verb was thematic.
Cf. further » Stepdc ‘quick’. The appurtenance of Skt. diyati ‘fly’ is not certain. From
other languages have been compared Olr. dian ‘quick’ and Latv. diét ‘to dance’ (LIV’
s.v. *deih,- ‘dahinjagen’). See » Sivoc, > difnpat, > Crytéw.
dtepaw [v.] ‘to filter through’ (Plu.). <?>
DER Stépayta ‘funnel, strainer’ (Plu.); in the papyri often used as a technical term of
Egyptian transport, mg. not quite clear and probably influenced by Staipetv
‘transport’, cf. the notation dtaipepa; thence Stepapatityc name of an official of
transportion. Note dtdpapia next to diepav; thence Stapapatia name of a liturgy.
d18bpauBoc 333
sETYM Beside Siépapya, Stépacic (pap.), also dStaipacic. See Frisk 1931: 28ff; also,
Redard 1949: 242, who adduces Sidprtia = déuBoc ‘kind of ship’ (Procop.). See
> damepdw and » ébepdaw.
dtepd6g in Hom. a qualification of avip ‘man’ (¢ 201 avijp dtepdc Bpotdc), and of movc
‘foot’ (t 43); in Diog. Laert. (AP 7, 123) epithet of pAd€ ‘flame, fire’. In Anaxag. 4, 12
the opposite of Enpdc ‘humid’ (A.). <>
eETYM The meaning was unknown even in antiquity, as is clear from the
incompatible translations in H.: dtepdc: Acinpdc, Cov, meptpavic ‘brilliant, alive,
apparent’. Connection with dieuat is only possible if the word is from *dih,-ero-.
Schulze (see Bechtel 1914 s.v.) reads ( 201 as *6ptepdc ‘to be feared’, related to
> deidw; semantically, this is not convincing (cf. DELG). The word has also been
connected with dtaivw (Frisk); this is also not convincing (as it is not from an r/n-
stem).
dSiGa [f.] - aiE. Adxwvec ‘goat (Lacon.)’ (H.). <LW? Illyr.>
*ETYM The word has been compared with difa < *6ty-1a, with Arm. tik ‘sack’ from IE
*digeh,-, related to OHG ziga ‘goat’. Schmitt-Brandt Kratylos 13 (1968): 3 compared
Alb. dhi ‘goat’ (rejected by Demiraj 1997). Latte thought the word was Illyrian.
Perpillou BSL 67 (1972): 115-122 supposes that the word was originally *aia, perhaps
~ seen in Myc. a,-za (see now DELG Supp.).
diCquat [v.] ‘to search, seek out, desire’ (Il.). <IE *ieh,- ‘pursue’>
eVAR StCjo6pte8” (1 239; subj. aor., cf. Chantraine 1942: 455), fut. di(yoeat (Parm. 8,
6), aor. €5tCnoduryv (Heraclit. 101); new present diCopat (Herod; see Schwyzer: 689).
eDIALAtt. has (ntéw.
DER Oi(rotc (Parm.), cf. Porzig 1942: 197.
eETYM It was thought that difryiat goes back to *d1-d1a-t0t, reflecting a verbal stem
further occurring in » CijAoc and » (ntéw. However, Garcia Ramon (see » ZrtHp) has
shown that the basic root is *ieh,- ‘to pursue, avenge, etc.’.
biGw = dic.
Sunyavés >yavvpat.
Sunvexies [adj.] ‘uninterrupted, definite, exact’ (Il; on the mg. Luther 1935: 64f.). <GR>
eVAR Artificially Attic (Dorianized) dtavexric (Schwyzer: 190), -Ewe.
*ETYM From 61(a)-evex-r¢ with compositional lengthening (cf. mod-nvexijc) to
éveyKetv, évex-Oijvat; see Schwyzer: 513. The simplex tvexrc (Emp.) arose by
decomposition. See also Sovprvextis (s.v. » ddpv). On the long -1-, see Bonfante Riv.
fil. class. 97 (1969): 189.
duntavés [adj.] - Atév, Statetapévov ‘simple, stretched (out) (H.). <GR>
*ETYM From 6td and teivw, taviw with lengthening of the a (cf. Suyvextjc).
SiOvpapupoc [m.] name of a song at the festival for Dionysus (Archil.), also said of the
god (E. Ba. 526 [lyr.]). <PG>
eVAR SiOvpaipoc on a vase (SEG XVI (1959) no. 40).
334 Stimtetr|¢
*DER StOvpapBadne (Ph.), -txd¢ (Arist.), -to¢ month name (Gonni), d0vpapuBéw ‘to
sing dithyrambs’ (Hell.).
eETYM Like tapiBoc and OpiapyBoc, Si8vpapiBoc is Pre-Greek (thus also Frisk and
DELG). See also Kretschmer Glotta 27 (1939): 219f., contra Brandenstein IF 54 (1936):
34ff., who connects the word with Skt. diga- ‘member’.
dtimetis [adj.] ‘fallen from heaven’, then ‘heavenly’ (h. Ven. 4, oiwvoi ‘birds’, perhaps
from the root *peth,- ‘fly’), ‘light, clear’ (Emp.); see Leumann 1950: 311. <GR>
VAR Hom. only in dtitetéocg motajtoio (verse end).
eETYM The older form for diimetii¢ may have been dtettetr¢ (as also suggested by
ancient sources such as sch. Od. 4, 477), like Atettpépng¢ (inscr.) after Atfei-piAoc
(epic dStigthoc), where the dative was correct. See Bechtel 1914 s.v. On the verbal
second member, cf. Fraenkel 1910: 63, Risch 1937: 82. See also Schmitt 1968: 221f.
ducaondAog [m.] ‘judge’ (I].). <GR>
DER Rare and late Stkaonodia and dtxaomoéw.
eETYM Formation like » aimdAoc, » BovKdAoc, but here with a remarkable acc.pl. as
the first member. dixaoxdrtog (Mytilene, Cyme, IV-III*) is formed after Stcacnddoc.
There is no relationship with Go. spillon ‘to proclaim’, etc. (pace e.g. Lagercrantz
1938: 59). See > Sikn.
duxetv [v.] ‘to throw’ (Pi.) also ‘to aim (on high)’ (E. HF 498) with dvdéixe- dvappiyov
‘throw!’, avdtkd: 6 BdAog ‘throw, cast’, avdiktng: TO dvapuTTopEvov Tc Lvdypac
Evdov ‘the sprung holding bar of a mousetrap’ (Call; H.). <PG>
eDER » Oiktvov and Pm dioKoc.
*ETYM Connection with » deixvupu is defended by Brugmann IF 39 (1917-1921): 144ff.
and Gonda 1929: 216ff., but this is semantically problematic. See under » diktvov and
> Siokoc. Fur: 297 compares AydEar- piyat, Badeiv. Kpfitec ‘throw (Cret.)’ (H.),
which points to a Pre-Greek word. LIV’ s.v. 2. *deik- ‘werfen’ connects the word with
Khot. diss- ‘werfen’.
dixeAAd [f.] a two-pronged fork (trag., Delos III*). <PG>
DER OtxeAXitng (Luc.).
eETYM A technical term without established etymology. A connection with jtdxeA\a,
wakéAn (Il) requires an analysis as Si- and pd-KedAa, which is possible only for di-
xehAa: a prefix pa- (allegedly from IE *sem-) does not exist. The variation -eAAa/-
ehn, as displayed by pidkeAAa, [taKéAn, is best explained from Pre-Greek *-ala vel
sim. Therefore, ,taxedAa, paxéAn is probably of Pre-Greek origin, and we can
reasonably assume the same for SixeAAa.
dixn [f.] ‘custom, right, judgement, justice, lawsuit, trial, punishment’ (II.). <1E *deik-
‘show’>
eCOMP & dtkaondAog ‘judge’ with an acc. pl.
*DER Diminutive dixidtov (Ar.; see Fournier 1946: 116). dixatoc ‘just, lawful’ (I.); with
dikaidtrj¢ ‘justice’ (X.) and Sixatoobvn ‘id.’ (IA; see Porzig 1942: 225), secondary
dixaidovvoc (of Zeus); denominative Stcatdw ‘consider to be right, claim, sentence’
(IA) with dixaiwya ‘act of right’ and dtxaiwotg ‘lawsuit, punishment’; also
diktTvov 335
dikawthptov ‘place of punishment’ (Pl. Phdr. 249a; like Seopuwtrpiov, etc.) and
dikawtr¢ ‘judge’ (Plu.). dtxkavikdg ‘belonging to trials’, often depreciative (Att.); the
base form only in H.: dtxavotc tovcs mepi tac dikac StatpiBovtac ‘those who occupy
themselves with justice’ (H.). The long a (Ar. Pax 534) is from vedvikdc acc. to
Chantraine Anales de filologia cldsica 6 (1952): 45ff.; see also Bjorck 1950: 256f., 279f.
dtkatixds ‘rightly’ (M. Ant.). Denominative ducdlw ‘to judge’, med. ‘to go to law (I1;
dtadicatw Att.); from it dtkaot¢ ‘judge’ (IA) with dixaotiKds ‘belonging to a
judge/justice’ (Pl.) and dixaoteia ‘office of Stkaotic (inscr.); rare dtkaothp ‘id,
(Locr., Pamph., etc.), fem. Stkdotpta (Luc.), with duxactiptov ‘law court’ (IA) with
the diminutive ducaotnpidiov (Ar.) and dtkaotnptakds (Phid.); from dixdtw also
dixaotvc (Epigr. Samos; Fraenkel 1910: 32”), diuxaoptdg (Ph.), Stcacia (Aq; dtadikacia
Att.), Stadixacpa (Lys.), Sixactc (sch.). Privative compound détko¢g ‘unjust’ with
adixia and aducéw, whence adixnpa (all IA). On the hypostasis adtxiov “because of
unjustice’ see Wackernagel 1920-1924(2): 288; on ddixiov Wackernagel and
Debrunner Phil. 95 (1942): 190f.
eETYM Although it is morphologically identical with epic Skt. disa- “direction, part of
heaven’, dixn is an independent formation. It is probably an extension of the root
noun seen in Skt. dis- ‘cardinal point’ and preserved in Lat. dicis causa (Wackernagel
in WH 1: 860). Pace Kretschmer Glotta 32 (1953): 2, the association with ‘right’ must
be old, as it is also found in Lat. dicis causa, ittdex, and in Germanic; see Seikvuju.
dudrjidec [f.pl] “double folding’ (Ov¥pat ‘doors’, mA ‘gates’, etc.) (Il); also
substantivized (Theoc.). <GR>
°VAR Late also sing.
eETYM Compound of &i- (see » dic) and KAt- in » KAivw, KAi-owc. Cf. dikAetc, s.v.
> Kec.
dSixpoos [adj.] ‘forked, cloven’ (IA; cf. IIberg Arch. f. Pap. 4, 281f.). <1B *(dui)-kr-ou-o-
‘two-horned’.>
°VAR Gen. dixpouc. Also 5ixpdoc, gen. dtxpodc, or (with hyphaeresis) dixpoc.
*ETYM Oikpooc goes back to *Si-Kpof-o¢ ‘two-horned’, from &i- (see » dic) and a
word for ‘horn’. Nussbaum 1986: 2-18, assumes that there were forms without
laryngeal (e.g. Skt. srnga-, kapvoc H.) to explain the discrepancy between dixpooc
without reflex of *h, and xepa[f]-6¢ ‘horned’ (beside Lat. cervus ‘deer’, Av. sri-
‘horn’) from *kerh,-uo- with *h,. Note that xdpuc, kdpupa, etc. are not related, but
rather of Pre-Greek origin.
dixtaptvov [n.] plant name, ‘Origanum Dictamnus’ (Arist.). <PG>
eVAR Also dixtaptov (Arist.).
DER Otktaytvitrys (otvoc, Dsc.); cf. Redard 1949: 96. Note the town Aixtay(v)ov on
the north coast of Crete.
*ETYM Formation like opévdaytvoc, kapdayov, etc. (Schwyzer: 524 and 494), and
therefore Pre-Greek (Fur.: 396). Chantraine 1933: 216 hypothesizes that, the word is
from Aixtn, mountain on Crete, which is possible; cf. Stromberg 1940: 126.
dixtvov [n.] ‘net, strick’ (Od.). < PG(V)>
336 OikTUC 1, -VOC
eDIAL Myc. de-ku-tu-wo-ko /dektuworgos/.
eCOMP étktv-Bddoc (AP, Opp.) beside diktvo-BdAroc (Poll.) after dixtv-apyéw
(inscr.) with elided -o-?
*DER Diminutive dixtvdtov (Poll.); dtktvevc ‘fisher (with a net) (Str.) with dtktveia
‘fishing’ (Ael.); also Suxtvia, see Scheller 1951: 41. - dtxtvwdr¢ ‘like a net’ (Hp. Ep.),
dtktvwtdc ‘forming a net’ (LXX); from dtktvdoptat? (LXX). PN Aixtuc.
*ETYM Usually derived from an older u-stem derivative of » duceiv ‘throw’ (diktuv
only EM 275, 27; from the plural dixtva, Schwyzer: 46of.). However, the verb need
not be related, and the Mycenaean form has -e- as a variant of -i-, which points to
Pre-Greek origin (see Bader 1965: §23; Chadwick 1964: 19-21; see under » dickoc; on
Pre-Greek u-stems, see Heubeck 1961: 36). Not with Chantraine REGr. 80 (1967): 1-5
or Ruijgh 1988: 450 should we explain the Mycenaean form from *deiktu-. The
connection of Van Windekens KZ 100 (1987): 3uf. with Hitt. ekt-, ikt- ‘(catching)
net’, which the initial 6- to be from diketv, is implausible.
Sixtus 1, -voc [m.] name of an unknown Libyan animal (Hdt. 4, 192). «LW Libyan>
eETYM Unexplained. See Gsell 1913: 128 and Gsell 1915: 97f.
Sixtus 2 [m.] - 6 ixtivoc b16 Aaxwvwv ‘kite (Lacon.) (H.). <?>
eETYM Unknown. Fur.: 392 connects ixtivoc, assuming a Pre-Greek word with
6/zero. However, mixtivoc is rather an IE word. »diktuc 1 probably refers to a
different animal.
diAag - 1) apia, 1 putov. Adkwvec (H.). <PG(V)>
VAR With prothetic vowel in MoGr. a¢idaxkeg ‘querens’ (Fur.: 374).
eETYM The word is Pre-Greek on account of the variant with a prothetic vowel.
SiAao(o)ov [n.] name of an article of clothing (BGU 814, 25; 816, 27 [II?]). <GR>
*DER TeTpa-hao(o)ov as attribute of Aévti<o>v (PSI 8, 971, 17 [III-IV"]), of flax (Ed.
Diocl. 28, 61).
eETYM The second member is perhaps connected to \dotog ‘hairy; cf. tetpa-BiBAoc
from > BiBAiov, s.v.
dtvaxw [v.] ‘to change, correct’? <?>
VAR Opt. dtvakot (Del.? 412, Elis).
eETYM Unknown. See Bechtel 1921, 2: 863 and Schwyzer l.c.
divy [f.] ‘whirlpool, eddy’ (II.). <PG?>
*DIAL Myc. qe-qi-no-to /g"eg”indtos/, qe-qi-no-me-no /g”eg”indmenos/ ‘endowed
with life’.
*COMP Bavdivie (Il.).
*DER Stvyjet¢ ‘whirling’ (Il.), Dor. Stvéetc, Aeol. divvdetc (Alc.); divoc [m.] “id.’, also
‘round vessel’ (IA, etc.) with div@Sn¢ ‘eddying’ (D. C.) and divwtdc ‘with 64.,
rounded, covered with circles’ (Hom.; divow only Eust.).
Verb divéw, aor. divijoau, etc., also Sivebw, (divvnvtes ptc. pl. Sapph. 1, 11; cf. below)
‘turn around’ (both trans. and intr,, Il.) with divnotc (Arist.), divnpa (Man.), divevpa
(conj. in Ar. Th. 122 and X. Eq. 3, 1; Orph.); rare dtvéwev (Hes. Op. 598), Sivopéevnv
Atoviooc 337
(Call.), amo-Stvwvtt [subj] ‘thresh’ (Tab. Heracl.; uncertain, to be changed to
anodide@vi?); Aeol. Sivvw (Hdn; Atvwvopévns Alc.), divatw (Artem. apud Ath.).
Perhaps Atvav month name (when the corn is threshed).
*ETYM Perhaps an old nasal present *di-n-eu- (cf. kivéw beside ktvujiat < *ki-n-(e)u-),
of which the nasal was generalized (cf. xAivn : kAivw); the Aeolic form divv- is from
-VF-.
According to Garcia Ramon 1999b: 237-248, the Mycenaean forms are not related,
but belong to > Biocg instead, because they mean ‘endowed with life’ and because 6t-
is not the expected reflex of *g”i-. The Homeric form dtvwtd¢ does not derive from
the verb dtvéu; it simply meant ‘ornamented, enlivened’ and belongs to ioc as well,
acc. to Garcia Ramon (with replacement of the reflex of the initial *g’- to avoid
association with Bivéw ‘futuere’).
The initial element dt- has nothing to with » die,tat, because the connection is
evident “ni pour la forme, ni pour le sens” (DELG). In view of the lack of a good
etymology, we should rather consider the possibility of Pre-Greek origin.
5i—o00c eVAR StEdc. = Sic.
diov = deidw.
Atévicos [m.] name of a god (II.). <PG(V)>
eVAR Dialectal Atwvucog (epic, lyr.), Atsvvucoc (Thess., Cret.), Zévvvcog (Aecol.),
AtEvuooc (Amorgos), Aebvucog (Anacr.). Hypocoristic vocative Atlovd (Phryn. Com.
10); cf. Stov(v)bc: 6 yvvatkiag Kai mapdOndvuc ‘weakling, effeminate’ (H., EM);
dtovvvc 1 yovaiketa kal OFAvG éo8r¢ “womanish clothing’ (Eust.).
eDIAL Myc. di-wo-nu-so-jo [gen.?] /Diwo*nusoio/, di-wo-nu-so [dat].
*DER Atoviotog PN, fem. Atovvotdc; ta Atovicta [n.pl.] ‘festival for A’ (Att. etc.),
Atovuciakdés (Th.); diminutive Atovucicxoc, denomination of a person with bone-
like outgrowths on the temples (medic.); denominative dtovvoid lw [v.] ‘to celebrate
the A’ (Luc.), Atovvotactai [m.pl.] worshippers of A. (Nisyros, etc.), cf.
Anod\wviaotai s.v. » ATOANOV.
eETYM The forms seem to point to *Atoo-vvooc. Acc. to the tradition, Dionysus
would have come from Thrace, and his father would be Zeus, his mother » LeptéAn.
As the first member seemed to be the genitive of the Thracian Zeus, Kretschmer
1896: 241f. assumed in the second member a Thracian word for ‘son’ (found in
Thracian names like Nboa; further Niéoat, Nbotat the nymphs who cared for him)
and Nusatita (PN). This interpretation finds no support, however (see on » vvdc).
Dunkel 1995: 1-21 assumed that the name contains *suH-nu- ‘son’, of which s and n
were metathesized; this is improbable too.
Garcia Ramon Minos 20-22 (1987): 183-200 concludes that Atevvvoia can represent
an old genitive *diues, whereas Atovvvotav continues *diuos. For the variants
Atvvuooc and Atvvvcog, no definitive interpretation can be given.
Fur.: 250 recalls the PN Atovutac (beside -cac on a coin from Teos; see Meyer 1896:
381) and stresses that the variation t/o points to a non-IE = Pre-Greek word. Since all
attempts to find an IE etymology have failed, we have to accept that it is a foreign
name. ;
338 diomoc
diomos eETYM From dtémw; see > ETtw.
diog [adj.] ‘belonging to heaven, godlike’ (Il.), also ‘belonging to Zeus’ (trag.); often as
a month name (Thessaly, Macedonia, etc.). <1E *dieu- ‘heaven’>
DIAL Myc. di-wi-jo, di-u-jo /diwjos/; di-wi-ja, di-u-ja /diwja/.
*ETYM Old adjective, identical with Skt. divyd- /divwya-/ ‘heavenly’, Lat. dius
‘godlike’, IE *diu-iHo-; see » Zevc. The adjective may replace the genitive of the basic
word; see Schwyzer 1950: 176ff. The feminine was dia < *dif-14, which first appeared
in the substantival function ‘daughter of heaven, goddess’, e.g. dia yuvatk@v “goddess
among women’; thence, dia Oedwv, etc. see Schwyzer 1950: 116. The meaning
‘belonging to Zeus’ is preserved well in tragedy, and probably in I 538 (DELG).
dtooKéw [v.] ‘to spy around constantly’ (Anacr. 3, 3; not quite certain); acc. to H.,
dtaPrEmetv ovvex@c tiv Spaovy ttetaBddrdovta, tiPetat dé kai Emi Tob StagopeioBan
TH OWpLaTt Kai TH Wvyi ‘to stare at sth. which continuously changes its appearance; to
be weakened in the body and the soul’. <GR>
eETYM See Schwyzer: 5417. DELG proposes *-ok”-sk-.
Atéoxovpot [pl.] ‘sons of Zeus’, name of the young gods Castor and Polydeuces (Ion.
Hell.). <GR>
eVAR Att. Atooxdpw [du.]; also Atdoxopot.
*DER Atooko(0)petov, -ptov ‘temple of the A,’ (Att, etc.), ta Atooxo(b)p(e)ta ‘festival
of the A’ (inscr.), also -ijia (after Baothijta, etc.), Atookovptactai name of the
worshippers (pap.), cf. Atovvotactai; Alooxoupiac TN.
*ETYM Univerbation of Atéc kodpot (or Képw), cf. Schwyzer: 427 and 445. See on
> Zevc and »Kdpocg 2. The Dioscuri are the sons of Tyndareos and parallel to the
Indic Asvins. They are saviors and rescuers from danger, both at sea and in battle. In
Lithuanian, they are called Diévo sunéliai, sons of God. See the most recent
treatment of the Dioscuri in West 2007: 186ff.
dtdonvpov [n.] ‘fruit of the nettle-tree’, name of the cherry-like fruit of the Celtis
australis (Thphr.). <GR>
VAR Also Sidonvposg [m.] = AWdoTeppov ’gromwell’ (Dsc.).
eETYM Univerbation of Atoc mupdc with transition to the neuter gender, as in
bahuvrihi compounds like BovyAwooov. Semantic parallels are recorded by
Stromberg 1940: 128.
dimA.ak, -Koc [adj.] ‘in two layers, double’ (II.); as a fem. substantive ‘a mantle’ (Hom.,
A. Pers. 277 [lyr.], Lyd.). «18 *dui-plk- ‘two-fold’>
DER Cf. tpimag ‘threefold’ (I1.).
eETYM Identical with U tuplak [n.] ‘duplex’ = ‘furca’, Lat. du-, tri-plex ‘two-, three-
fold’. The word is a bahuvrihi compound, the second member of which was
considered unclear by Frisk, who compared mAdE ‘flatness’, tAnyt ‘hit’ (cf. d-mAnyic
‘single mantle’ [Herod.], 5t-mAnyic ‘double mantle’ [Poll.]). However, the word is
more probably connected with m\éxw ‘to twine’; see De Vaan 2008 s.v. duplex. Cf.
> dimAoc and pm dtmtAdotoc.
a, ee
eed
dioKoc 339
ditA dotog [adj.] ‘twofold, double’ (Thgn.). <IE *dui-pl-to- ‘two-fold’>
eVAR Also dttAaciwv (Arist.); Ion. dutArotoc.
*DER ditAactalw [v.] ‘to double, reduplicate’ (Att, etc.), whence eee and
dirAaciaotc, SttAAoctacttKdc.
*ETYM From a verbal adjective *5i-m\atoc, extended after the adjectives in -to- (like
aBpdotoc from &tBpotoc, Stpdotoc from digatos, etc; Schwyzer: 466, Chantraine
1933: 41). The basis is a verb meaning ‘to fold’ (IE *pel-; cf. » dmAdoc, etc.).
Additionally, Go. ain-falbs ‘one-fold > simple’ and other Gm. formations also
contain a word for ‘fold’, e.g. ON faldr < PGm. *falpa- < IE *pél-to-. Ion. ditAnotos is
an innovation after mapamAnotoc, etc; Hell. dttAaciwv, after the comparatives in
-iwv (Schwyzer: 598, 536); and dtmAddioc (AP, pap.), after dty8ddtog, etc. (Schwyzer:
467). Cf. » dinha€.
SutAG0¢ eVAR SitAobc. =aTtA6oc.
dtpkaia [f.] = kipkaid, ‘Vincetoxicum nigrum’ (Dsc.). <PG?>
eVAR Oipkatov [n.] (Ps.-Dsc.) = »dadKocg and otpvxyvov bnvwtikdv, “Withania
somnifera’.
*DER dipkoc [m.] ‘seed of pine’ (Paus. Gr.).
eETYM According to Dsc. 4, 75, the plant was named after the sorceress Circe, énevdi]
doxet 1 pila @iAtTpwv eivat moujztiKr ‘because the root seems to produce philtres’. We
do not know which of the two forms is original. dipxat- may derive from the source
Aipxn. See Strémberg 1940: 93 and 152. Fur.: 255 points to Pre-Greek names in -ato-.
Sic [adv.] ‘twice’ (Od.). <IE *dui-s- ‘twice’>
eVAR As a first member O1- ‘two-’ (II.).
eCOMP As a first member dtyo-.
*DER Denominative di¢w ‘hesitate’ (II 713, Orac. apud Hdt. 1, 65). Further d1&d¢
(Ion.), Stoodc, Att. dittd¢ ‘twofold, double’ with Stooayot, -tt-, etc. (see below);
diya [adv.] ([prep.]) ‘apart, separated’ (Il.) with dtyf, dtxod, etc; diydc [f.] ‘half,
middle’ (Arat, after ttovac, etc.) and the denominative dtya¢w ‘distribute’ (P].) with
dtxaoptdc, Sixaotc (Hell.), Styyaotijpec Odd6vtec ‘the cutting teeth’ (Poll.); also dtyaw
(Arat.), diyaiw (Arat.). dyy8a ‘apart, in two’ (Hom.) with d1y8adtoc ‘twofold, double’
(Hom.), dty8dc [f.] (as an [adj.]) ‘double’ (Musae.). Isolated Stoxdletau Stapépetau
‘quarrels [or: carries over, vel sim.]’ (H.); for *6i&aetat, or dissimilated from
dtotdletar?
*ETYM In its formation, dic is identical with Skt. dvih, Lat. bis (OLat. duis), MoHG
zwir ‘twice’; as a first member, *di- = Skt. dvi-, Lat. bi- (cf. on » vo), Go. twi-, Lith.
dvi-. Examples include 8{-movc, Skt. dvi-pdd-, and Lat. bi-pés. The velar derivation is
unclear; beside Gr. diya, we have Skt. dvi-dha ‘twofold’, the dh of which might be
found in d1-y-8a. d&d¢ and dicodc also presuppose velar derivatives: *51y0-10-, dty-
to-? See Schwyzer: 598. After diya, Sty8a were formed tpixa, tp1xOd, etc. (Schwyzer
ibid.). See further > 614, > dotoi.
diokog [m.] ‘discus’ (Il.). <PG?>
340 did06¢
*COMP Compound Sicx-ovpa [n.pl.] (¥ 523) ‘throwing distance’, from dioxov obpa
('Y 431), see » obpov 2.
*DER Diminutive dtoxapiov (Orib.); further dtoxetc name of a comete (Lyd.; see
Scherer 1953: 107). Denominative dtoxéw ‘to throw the discus’ with dioxnpa ‘throw,
what is thrown’ (cf: the nouns in -(1pa in tragedy, Chantraine 1933: 184ff.); also
dioxebvw ‘id’ with Sioxevtij¢ (Arist. comm.). Unclear dioxeAAa: omupic ‘large basket’
(H.), for which a Latin suffix (Frisk: cf. synonymous fiscella) seems improbable.
*ETYM Fur.: 297 pointed out that the traditional derivation of *5ix-cxoc from duxeiv
‘throw’ (Frisk, DELG) is hardly possible: the suffix -oxo- is rare, in nominal
derivation, and an ox-present from which it could have been taken is not attested.
Therefore, Furnée concluded that we have to start from *éiko-, a variant of dix-eiv,
which has Pre-Greek origin. See under » diktvov.
510006 VAR dit téc. = Sic.
dio raw [v.] ‘to hesitate, be uncertain, doubt’ (P1.). <1E *dui-s- ‘double’>
VAR Fut. dtotdaow.
*DER Analogical Stotaypdcg (Agatharch.), diotaypa (Phlid.), Stotaxtikds (A. D.),
dio thEog (Ptol.), Stotaouds (Thphr.).
*ETYM Since Solmsen KZ 37 (1904): 20f. and Solmsen IF 14 (1903): 437; the word has
been considered to be a denominative of *6t-ot-oc¢ = Skt. dvi-sth-a- ‘double’, ON tvi-
st-r ‘sad’, properly *‘split in two’, from IE *dui-sth,-o-, containing *dui- (see » dic)
and *steh,- ‘stand’ (see »totm); cf. » dvotnvoc. However, it could also be a
derivation of difw; cf. épmvotdtw beside épnb(w, KAaotatw beside KAdw, etc.
(Schwyzer: 706).
diotporov [n.] name of a vase for libations (pap.). <?>
eETYM Unclear.
dtttéptevov [n.]? - dpvobpevov. Kpijtec ‘refusing, denying (Cret.) (H.). <?>
*ETYM Unknown. See Bechtel 1921(2): 783.
digakos [m.] - ei50¢ Botavij ‘kind of plant’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Fur.: 326 connects the word with diya ‘thirst’, but this is uncertain.
Stpaoros [adj.] ‘twofold, double’ (Hdt.); cf. tptpdactog ‘threefold’ (Hdt.), also explained
by H. as tpipwvoc ‘three-voiced’. <?>
*DER digatov: Sipdotov, dico@c Aeyduevov ‘said ambiguously’ (H.) and tpigatoc
‘threefold’ (Nic. Th. 102).
eETYM Based on Oi-, tpi-patoc (cf. »dttAdotoc), but the second member is
uncertain. On the basis of dtoowc Aeyopevov and tpipwvoc in H., a connection with
grpi could be suggested (e.g. von Skutsch IF 14 (1903): 488ff., who refers to Lat.
bifariam), whereas Brugmann IF 17 (1904-1905): 367 and Brugmann-Delbriick 1897-
1916: 1, 186 rather connected mepvetv, Pdvoc, Beivw, as in dpryi-patog ‘killed in battle’,
ie. ‘slayed twice’ (cf. on dimAak). However, in either case are the semantics
compelling. No better is the connection with aivw as ‘twice visible’ (Walde 1910: 90,
digpoc . 341
Brugmann-Delbriick 1897-1916: 2, 71) since one would rather expect *digavtog, like
a&@avtos (Il.).
Sigaw [v.] ‘to search after’ (II 747). <PG(V)>
eVAR Only present, except 5[e]igrjoavtec: wrAagroavtes ‘one who searched after’
*DIALAIso dtpéw (AP).
*DER Sipadgoc ‘searching’ (Hymn. Is. 10), Sipitwp (BvOd@v) ‘who explores (the
depthsy (Opp.), ad0tpo-digns ‘astronomer’ (Herod.). Denominative dipadev<o>et-
éEeAeitar ‘will take out, choose’ (H.), from *Sipac? Cf. pvyadeverv : pvyac.
Further diag ‘a snake’ (Artemid. 2, 13), diga<v>- Tov dgtv. Kpijtec “serpent (Cret.Y
(H.); Sigatov dgtv (cod. corr. Salm.); Latte comments ad loc. “scil. a rimas
scrutando appellatus”. Also dibav: égtv. Kpijtec (H.); cf. the snake name mapeiac and
the other names of animals in -dc, -1)¢ in Chantraine 1933: 30f.
eETYM Sigdw has no established etymology. The restoration of the H. entry to
diga<v> is uncertain: Fur.: 325 prefers to maintain digatov of the manuscript.
Rather than being a mistake, the B of diBav is to be taken at face value; the variation
between 6 and @ suggests Pre-Greek origin. However, a connection with dépw (as
suggested by Fur.: 315, 355) lacks semantic justification, whereas the appurtance of
> Sigakoc remains in any event uncertain.
51p8épa [f.] ‘prepared skin, hide, leather’, also of leather objects (IA). <PG(V)>
eDIAL Myc. di-pte-ra (also di-pte-ra,) ‘leather’ /dip*t®era(i)/; di-pte-ra-po-ro
/dip*t®era-p*oros/(?).
*DER Diminutive dip8épiov (Theognost.); SipBepic = dSipOépa (AP); SipPEpwya ‘id.’
(Thd.); dtpOepiacg ‘man dressed in leather, farmer, etc.’ (Com.); fem. dip0epitic
(Poll.); Sup8epdptoc ‘parchment maker’ (Edict. Diocl. Asin.); dip8€éptvoc ‘made of 6.,
of leather’ (X.). Denominative d:p8epdopat ‘to be dressed in hides’ (Str.). Note
Swydpa: dédtoc, oi dé dupSépa ‘writing-tablet; piece of leather’ (H.). (cf Schwyzer:
326).
*ETYM Possibly, dp8épa is with De Saussure MSL 7 (1892): 91 related to » déqw and
déyw, but the alternations e ~ t and @@ ~ yw, typical for Pre-Greek, are proven by the
variant diyapa in any case (Fur.: 308, 326). On Iranian loans from dig8épa, like MoP
daftar ‘office’, see Bailey TPS 1933: 50. Lat. littera, too, ultimately derives from the
Greek, perhaps via Etruscan (cf. dip8epadroipdc: ypappatodidaoKahocg mapa
Kvmpiotg ‘teacher of writing in Cypr. [H.]).
Sigpos [m.] ‘seat, chair, chariot-board, chariot’ (II.). «IE *dui-b"r-o- ‘two-bearer’>
*DER Diminutives: Sigpioxocg (Ar.), Sippiov (Tim. Lex.), dippidiov (EM). dippak
‘chair’ (Theoc.; cf. Chantraine 1933: 379), digpakov ‘id.’ (Samos IV*; see also
Chantraine 1933: 384); digpic: 6 édSpaioc, Kai kaOrpEvoc dei, oiov dpydc ‘sedentary,
sitting all the time, as in idle’ (H.).; cf. tpdytc ‘runner’, etc. Adjective dipptoc (AP).
Denominative dippetw ‘to drive in a car’ (E.) with dtppevtis ‘chariot-driver’ (S.),
dippevtikds (Ephor.), duppeia “driving a chariot’ (X.); more common dipp-nAdtn¢
(Pi.) with d.pprAatéw and dtgpnAaoia.
342 diya
*ETYM Properly meaning “two-bearer” (from dic and gépw), the di-pp-o-¢ was
originally a chair with two handles carried by two people (one on each side); later it
came to be used for the box of a chariot (cf. Fraenkel 1923: 282). The initial d- (<<
*Opi-) of Sippoc never makes position in Homer (Solmsen 1901: 211f.), which may be
due to dissimilation from the following labial , or to the fact that as a vernacular
word, dippoc (like idpwc; Schwyzer: 222°) originally was not part of the epic
language.
dixa VAR Sy Oa. dic.
diya, -1¢ [f.] ‘thirst’ (].). <PG(v)>
eVAR Rarely diyn (A. Ch. 756), also dSiyoc [n.] (Th.), after mviyoc ‘stifling’, piyoc
‘frost’, etc. (see Chantraine 1933: 420).
DIAL Myc. di-pi-si-jo and di-pi-si-je-wi-jo (from *Srytevc?).
*COMP TtoAv-diytog ‘very thirsty, arid’, of Argos (Hom.); metrical for *oAv-Suypos.
*DER Oiytog ‘thirsty, dry’ (trag.), Suynpds ‘id’ (Hp; after adyunpdc), Siywdne ‘id’
(Hp.), Stadéos ‘id, (Hell. and late; after alahéos, etc.), duyac [f.] ‘id’ (Thphr.), also
name of a snake, whose bite caused a strong thirst (cf. Chantraine 1933: 354f.).
diyakos [m.] the name of diabetes (medic.), because of the drinking of the patients,
Strémberg 1944: 89; also the plant name ‘Dipsacus silvestris’ (Dsc., Gal.), see
Strémberg 1940: 78, with Siwaxepdc ‘thirsty’ (EM), acc. to H. = tadainwpoc
‘suffering’; Supoobvvn = diya (Orac. apud Porph.).
Verbal forms: ptc. Suyawv (A 584), inf. Suyiv (Hdt.), 3sg. Suyy (Pi, Pl.), Hell. also
diyav, -4 also duyéw (Archil.) and Styww (Tryph.); with dtynoig (Ath. 1, 10b;
doubtful) and duyntikds (Arist.).
Beside these, there are forms with 6d19-, like dipac “a kind of snake’ (Artemid. 2,13),
digatov and dipav: dgiv. Kpijtes ‘ serpent (Cret.) (H.); see > dipaw.
*ETYM For dtwaov, duyiiy, compare Tetvawv, ttetviv, which are close in meaning; the
forms dStwawv, metvawv might be (Aeolic?) analogical formations based on the
normal epic ending -Awv, whereas Supfjv and metvijv are unexplained (Chantraine
1942: 21 and 362, Leroy 1954: 288f improbably, Meister 1921: 89 on dtyijv, metvijy; cf.
further Fraenkel 1937: 376f.). Under an analysis dim-oa, the final element can hardly
be IE. Therefore, it is probably a Pre-Greek word, which is further made likely by the
variants with » and 6 (Fur.: 326).
diyat [v.] - BAdwat ‘to damage’ (H.). <?>
eETYM ‘DELG suggests that the form was coined by grammarians to explain diytov,
which was explained as BAamtikdv (H.) or BAaBepdv (Ap. Soph.); Chantraine adds:
“cf. encore Hsch. sous diytov Apyos avec S. fr. 296.”
Siw >deidw and Siepat.
Stk [v.] ‘to pursue, drive away, prosecute’ (Il.). <?>
eVAR Aor. StdEau, Siw OFjva, fut. diwEw, etc. (post-Hom.).
eCOMP Compounds with amo-, éx-, émt-, etc.
*DER Siwy.ia ‘pursuit, what is pursued’ (trag., Pl.), Stwyptdc ‘pursuit’ (trag., X.) with
dtwyitns ‘policeman’ (inscr. II; cf. Redard 1949: 45), SuwyputiKad = persecutiones
dvdqocg 343
(Cod. Just.); dtwktc ‘persecution’ (Att.), Swxtvc ‘id’ (Call; cf. Benveniste 1948: 72).
Agent noun é1aktn¢ ‘pursuer’ (NT), in yvwpudi@ktng (haplological for ywwpudi0-d1-
Cratin. 307), see Fraenkel 1912: 81; Stwxtrp ‘id” (Babr.). S:wKtd¢ (S.), SiwktKd¢
(Iamb.). Lengthened SwwkdOev (-eiv?), édimxa8ov (Att.); cf. Schwyzer: 703°
(Stwkabetv?).
eETYM Siwxet stands beside Siettat as fiwKet (Cor.) beside Fiepot (see > teat). The
origin of the w is unclear (unconvincingly, Meillet MSL 23 (1923): s5of.). A k-
enlargement is also found in épv-Kw, dA€-Kw, etc; see Schwyzer: 702°.
StwAvytog [adj.] uncertain (Pl. Tht. 162a, Lg. 890e); SwwAdytov ’immense’, acc. to H. =
TXOdv emt TOAD, péya, Kal opodpdv, Statetaptéevov ‘resounding much, heavily, etc.’
acc. to the sch. on Pl. = mepiBdntoc ‘much discussed’ and oxotetvdc ‘dark, obscure’,
ie. connected with oAoAvyr ‘loud cry’ and HAvyn ‘shadow’. <?>
eETYM The occurrences in Plato (dtwAvytog gAvapia and tujKn SiwAvyia) are
ambiguous. ~
Spt@c, -woc [m.] ‘slave, servant’ (Il; see Kretschmer Glotta 18 (1930): 71f.), <IE *dem-
‘house’, *dm-6u->
eVAR Also thematicized d,tWog (Hes. Op. 430; also Call. Hec. 1, 4, 15 acc. to
Gomperz); dptw-tat (Sua) [f-pl.] ‘slave-women’ (Il.), secondary sing. dtr (Q. S.),
for *5u@-1a, *5u@a? For the accent, cf. dyvia : ayviat and Wackernagel Gott. Nachr.
1914: 118f.; also Suwic (A.) and dptwidc, dptwac (Q. S.).
*COMP On the compound br0-dttwe 5 386 see Sommer 1934: 26.
*DER Adjective Suw-iog (AP). Abstract uv@-ta ({tvo-ta, vm@a) serfs in Crete (Str.)
with pvwitne, pvoitys, v@tng (Hermon apud Ath. 6, 267¢, Poll. cf. Bechtel 1921, 2:
790); on Out > tv cf. [eo6-LvN < Leod-dun; see Schwyzer: 208.
*ETYM Related to ddéu0c ‘house’, with the same formation as in matpwc (du-stem;
Schwyzer: 479f.). See also Fraenkel Glotta 32 953): 23 and De Vaan 2008 s.v. domus,
dominus.
Svoraditw [v.] ‘to shake, fling down’ (A 472, & 512, etc.). <PG?>
eVAR Fut. dvorahiéw.
*DER 6vordhttc (sch. Opp.).
eETYM The word has been analyzed as formed from the roots of dovéw and mdAha,
respectively, but the type of formation required is very improbable (see Schwyzer:
645'). Rather, I take the group 6v- as typical of Pre-Greek words; perhaps we have to
analyze as Svomt-a\- instead. See also Chantraine 1942: 340.
5vdgog [m.] ‘darkness’ (Simon.). <PG>
eVAR In Hell. times >» yvéqog, etc. with dv > yv (Schwyzer: 208, Niedermann WuS 8
(1923): 647; Bq. s.v5 Lejeune 1972: 78*).
*COMP Compound dvogo-eitiwv ‘in dark clothes’ (Attica ITP).
*DER 6vogepéc ‘dark’ (IL.), also 6vdq@eos (B.), Svopdets (Emp.), Svo~wdng (E.), cf. S.
Schmid 1950: 48.
‘eETYM A form *dvégog [n.] is presupposed by io-dvegrg ‘violet-dark’ (6 135, t 426; cf.
Porzig 1942: 300), but it is further isolated. The word recalls »(dqoc as well as
344 doav
> Kvégac and » wégac, but these words have not been explained (see Giintert 1914:
ui2ff; Petersen AmJPh. 56: 57ff.). Note dvdoy: xit@voc eidoc BaBéos ‘kind of depth (?)
mantle’, thus Latte (H.) As in » dvonaXitw, the group dv- seems to point to Pre-
Greek origin.
doav = driv.
do0dcoato =déato.
5081, -iyvoc [m.] ‘small abscess’ (Hp.). < PG>
eVAR Also So8twv, -dvoc (medic., Hdn. Gr.).
DER S08trjwikov ‘medicine against 5.’ (Paul. Aeg.).
*ETYM Cf. Aetyry, adr, mupryy, etc. (Chantraine 1933: 166f., Schwyzer: 487) and
BovBwv, pvwv (Chantraine 1933: 162, Schwyzer: 488); the word is further unclear. See
Solmsen 1909: 137f. The retention of @ (as opposed to the development in e.g.
uea(a)og < *pLéOt0c) suggests borrowing. Fur.: 172%, 355 plausibly points out that -1v
is frequent in Pre-Greek words, and compares doAewv: 6 SoOujv (as a variant
deriving from *506-).
dSo0id5vé, -dKoc [m.] ‘pestle’ (Ar.). <PG(S)>
eCoMP As a first member in do1dvKo-motdg (Plu.) and in parodizing do1dvKo-pdépa
(Luc.).
*DER Denominative dtadotdvKitw “clench the fist like a pestle’ (Com. Adesp.),
avadoduxilerv: avatapdocetv ‘to disturb’ (H., EM).
*ETYM No etymology. The suffix -t«- is typical of Pre-Greek (Pre-Greek, suffixes).
Sotoi [pl.] ‘two, both’ (Il.). <1£ *duoi- ‘twofold, double’>
eVAR Sow [du.].
*DIAL Myc. PN du-wo-jo /dwoios/.
*DER Sotdg [sg.] ‘double’ (Emp.). Sotde [f.] ‘group of two’ (gloss; after povac, etc.)
and denominative do1ddw, -ouat, aor. dora, also Sodooa (through blending with
dodcoato) ‘linger, deliberate’, also (after Sodooato) ‘imagine, believe’ (B.). Fixed
expression év dott ‘in dubio, in hesitation’ (I 230), whence évdotdw ‘hesitate’ (Th.)
with évdoiactdc, -@¢ ‘doubtful’ (Ion., Th.) and late derivations évdoiaotc, -daowoc,
-AOLLOG, -AOTIG, -AOTLKOG.
*ETYM Sotoi is an old derivative of » Svo (related to » dic), in its formation identical
to Skt. dvayd-, OCS dovo je ‘twofold’, OHG zweiio, Go. twaddje, ON tveggja [gen.pl.],
IE *duoiHo-. The retention of the intervocalic t in Greek, the short a of the Skt., and
the Germanic “Verscharfung” (Go. ddj, ON ggj) point *-iH-.
Sdkava eVAR SoKkdvi. + doKdc.
Soxéw [v.] ‘to seem, be of the opinion’ (II.). <GR>
eVAR Aor. doxijoa, fut. Soxrjow (Od.), 56k, 5dEw (Pi, h. Merc; see below), perf.
deddxrat (Pi.), dEdo0yycu (Hdt.), Soxei pot ‘it seems to me’ (Il.); doxebw [v.] ‘watch,
observe’ (Il.); tpoo-doKkdw, aor. TpocdoKroat ‘await’ (Hdt.).
*DER Sdxrjo1¢ ‘belief, opinion, appearance’ (Hdt.), Soxnoi-dé&toc, -vovc, -copos
‘appropriate [etc.] in one’s own opinion’ (Com.). d6xrpa ‘image, delusion’ (E., see
dod1xd¢ 345
Chantraine 1933: 184ff.), ‘decision’ (Argos). .d6ypa ‘opinion, decision’ (Att., Hell; to
SEcu, 5dEw after taku, TaEw : Taypa, etc.) with Soypatixds ‘dogmatic’, doypatiag
‘who pronounces d6yuata’, doypatitw ‘give an opinion’ (Hell. and late). Further
66a ‘opinion, consideration, excellence, glory’, 56&¢ = 66&a (Democr,; after yv@otc,
Schwyzer: 505). Sow [f.] ‘id” (E. El. 747; Chantraine 1933: 116), Sdxoc¢ [m.] ‘id,’
(Xenoph.), doxr ‘id’ (Hdn.). Sdxtwog ‘reliable, approved, distinguished, etc.’ (IA,
Dor.); compounds ev-, d-ddktwos ; with doxiywov, Soxiueiov ‘proof (Pl) and the
denominatives doxipwpt (Aeol.), Soxyidw (Parm.) ‘to believe’, Soxmdtw ‘to try,
approve (IA) with Soxtwaoia ‘test’ (Att.), Sokwaotrc¢, Soxipaotip, -rptov,
Soxtpaotés, -tKdc (Att., etc.); also deverbal Soxin ‘test, proof (Ep. Phil., Ep. Cor.).
evddokiptéw ‘to have a good reputation’ (Thgn.) with evdoxiunots (Pl.). doxka =
dox@ (Hermipp. 12) humorous extension, cf. Bechtel Glotta 12 (1923): 211. From
TpoodoKaw : mpocdoxia ‘expectation’ also mpoodSdxnua (Pl. Phib. 32c), mpocddKtpog
(IA).
*ETYM doxéw (and mpoodoxdw) are deverbative derivations of primary
(mpoo-)d5éxopat (see » Séxouat). Like all secondary verbs, it originally occurred only
in the present; for the other tenses, the primary verb was used. 5d&cu, 66§ could
belong to that primary verb if they have their -o- after doxéw and derive from older
*déEat, *6éEw (Wackernagel KZ 33 (1895): 37; further, Schwyzer: 718). Because of their
meaning, doxetw and doxdlw ‘to await’ (Sophr., S. Fr. 221, 23) might alternatively
rather belong together with -doxdw, » d€xopat. The semantic relations are difficult to
account for in detail. Soxéw agrees with Lat. doced ‘learn’ (causative IE *dok-éie-).
On doxéw in general, see Fournier 1946 passim, especially 166f. For other IE
cognates, see » déxouat and » Soxdc.
So0x6c [f.] ‘bearing-beam’ (Il.). <GR, PG?>
eVAR Late also msc.
DER Soxic (Hp.), Soxiov (Arist. Delos IV*), Soxidtov (Harp.). Soxiac (PhIp.), Soxevs
(Heph. Astr.) name of a comete (like Soxdc, Soxic; Scherer 1953: 107). Soxw5r¢ ‘like a
beam’ (gloss.). doxdopat ‘to be fitted with beams’ (pap., S. E.) with d6xwoig (LXX).
From doKdc¢ also Sdxkava [n.pl.] name of two upright beams constructed with a
cross-beam (Plu.), Soxdavar ai otdAtkec, aig fotatat ta Ava, f) KdAauot ‘stakes on
which hunting nets are fastened, or reeds’ (H.); cf. tool names in -avov, -dvn in
Schwyzer: 489f., Chantraine 1933: 198f.
eETYM Connected to dékopat as an agent noun, so properly “which takes on [the
covering]”. Benveniste RPh. 58 (1929): 127, thinks that doxdg and ddxava are Pre-
Greek.
SoAtxG¢ [adj.] ‘long’ (I1.). <1E *d(o)lh,g"6- ‘long’>
eDIAL Myc. PN do-ri-ka-o /Dolik*a6n/, do-ri-ka-no /Dolik>-anér/.
*COMP Often as a first member of compounds; note doAty6-cKtog (Hom.) ‘with a
long shadow’, of €yxog ‘lance’.
*DER With regular accent change (Schwyzer: 420) d0Atxo¢ [m.] ‘the long course’
_ (Att, etc.) with dodtyebw ‘run a long course’, SoAtyets ‘long course runner’ (Sparta
II); on SdAtxog as a plant name (Thphr.) see Strémberg 1937: 107’, Stromberg 1940:
346 66X0¢
24. Poetical form with metrical lengthening SovAtydeic (AP); TN AodAtyiotn, island
before Lycia, properly a superlative, and AovAiytov island in the Ionic Sea (Hom.), cf.
Seiler 1950: 101.
eETYM Within Greek, we may further compare évdeAeynj¢ ‘continuous’ (Att., etc.),
together with évdehéyeia, evdehexéw, -iCw, -topdc (like év-teArjc, eft-qleAre, etc.).
doAtx dc is related to Skt. dirghda-, Av. daraya-, OCS dloge, Serb. diig, Lith. ilgas (with
unexplained loss of d-), Hitt. talugi- (on the vocalism see Kloekhorst 2008 s.v.
*taluki-), which derive from PIE *d(o)lH-g'o-. Further related are e.g. Lat. indulgeo
‘be kind, indulgent’, Go. tulgus ‘firm, steadfast’, and Alb. glaté, gjaté ‘long’ (with
secondary -té?).
56Ao¢ [m.] ‘bait, any trick or device for catching, trick’ (Il.). <PG?>
*DER d6Atog ‘deceiving, tricky’ (Od.) with SoAtéty¢ (LXX), dodtevopat ‘deceive’
(LXX) and doAtdw ‘id.” (LXX); Sodepdc ‘id” (IA), SoAdetc ‘cunning’ (Od.).
Lengthened S6Aeuta ‘trick’ (Aen. Tact.; see Chantraine 1933: 186f.). Denominative
do0Adw ‘to beguile’ (Hes.) with 5dAwotc (X.) and 66Awpta (A.; Chantraine 1933: 186f.);
also doAitw ‘to falsify’ (Dsc.). Here also SoAia = kwvetov ‘hemlock’ (Ps.-Dsc.), cf.
Strémberg 1940: 64; cf. Latte ad loc; SoAdva- praotpomdéc. <AdKwvec> ‘pimp
(Lacon.) (H; cf. Chantraine 1933: 199); also SéAoma- KatdoKomov, LLaotponév ‘spy,
pimp’ with Sodonevet- émpBovdevet, évedpever “plots, lies in wait for’ (H.). On
Sodewv: 6 SoOujv ‘small abscess’ (H.), see » SoBtrjv.
eETYM The identity of d6A0c¢ and Lat. dolus, Osc. dolom, -ud [acc., abl.] seems
evident; yet the Italic word might have been borrowed from Greek. A group of
Germanic words, ON tal [f.] ‘deception, trick’, OE tél [f.] ‘blame, slander, derision’,
OHG zala [f.] ‘danger’, which would require a lengthened grade *déla- (see
Brugmann-Delbriick 1897-1916: 1, 153f.) is rather not related. Likewise, a connection
with > SatdaAAw is quite hypothetical. Given its concrete basic meaning, it could well
be a Pre-Greek word. The gloss 56A0c¢: maooaAog ‘stake, penis’ (H.) is unclear (cf.
Specht 1944: 157 and 219); cf. further » ddAwv.
ddArau [f.] - TAakobvtta puKpa. K@ot ‘little flat cake (Coan) (H.). <PG?>
eVAR Cf. SoABai- OYptata: of SE LuKTta MAaKobvtia “[sacrificial] cake; mixed, little flat
cake’ (H.).
eETYM Neumann 1961 compares Hitt. turpa ‘kind of cake’ (for offering); Anatolian or
Pre-Greek origin thus seems likely.
5dAwv, -wvoc [m.] 1. name of a front sail (Plb., D. S.) or the spar on such a sail (Poll.),
Lat. loan dold (Liv.); adj. doAwwdc (pap.). 2. ‘secret weapon, stiletto’ (Plu. TG 10).
<GR/?>
*DER Diminutive doAioKoc: S6Awv, tapaktgic ‘dirk’ (H.); Lat. dolé ‘id’ (Varro).
*ETYM In the meaning ‘secret weapon’, ddAwv (2) could be derived from » 66Aoc. In
the meaning ‘sail’, the origin is unclear; in any event, the connection with » 5é\tos,
MoHG Zelt ‘tent’ is very weak. DELG unconvincingly argues that d6Awv 1. and 2. are
actually the same word. Cf. Rougé 1966: 59.
Sdu0¢ [m.] ‘house, living, room’ (Il.), also ‘layer’ (Hdt.). «IE *dom, *domo- ‘house’>
S0Ea 347
eCOMP Compounded substantives like émio06-, mp6- and adjectives like ayyi-, iao-.
eDER Sopdopiat ‘be supplied with a house’ (pap. VI?).
eETYM Sd,toc is related to Skt. ddma- [m.] ‘house’ and Lat. domus. Beside this
obviously secondary o-stem, an old u-stem is found in Skt. ddmit-nas- [m.]
‘roommate’ and Arm. tanu-tér ‘house-lord’. However, the u-stem inflexion of Lat.
domus replaces older o-stem inflexion because of its feminine gender (De Vaan 2008
s.v.). See also »duwc. The root noun *dém, gen. *dems, found in »deondtn¢,
> danedov (but less certainly in »ddttap), is archaic. Originally, Sdj10¢ (just like
> dda) is an adaptation of this root noun rather than a verbal abstract from » déLw.
A(a)ptia, Mvia s.v. » Anujtip are unclear.
Sdvak [m.] ‘pole-reed, what is made of it, shaft of an arrow, pipe’ (Il.). <PG(V)>
VAR Also d@vak, Sobvak, gen. -axoc (see below).
eDER Sovaxeve ‘thicket of reeds’ (2 576 -xija, lengthening at verse end?; cf. BoShardt
1942: 21f.), also ‘bird-catcher’ (Opp. K. 1, 73), deverbal to Sovaxevoztat ‘catch birds
with a lime-stick’ (AP); Sovaxwv ‘thicket of reeds’ (Paus.); dovakrpata: avArpata
‘compositions for the flute’ (H.); see Chantraine 1933: 178. 5ovaxw6dng ‘rich in reed’
(B.), Sovaxdetc ‘id.’ (E.), Sovaxtvog (H. s.v. kepkidac; uncertain); dovakitic ‘made of
reed’, also plant name (AP; Strémberg 1940: 36); Sovaxiddv ‘reed-like’ (A.D.).
Uncertain Aovdxtag epithet of Apollo (Theopomp. Hist. 281), perhaps for
Aovaxitns (Redard 1949: 208).
*ETYM Frisk (with lit.) explains the variants d@vak (Theoc. 20, 29 beside Sévak Ep. 2,
3 and Pi. P. 12, 25) and dotvak (AP) as hyperdialectisms (for dobvag, Schulze 1892:
205 has proposed metrical lengthening as an alternative). However, this can hardly
be correct: more plausibly, they all are variants of a Pre-Greek word (see Pre-Greek
6.1 on vowels, where we find 0/ ov and ov/ w). Pre-Greek origin is further confirmed
by the suffix -a€. Non-Greek origin was already advocated by Nehring Glotta 14
(1925): 181. A connection with Sovéw ‘to shake’ (see the parallels in Stromberg 1940:
76f.) is most doubtful, whereas Latv. duonis ‘reed’ cannot be compared because it
require long *6 (incompatible with Sdvat, which cannot have its short o from
dovéw). Nor is Go. tains ‘twig’, etc. related. As a semantic variant, ddva& may also
refer to the fish owAnv (Ath.).
Sovéw [v.] ‘to shake’ (II.). <?>
eVAR Aor. Sovijoat.
*COMP As a second member e.g. in dAi-dovoc ‘driven around on sea’ (A.).
eDER S6viyta (Luc.).
eETYM No etymology.
S0éa [f.] ‘opinion, glory, splendour’ (Il. since K 324). <1E? *dek- ‘accept’, PG?>
*DER Diminutive do§dpiov (Arr.); denominative So&dCw ‘to deem, praise’ (trag., Th.)
with dd€aopa, do€aoptdc, SoEaoti¢, -aotdc, -aotiKkds (Att. etc.), also Sofacia (D.
C.) and d6€aotc (Simp.); So&doptat ‘to have the name’ (Hdt.).
eETYM The word is connected with doxéw, but of unclear formation. Leumann 1950:
'173ff. rejects the older proposals *56x-t1a, *66x-oG, but his own theory is also
348 Sopa
improbable (see Fraenkel Gnomon 23 (1951): 374). With its short final -a, the word
could be Pre-Greek (cf. Pre-Greek: C 3.1). Cf. Szemerێnyi 1964: 376%.
Sopa [f.] = doxdc ‘beam’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM The gloss Cret. Sopa = doKxdc¢ (EM, H.) is considered uncertain; see Latte.
Derivation from dd6pv is difficult to maintain.
SopiadA0oc [m.] (Ar. Fr. 367) ott 5é TO yuvaixetov aidoiov ég’ bBpet tpaywdSorotod
AopiAdov ‘female genitals with reference to the insolence of the tragic poet Dorillos’
(Et. Gen., Et. Gud. 375,8, EM 283, 46). H. has doptadAoc. <?>
eVAR Also SdptAXoc,
*ETYM Unexplained. See Maas KZ 58 (1930): 127f. and Taillardat 1962: §105. The
name of the poet is given as AoptAdog in the life of Euripides of Satyros (P.Oxy. 9,
1176).
Sépkat[f.] - kovidec ‘eggs of lice, fleas and bugs, nits’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM Unknown. Frisk compared SepxtAdetv: aiptomoteiv ‘suck blood’ (H beside
SepuvAdAetv from dépua).
SopKac, -a60¢ [f.] ‘a kind of deer, roe, gazelle’ (Hdt. 7, 69). <Lw Celt.>
*DER Other forms: 66p— (Call; acc. Sépxav E. H. F. 376 [lyr.]; 56pxa Dindorf),
ddpKoc (Dsc.), dépxwv (LXX); also CopKac (Hdt. 4, 192), Cop& (Call.); topos (Opp.),
topkec, ivpKec (H.). Diminutives: dopxddtov (LXX, Delos II*), also a plant (André
1958 s.v.); dopKadic (Call; on -aA-16- Chantraine 1933: 251f., 344); dopxadidec “dice
from the bones of 6.’ (Herod; on -16- see Chantraine 1933: 346f.); dopKaAidec:
dpyavov éott KOAAOTIKOV Te T} [taoTLyEes ai amd iLLdvtwv SopKddwv ‘a corrective
instrument; whips from the leather straps of deer’ (Suid.); SopKdde(1)oc ‘made from
the bones of 5.’ (aotpayakoc, Thphr., inscr., pap. see S. Schmid 1950: 52), SdpKetoc
(Theognost.), ddpxtoc (Edict. Diocl.). PN Aopxevs, etc., see BoShardt 1942: 130.
*ETYM Like ddpkoc and ddépKwv, SopKas (built like kejidc, etc.) was derived from the
root noun d6pé. If we start from the forms with (-, it agrees with a Celtic word for
‘roe’, Co. yorch, Bret. iourc’h ‘roe’, MW iwrch ‘caprea mas’, which points to IE *iork-
o-. The 6-forms are perhaps folk-etymological, after dépxopat; topKos, etc. may be a
Celtic (Galatic) LW. See Sommer 1905: 147f.
Sdprov [n.] ‘evening-meal’ (Il.). <Lw?>
eVAR Hell. and late also -oc [m.].
DIAL Myc. do-qe-ja /dork“eja/?
*DER Sdpmov ‘time for dinner’ (Hp. Epid. 5, 22 v.l.), Sdpmtoc ‘ptng. to the 5.’ (Nonn.);
dSopmijia [n.pl.] ‘food, meal’ (Nic. cf. Eervrjia), Aopmia [f.] ‘evening before a festival,
especially the Apaturia’ (Hdt.). Denominative Sopméw ‘take the evening meal’
(Hom.), SopmdCetv- Seimveiv ‘to take a meal’ (H; cf. ovpttoct-dfetv). Sopmnotdg [m.]
(scil. xatpdc) ‘time for dinner’ (Hp.), cf. Seutvijotis s.v. » Seitvov.
*ETYM Sdpmov could be combined with Alb. darké ‘evening (meal) as a hypothetical
*dork”-o- (Mann Lang. 26 (1950): 384f., Porzig 1954a: 178). Further connections are
unknown. The limited distribution of the word (only Albanian and Greek) suggests
that it is a borrowing of some sort.
dobA0¢ 349
Sdpv [n.] “wood, tree (trunk), spear’ (Il; on the epic use Triimpy 1950: saff.). <IE *doru
‘tree, wood’>
eVAR Gen. d6patog (Att.), Sopdc (trag.), Sovpdc¢ and dovpatoc (Hom.); dual dotpe
(Hom.), plur. ddpata, Sotpa, Sovpata.
eCOmpP As a first member in several compounds (many PNs), beside Sopv- (Sopato-,
Sovpo-) also So(v)pi-; as a dative (instrumental) in Sovpt-KAettdc, etc., also
analogical without case function. Note dopv-codos ‘throwing a spear’ (Hes. Sc. 54; to
oeiw), Sovprvexéc < *Sopf-iyvexéc [adv.] ‘a spear’s throw distant’ (K 357, to éveyxetv,
cf. Sujvexrjc). Also Swpt- in PNs, e.g. in Awpi-paxoc (Dor., Boeot.), Awpt-KAij¢ (Arc.,
Dor.); also » dayé-Swpos, s.v.; (-)Swp- is regular for -Sopf-o¢ in some Doric dialects,
and these names were probably borrowed by the other dialects.
*DER Diminutives dopdatiov (Hdt.), dopbédtov (auct. apud Orib. 47, 17, 5), SopbAALov
(Suid.); adjectives Sovpdteog ‘wooden’ (Od.; of inmosg, etc.), also Sovpetoc (E. Tr. 14);
Sovptoc (Ar. Av. 1128), doprjiog (AP 15, 14); epic reminiscences, see Schulze 1892:
102°, :
Denominative verb dopatifouat ‘fight with the spear’ (H.) with dopatioptdg (Plu.).
Uncertain » dopa (< *SopF-d) = Soxdc. PNs AoptaAaoc, Aopipayoc; with Doric
lengthening upon loss of F: Awpipiayoc, AwptcAric (see above). Short names: Aodptc,
Aopitys, etc. . 4
*ETYM Sdpv is related to Skt. daru, Av. dauru ‘wood’, Hitt. taru ‘wood’ and ToAB or
‘id.’ (with loss of *d- in forms with *dr-), which reflect PIE *doru, gen. *dreus. Beside
this old neuter originally denoting only ‘wood’, there was a feminine word for ‘tree,
oak’: » Spic. Cf. also » Spupid and » Sévdpeov.
Sopvxwov [n.] plant name, ‘Convolvulus oleofolius’, etc. (Dsc.). <PG(V)>
*DER Diminutive Sopu«vidiov (Gal.).
*ETYM No etymology. Fur.: 183 compares » oTpvxvov, » Tpbyvov (Nic., Gal. see s.v),
-o¢ (Theocr.). He remarks that, after o-, we often find the voiceless variant. On the
epenthesis, cf. ()kévula/ kvila, KoAuptBac/ KAUBatic (ibid. 183°); thus he assumes
that this word stands for *6pvx(x?)wov.
SodAo0¢ [m.] ‘slave, servant’, also as an adjective with compar. dovAdtepoc (Hdt.);
dovAn [f.] ‘slave-woman, maid’ (Il.); on the spread see E. Kretschmer Glotta 18
(1930): 74f. <PG?>
eVAR 6@AXoc Cret.
eDIAL Myc. do-e-ro, do-e-ra /dohelos/, /dohela/.
*COMP Many substantival and adjectival compounds.
*DER doviic [f.] (Hyp.; cf. Schwyzer: 127 and 465) with dovAidétov (H.), dovAdpiov
(Ar.). SovAoobvn ‘servitude’ (Ion., Od.) with SovAdcvvog (E. Hec. 448 [lyr.]); see
Frisk Eranos 43 (1945): 220. SovAtos, -etog ‘slavish, of a servant’ (Hom.), dovAEoc ‘id.’
(A. R.), SovAtkéc ‘id.’ (Att, etc.), SovAucd (ow@ptata) [n.pl.] ‘slaves’ (Peripl. M. Rubr.,
pap.).
Denominative verb dovAetw ‘to be a slave, serve’ (IA) with dovAgia, Ion. -nin
‘servanthood’, dovAeupa ‘id.’ (trag; see Chantraine 1933: 186), SovAettpia ‘female
350 Sodpioc
servant’ (Eust.); SovAdopat, -dw ‘to be made:servant’ (IA) with dobAwoic (Th.) and
SovAwtikds (Plu.).
eETYM The Mycenaean forms point to *5dehoc, probably from *d5ohedoc. Soddo¢ is
certainly not inherited (pace e.g. Neumann 1986: 489-496), although a borrowing
from Carian or Lydian (as argued by Lambertz Glotta 6 (1915): iff. Benveniste
RELat. 10 (1932): 438f.) is difficult to account for chronologically, since the word
appears already in Mycenaean (Risch Kratylos 29 (1984): 96f.). Conversely, Pre-
Greek origin is a good possibility.
Sodposg [m.] an Anatolian religious community, connected with the Magna Mater
(Hippon.,, inscr., AP). «LW Phr.>
eETYM A Phrygian word; it has been connected with Gr. Owytd¢ ‘heap’ and Gm.
words like Go. doms ‘judgement’, but without further confirmation. Cf. Wikander
1946: iff. Masson found the word in Hipponax (ed. 123). Cf. bibliogr. Bull. Ep. 1992 n°
202. The idea of Neumann 1999: 345-353 that the word primarily indicated the
building in which the meetings are held is rejected by Lubotsky 19972: 124-125.
Sodro¢ [m.] ‘dull, heavy sound’ (Il.). <PG(v)>
*COMP In épi-dovumoc, also épi-ydourtoc ‘thundering loud’ (Il.); anlaut yd- also in
éydovmnoav (A 45) and ptaciySovmov Baothija: peyahonxov ‘with heavy sound’, ...
(H.), and also in aXi-, Bapv-, LeAi-ySourtoc. Other compounds have -Sovztoc.
*DER Sovitéw, aor. Sovitijoa, perf. ptc. SeSov7tdtoc [gen.sg.] (¥ 679; innovation, see
Schwyzer: 771) ‘sound heavily’, secondarily (through misunderstanding dov7tnoev 5é
meowv, Leumann 1950: 217) ‘fall in battle’ (I1.).
eETYM Sovrtéw is an intensive like Bpopéw, etc. It shows some resemblance to Latv.
dupétiés ‘sound dead’, SCr. diipiti ‘slay (with sound), and ToAB tap- ‘give a loud
sound, announce’, but the initial *gd- (found in the compounds) is not known from
PIE. Therefore, the word is probably Pre-Greek. Cf. » xtuméw, » KTb7t0G.
So0x"6¢ [adj.] ‘oblique, slanted’ (Il, Delphi II*). <1E *dh,g"mo- ‘oblique’>
*DER 6x toc ‘id.’ (Ar.), also in metre ‘versus dochmius’ (Choerob.) together with
doypuaKds, Soxpukdc, Soypaxds, Soxpudtw (sch.). ddxptn or Soy) “breadth of the
hand’, from ‘oblique’. Denominative Soxjtdopa (SoypwOeic) ‘to turn sideways’
(Hes., h. Merc.), aor. act. and med. dSoyptWoat, -woac8ou (Nonn.). doxpiaddov:
xapaitnrov, tartervov ‘low’ (H.), after y8apiahdc.
eETYM In its formation, Soyjtdc is identical to Skt. jihmd- ‘oblique’, from PIE
*dh.g'mo-. In Skt. jihmd-, the j- from d- must be due to assimilation to the velar
(Pllr. *jij"ma- < *dij*md-; see Mayrhofer EWAia s.v. jihma-).
Spayatetw [v.] probably ‘to oversee a land with cereals or a vineyard’ (Thess. III*).
<?>
*ETYM From dpaydtng *‘cutter, laborer in the fields’, MoGr. ‘id” (apyidpayatne,
Ankyra II’); connected by Zingerle Glotta 15 (1927): 7off. to » dpdacoopiat after
épyatevopa : épydtnyc. Zingerle adduces Spakwv- év Lelia iepdv ..., elg 6 oi
yewpyoi evyac énepitov, 60ev kai Spakdvec (Spacovtec cod.) ékArOnoav ‘temple in
Spayuc 351
Sicily, to.which farmer sent prayers; because of that, they were called 5.’ (H.); see
Latte ad loc. See Georgacas Orbis 4 (1956): 91ff.
Spareds [acc.pl.f.] name of something dedicated to Athena (SGDI 1537, Phocis [VI*]).
<?2>
eETYM The word has been compared with dpatdv: ttaxpav, mbehov ‘bath tub, trough’
(H.) and > dpoitn, but this is quite hypothetical.
dpaxwv, -ovtoc [m.] ‘dragon, serpent’ (Il), also a fish, “Trachinus’ (Epich., cf.
Stromberg 1943: 121f.). <IE *drk- ‘look at’>
eVAR Fem. dpaxatva ‘female dragon’ (h. Ap., A.) with dpaxatvic a fish name (Com.);
see below.
*DER Diminutive Spaxdévtiov (Delos III*), also a plant “Arum dracunculum’ (Hp.;
after the color, Strémberg 1940: 38); Spaxovtic name of a bird (Ant. Lib; see
Thompson 1895: 91); Spaxovtia a plant (Ps.-Dsc.); dpaxovtiag (mupdc, oikuc,
meAeiac, Thphr.); -Spaxovtitng (Ai6oc; Ptol. Chenn., see Redard 1949: 54).
dpaxdvtetog and dpaxovtwdng ‘like a dragon’ (E.). Spaxovtiaocig name of a disease
(Gal.) as if from *dpakovtidu, after the words in -iaotc, cf. Holt 1941: 137°.
eETYM On the assumption that the dragon was named after his paralyzing sight
(despite doubts by Fick BB 18 (1892): 99), Spakwv is probably related to Sépxopau. It
could then be an original n-stem (cf. dpdxatva) of a root noun *dpa(k) = Skt. dfs-
‘view’ (cf. » bm6-5pa s.v.), whereas the nt-stem was formed after the participles
(Schwyzer: 526; Chantraine 1933: 268).
dpadatva [adj.] -Aawvpd. K@ot ‘full of abysses (Coany (H.). <?>
*DER PN Apadac (Maeonia) and Apddtog (Ceos, Schwyzer: 764).
eETYM Unknown.
Spapetv [v.aor.] ‘run’ (Il.). <1E *drem- ‘run’>
eVAR Fut. Spauovpit (IA), perf. dédpopa (Od.), Sedpduaxa (Sapph,; see below),
dSedpduinka (1A); aor. to tpéxw. ,
*DER & Spdplog ‘course’ with dpoytr) (Hdn.), Spadina ‘id.’ (Hdt.), also Spdunpa (API).
Deverbative dpopidaoxe (Hes. Fr. 117 v.1.); Spopttjoaoa (Vett. Val.); Sedpdpaxe [perf.]
(Sapph., fr. 31 LP; Aeolic zero grade?), Spoptdacoeiv: tpéxetv ‘to run’ (H.); also dpwpd-
tpéxet and Spwpiccovoea: tpéxovoa (H.); see Schwyzer 718f.
eETYM The aorist and perfect stem dpatt-, dpou- are found beside dpa- in é-dpa-v,
etc. (see > cuto-didpdoKw), just as the present stem Bav- < *Bau- in Baivw is found
next to Ba- in &-Bn-v. Outside Greek, a good match is offered by Skt. pres. dramati
(gramm.), intensive ptc.med. dandramyamdana- ‘run’. However, the connection with
OE trem ‘footstep’, etc. is uncertain. Thus, we have IE *drem- : dreh,- like *g”em- :
g”eh,-; see >» Baivw. A third variant is seen in Skt. drdavati ‘run’ < *dreu-. As a present
of dpauetv, Greek has tpéyetv; on the aspect, see Benveniste 1935: 120.
Spaute [f.] kind of bread, Macedonian acc. to Seleuc. apud Ath. 3, 114b. <?>
eETYM The word is reminiscent of » dapatat; further details are unknown. Cf. Pisani
Rev. Int. ét. balk. 3 (1937): 1, and Kalléris 1954: 158f.
352 dpanétns
Spanétns =d.dpdaoKw.
Spaoooziat [v.] ‘to grasp, take handfuls’ (IL, 1A). <1E? *dreg"- (LIV? 126)>
eVARAtt. Spattopat; aor. SpdFaoG8at, perf. 5é5payytau.
eCOMP Compounds with dia-, év-, KaTa-.
*DER Spaytta ‘handful, especially of corn stalks’ (II.), together with Spaypevw ‘collect
sheaves’ (2 555) as if from dpaypidc (E. Cyc. 170) for metrically impossible
dpaypnatebw (Eust. 1162, 17); also Spaypiic ‘small handful (Hp. Morb. 2, 55, v.l. of
dpaytic), Spay ‘id.’ (EM); on » Spay} s.v. Spdydnv ‘grasping with the hand’
(Plu., Q. S.). Retrograde formation dpd€, -xdc [f.] ‘handful (LXX); with metathesis
ddpxec: Séoptct ‘handful’ (H.). On » dpayatetw (dpakwv), see s.v. Unclear dpaxtov
‘small vase’ (inscr.).
*ETYM Spdooopat is a yod-present from a root *dpax- or *5pdx-, of which the zero
grade was generalized throughout the paradigm. A relationship with Arm. trc-ak
‘Reisigbiindel’ has been considered, where the original word-final -c‘ is supposed to
continue a sequence of velars; an IE é or 6 (PArm. i or u) must have disappeared
between t- and r (or between r and c‘). OCS po-drago ‘edge, border of cloth’ is not
related (rather, to Ru. dérgat’ ‘pull, tug’ and OE tiergan ‘annoy’, etc.). LIV? s.v.
*dreg'- connects the word with Av. drazaite ‘holds’, etc., and analyzes the Greek as a
formation *dr-n-g'-ie- or *drg'-ie-. The latter solution seems the most attractive. See
under > dpaypn.
Spaxun [f.] ‘drachm’, weight and coin (IA). <PG?>
eVAR Sapxttia (Arc., El., Cnossos), Sapk va (Gortyn, /-k"nd/, < -xpa Schwyzer: 215f.).
DER Spayjudaiog ‘worth a 6.’ (Att., etc; after huwPodtatos, etc., see Chantraine 1933:
49), also Spaxypatog, -tyiocg (Nic.); Diminutive Spayptiov (Aristeas).
*ETYM Usually taken as a verbal noun in -(o)u/a from »dpdcooouat, properly
meaning ‘grasp of the hand, handful’ (of oboles), based on comparison with
oma, mvypt), etc., with dpay- and Sapy- in the zero grade. However, the two
variants Spay- and dapy- suggest that this is not a zero grade from PGr. *drk'-, and
therefore, that it is a Pre-Greek word (cf. also ddpxec s.v. » Spdoooptat); this is not
noted in Fur.: From dpayjtr} comes Arab. dirham, Arm. dram, etc.; see Bailey BSOAS
13 (1949-1950): 128f.
dpaw [v.] ‘to make, do’ (Od.; Att. prose has mpattw and notéw). <?>
eVAR Acol. 3sg. Spaiot, aor. Spacat, etc.
*COMP Compounds with dva-, avtt-, éml-, Mapa-, ovv-, bT0-.
*DER dpapa ‘action, spectacle, drama’ (A.) with diminutive Spaudtiov (Plu.) and
Spapiatixds ‘dramatic’ (Arist.); with analogical o (cf. Sprotip below): Spacpdatwv-
Tavoupytpatwv ‘tricks, villanies’ (H.) and dpaopatixdg = Spactipiocg (Cat. Cod.
Astr.); lengthened form dpayoovvn ‘holy service’ (Attica IV*), beside Sproptootvn
‘id’ (h. Cer. 476) from *5prjopwv, cf. Chantraine 1933: 174. dpaotc ‘action, strength’
(A. D.) with 16 Spdoytov (A. Th. 554). Wwith analogical o (Schwyzer: 531): dprotiip,
fem. dproteipa (Od.), Spots, Spdotijs, Spdotac (Archil., Pi.) ‘servant (maid)’
(Fraenkel 1910: 167f.) together with Spaotriptoc ‘active’ (A.), Spaotnptdtns (Eust.)
and dpaotnpiwdn¢ (Gal.), Spaotixds ‘active’ (Pl.), Sprotoobvn ‘obligingness’ (0 321);
dpértw 353
denominative dpnotevw ‘to serve (at a sacred act)’ (Lesbos). Desiderative dpaceiw
‘want to do’ (S.). Beside dpdw, we find dpaivw (formed after Baivw, paiva, etc.)
‘want to do, can do’ (K 96, Herod.; an Ionism acc. to Bechtel 1914, Chantraine 1942:
343) with ddtyo-dpavéwv ‘who can do little’ (I; from ddiya Spaivetv to oAtyntehéwv,
cf. Schwyzer: 724, Chantraine 1942: 349; different analysis in Bechtel 1914 s.v.
odtyodpavéw), with oAtyodpavia (A.), Odtyodpavijg (Ar.); innovation a&dpavijc
(LXX, Arr.) with adpaveia (Hdn.), adpavin (A. R.), adpavéw “be inactive’ (Arat.),
adpavitw ‘id. (sch.); as backformation dpdvoc: épyov, m1pakic, dpyavov, d&yalua,
KataoKetaopa, Sbvatuc “work, action, tool, sculpture, work of art, ability’ (H.; also
MoGr. Spava ‘tendril’?, Bogiatzides Apy. Eg. 27 (1888): 115ff.), Spavetc: Spactikoi
‘active’ (H.).
*ETYM If dpaivw is a younger form, then the root was dpa- (cf. Kpa-, TAG-, etc.).
Connection with Baltic words like Lith. darau, daryti, Latv. darit ‘do, make, build’ is
quite uncertain (cf. Schwyzer: 675): Fraenkel 1955 (s.v.) considers daryti to be a
causative of deru, deréti ‘be useful’, and further connects Skt. dhdr-ma-, dhardyati
‘hold’, etc. On dpdw, dpapia, see Snell Phil. Suppl. 20:1 (1928): 1ff. and Snell Phil. 85
(1930): 141ff.
dpaw 2 [v.] ‘to see’ (A.D. Adv. 139, 8, EM 287,7). <GR>
DER Spaoic = PrAEwtg; of Spatoi = dpOahtoi.
*ETYM These forms were invented by grammarians to explain bnddpa.
dpénw [v.] ‘to pluck, cut off (Od.). <IE? *drep- ‘pluck’>
eVAR Aor. dpéyat (also Spamtwv Pi., Spdnwotv [subj.] Alc.); pres. dpéttw (Mosch.).
eCOMP Compounds with dava-, amo-, é7-, kata-. In composition often -n- for -o-,
e.g. Spenavn-pdposg ‘sickle-carrying’ (X.); cf. Schwyzer: 438f.
*DER Spendvy (Il), dSpémavov (Od.) ‘sickle’ (Spanavov epigr.) together with
dpenavnic ‘id.’ (Nic; Chantraine 1933: 346), dpetaviov (Seleuc. apud Ath.); Speravic
the bird “Alpine swift’ (Arist. after the shape of the wings, Thompson 1895 s.v.; H.
also has Spanavidec: eidoc dpvéov ‘a kind of bird’), Spenavwdn¢ ‘sickle-shaped’
(Agath.). Spgupta- Kretyta (“about stealing fruit?”, von Blumenthal 1930: 35, unless
for KAfta), of dé kAdopia ‘fragment’ (H.). Spenteic (H.), Spemetc (EM) = tpvyntai,
‘vintagers’, see Bofhardt 1942: 81. Beside dpénw stands (with lengthened grade)
dpanak— [m.] ‘ichthyol’, together with dpwraxitw ‘apply a depilatory’ and
Spwraxtopdc, -totH¢, -iotpta (medic.). Also Spwmtyc: mhaviytne, Tw dc “wanderer,
beggar’ (H.) ?
eETYM The lengthened grade of dpwm- is matched by a Slavic word for ‘scratch, tear’, -
eg. Ru. drdpat’ (secondary drjap-), Pol. drapac, SCr. draépam, drdpati, etc. (the 6-
grade points to an old root noun, which may be secondary in Slavic); the zero grade
(dpamwv, etc.) occurs in Bulg. dérpam, SCr. d?pam, dypati. Very uncertain is the
relation with ON trof [n-pl.] ‘fringes’, etc. (< IE *drop-) and Gallo-Rom. drappus
‘cloth, linen’, etc. Spémw might be an extension of dépw as *dr-ep-; compare > TpéTw,
> KAértw. A parallel of Spemavyn is Arm. artevan, -anac‘ ‘eyebrow’ (named after its
shape); see De Lamberterie REArm. 17 (1983): 21f. and discussion in Clackson 1994:
109-112 (an old loan from Greek?). Alb. drapén ‘sickle’ is a loan from Greek.
354 Sprotebw
Sprotevbw °VAR Spnotip, etc. = Spdw.
Sptrog [m.] ‘circumcised man’, = verpus in Latin glosses (AP, Amphissa; on the mg.
Diels & Brugmann IF 15 (1903-1904): 4-6). <?>
DER Opidaxec: B5éA Act ‘leeches’ (H.; Chantraine 1933: 380).
*ETYM No etymology. M. Scheller (in Pok. 208) adduces Spidovoav: Ba4rAdAovoayv
‘flourishing’ (H.), which, like dpidevta- yAwpd, is based on Spioc, plur. dpia “bush,
shrubs’; the supposed meaning ‘swelling’ (whence both ‘circumcised man’ [: ‘penis’]
and ‘leech’) is a mere guess. See Kretschmer Glotta 14 (1925): 229, contra H.
Petersson ( Arm. tite?n ‘crocodile’) . Other suggestions can be found in von
Loewenthal WuS 10 (1927): 186 and Sapir Lang. 15 (1940): 185. See also » kpoKddtAoc.
Spite [adj.] ‘sharp, sour, bitter’ (II].). <PG?>
*COMP épiuvAéwv as a philosophical nickname (Gal.).
DER dpiubAog ’piercing’ (Mosch.; diminutive, cf. SvAoc, etc., Chantraine 1933: 250);
Spywstn>, -qtos [f.] ‘sharpness, etc.’ (IA). Denominative dSpitoow ‘cause a biting
pain’ (especially medic; Debrunner IF 21 (1907): 243) with Spiuvkc ‘smarting’ and
Spvypdc ‘pungency’; also Spipevw ‘to itch’ (Anon. in EN).
*ETYM The old interpretation (Persson 1912(2): 779) as ‘splitting, cutting’, from
*Spto-yv<¢ (replacing *Spio-dc), is not convincing. Since the word has no
etymology, we might consider Pre-Greek origin.
Spiog [n.] ‘bush, shrubs’ (€ 353; cf. dAcog ‘grove’, tap@os ‘thicket’, etc.). <?>
VAR Plur. Spia; Sptot [dat.pl.] (IG 14, 217: 43).
DER Perhaps Spwwv ‘devdpwv (“thicket”) in év dpuwvac (Meineke; cod. évdpiwvac)-
dpdpog map8évwv év Aakedaipovt ‘maidens’ race in Laconia’ (H.).
*ETYM Pedersen 1909: 80 compared Olr. driss ‘vepres’ (suffix -st-); this is unclear.
The word is often combined with > dpic, etc; the formation remains unclear in any
case. Not connected here (as per Osthoff 1901: 156ff.) is Spic: dUvaptc ‘potential’ (H.).
Also unclear are dpdevta- yAwpa ‘green’ and Spidovoav- 84dovoay ‘flourishing’
Spoitn [f.] ‘bathtub’ (A.), also ‘cradle’ (Alex. Aet.), ‘coffin’ (Parth.), name of a dance
(H see Lawler AmJPh. 71 (1950): 7off.). < PG?>
eVAR Cf. Soitpov- mbeAov ‘trough’, oxdagryy ‘trough, tray’ (H.), dissimilated from
*§poitpov?
eETYM Although the word has no good etymology, its suffix -tta suggests Pre-Greek
origin (Fur.: 238%). Not attractive is the connection with OE trig, MoE tray ‘flat
trough, dish’ (from PGm. *trau-ia-, IE *drou-io- of ‘wood’); indeed, any relationship
with » dptc) is probably due to secondary association. For example, the younger
form dptty could be due to the pronunciation v for ot, or else result from influence
of dpic. Lat. duréta ‘wooden bath tub’ is probably borrowed from the Greek
(Schwyzer KZ 62 (1935): 199ff.).
dpdpoc [m.] ‘run, race, course’ (Il.); = yupvdotov ‘school’ (Crete; cf. on Spopedtc
below). <IE *drem- ‘run’>
dpdpa 355
*DER Spopevs ‘runner’ (Att.), EgnBog (Cret.); Spopde [f.] (also [m., n.]) ‘running’
(S., cf. Schwyzer: 507, Chantraine 1933: 354), also used for the camel (D. S.), as a loan
Lat. dromas with: dromeddrius, whence Spopeddpioc, Spopaddptoc “dromedary’
(pap.); dpopaiog ‘running’ (S.), Spoptkds ‘for running, quick’ (Pl.) with Spopikdtn¢
(Simp.); Apdoutog epithet of Hermes (Crete), Apourjiog month name (Crete); late and
rare Spopiag name of a fish and a crab (Eratosth; see Stromberg 1943: sif,,
Thompson 1947 s.v. dpdpwv); Spopardc epithet of Aaywos ‘hare’ (H.), Spdpwv ‘light
ship’ (Procop.), = 6 ptkpdc Kapkivog ‘the small crab’ (H.), cf. on dpopiac; Spdpag
“good at running’ (of Kdindoc ‘camel’, Gp.); Spdutov ‘running match’ (Tab. Defix.
Aud., Rome IV-V°). dpopt) = dpdpocg ‘run, race, course’ (Hdn. Gr.).
*ETYM Derived from > dpapetv.
Sp6§tua [n-pl.] ‘uncooked, raw fruits’ (pap. V- VIP). <?>
*ETYM = tpwkipa ‘id’ (from tpwyw), via a folk-etymological reshaping after Spdo00c
‘dew’, Spocepas ‘fresh’ (e.g. of Adxava ‘vegetables’ Ar. Pl. 298)?
S5podv [adj.] - icyvpdv. Apyeior ‘strong (Arg.)’ (H.). <IE *drou- ‘wood’>
eETYM From *dpof-d6v, properly ‘made of heartwood’, from the word for ‘wood’ in
> ddpv, » dptc. Compare OE trig ‘tray’ < IE *drou-io- (see » dpoiti)); also, Go.
trauan. The same word is supposed in PN Apov€ov [gen.], Telos II*. évépoia: kapdia
dévdpov kai 16 pécov ‘heart of the tree, the middle part’ (H.) may stand for évdpva.
See Osthoff 1901: 145ff.
Spdoo0¢ [f.] ‘dew’, often of several fluids (Hdt., Pi.); in A. Ag. 141 (lyr. pl.) = ‘young
animals’ (Aeévtwv), thus Call. Hec. 1, 2, 3; acc. to Bechtel 1914: 139 and Benveniste
BSL 45 (1949): 102" metonymic; different Leumann 1950: 258”; cf. on » poat. <PG>
eVAR On the gender see Schwyzer 1950: 324, 34’.
*DER Adjectives mg. ‘dewy, fluid’: Spoodetc (Sapph.), dpoowdr¢ (com.), dpocepdc
(E.), dpootvdc (AP), Spdoipog (Plu.). Abstract dpooia (Orac. apud Luc. Alex. 53, Cat.
Cod. Astr. also MoGr.; on the mg. see Scheller 1951: 54f.). Hypocoristic 6pooaAXic
name of a Bithynian wine (Gp.); see Chantraine 1933: 252. Denominative dpocitw ‘to
sprinkle, make dew’ (Ar.) with Spootopdg (Olymp. Alch.); dpocdopat ‘to be
sprinkled with dew (Anacreont.).
*ETYM The word is probably of Pre-Greek origin (note the intervocalic -o-; for older
views, cf. Bq; Sapir Lang. 15 (1940): 185).
*dpotijta (II 857, etc.) = davijp.
Spvacoa = devdptw.
Spb [n.pl.] ‘wood, forest’ (IL.). <1E *dru- ‘wood, tree’>
VAR Late also Sptpd, see below.
*DER dpvpdc ‘bush, thicket’ (SIG 57, 28 [V*]); Spvpwdre¢ ‘forested’, Spvpu0c ‘who
passes a forest’ (Cyprus); dpvpiovg tod Kata tv xwpav KaKonowodvteEs (ie.
‘brigands living in the woods’); dpvpetitic (read -itic?) scil. yf ‘forested country’
(pap.); Spuuwv -Wvog ‘forest’ (J.). dpvpic -ido0¢ = dpvdac (An. Ox. 1, 225).
356 dpvpiaoow
eETYM Neutral collective of *dpipid¢ = Skt. druma- [m.] ‘tree’, Ru. drom ‘thicket,
forest’, an JE derivation in -m- of the word for ‘wood, tree’; see > Sdpv and p> dpic.
The length of the vowel, seen in the sing. Sptjtd¢ and the masc. plural forms only, is
taken from dpc; see Wackernagel 1916: 184ff. On the ntr. plur., see Schwyzer: 581.
Differently, Machek Listy filol. 72 (1948): 71.
Spvpdoow [v.] ‘to tear up, crush’, intrans. ‘to creak’ (= Anketv Poll. 5, 93), also obscene
uses; cf. H.: dpvpdéetc: kupiwc pév onapdkets. xp@vtat dé kai én tod ovvécet Kal
TIpooouAroets ‘commonly: retching; also used for coition and sexual intercourse’
(Com. Adesp. 986); Spupidooetv cai SpvpdEat: tO thittetv EdAatc ‘to beat with clubs’.
edpvpiakev. EOpavoev, gocpatev ‘he shattered, slayed’. ddpvpaxtovy KaBapdv ‘clear,
clean’. <PG?>
eVAR Att. -trw; aor. Spvypdéat, fut. Spuprdew.
*ETYM Expressive formation. Nevertheless, a cross of Spvmtw with another verb (e.g.
LLaAcow, iLLdoow, as suggested by Frisk) does not seem probable. Rather, a derivation
in -ax- from dpttw, with -{t- for -m- (see Fur.: 224f., and cf. 326 on dpvg-, Spuy-).
The explanation of ‘tute EvAotc (H.) is probably folk etymological (based on
Spvptdc?).
Spipdcs = Spdud.
Spuerjs [adj.] ‘having ripened on the tree’, about black olives (Ar. Lys. 564). <GR>
*ETYM From dpv- and ménwv. Spurtitoc, said of dypoc (IG 9(1), 61), is unclear; so too
is Spbmema (AP 6, 191), which may be an isolated innovation. The same holds for
dpbitma (AP 6, 299); can it be a Latin form? Note that Ath. 56 said that the accus.
plur. Spummac is Roman. Apumteti¢ would be a later change in the form; it may have
existed because of dpumetetic: and Sévdpov mtenttwKviac ‘fallen from the tree’ (H.).
S5pbntw [v.] ‘to scratch’, especially as a sign of mourning (Il.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Aor. dpvwat, opt. ano-dpv@ot (Y 187 = © 21), probably pres., cf. Spucpdptevor-
cpOetpdptevot (H.).
*DER augi-dpvenc, apgi-dpv@os ‘scratched on both sides (cheeks)’ (I1.); Spurtic [f]
name of a thorn-bush (Thphr.), cf. Stromberg 1940: 76. Only lexical Spucpr auvyn,
Katagtvozpu] ‘scratch’, Spupdadec: Svvxec, kata&vouata ‘talons, scratchings’. Abra,
odvbvat ‘pains’. fj Ta and TANY@v mediwp.ata ‘livid spots from blows’, Spven: Eoptata
‘abrasion’ (H.). dpucpatat Saxetv ‘to sit? (H.). With -s-: Spbwaha ‘leaves’, Spvweda:
métaka Spvwdn ‘tree-like leaves’ (H.), Spvyta ‘shavings’; Spuwdrtaida: trv Aauvpdav
‘impudent female’- of 6& anaddrtaida ft éAeetvdv ‘delicate child; pitiable’ (H.);
dpuwoyépovtac: tovs atdmoug mpeoPtac Kai olovel atittous ‘remarkable seniors, as
if dishonored’ (H.).
*ETYM Expressive form, usually connected with » dépw, » dpémtw. However, the word
was hardly reshaped after » Opvittw. The variants Spucp-, Spvw-, and » dSpupt-daoow
clearly point to a Pre-Greek word (and therefore it is improbable that it derives from
IE dépw); see Fur. 326, 348, etc. Neitlier is the word Iranian (Schwarz 1970: 386).
Spic, -vdc [f.] ‘tree’, especially ‘oak’ (I.). <1E *doru, gen. *dreus ‘wood, tree’>
Spamagt 357
DIAL Dialectal sometimes also [m.], see Schwyzer 1950: 3793 Myc. du-ru-to-mo /dru-
tomoi/ ‘woodcutters’.
eCOMP & Gdpva ‘upright pieces’, > duddpva ‘sloe’, » yepavdpvov ‘old tree or stump’,
évdpvov - kapdia Sévdpou, kai TO LtécaBov ‘heart of the tree; leathern strap’ (H.), also
Hes. (see below); L'ehdvdpva ‘hearts of oak’, also ‘slices of tunny’.
*DER Opvivoc ‘oaken’ (Od.), dpvivac name of a snake living in oaks (Nic.); Spvitnes
kind of cypress (Thphr.), name of a precious stone (Plin.); Apvdc “Dryad, tree-
nymph’ (Plu.), also name of a snake (Androm. apud Gal; cf. dpvivac); them.
lengthening in dptov [gen.] ‘bush’ (POxy. 7, 1044, [7]; 8; 12, I-III’); but the them.
endings in |teAdv-dpv-ov ‘heart-wood’, év-dpv-ov ‘oaken peg’ (Hes. Op. 469) belong
to ddpv. ‘The same holds for dpt-oyor [m.pl.] ‘ribs of a ship’ (Od; cf. Wackernagel
1916: 186), 6pv(0)-KoAdmtty¢ ‘woodpecker’ (Ar.), etc. parallel mgs. in Schwentner KZ
73 (1956): 112f.; short form (after animal names in -oy) Spvow (Ar. Av. 304); also as a
PN (¥ 455) and as a people’s name, see von Wilamowitz 1931: 52’. On » dpvcpaxTot,
see S.V. :
eETYM Apart from the vowel length, which can be explained as from the feminine
gender (Wackernagel l.c.), Sptc is identical with Skt. dru- ‘wood’, found eg. in dru-
sad- ‘sitting on wood (on a tree), su-dru- ‘of good wood’. Other cognates are OCS
drova [n.pl.] ‘wood’, Alb. dru [f.] (< *druud) ‘wood, tree’, and Go. triu < PGm.
*trewa- < IE *dreu-o-. The feminine dptc (gender after other tree names; cf.
Wackernagel 1920-1924(2): 17) arose from the oblique case forms of the word for
‘wood’, Gr. Sdpv, Skt. daru- (gen. dri-m-ah next to dré-h). Janda 1997 assumes a
collective *druh,- (with -s in the nom.). The meaning ‘firm, strong’, found in Greek
in > dpodv - icxupdv, is frequent in Gm. eg. OE trum ‘firm, strong, healthy’
(formally = dpiud ‘wood’, Skt. druma- ‘tree’), Go. triggws (< *trewwa-, IE *dreu(u)-
o-) ‘true, faithful’.
Spveaxtot [m.pl.] ‘railing or latticed partition, balcony, bar (in courty (Ar.). 4GR>
eVAR Rarely sing. -oc; also Spv«ppaxtot (Lib.) with restored p, and tptvpaxtot (Hell.
and late inscr., Hdn. Gr.), with t- acc. to Schwyzer: 257 from regressive assimilation,
but alternatively (Frisk) after tpvgr ‘delicacy’ by folk etymology; doubtful.
*DER Denominative dpuvpdoow “fence in’ (Lyc.), Spupagat- ++ daxetv ‘to bite’ (H, at
wrong alphabetical position). Also SpvOaxtéw.
*ETYM Generally taken as a combination of dpt- (in » dépv) and > ppdoow with a
suffix -to- (cf. eg. d«ud-Ge-tov). However, the t- is hard to understand as
assimilation.
Spwrdterv [v.] - e1BAgstetv ‘to look in the face’ (H.), A. D. Adv. 139, 8; Spwrtetv:
[Staxdrttetv i] StacKortetv. AioxbdAocg Yuxaywyoic “[cut through]; examine well [in
Aeschylus’s Psychagogoi]’ (Fr. 278) (H.). <?>
eETYM Frisk suggests a cross of dépkoptat, Spaketv and dmwzna, dwoptat, which is not
very convincing. Comparable is SpwxtdCets (Spox-)- mtepiBAémetc, for which Latte
adduces the PN Apoxvdog (Argolis), but this may stand for ApaxvAoc. See > Spaw 2
= Opaw.
Spanak > dpérw.
358 Spwyy
Spay [m.] - dvOpwrtoc ‘man’ (H.). <PG>
*ETYM Thought to be a compound *vp-wy ‘with manly face’ (see » dvijp), but the
absence of d- is strange. Acc. to Latte, it is a creation of the grammarians. Kuiper
1956: 224f. accepts the gloss as Pre-Greek, explaining dv@pwmoc as arising through
prenasalization and prothetic vowel. His solution is supported by Beekes Glotta 73
(1995-1996): 13-5. Pisani Rev. Int. ét. balk. 3 (1937): uf. considers dpwy to be
Macedonian (connected to > tpéqw).
SvBpts [2] - Kata yAdooavy 1 PdAacoa ‘sea [gloss]’, sch. Theoc. 1, 118c. <?>
eETYM If the word is Illyrian, one could connect Latv. dubra ‘pit, marshy place’, OCS
dobro ‘abyss’, as well as MIr. dobur ‘water’ and other words for ‘deep’, like Lith.
dubis, Go. diups, etc. See Krahe 1955: 47. Acc. to Szemerényi Archiv. Linguist. 5
(1953): 77; also Lat. Tiberis (as Illyrian) is related. Cf. » S0ntw.
50n [f.] ‘misery, anguish’ (Od.). <?>
VAR Dor. dba.
eCOMP As a first member in dun-maOrc (A. R.).
*DER Ovloc ‘unhappy, painful’ (A. Supp. 829 [lyr.]), 6vepdc ‘id.’ (metr. inscr., Attica);
causative present Svdwot [3sg.] “cause misery’ (v 195), perf. ptc. dedunpévn:
kekakwlévn ‘distressed’ (H.), with derivations.
*ETYM If it originally meant ‘burning pain’, dvn might derive from a zero grade of the
root *deh,u- ‘burn’, seen in Skt. dunoti ‘burn (trans.), torment’ and OHG zuscen
‘burn’. In Greek, this root is perserved in » daiw < *dau-ie/o- and » Sijioc. However,
this remains uncertain, of course.
Myc. du-ma
*ETYM Probably the name of an official, on which see Fauth KZ 102 (1989): 187-206.
Sbvaptat [v.] ‘to be able, be equal to; to signify’ (Il.). <?>
eVAR Aor. dvvioacGa, SvvacOFvat (IL), SuvnOijvat (trag.), fut. Svvicopat (Od.),
perf. ded0vnttau (Att.).
*DER Svvayitc [f.] ‘strength, power’ (Il; cf. Ogjuc and below) with Svvapikdc
‘powerful, effective’ (Hell. and late), Suvajtepdc ‘id.’ (medic.), Suvaytootév a fraction
(Dioph.); Svvajidw ‘make strong’ (Hell. and late), with Svvétwotc, SvvajiwtiKdc,
dvvaoic ‘id’ (Pi.). Svvaotng [m.] ‘lord, master’ (IA) with dvvaotixds (Arist.),
dvvactetw (IA), with Svvacteia, duvdotevpia, Svvactevtixdc; fem. dvvaotic
(Demetr. Eloc.), Suvdoteipa (Tab. Defix. Aud. II). Suvaotup ‘id. (E. IA 280 [lyr.]).
Verbal adj. Suvatéc ‘able; possible’ (Sapph.) with dvvatéw ‘be strong’ (2 Ep. Cor. 13,
3); Svvntikds ‘potential’ (A. D.).
*ETYM Probably to be analyzed as 50-v-a-pa, a present with generalized nasal infix
(dv-v-4-o8nv for *5va-o8ny, cf. Aivaptat : AaoOnv), Sv-v-hoopat for *Sv1}-coptou, etc.,
as well as in nouns like Svvayuc, etc. An -o- was added in dvvd-o-8nv, Svva-o-tys.
LIV? reconstructs *deuh,- ‘zusammenfiigen’ and connects the word with ToB tsuwa
[3sg.pret.] ‘join, adjust’ and Go. taujan ‘make’. This disyllabic root formally agrees
with that of » dv and » dnpdc but, semantically, a connection is difficult. Cret.
vobvatiot (Gortyn) must be the same word. The v- may simply be due to assimilation.
dvo0- 359
dvvdexaty.[num.] : Wuépa SwSexdty ‘on the twelfth day’ (H.). 42>
eETYM According to Schulze 1892: 178, Svvdéxatoc was formed after évdéxatos, but
Latte implausibly corrects to dbvodexdtn, contrary to the alphabetical order.
S60 [num.] ‘two’. <IE *duyo, *duy-eh; (?) ‘two’>
VAR Epic eleg. also 60w, Lacon., etc. also 60(F)e (after kbv-e, etc.), oblique forms
dvoiv (Att. Sveiv since IV-III*), Sv@v, dvoic(t), Svoi; also indeclinable (11); see
Schwyzer: 588f.
eDIAL Myc. dwo; du-wo-u-pi /dwoupti/.
eCOMP As a first member (beside usual 61-, see » dic) e.g. in Svo-mo1dc ‘making two’
(Arist.), and in univerbations like 6vo-Kai-dexai (II. etc.).
*DER bv00T6¢ ‘half (sch.), after eikootéc ‘twentieth’, etc.
*ETYM The final short vowel of 5vo is also seen in Arm. erko-tasan ‘twelve’ and in the
Skt. derivative dva-ka- ‘in pairs’ (Lat. duo is due to iambic shortening). *duyo is also
found in Go. twa and wit ‘we two’, as well as in Olr. da; see Cowgill MSS 46 (1985):
13-28, who demonstrates that the *duuo originally was an indeclinable next to the
dual 5tw (= Skt. duva, OCS dova [m.]). A monosyllabic *dyd(u) is reflected in
8(F)w-Sexa, Skt. dva(u), Hitt. da- in da-yuga- ‘two years old’, dan ‘a second time’.
dvoxoi [v.] - mwpatiter mapa Anpoxpitw (Fr. 136), rot mwpidtet, oxendCet ‘to cover
(with a lid) [Democr.], to protect or shelter’; dvoy@oot- mwptdoat (H.). <?>
*ETYM The explanation as from *Svoxoc ‘lid’ is rejected by DELG, both because the
meaning would not fit and because a compound with 5v(6)- instead of dw- is
improbable. Chantraine suggests reading *Spvoxoi from Sptvoxoc, which is ‘the
props or shores upon which the frame of a new ship is laid’, or (LSJ Supp.) ‘the ribs
of a ship’ (DELG s.v. dpic); it is then the same as Sptaxec (H.). However, this does
not seem to fit well for the present gloss.
dv7tw [v.] ‘to dive in’, mostly intr. (Antim. [?], Lyc. A. R.). <2
eVAR Aor. dda.
*DER SUntn¢ [m.] ‘diver’, especially as a bird name (Call.); cf. Thompson 1895 s.v.
*ETYM From > dva, perhaps modelled after » kintw; cf. also Bbmtw (s.v. » Bantw).
Svpopat [v.] ‘to lament, bewail’ (trag.). <?>
*DER 1av-Sup-Tos ‘wailing about everything’ (trag. [lyr.]).
*ETYM A variant of 6dvpopcu, perhaps as a rhyme with pwpopat (Giintert 1914: 150).
dvo- [pref.] inseparable prefix, ‘mis-, un-, etc.’ (Il.). Details in Schwyzer: 432,
Wackernagel 1920-1924(2): 295ff. <IE *dus- “wrong, mis-’>
*COMP E.g. Svopevijc, see DELG.
*ETYM Old element, also seen in Indo-Iranian (Skt. dus-, dur-, Av. dus-, duz-). Some
compounds are found in both branches, like dvo-pevijg = Skt. dur-mdnas-, Av. dus-
manah-; see also under » Svotnvoc. The element is also found in other branches, e.g.
in Germanic (Go. tuz-werjan ‘hesitate’, ON OE tor-, OHG zur-), Celtic (Olr. du-,
do-), and Armenian (E-, e.g. t-gét ‘unknowing’). The Slav. word for ‘rain’, OCS dazdo,
Ru. dozd’, etc. is often connected with it (from “bad daylight” vel sim.); see Derksen
360 dv0-a1|¢
2008 s.v. *dézdjv (dézdjv). IE *dus- is mostly connected with devout ‘lack’ (see
> déw 2).
Sv0-aij¢ [adj.] ‘blowing violently, stormy’ (II.). <GR>
eVAR Ntr. -éc.
*ETYM From dvo- and diy,u with metrical lengthening. Cf. breparjc (of dehda, A 297).
SvoBnpns [adj.] - 6 SvoBatoc ‘impassable’ (EM 291, 43); Svobrpéc: Svofpatov,
dvoxepéc ‘impassable, intractable’ (H.); SvoBrpec: oi SboBator témo1 ‘inaccessible
places’ (Suid.). <GR> ;
eETYM Acc. to EM, the form is syncopated from dvoBatrpijc; however, it is rather
directly from Privat after the adjectives in -rpryc. Otherwise, is it a mistake for
Svofipec Svoxepéc (Suid.)? Such a solution is not in accord with von Blumenthal
1930: 3 (that the word is Illyrian, connected to pépetv).
Svoyw =dbw 2.
dvcea [n.pl.] - tot toixou ta mépiE. Kbaptot ‘that which is around the wall (Cypr.y
(HL). 42>
eETYM Unexplained. See Solmsen 1909: 245.
dvonxnes [adj.] of méXep0g ‘war’ and 8dvatog ‘death’, so perhaps ‘that which causes
great pain, grief to Gyoc ‘distress’, &yvupiat ‘to be distressed’ (with Ap. Soph.). In
h.Ap. 64 ‘of bad reputation’. Later mg. ‘that which causes great noise’. <GR>
eETYM From > Gxoc or from > nyX1h.
SvoxnAog [adj.] ‘unquiet, agitated’? Of xOwv ‘earth’ (A. Eu. 825 hapax), opposite to
ebxipoz ‘still’ (see » Ek1)A0c). 4 IE *uek- ‘want’>
eETYM See > ExrjAoc. Not connected with xnAéw ‘to bewitch’; see sch.
Svoxodog [adj.] ‘discontented, troublesome’ (Hp., Att.). <?>
eDER dvoKoAia “discontentedness’. Opposite ebkoXog ‘content’ with evxoAia.
eETYM Unknown. Unconvincing are connections with > Kéoptat, > éAOLLAL, etc.
SvoKkpars >evKparjc.
dvo0itw [v.] ‘to wail, be in fear (A. Ag. 1316, E. Rh. 724 and 805). <?>
eVAR Svooilet Svoyxepaivet, bitovoei. Adkwvec ‘be unable to endure; suspect
(Lacon.) (H.), dvooiewv. poBeto8a, bitomtevetv ‘be afraid; be suspicious’ (H.);
dvooifovtoc: oiwvifopévov Kal &yav brtomtevovtos ‘who takes [things] as omens
and is very suspicious’; Svcotktoc Svo8pryvitos ‘loud-wailing’; 6tooka: dtevdnoa
‘he suspected’ (H.).
eETYM Perhaps the explanation in H. with brovoeiv, bromtevetv, olwvitecBat is based
on an erroneous connection with otopiot. Because of the nominal prefix and the
augmented aorist, we should start from dvootktoc, which comes either from oikto¢
or from *oiktdc to ofw (A. D.). See Debrunner GGA 172 (1910): 7 and Fraenkel 1950
ad 1316.
d0w 2 361
dvonéu@edos [adj.] of the sea (II 748, Hes. Th. 440), sailing (Hes. Op. 618), a man
(Hes. Op. 722), etc., perhaps ‘stormy, rough, raw’. <?>
eETYM Expressive word without etymology. The word recalls méuté, top1pdc,
mop@ddrvk, which are also semantically relatable. Further suggestions are found in
Bechtel 1914 s.v. and in Schwyzer: 423, who assumes reduplication.
dbo tnvog [adj.] ‘unhappy, wretched’ (I1; cf. von Wilamowitz 1889 ad 1346); dvotyvia:
jL0xOnpia ‘bad condition’ (H.). <1E? *steh,- ‘stand’>
eVAR Dor. Svotavoc.
eDER P GotHvos ‘miserable’, s.v.
eETYM Probably ‘who has a bad standing’, from dvo- and *otij-v-, *otd-v-,
corresponding to Skt. sthdna- [n.], Av. OP stdna- [n.] ‘stand, position’. Slavic has an
old u-stem, e.g. CS stane ‘lair’, Ru. stan ‘stature, standplace, camp’; other forms are
mentioned in Derksen 2008 s.v. *stans. The form dvotog = Stotivosc, given by Hdn.
Gr. 1, 217, may derive from *dus-sth,-o-. See Osthoff 1901: 126, Bechtel 1914 s.v.
dvotnvoc.
dvexepris [adj.] ‘discontent, annoying, vexatious, unpopular’ (IA). <IE *g'er- ‘desire’>
DER Svoxépeta ‘annoyance, disgust’ (Att. Hell.), denominative Svoyepaivw ‘to be
displeased with, be disgusted at’ (Att., Hell.; see Leumann 1950: 111) with dvoyépaopia
(PI.), Svoxepacpidc (Phld.), Svoxépavoic (Hell. and late), Svoyepavtikds (M. Ant.). -
Opposite evyepric ‘tractable’.
*ETYM Not related to xeip; see Leumann Phil. 96 (1944): 161ff., who correctly
connects the word with » yaipw. We must depart from a form with -e-, like *yépoc
(cf. Svo-pevii¢ to tévoc), or from a full grade of the verb, which is not preserved in
Greek.
duty [f.] mg. uncertain, ‘pit’? <1IE? *deu- ‘enter’>
eVAR Accentuation unknown. Also éuta (Thebe, Troezen IV-III*).
eETYM Perhaps the word must be connected with a-dvtov ‘place one may not enter,
most sacred’, from dtw, Svopat ‘enter’. See Frisk 1938: 16f. This contradicts the
hypothesis of von Blumenthal Glotta 18 (1930): 154, who relates it to @0w as an
Illyrian word for “place for sacrifice”.
d5bw 1 > v0.
Sbw 2 [v.] ‘to enter, dive’, trans. ‘to plunge’, intrans. ‘to get into, slip into, put on’ (II.).
<1E *deu- ‘go in, enter’>
VAR Svopat, SUvw, aor. Sdoa, SvcacGat, Sdvat, perf. dE5dKa, aor. pass. SvOijvau, fut.
dvow, Svoopat, SUOjoopat, unclear epic pret. dtceto (cf. Chantraine 1942: 416f.); if
trans. (tw, dica, vow) mostly with prefix amo-, éx-, év-, Kata-dbw; otherwise
intrans. (Svopat, Sbvw), often with prefix dva-, ano-, bmo-dvopat, -ddvu, etc. (but
rarely -60w).
*COMP Often with nominal first member in compounds like tpwyAo-d50tn9¢ ‘cave-
dweller’ (Hdt.) with -dvutikéc, -dvtéw, Awrto-d0tT1¢ ‘one who goes in other people’s
clothes, thief (of clothes) (Att., etc.) with -dutéw, -dvoiov (dir), -dvoia; cf. Fraenkel
1910: 225f. :
362 6a
*DER Svotc ‘setting of sun and stars, West’ (Hecat.) with dvutikdc; often to the
prefixed verbs éx-, év-, katd-dvotc, etc. in different mgs; dipta (POxy. 6, 929, 8; 15,
II-III?) = évdupta ‘garment’ (V*), also brddujta. SUTI¢ ‘diver’ (Hdt. 8, 8); in different
mgs. év-, Dnev-, éx-dUTI]¢, etc. with éxdvota [pl.] name of a festival in Crete (Ant.
Lib.); évéutip ‘for putting on’ (S. Tr. 674 of mémhoc) with évdutiptoc (S.), also
brodvtipta [pl.] (Str. 14, 5, 6 v.l. bmodext.). Svopat [pl] (rarely [sg.], see Schwyzer
1950: 43) ‘setting of sun and stars, West’ (IA) with dvopuxdc (Str.); also Sv-Opai, -Our
‘id’ (Call; on the suffix Chantraine 1933: 148f.). Cf. further » éutn. Sutivoc name of a
waterbird (Dionys. Av.; like ixtivoc, xopaxivoc, etc.). dutiKdc ‘suitable for diving,
westerly’ (Arist.). Verbal forms with extension: > dvmtw; Sboyw: art0dbw ‘to put off
(H.), after pticyw ‘to mix’ (Wackernagel KZ 33 (1895): 39); cf. also pboywv (Alc.,
POxy. 18, 2165; see Specht KZ 68 (1943): 150).
*ETYM vw is related to the rare Sanskrit verb upa-du- ‘to put on’ (only gerundive
Ved. updadtitya-); see von Schroeder WZKSM 13 (1899): 297f. and Brugmann IF 11
(1900): 274. The same root is possibly found in » deiehoc, etc. On the intransitive
nasal present d0vw, see Schwyzer: 696 and Schwyzer 1950: 230. Cf. also » dkiBdvw.
5@ [n.] ‘house’ (Il.). <I *dém ‘house’>
eVAR In Hom. always at verse end, always as accus. (nplétepov 6, etdv moti
xarkoBatéc 6a, etc.) except a 392 SW / dpvetdv, where it has the nominative; further
Hes. Th. 933 xptoea Sa ‘golden houses’ [acc.pl.] (innovation).
*ETYM The ancients saw the word as a shortened form of d@ta (6@- S@pia, otknLa,
omrdaov H.). Schmidt 1889: 222ff. derived it from *dom, the root noun belonging to
> ddjtoc, etc; thus, Schwyzer: 569 and (hesitantly) Chantraine 1942: 230, as well as
Bartholomae 1895: 214 (*dém = Av. dgm as an old locative). Fick 1874-1876(1): 458
and Brugmann-Delbriick 1897-1916: 1, 136, as well as Risch 1937: 359f., thought it was
a local particle (adverb); cf. huetepdv de = Hpétepov 5@), thus *do ‘to(wards)’, seen
in OS t6, OHG zuo, and perhaps even in Lat. en-do. In Greek, it is simply a
substantive. Cf. > d@pa.
SH5exa [num] ‘twelve’ (Il.). <1E *duoHdekm ‘twelve’>
VAR Epic Ion. Dor. also buwdexa, Arc. dvddeKo; Hell. also dexadvo.
*COMP dvwdexd-Botoc ‘worth twelve cows’ (IIl.), etc.
*DER OwdéKatoc (Svw-; on » dvuvdexaty s.v.) ‘the twelfth’ Il.) with SwSexataiog ‘of
twelve days’ (Hes.) from dwdexatn (huépa), and Svwdexatevc (tuWv) ‘the twelfth
month’ (Tauromenion); dwdexdc (dvw-) [f.] ‘group of twelve, the twelfth part’ (Pl.)
with dvwdexadixdc; Swdexatic, -nic (Svw-) ‘sacrifice of twelve animals’, also name of
a festive deputation (Delphi V’, etc.; cf. IIvOaic); Sw5exetc: yoetc a measure, ‘twelve
cotylae’ (H.); dw5exdkic ‘twelve times’ (Ar.).
*ETYM From *6ra-dexa = Skt. dva-dasa. It also appears as Svwédexa, as in Lat.
duodecim. See » Svo.
Spa [n.] ‘house, home, temple’, often plur., see Schwyzer 1950: 43 (Il; also Arc.
[Tegea V’] as ‘temple’). «IE *dem- ‘house’>
DER 6witdttov ‘small house, room, chapel’ (Att.); Swptatitne, fem. -itic ‘belonging to
the house’ (A.); Swuatdoptct ‘provide with houses’ (A. Supp. 958).
S@pov 2 363
*ETYM Derived from IE *dem-, also seen in » Seondétnc. The nearest cognate is the
Arm. n-stem tun ‘house’ < *dom, gen. tan. See also » 50.
Swpaw =déLLw.
Swpaxtvov ‘kingstone’, a kind of peach (Gp. 3,1, 4). <LW Lat>
*ETYM From Lat. diracinum. See André 1956 s.v. MoGr. has pwddaktvov.
Awpteig [m.pl.] ‘Dorians’, since t 177 -1\éec, which is metri causa acc. to Debrunner
1923: 33°. <¢>
eVAR Att. -tfjc. Sing. Awptetc, as a PN (Hdt.) and as an adjective ‘Dorian’ (Pi.);
thence Awpieta (Cnidos), Awpeta (Cos) [n.pl.] names of festivals.
eDIAL Myc. do-ri-je-we /Doriéwes/.
*DER Awptog (Pi.), Swpikdc (Hdt.), Swptakdg (Orac. apud Th. 2, 24, metrically
determined), see Chantraine 1956a: 107; fem. Awpic (Hdt.); Swpitw ‘to speak Dorian’
(Theoc.), dwptopdc, Swptoti; SwptaCw ‘to clothe oneself like the Dorians’
*ETYM Some older proposals started from the IE word *doru for ‘wood, tree’, or (in
Greek) ‘spear’ (see Frisk s.v.), but this may be doubted.
Sapov 1 [n.] ‘gift, present’ (IL). <1E *deh,-ro- ‘gift’>
*COMP d6wpo-déKoc ‘accepting presents, corruptible’ (see »déyxopc) beside
SwpodoKéw ‘accept presents, be corruptible’ (IA) with Swpoddxnpa, Swpodoxia
‘corruption’.
*DER Diminutive dwpvdqiov (pap.). Denominative Swpéopat, Swpéw ‘give presents’
(Il; on the diathesis Schwyzer 1950: 234) with Swpntta ‘present’ (Hdt.) and
Swprnpiatikds (D. H.), Swprytij¢ ‘giver, benefactor’ (Nesos IV*) and éwprytikdc (P1.),
Swprtip ‘id.’ (AP), Swprytéc ‘prepared to accept presents’ (I 526), ‘presented’ (S.).
Also dwptttopat (Theoc. 7, 43; ad hoc formation; Debrunner IF 21 (1907): 242f.);
perhaps also Thess. Sotppavta = dwproavta like Hom. gidato beside guieiv
(Fraenkel Glotta 35 (1956): 91f.)? Beside d@pov and Swpéopat stands Swped, older
-elad (Attica V*), Ion. -er ‘gift, present’ (Hdt.) with unclear formation; thence
Swpeakds ‘official of a fief (pap. III*), dwpeactixdc, -petikdc “concerning presents’
(pap. VIP).
*ETYM Old word, identical with Arm. tur, OCS daro ‘gift’, from PIE *deh,-ro-. It also
appears with a suffix -no-: Lat. dénum = Skt. ddna- [n.]. For further details, see
> SiSwpu.
Sapov 2 [n.] ‘breadth of the hand’ (Nic., Milete). <?>
*COMP As a second member in éxxatdexa-Swpog ‘sixteen hands long’ (A 109), deKxa-
Swpoc (Hes. Op. 426), 6p96-Swpov ‘Iength of a hand’ = ‘the distance between the
root of the hand and the finger ends’ (Poll., acc. to H. also = omOq1} ‘span between
thumb and pinky’).
DER Sdptv: omiBapttyv. ApKddec (i-stem) and » ddp[e]ip.
*ETYM The word has been compared with Alb. doré (see La Piana IF 58 (1942): 98),
which is, however, rather related to » yeip (see Demiraj 1997). Further Celt. words,
like Olr. dorn, as well as Latv. dure, diris ‘fist’, have been connected, but both
branches point to PIE *u, which excludes any relationship with dw@pov.
E
é & [interj.] expressing pain (trag., com.). <ONOM>
x
VAR Also repeated é &, & é
eETYM Onomatopoeic formation. Cf. Schwyzer 1950: 600.
é- [pref.] the augment (Il.). <IE *h,e- augment>
eVAR Rarely 1} (see below).
*DIAL Rare in Mycenaean, only a-pe-do-ke /ap-e-doke/.
*ETYM Old element indicating the past tense, also found in Indo-Iranian a-, a- (< *a
+ root-initial *H-), Armenian e- and Phrygian e-, e.g. -pepe = Skt. d-bharat, Arm. e-
ber; cf. further OPhr. e-daes, NPhr. e-Saec @Onxe’. See Schwyzer: 651ff.; on the
variant fy-, see Rix 1976: 226ff. Greek often gets a long vowel by contraction: *h,e-
h,eg-e-t > tyye. From cases like f8edov < *h,e-h,d'el- next to pres. (€)0é\w, long
augments arose analogically, e.g. in nBovAdpnv. Probably all long augments are
analogical; see Ruijgh Lingua 28 (1971): 166.
é, € [refl. pron.] ‘se’, epic also ‘eum, eam, id’, 38g. accus. of the reflective (and enclitic)
anaphoric pronoun (II.). <IE *se, sue ‘himself>
VAR Lesb. fe, Pamph. Fhe, epic also é€; gen. ob (ob), epic £0 (io), eb (Eo, eb), Bev,
Lesb. Fé8ev, Locr. Féoc; dat. (and gen.; Schwyzer 1950: 189 with lit cf. Latte Glotta 35
(1956): 296) of (oi), epic also éoi, Lesb., etc. Foi, Cret. (Gortyn), etc. Flv, Boeot.
(Corinna) éiv. For the plur. see > ogeic.
*DER Hence the possessive 6c, epic also é6c¢, Dor., etc. Fdc¢ ‘suus, one’s own’ (also
referring to the first and second person), ‘eius’.
eETYM The epic forms é, eb, Bev, oi, where we find no trace of a digamma
(Chantraine 1942: 146ff.), have been supposed to derive from an IE reflexive stem
*se-, as seen in Lat. sé, OCS se ‘se’, and Go. si-k. Additionally, it was thought that oi <
*soi corresponds to OP -Saiy, Av. hé, Prakr. se; on the other hand, é0 would be from
*se-so (cf. téo < *ke-so to > tic).
However, it is now maintained that IE had only *sue; see Petit 1999: 126-8. In Greek,
we find Fhe, foi < *sue, *suoi = Skt. sva- ‘himself (only in derivations and in
compounds, e.g. sva-j4- ‘born from himself’). A disyllabic full-grade variant seems to
be found in & < *seue. Adjectivized *sue, *seue gave rise to the possessive *su-o-,
*seu-o-, which yielded Fc, 6c = Skt. sva- ‘suus’, OLat. sovos > Lat. suus.
Further details are in Schwyzer: 6ooff. Cf. »éavtod, PéKdc, » ExaoTos, > ogeic and
Pov.
366 éa
éa [interj.] expressing surprise and rejection (trag.). <GR>
eETYM Originally just the 2sg. ipv. of éaw, but later taken as an independent
interjection. See Schwyzer KZ 60 (1933): 141f.
éav [conj.] ‘if (Att.), Hell. and late also modal pcl. = dv. «GRE
*VAR With crasis av (Att.), fv (epic Ion, also Att.?).
eETYM From univerbation or crasis of » ei and » dv. The long vowel in £av can be due
to a contamination of &&v and 1; see Lejeune 1972: 323.
&vdc 1 [m.] a woman’s cloth (II.). <1 *ues- ‘wear clothes’>
eVAR Verse-initially eiavdc (IT 9); late also éavdc.
eDIAL Myc. we-a,-no-i /wehanoi*i/ [dat.pl.].
*ETYM From *feo-avoc, a verbal noun of »évvupu; for the suffix, cf. otépavos, etc.
(Chantraine 1933: 19 6ff.).
éavoc 2 [adj.] of clothes (Atti, némAoc, ipdtiov), also of tin (IL, inc. auct. apud Greg.
Cor., see Sapph. fr. 156). Mg. uncertain: ‘supple’? Or ‘fine’? <?>
*ETYM No etymology. Cf. » iavoyAéapoc.
éap 1, -pos [n.] ‘blood’, metaph. ‘sap’ (Call; Cyprian acc. to H.). <IE *h,esh.-r ‘blood’>
VAR Also eiap, rap.
ecomP As a first member in eiaportdty¢: aitormdétnyc, woxondtys ‘blood-drinker,
breath-drinker’ (H.); acc. to sch. T, eiapomric is vl. for tepooitic (Eptvic) T 87
(Fraenkel 1910: 114).
*DER None
eETYM Old word for blood: Hitt. eshar, gen. iShands, Skt. dsrk, gen. asnah, Lat. aser
(gloss., Paul. Fest.; form uncertain), ToA ysar, ToB yasar, Latv. asins. An extended
form occurs in Arm. ar-iwn (Kortlandt 2003: 131f: < *esar-). The original r/n-stem is
maintained in Hitt. and Skt. The length in eiap, hap is metrical (but archaic, acc. to
Schulze 1892: 165f.). Like in Greek (s.v. > aijia), the word was replaced in Latin and
Sanskrit (sanguis, rudhiram; cf. under ȎpvOpdc), though Lat. san-guis probably
contains the oblique stem *h,sh,-en- as its first element (cf. De Vaan 2008).
éap 2 [n.] ‘spring’ (11; cf Schwyzer: 251). <1E *ues-r- ‘spring’>
eVAR Gen. éapoc, also rpoc, dat. hpt (Att, also Ion. and Alc.), with new nom. fp
(Alcm.).
*COMP As a first member in éapi-dpentoc ‘plucked in spring’ (Pi.), éapo-tpegnc
(Mosch.), etc.
*DER éaptvoc (also ei-, 1)- like etapoc through metrical lengthening), poet. also iptvéc
‘belonging to the spring’ (Il.); likewise éaptepoc (Nic. Th. 380, with contrasting
-tepoc, Schwyzer 1950: 183); gapidac: tac KavOapidac ‘beetles’ (H.); on the semantics
Stromberg 1944: 13. Denominative verb éapi{w ‘to bloom as in spring, etc. (Pl.).
*ETYM Both the form yéap- ap (H.) and Homeric prosody (Chantraine 1942: 128)
point to older Féap, from PGr. *wéhar, an old r/n-stem: Av. loc. vayri < *vasr-i ‘in
spring’, Arm. gar-un ‘spring’, Lith. vasar-d ‘summer’; OCS, etc. vesn-a ‘spring’, Skt.
vasan-ta- ‘id’ (cf. heman-td- ‘winter’; see »yeyiwv). On the Celtic forms, see
Matasovi¢ 2008 s.v. *werr- / *wesn-. Beside IE *ues-r-, *ues-n-, we have Lat. vér and
eaw 367
ON var [n.] (o-stem). Porzig 1954a: 110f. suggests that Lat. and Gm. created *uér-
after the word for ‘year’, IE *ieh,r- (see » Wpa). The formation of gaptvéc is mirrored
in Lith. vasarinis ‘of the summer’ and Lat. vernus (like hibernus, hornus).
éapa [pl.]? Mg. unknown (JG 12(3), 450: a1 [Old Theraean]). <?>
VAR Cf. éapdv- Xovti}pa fH 1pdyovv ‘washing-tub or vessel for pouring out’ (H.).
eETYM Unexplained. See Sommer 1905: 119, who connects the word to U vestikatu
‘libato’”.
éavtod [refl. pron.] ‘himself (IA), 3rd sing. and plur. (but also referring to the first
and second persons). <GR>
VAR Fem. -tij¢; dat. -1@, -Tf), etc., Ion. Ewvtod (EwTod), wdtod, Att. also abtot, etc.,
Hell. also atod, atob, Cret. Fravtod.
*DER Eavtotig ‘being oneself (Procl.).
eETYM A univerbation of the reflexive > é, éoi, etc. and » abtdc, -tTdv, etc.: £0 avtod >
Ion. éwvtod, Att. éavtod, éoi advT@m > Ion. éwvt@, Att. EavT@, etc; thus also
EMewvTod, GewvTOd, EuavtTod, o(e)avtod, etc. (Hom. ~ abtév, gv adtdv, go adtod,
gutol avT@, etc.). Details are included in Schwyzer: 607 and 402 and Schwyzer 1950:
193ff. A remarkable parallel is found in Phrygian: OPhr. ven avtun, NPhr. og avtau.
&4¢6n [v.aor.] Mg. uncertain (of aortic kai kdpuc N 543, I 419). <IE? *seng”"- ‘sing’>
eETYM The word was already unknown in antiquity: it was explained as ‘i@0r’ by
Tyrannion (ap. sch. A); Aristarchus connected it with é7roptou; acc. to H. = éxdpip6n,
éBrAdBn. All of these are just speculations. Modern scholars proposed different
explanations: that the word is connected to » ia4ntw (Meister 1921: 1107), to Go. sigqan
‘to sink’, etc. (Schmidt 1895: 62ff.). Meier-Briigger MSS 59 (1989): 91-96 explains the
forms from the root *seng”"- in » duigr 1 ‘song’. So it meant ‘they sang’, said of a
shield and helmet. In a similar vein, » Gamtocg would mean ‘unsingbar’. None of
these proposals is very convincing.
édw [v.] ‘to let (go), allow, leave alone’ (II.). <?> .
eVAR Ipf. eiwv, aor. goat (ind. eiaoa), fut. é4ow (originally éa0(o)a, resp. 840(0)w?,
see below); younger perf., etc. eiaxa, etaptou, eia817v (D., Isoc.).
eCOMP Rarely nap-, eicedw.
eDER None.
*ETYM The glosses éBacov- acov. Zvpakdotot (H., EM; Zvpaxovotot <Kai Adkwvec>
Latte) and eta: ... ga (H.) assure a digamma for éaw; the diphthongal augment
points to an initial consonant (so probably o-), but the absence of aspiration is
unexplained (cf. Lejeune 1972: 93*). We have to assume a disyllabic root *(o)eFa-,
like £a-, tedG-, etc., within the aorist *(o)epdoa > édoat, or £4ooat with analogical
-oo- (like éhdo(o)at, etc, after tedéo-(o) au, etc.), fut. &40(c)w, forms that can be
found in Hom. (géc0o0votv @ 233, eidoev K 299 as v.l.); thus, one could read é&00a for
édaoat (A 42), etc, like é4c00w (v. L.) in Parm. 8, 7. Additionally, é4copev, gaoov in
Hdt. are understandable (cf. énoov- gaoov H.). The length in édou, etc. would then
be from the denominatives in -dw. Therefore, the unique form a (E 256) would be
the 3sg. of an athematic Aeolic €4-,u. Previously, é4w was traced to IE *seuH-, with
368 EBSourKovta
Skt. savi- in savi-tdr- ‘impeller, etc., pres. suvdti ‘impel’, but the semantics do not
really fit. Now Nussbaum 1998 reconstructs a root *h,ueh,- and connects the word
with Lat. vanus ‘devoid’, Gr. evvic ‘bereft’ (although the latter seems phonetically
difficult). He explains forms with initial eia- as renditions of older *EA-, with
metrically long E; cf. Beiouev for OEOMEN, from older *Orjouev (> Att. BEwpev). Cf.
on > elapévn.
éBd5oprkovta [num] ‘seventy’ (Hdt.). <1E *septm-dkmt- ‘seventy’>
eVAR Dor. (Delphi, Tab. Heracl. IV*) éBdep-.
eCOMP As a first member e.g. in EBSopunKovt-dpoupos (pap.), etc.
*DER EBSouNKoO TOs ‘the seventieth’ (Hp.), EBSopnKxovtaxtc ‘seventy times’ (LXX).
eETYM From *éBdpjkovta, in turn from IE *sebdm-dkmt-, where the vocalic -m-
followed by the (glottalic element of the) preglottalized -d- yielded -un-, just like
-mh,-. See Kortlandt MSS 42 (1983): 97-104. See further under ȎBdopoc. Cf.
> évevi}kovta and » éxaTov.
€Bd5op0¢ [num.] ‘the seventh’ (II.). <IE *s(e)ptm-os ‘seventh’>
eVAR OCor., Delph. éBdépa(v).
*COMP éPdou-ayéti7¢ ‘leader of the seven’; EBdopa-yevijc ‘born on the seventh day’,
epithet of Apollo (Plu. 2, 717d).
*DER éBdopatocg (éBSeu- Epid.) ‘appearing on the seventh day, seventh-day fever’
(Hp., etc.), -aiov [n.] name of a festival for Apollo (Chios, Milete); eBddpetoc
‘honoured on the seventh day’ (of Apollo, IG 2, 1653), éBdopevouat ‘to receive a
name on the seventh day’ (Lys.). €BSdpatog (Il.) after déxatoc, eBdepatai [dat.f.]
(Argos; Herzog Phil. 71 (1912): 6). €Bdopdc [f.] “number of seven (days, etc.) (Sol.
Hp.) with éBdopadixdc ‘belonging to the week’ and éBdoudlw ‘to keep the sabbath’,
EBdSopdxic ‘seven times’ (Call.).
eETYM The ordinal éBdop0c, BdSepoc is from earlier *sebdmos with a Greek prop-
vowel; the cluster -bd- arose by assimilation from *s(e)ptmos to *septm ‘seven’. The
same form is reflected in OCS sedmo ‘seventh’. With influence of the cardinal, we
have Lat. septimus, Skt. saptamda-, and Hitt. siptamiia- (a drink, < *septm-io-; see
Kloekhorst 2008 s.v.); with loss of the *t and pm > km OLith. sékmas. Cf. » énta.
EBevos [f.] ‘ebony (treeY (Hdt.). <Lw Eg. >
VAR Also msc; rarely also éBévn [f.].
*COMP éBevo-tptyov = ddiavtov (Ps.-Dsc.; cf. Stromberg 1940: 38, 158).
DER éfEévivoc ‘of ebony’ (Str.), éBevitic ‘kind of germander, modtov TO dpetvdv (Ps.-
Dsc.; see Redard 1949: 71).
eETYM From Eg. hbnj ‘ebony’, ultimately perhaps Nubian (Spiegelberg KZ 41 (1907):
131); thence, Hebr. hobnim (Lewy 1895: 35f.). From éBevoc comes Arab. ’abnis and
Lat. ebenus, whence OHG ebenus, MoE ebon(y).
éBpataynoev [v.] - Eyopnroev ‘produced a sound’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM Cannot be separated from pdOayoc: tapaxoc ... woqoc (H.), but further
details are unclear.
éyyvc 369
EBpog [m.]-- tpdyoc Pats Kal motapdg @paxne ‘a he-goat that treads; a river of
Thrace’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM No etymology. Cf. Wahrmann Glotta 19 (1931): 186f.
éyyapevw eVAR Also -éw, -ia. = dyyapoc.
éyyapoivtes [v.] mg. uncertain (Inscr. Olymp. 335). <?>
eETYM Acc. to Dittenberger = émudrpotvtec, as a denominative of *éyyapoc =
éyyetoc; thus, Schwyzer: 482. Bechtel Gétt. Nachr. 1920: 247f. prefers to identify
-yapog with Ion. (Att.) yerpdc ‘earthly. DELG holds that the meaning was
‘transporting’ and supposes it could be from the verb éyyapetw, as do Ernaut-
Hatzfeld REA 14 (1912): 279-82.
Eyypavate, -ews [f.] kind of anchovy (Ael. Opp.), also called éyxpaciyoAoc, <?>
eETYM Unexplained. Stromberg 1943: 68 starts from a verb *éy-ypaviiletv , beside
ypvdicev ‘grumble’;. thus, éyypavAtc would mean “the grumbling one” (several
examples of such fish names are found in Strémberg 1943: 63ff.). However, the
variation av ~ v is not convincing. The MoGr. name is yatpoc; see Hatzidakis Glotta
2 (1910): 298.
éyyvadilw =yvahov.
éyyby [f.] ‘surety, guarantee; nuptial contract’ (Od.). <1E? *g™ou- ‘hand’>
*COMP In bm-€yyvoc ‘under surety, responsible’ (A., Hdt.), mpo-éyyvoc, mpwyyvoc
‘guarantee’ (Heraclea, etc.) with mpo-eyyvdoual, mpwyyvetw, mpoeyybrjots and in
gep-éyyvoc ‘giving surety, guaranteeing’ (Hdt.), éy-éyyvog ‘giving surety, reliable’
S.).
*DER éyyvdw, -dopat ‘give surety, be surety, guarantee marriage, get engaged’ (Od.),
also dt-, é&-eyyvdu, etc., with éyybnots (dt-, 2&- ~) ‘surety, engagement, etc.’ (D., Is.),
éyybrypia (1- ~) ‘id’ (pap.), éyyuntig ‘surety’ (1A; cf. Fraenkel 1910: 183 and 226f.),
fem. éyyvitpta (pap.); éyyuryt ‘engaged’ (Att.); éyyurjtixdc ‘ptng. to the surety’
(Heph. Astr.); deverbal éyyvoc [m.] ‘guarantor’ (Thgn., inscr.), as an adjective
‘guaranteed’ (Them; see below). Beside éyyvdw also éyyvetw (Delph.).
eETYM It is usually assumed that éyytn and éyyvdw contain the preposition év and a
lost word for ‘hand’, which is preserved in YAv. gauua- ‘hand’, as well as in b106-
yv(t)oc ‘imminent, sudden’, prop. ‘under the hands, at hand?’ (IA). The YAv. form is
ambiguous, however, as it can also continue *gab"a- and be related to Skt. gabhasti-
‘hand, forearm’. This makes the etymology doubtful. Further, Greek has » ydadov,
> yv1)¢, > yvia, and from other languages, we may adduce Lith. gauti ‘get, obtain’. On
the meaning of éyytr, éyyvoc, éyyuntie, cf. Kretschmer Glotta 18 (1930): 89f. and
Gernet 1937: 395. See also » éyytc.
éyyv¢ [adv.] ‘near’, both spacial and temporal (Il.). <¢>
eVAR Compar. and superl. éyyutépw, -tatw (-btepov, -btata), also €yytota, yytov
(see Seiler 1950: 107ff.); late adjective €yybtepoc, -tatoc (LXX).
eDER éyyvOt ‘nearby’ (Il.), éyyb8ev ‘from nearby’ (Il.); éyybtng¢ [f.] ‘proximity’ (A.
D.); éyybétov. Eyyov, mAnoiov, mpoofjkov ‘nearer, near, at hand’ (H.) after the
370 éyeipw
diminutives in -bdt0v; denominative éyyiGw [v.] ‘come near’, trans. ‘bring closer’
(Arist., Hell.).
eETYM Adverb in -c¢ like evOuc, dAtc, etc. (Schwyzer: 620). In view of Lat. comminus,
scholars often see in €yyvc¢ an old word for ‘hand’ (in accordance with Bezzenberger
BB 4 (1880): 321’), also attested in éyytn, -dw. The first syllable seems to be the
preposition (adverb) év, but further interpretation is uncertain. Pisani RILomb. 73:2
(1939-40): 47 connected the word with Baivw as “colui che va innanzi”. This may
chiefly be correct, but the second element is rather the neuter (= absolutive) of the
root *g”eu- ‘to go’, “en allant vers, au milieu”; cf. De Lamberterie 1990: 326-37, who
compares P |te(o)onyv(s).
éyeipw [v.] ‘to awaken, rouse, raise’. <1E *h,ger- ‘awake’>
VAR Aor. éyeipat, fut. éyepa@, late perf. éyryyepxa; med. éyeipopat, aor. éypéoBat ‘rise’
with new present éypouat, ypw (E.), perf. éypryyopa ‘I am awake’ with epic forms
ipv. €ypryyopOe, inf. -Oa, 3pl.ind. -Oact, ptc. -opdwv (see Chantraine 1942: 429 and
359; Schwyzer: 8008 and 540‘); new pres. ypnyopéw (Hellenistic; Schwyzer: 768), also
éypnyopéw (Debrunner IF 47 (1929): 356).
*COMP Often with prefix: av-, dt-, &&-, ém-, etc. As a first member in éype-KbdSouyto¢
(Hes.), éype-piaxac (S.), etc; cf. éyepat- below.
DER éyepotc ‘awakening’ (IA) with éyépoutoc (bmvoc Theoc. 24, 7; Arbenz 1933: 102),
often with prefix dv-, dt-, &&-, ém-éyepotc; also as a first member in late compounds
like éyepat-payac (AP); yeptiptov ‘awakening’ (Ael.); &-eyéptng ‘who rises’ (pap.);
(St-, én-)éyeptixds ‘raising’ (Pl.); av-eyéppwv ‘vigilant’ (AP); éyepti [adv.] ‘id’
(Heraclit.). From the perfect: éypryyopoic ‘watch’ (Hp., Arist.), éypnyopikdc
‘watching’ (Arist.), éypryopétwe [adv.] “id” (Plu., Luc.), éypryyoposg ‘id.’ (Adam.),
éypryoptt [adv.] ‘awake’ (K 182). Enlarged present éyprjoow ‘to be awake’ (1avvvxor
éyprjooovtec A 551) after the verbs in -oow like ntjoow, kvwoow; see Chantraine
1942: 335 (doubtful Schwyzer: 648°).
eETYM The perf. éypryyopa is an old formation, parallel to Skt. jagara, YAv. jayara ‘is
awake’, from *h,g(r)e-h.gor- (perhaps -yp- from the aorist éypéo@at?). Uncertain is
Lat. expergiscor. The word has also been connected with Alb. ngre ‘rise’. See LIV’ s.v.
*h.ger- ‘erwachen’.
éykap [?] = @Oeip ‘louse’ (Eust. 757, 27). <GR?>
eETYM Uncertain. From the word for ‘head’?
éykapos [m.] ‘brains’ (AP, Lyc.). <GR>
eETYM Scholarly hypostasis from év and »Kdpa, xdpn ‘head’, after éyKéadoc :
KegaAt. Cf. » tyKpoc.
éyKkapoos =éEmIKAapotoc.
éykdc [adv.] ‘deep inside’ (Hp., Gal.). <?>
eVAR Also éykac.
*ETYM Related to méyxata; formation like ayKkdc, évtumdc, etc. (Schwyzer: 631).
DELG considers an analysis in év- and -Kac, as in &-Kac, dva-Kac,
dre
éy«pic, -ido0¢ 371
éykata [n.pl.] ‘intestines’ (IL). <GR?>
eVAR Dat.pl. yKaot (A 438); as a back-formation later sing. €ykatov (LXX, Luc.).
DER Eykatoetc ‘containing intestines’ (Nic.), €ykatwéng¢ ‘like intestines’ (sch.).
eETYM Uncertain. Leumann 1950: 158° derives it from *éyxatog ‘interior’, which
contains év- just as oxatTog contains é§-; ykaot would then be an innovation based
on yovvaol, etc. Lacon. éykvtov: £ykatov (H.) is folk-etymological, based on > Kbto0¢
‘skin, trunk, body’.
éykiAAagov [2] - ovpa ‘tail’, also ZyKtAAov- ovpdv (H.). <?>
*ETYM The word has been compared with » Kt\Adc ‘grey’ (kidAog “donkey, ie. the
grey one’), or > KiAA<o>vpoc: cetcomvyic ‘wagtail’ (H.). On -goc, see Chantraine
1933: 264.
éykXis [f.] +) KaykeAAwth Odpa ‘entrance furnished with a railing’, (EM 518, 22).
<GR>
eETYM Related to éyxAivw, with the same formation as in dixXic; see » dkhidec. Cf.
also Strémberg 1944: 15.
éykoakioat [?] - éyyéot AdOpa ‘pour in secretly’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM Grodelj Ziva Ant. 4 (1954): 169 compares Koia- Khéwnpta (H.).
éykowtai [f.pl.] scil. dapkvai, ‘deposited money’ (Gortyn).
eETYM Derived from *éyxoidw, -dopat, which is probably a denominative from
*éyxotoc, which belongs to kotov- évéyupov ‘pledge’ (H.). See there for further
etymology.
éykovéw [v.] ‘to hurry, be quick and active in service’ (Il.). <IE *ken- ‘be active’>
eDIAL Perhaps here Myc. ka-si-ko-no.
*DER éykovnti [adv.] ‘quickly’ (Pi.), éyxovic ‘servant’ (Suid.). Beside ykovéw stands
dtaxovéw (with » diaxovos, s.v.); further perhaps aykovéw ‘hurry’ in Ar. Lys. 1311;
thence dyKdévouc: dtakdvouc, Sovdous ‘servants, slaves’ (H.). The simplex only in H.
kovet: onedde, tpéxe ‘hasten, run [ipv.]’ and xovetv- éneiyeoOat, évepyeiv ‘to hurry
oneself, be in action’ with kovntai- Oepdiovtes ‘attendants. Note kovapdv- ...
Spaotipiov and kovapwtepov: Spactikwtepov ‘more efficient’ (H.). Uncertain is a-
koviti (Olympia, Th.); cf. on » kévic.
eETYM Iterative-intensive verb, mostly connected with Lat. conor, condri ‘exert
onself, try’ (see De Vaan 2008 s.v.). Tremblay Sprache 38 (1998): 14-30, connects
these words with the root *ken- ‘to rise’, assuming a lengthened grade adjective for
Latin. Other comparanda come from Celtic, eg. MW digoni ‘to make’, W dichon,
digon ‘can’ (Pok. 564).
éykpacixodos [m.] ‘kind of anchovy’ (Arist.). <GR>
*ETYM So called because the intestines are attached to the head? See Thompson 1947
S.V.
éyxpic, -id5o¢ [f.] ‘cake made of oil and honey’ (Stesich., com.). <?>
*COMP éyxptdo-71wAng¢ ‘seller of é.” (com.).
372 éyKuti
eETYM A back-formation from éykepdvvupl, éyKepdoa “mix in’ is formally
impossible. Neither is it connected to éyxpivetv (Stromberg 1944: 15).
éykvti [adv.] ‘to the skin’ (Archil., Call.). <A compound of évand kvtoc, formed after
other adverbs in -(t)i-(<¢).>
eVAR éykvutic (Hdn.). = Kbtos.
éypijoow =eyeipw.
Eyxedvg, -vos [f.] ‘eel’ (II). < PG(O)>
eVAR Att. plur. -etc (to which nom.sg. -Atc [Arist.]?).
*COMP éyxeAvo-tpdgog ‘nourishing eels’ (Arist.), éyyehv-wmdc ‘with eyes like eels’
(Luc.). .
*DER Diminutive éyyeAvdiov (middle com.), éyyeAewv, -vwv ‘eel-trap’ (Arist.),
éyxéAetoc ‘of an eel’, mostly substantivized -e1a [n.pl.], scil. kpéa, teuayn, etc. (com.).
eETYM Gr. éyyeAuc recalls other words for ‘eel’, like Lat. anguilla, Lith. ungurjs, etc.,
but no JE pre-form can be reconstructed. Acc. to an old interpretation, éyyeAuc is a
cross between éxtc and a word like Lat. anguis (whence anguilla) ‘snake’. Katz 1998
assumes taboo transformations. Note further Lesb. tuBnpic: éyyeAvc. MnO vpvaior H.,
beside which there is A€Bnptc ‘skin of a snake’. The words are no doubt non-IE. Cf.
further Pok. 43ff. and Thompson 1947 s.v., as well as Stromberg 1943: 1off.
éyxecipwpos [adj.] usually understood as famous for his spear’ (Il.). <IE *meh,-ro-
‘great’>
*DER Cf. id-wpoc, epithet of the Apyetot (A 242, & 479). Imitation in bAaKd-pWwpoc,
of kbvec (§ 29, 1 4; cf Porzig 1942: 239); see also » otvatwpoc. ,
*ETYM The second member is usually connected with Celt. Gm. and Slav. PNs like
Gaul. Nerto-mdrus, OHG Volk-mar, Slav. Vladi-mére, from IE *-moh,-ro-, *-meh,-
ro-. Further one compares a denominative Gm. verb for ‘proclaim’, Go. merjan, etc.
with waila-mereis [adj.] ‘eK}@npoc, OHG mari famous’, etc., and a Celt. adjective for
‘great’, e.g. Olr. mdr. The 6-vocalism in Greek and Celt. agrees with the type d-gpwv
: ppt (Schwyzer: 355). The form of the first member may be metrically conditioned
(cf. €yyéomaAoc s.v. » Eyyoc). Ruijgh 1957: 93 wonders whether this compound could
contain twpdc ‘foolish’. Cf. Leumann 1950: 37 and 272".
éyxidtov [?] - Zyytov ‘nearer’; €yyddta- dOpda ‘crowded together’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM The former word could be a cross of éyytc and ayyidtog, the latter that of
éyytc and ayxoi, -d01, acc. to Baunack Phil. 70 (1911): 379f., but this does not explain
much. Latte considers these forms to be mistakes.
éyxoc [n.] ‘spear, lance’ (Il.), also ‘weapon’ in general (Pi. S.); on the mg. Schwyzer
Glotta 12 (1923): , Triimpy 1950: 52ff. <PG?(0)>
eCOMP As a first member in éyyéo-madog ‘spear drilling’ (Hom.), -pdpog ‘carrying a
spear’ (Pi.); »éyxeoipwpoc; after it éyyeci-yapyoc: éyxet potvdpevoc ‘raging with a
spear’ (H., EM), éyxeoi-xetpec [pl.] ‘weaponed with a spear’ (Orph. Fr. 285, 18).
#5e8X0V 373
*DER Also éyxein (Hom.), probably formed after édeyxein : EAeyyoc, ovetdein :
dvetdoc, etc. (Chantraine 1933: 86f.). Different Tovar Emerita 11 (1943): 431ff. Unclear
is Eyy@: 1) Leuérn obtws Exadeito.
*ETYM No etymology. See Schwyzer Glotta 12 (1923): 10ff. (to dkaypévoc), as well as
Tovar Emerita 11 (1943): 431ff. The word is possibly Pre-Greek.
éyw [pers. pron.] ‘T. <IE *h,eg- + -e/oH, -h,-om T>
*VAR Lesb. epic Dor. also £ywv, Lacon. Tarent. éywvn, Boeot. id(v), idvet (I-?).
*ETYM Beside éyw = Lat. egd, we find Venet. exo (length of the -o uncertain), Lat. egd
with secondarily short final vowel, as in the Gm. forms, e.g. ON ek (but see below);
neither is there vocalic auslaut in the Balt. Armen. and Hitt. forms: OLith. es, Arm.
es, Hitt. uk (though in Armenian, -6 may have been lost). Indo-Iranian and Slavic
have forms in IE *-h,-om, e.g. Skt. ahdm (aspiration from *-g- + -H-), OP adam, OCS
azo (lengthening by Winter’s Law); enclitic ON -(i)ka (like proclitic ek, ik?), perhaps
from IE *h,egom. Were the variants *h,eg6, *h,egh,om reshaped after the 1sg. verbal
endings -d (thematic), -om (secondary), or is -om a particle which is frequent in Old
Indic (cf. t.vdm ‘thou’, etc.)? Gr. ywv seems to be a compromise between -6 and
-om (or is it shaped after Eyvwv, *tS5wv, etc.?); in €ywv-n (or €yw-vn? Cf. tovn), -vn is
a deictic element; cf. €yw-ye. See > épé.
éd5avdc [adj.] of EXatov E 172 (éhaiw/ auBpooiw eSav@). <?>
eETYM De Lamberterie 1999 adduces a second attestation in Nic. Alexiph. 162, 181,
where é6avoc qualifies two kinds of wine, and the gloss é5avdc: eidocg auméAov,
perhaps to be corrected to é5avdc. The meaning ‘sweet’ is quite possible for these
contexts. De Lamberterie then proposes a reconstruction *sueh,d-no- with IE loss of
laryngeal before voiced (= glottalic) stop plus resonant (cf. Lubotsky’s Law in Indo-
Iranian). A parallel case in Greek would be > kedvdc < *keh,d-no-.
€5aqgoc [n.]. ‘ground, bottom’ (e 249; see Richel 1936: 212ff.), also ‘text’ (Gal.) as
opposed to the commentary. <?>
*COMP éda@po-motéw ‘equalize the ground’ (J.).
*DER Late: édaqiov ‘text’ (Arist.); édagikdc ‘belonging to the ground’ (pap.),
edagtaiog ‘id. (sch., Tz.), é6agitns (Tz.). Denominative verbs: édagitw ‘to equalize,
give a foundation’ (Arist., Hell.); é6agéw in Hddqwtat- Katw@Kiota ‘has been
established’ (H.).
*ETYM For the nouns in -(a)@ocg, see Chantraine 1933: 262ff. and Schwyzer: 495. Is the
word to be connected to &5o¢ (see > &Copat)?
25éatpoc [m.] ‘seneschal at the Persian court, steward’. <?>
eVAR Also accented -tpdc?
*COMP apx-edéatpog ‘upper seneschal at the Ptolemeian court’ (Hell.)
*ETYM Reformation of éhéatpoc (see > éAedv) after Sw. See Giintert 1914: 155 and
Kuiper Glotta 21 (1933): 272ff.
#5e8Aov [n.] ‘ground, bottom, foundation’ (Antim. probably also A. Ag. 776 instead
of éo8A4; or éoBAa, from *&6-0Aa?). < GRE
*DER Also é52€8\tov ‘id.’ (Call.).
374 é5va
*ETYM From the verb for ‘sit’ (see » €ouat), with a suffix -e6\o- (Schwyzer: 533,
Chantraine 1933: 375) and breath dissimilation.
€5va [n.pl.] ‘dowry’ (IL; on the mg. Késtler Wien. Ak. Anz. 81 (1944): 6ff., Theiler Mus.
Helv. 7 (1950): 114). <1E *h,ued- ‘dowry’ >
eVAR Hom. also éedva (see below), rarely sing. Z5vov (Pi., Call.).
*COMP avdedvoc ‘without é (I; on the prefix Schwyzer: 432, Chantraine 1942: 182).
*DERAIso dedvov: dpepvov i} MoAVPEpvov ‘without dowry; richly dowered’ H.; é5vo-
opéw “bring dowry’ (Eust.). Old denominative é6vdop.at (ée6v-), -dw ‘to give dowry
to one’s daughter’ (8 53) with ge6vwtrj¢ ‘bride’s father’ (N 382). Several glosses in H.:
Edviog xitwv- Sv p@tov 7 vbUPH TO vougiw dSidworv “first thing the bride gives to
the bridegroom’; é5vac: 1) and T@v ESvwv edrytbc ‘food from the wedding-gifts’,
edvevelv: évexupacetv ‘to take a pledge from’.
*ETYM é6va, éSvov, from IE *h,ued-no- (on the aspiration, see Schwyzer: 227), can be
compared with a Slav.and WGm. word for ‘bride-price’, e.g. ORu. véno < *h,ued-no-
(lengthening due to Winter’s Law); OE weotuma, OHG widomo m., from PGm.
*wet-man-, IE *h,ued-mon- (the Gr.-Slav. suffix -no- may reflect -mno-,
thematization of -mon-). This old word for ‘bride-price’ is often derived from a verb
meaning ‘to take home, to marry (of the man)’, seen in Lith. vedu, Ru. vedi (from
*ued"- because of the short e), and Olr. fedid, and to which Skt. vadhi- ‘bride, young
woman, daughter-in-law’ also belongs. However, this is impossible because of the
*d". It is clear that #5v- is the younger and éeSv- the older form. The ‘prothesis’
(from *h,-) must be old, while the -a- in avdedvoc is somehow secondary (vowel
assimilation is impossible).
#50 =éCoua.
€5pa [f.] ‘seat, abode (of the gods), temple’ (II.). <GR>
*COMP Many compounds: KaQédpa ‘seat, chair’ (Hp.); also épédpa, Ion. énédpy
‘siege’ (€—-éCopan), évédpa ‘ambush, postponement’ (év-éCopau, év-iGavw), see Risch
IF 59 (1949): 45f5 but é&-€5pa ‘seat outside the house’ (E. Hell.). Bahuvrihi with
adverbial first member é@-edpoc ‘who sits by the side, reserve’ (Pi.); thus map-edpoc
‘assistance’ (map-éCouat), év-edpoc ‘inhabitant’, obv-edpoc ‘id.’; &-edpoc ‘far from
his residence’ (S.); moAb-edpoc ‘with many seats’ (Plu.).
*DER From édpa: édpatog ‘sedentary, fixed, steady’ (IA) with edpaidtig and édpatéw,
edpaiwpa, -wotc; Edpikdc “belonging to the anus’ (medic.), édpitne¢ ‘fugitive’ (Suid.
EM); mpwtoxa8edpitne ‘president’ (Herm.). Denominative verbs: édp-tdopat ‘to sit
down’ (Hom.), -tdw ‘id’ (Theoc.); see Schwyzer: 732, Chantraine 1942: 359; e6pacw
‘to set, fix’ (Hell. and late) with édpaocpéc, édpaotikdc, av-Edpactog; éSpacpa = ~5pa
(E.), after otéyaopa (see Chantraine 1933: 177). But é@-, év-, map-, ovv-edpevw from
ég-edpoc. In H.: édphecoa: Beata ‘steady’, after teArecoa; see Schwyzer: 527, €d5piac:
dei mvéwv ‘always blowing’, after wind names in -iac; édpia- ovvédpia, edpic: ESpatoc.
After words in -dvov arose 5pavov = é5pa (Hes.); edpava@c = otepedwe (Eust.).
*ETYM Derivative in -pa of »&€opa (*sed-reh.-); cf. xwpa. No exact parallel
formations.
2éSopat 375
#5w [v.] ‘to eat’ (I].). <1E *h,ed- ‘eat’>
VAR Athem. inf. pevot (Hom.), fut. {Sopa (Il), perf.ptc.act. Ende (P 542), med.
eédrdortat (x 56; after mémotat), with act. é54SoKa (Att.); aor. pass. 15éoOny, perf.
med. é6r5e(o)Wat (Att.); new pres. Zo8w (Il), 2o8iw (Od.).
*COMP With prefix kat-é5w, -eo8iw (-éo0w), -g5opc ‘to eat up’ (IL), an- eobiw,
-€dopat ‘id.’ (Att.).
*DER eldap < *#5-fap ‘food’ (IL; on gap: Bp@pa H. see below). &5w51 ‘food, meal’
(IL), €SdSyoc ‘edible’ (Hdt; see Arbenz 1933: 5of.), 85w6dc ‘usable as food’ (Hp.).
édntvc [f.] (only gen. -tb0¢) ‘food’ (Hom.); -n- unclear, but cf. Borntic, ayopntic; see
Porzig 1942: 183f., Benveniste 1948: 67. £5eopa ‘food’ (Att.) with édeoudtiov (Procl.);
edeotig ‘eater’ (Hdt.). £6r5wv- payéSatva ‘cancer’ (H.), cf. €6nSwe.
*ETYM The old athematic present, seen in the inf. £5pevou, in the fut. = subj. £5-o-at,
and perhaps also in the ipv. got (p 478%; see Chantraine 1942: 292), is found in
several languages: Hitt. edmi [1sg.] ‘eat’, Skt. ddmi ‘id’, 38g. dtti, Lat. ést, Lith. ésti,
OCS jaste ‘to eat’; all of these are from IE *ed-mi, -ti, with lengthening in BSL. acc. to
Winter's Law. On younger thematic forms (cf. Go. itan, 3sg.pres. it-ip), see Chantr.
lic. Acc. to Schwyzer: 713°, the secondary presents ow and éo0iw developed from
the ipv. 001 (= Skt. addhi), but Hamp Glotta 59 (1981): 155f., simply derives o6w
from &6-0-. The other forms are Greek innovations: RdéoOnv, 264 Se(o) pat (after
ételéoOnv); thence éSecua, edeotii¢ (cf. @unotic), &eotdc. As a suppletive aorist,
Greek used gayeiv. The r/n-stem eidap < *Srap, plur. eiSata can be compared with
Skt. vy-advar-d- m. ‘rodent’ and agrddvan- ‘eating first’ (agra-ad-van-). See also
Papiotov and deinviotos (s.v. > Seinvov). Further, » dot (d6v), » d5bvn, and
> wdic are traditionally connected with %5w, which is incorrect.
>
é5aAta [n.pl.] ‘seat (especially of rowers in a ship); thwart, habitat’ (Hdt.). «IE *sed-dl
‘seat’>
eVAR Rare sing. -tov.
*DER Backformation é5wda ‘thwarts’ (Lyc.). Reshaped after the nouns in -wAn is
édwAr (Naucratis). Denominative é5wAidtw [v.] ‘to provide seats’ (Delos III*,
Lycurg.). Also €6widc: A6x0g Aakedaupoviwv obtweo éxaeito ‘name of the Spartan
camp’ (H.).
*ETYM An /-derivative from the verb ‘sit’ (see » Copa) is known in several languages:
Lat. sella (< *sed-leh,-) ‘chair’ = €\\a- xaBédpa. Adxwvec H. Gaul. caneco-sedlon
(unknown first member); Go. sitls, OHG sezzal ‘seat’ (PGm. *set-la-); cf. also Arm.
ett ‘place, position’ (the Slavic word, eg. ORu. sedv-lo, Ru. sedl6é ‘saddle’, is a
borrowing from Germanic; cf. Derksen 2008: 443). The basis is an ablauting /-stem
*sed-6l, oblique *sed-I- (Schwyzer: 483), of which Greek has preserved both ablaut
grades.
ééA Sopat [v.] ‘to desire, want, long for’ (I.). <1E *h,ueld- ‘wish, desire’>
eVAR Only present stem.
*COMP Compound émt-éA dopa (A. R. 4, 783).
*DER é€Adwp [n.] (only nom.acc.) ‘desire, wish’ (Il; €\6wp Hdn., H.), also €éA Sw [f.]
(Ibyc. 18; if correct).
376 ECopat
eETYM From é(F)éAdopat (Chantraine 1942: 133 and 182). No cognates outside Greek.
Homer has é\6- only three times (E 481, Y 122, w 6); these may have undergone
influence by » é\nouat. The form with ‘prothesis’ is the original one, as is proven by
&€ASwp; see Beekes 1969: 636.
&optat [v.] ‘to sit down)’ (IL). <1E *sed- ‘sit down’>
eVAR With terminative prefix (see Brunel 1939: 83ff., 257ff.) xa8-éCopat (IL) ‘to sit
(down)’. Fut. kaedotptct (Att.), later kaBecOroopat (LXX), kaQedroopict (D. L.);
aor. kaBeoOFval (Paus.); other presents iCw, itavw (Schwyzer 700) ‘to make sit, set’,
with i@joa, iCnka (late), prefixed xa0-iCw (Il.), Ion. kat-ifw, ka8-1Cavw, Aeol. kat-
todavw ‘to put down, sit down’, med. ka0-iCopat ‘sit down’, with fut. ca®&i@ (D.),
KaGiow (Hell.), xatiow (Ion.), ca6iE@ (Dor.), med. Kabt{rjooptat (Att.), KaBodpar
(LXX), KkaSioopa (NT. Plu.); aor. Kaio(o)a, Kabic(o)ao8a (X. wrong for
kaGéo(o)ai in Hom., see below), xatioat (Hdt, for katéoat), xaSi—a (Dor.),
KaiCijoat (late.); late perf. kexdOixa, late aor. ptc. pass. KaiCrPeic.
Beside these present forms and the aorists, there is a sigmatic aorist efoa ‘I set’, inf.
éo(o)al, med. eioduny, Eo(o)ac8a, Ka0-eioa, ka8-Eo(o)a (thus also in Hom. to be
read for kaQio(o)ai; and also katéo for katiom in Hdt.); also fut. kaéow (Eup.);
see Wackernagel 1916: 63ff.
eCOMP Often with prefix: dva-, év-, ém-, Mapa-, ovv-, etc.; these were also prefixed to
KabéCoptat, Ka8iGw, which were considered simplices (see Schwyzer: 656, Schwyzer
1950: 429).
*DER &0¢ [n.] ‘seat’ (see on » eVpvddeta). The verbal nouns are largely independent
from the verb, see on » gpa, » édwA1a, » EAAa; also » ESaqoc and » &SeOAov; note
gota ‘stalk, pedicle’ (Arist.) < *sed-sm-. Probably unrelated is » doc. Cf. also
> idptvw.
*ETYM Both éoptat and iw are IE formations; éCopat is a thematic yod-present *sed-
ie/o-, also found in Gm., e.g. ON sitia, OS sittian, OHG sizzen ‘to sit’; (Ww derives
from reduplicated *si-sd-e/o- = Lat. sidé, U sistu ‘sidito’, Skt. stdati. As the preterite
éCotuyy is often an aorist in Homer, it might derive from a reduplicated aorist *se-sd-;
it could even represent zero grade *h,e-sd- with an augment and secondary
aspiration. In Homer, a present is furnished only by éeat (k 378). Cf. Schwyzer: 6525
and 7163 and Chantraine 1942: 336. The aorist eioa from IE *h,e-sed-s-m (with
secondary aspiration) agrees with Skt. ni... sdtsat [subj.]. As a resultative perfect of
(ka8-)éoptat, (ka8-)itw, Greek uses > rat, KaO-1L01 (see Schwyzer 1950: 258).
€0etpat [f-pl.] ‘manes of a horse, crest’ (II.), ‘hair on the head’, also sing. (h. Ven., Pi.);
‘manes of a lion, bristle of a boar’, etc. (Theoc.). <?>
*COMP xpv00-é8elpoc ‘with golden hair’ (Archil.), eb-é0eipa [f.] (Anacr.), etc.
*DER é0eipadec ‘hair of the beard’ (1m 176 v.l. for yeverddec); e8eipatw ‘to have long
hair’ (Theoc.); also é8eipetat ‘is covered (with scales)’ (Orph. A. 929; see Schwyzer:
722f.).
eETYM Uncertain. Taken with »é0wv ‘pushing, tossing’ vel sim. as “that which
waves”, formally like mieipa to miwv. Frisk s.v. assumed a connection with the r-stem
found in »é@pic, and further connected 661; gpovtic, dpa, pdBoc, ldyog ‘worry,
EOvoc 377
care, fear, consideration’ (H.), comparing Lat. iuba, crista, crinis for the meaning.
This is very unlikely. Perhaps the word is rather from *ued"-, as per Chantraine 1942:
151and DELG sv.
£0eipw [v.] Mg. unknown, mostly taken as ‘to care for’ (see H.: é0eipy: emtpeAsiac
&Eworn ‘deem worthy of care’), or ‘to work, cultivate’. <?>
VAR only ® 347 yaipet dé [Lv (sc. dAwryv) dotic e0eipn.
eETYM Etymology unknown. On é@eipetai ‘is covered’, see »&eipat. See also
Debrunner IF 21 (1907): 203.
£0€Aw [v.] ‘want, wish’ (II.). <1 *h,g’"el-‘wish’>
eVAR With aphaeresis 0éAw (Aeol. Ion. Hell; in Hom. only 0 317), aor.-(€)0eAfjoat,
fut. (€)0eAnow (Il.), perf. HOEAnKa (X.), teBEANKA (Hell.).
eCOMP As a first member in é8eXo-Kakéw ‘to play the coward, resign to the enemy’
(Hadt.), ‘to deliberately do wrong’ (Ph.) with é0eAoKdxnotc (PIb.), cf. ttvnot-Kakéw,
etc; £8e\6-dovA0c ‘voluntary slave’ with -dovAeia (Pl.), 20éA-ex8poc (Crat.), etc. PNs
"EGedo-Kpatng, etc. (inscr.).
*DER (€)0eAnptdc ‘voluntary’ (Hes.), (€)0eAnpiwv ‘id’ (Pl.) with e8eAnpoobvat [pl.]
(PMag. Par.); 0éAnia ‘will (Antipho Soph.; OeAnpn Theognost.) with OeAnptdtiov;
-T1KdG, BEANotc, -11TI¢, -11T6¢ (LXX, etc.). From the ptc. stem éBedovt-: e0eAovtt¢
‘volunteer’ (Hdt.) with -trhv [adv.] (Hdt.); rarely OeAovtij¢ (Hdt. v.l.); Hom. has
eBedovtijpac (B 292); ébeAovotoc ‘voluntary’ (X., after Exovotoc). Adverbs é8edovti,
-t66v ‘voluntarily’ (Th.), €0eAdvtwe (sch.). Isolated: 0EAeo0¢ AEA Eos ‘volens nolens’
(A. Supp. 862 [lyr.]), poetic formation after the adjectives in -eoc.
*ETYM (€)0éAw is a primary thematic present indicative, which was extended by -1-
in all non-presentic forms. It corresponds to OCS Zeléjg, -éti ‘wish, desire’, from
*hg’*el-. The gloss pahtGet- 0éet (H.) is unclear.
20H [f.] - atpdc, Kattvdc AEmMTOc, ATU ‘vapor, fine smoke’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM No etymology.
£0jt0i [m.] - TOAACI, Seojtoi, TAdKaLOL ‘multitudes, bonds, locks (of hair) (H.). <?>
eETYM Lagercrantz KZ 35 (1899): 273 assumed *ued"-mo-, related to Go. ga-widan
‘ouevyvoivat, to connect’, etc.
€0voc [n.] ‘group, crowd, swarm’ (of people, animals; Hom., Pi.), ‘class, people’ (Hdt.),
‘foreign people’ (Arist.), ta g0v1j ‘the pagans’ (NT); on the mg. Chantraine BSL 43
(1946): 52ff. <?>
eCOMP As a first member in 20v-dpyng¢ ‘governor, prince’ (LXX, J., NT), as a second
member in 6p10-e8vijc ‘belonging to the same people’ (Hdt.), dAAo-e8vij¢ (Hell.), etc.
*DER é0vikdc ‘belonging to a (foreign) people, national, traditional, heathen’ (Hell.),
cf. yevixdc to yévog; éBvitng ‘belonging to the same people’ (Eust., Suid.), €Oviotai: oi
éK TOU abdtod ~Bvouc ‘those who are from the same tribe’ (H.); éOvupidv mg.
unknown (Hdn. Gr,; after daituptdv?); €8vnddv [adv.] ‘per people’ (LXX).
*ETYM Etymology unclear. If -voc is a suffix (cf. Epvoc, opiivoc; see Chantraine 1933:
420 and Schwyzer: 512), we may compare » oc and reconstruct *sued"-nos-, which
may be based on the reflexive *sue (see »€, €). The word has also been connected
378 £00¢
with » 06veioc ‘foreign, alien’ (Democr., Pl.) as ‘belonging to the é8voc (Fraenkel
Gnomon 22 (1950): 238); but in this case, it can hardly be from *sue-. The word could
be of foreign origin.
From é8voc (pronounced é8voc) comes Copt. he8voc, Arm. het‘anos, and also Go.
haipno ‘heathen’ (whence the other Gm. words).
200g [n.] ‘custom, usage’ (IA). < IE? *sued"- ‘custom, character’>
*DER Old only é8a¢ [m., f.] ‘used (to)’ (Hp., Th.); late €@t10¢ ‘usual’ (Amorgos I*, D
S., etc, after vouytoc, Arbenz 1933: 99), €Otxdc ‘usual’ (Plu.), éOrp1wv ‘id.’ (Musae.)
with 8npo-Aoyéw ‘to collect as usual’ (AP), ¢Onptoobvn (H., Suid.). Denominative
verb ebibw (not with Schwyzer 716 from *&0w, see é0wv and eiwOa) with gOtopa
‘usage’ (PI.), €6to,tdc ‘custom’ (Arist.).
*ETYM If we assume *fé8oc, from IE *sued"os (with dissimilation by Grassmann’s
Law), the word can be compared with Skt. svadha- ‘custom, nature’. Further, there is
the Gm. word for ‘custom’, Go. sidus [m.], etc., which goes back to IE *sed"u-.
Additionally, Lat. soddlis ‘comrade’ has been compared as a reflection of *sued"- with
an Italic suffix -dlis. The basis of sued"-, sed". may be the reflexive *s(u)e (see > é, é);
the enlargement *d" may derive from the root *d'eh,- ‘to put, situate’ (see » tiOn,t).
See > ciwOa, > 1180¢; also > Etn¢ and m Etapoc.
ZOptc [adj.] - toptiac, kptdc ‘castrated ram’ (H.). <?>
VAR Cod. é8pic; cf. {Opic: ondSwv, Topiac, evvodxoc ‘eunuch’ (H.) and dOptc (Suid.),
58ptc (Zonar.). ,
*ETYM Traditionally, the word has been compared with Skt. vadhri- ‘castrate’. Some
suppose an r/n-stem, seen in Skt. vddhar-, Av. vadar- [n.] the weapon of Indra, but
Mayrhofer EWAia 2: 498 rejects the connection with vddhri-.
Frisk assumed that the fluctuating vocalism was due to the non-literary character of
the word. He thinks é€- is old, while 6- was created after »WOéw, and a- by
association with privative d-. Finally, i- is explained away by vowel harmony. This is
hardly credible. Given the variation of the initial vowel, it seems conceivable that the
word stems from Pre-Greek. Both ¢/ 1 and a/ o are frequent in such words. See
> 20wv.
£0wv [adj.] in yAobvnv civ dyptov ... d¢ Kaka MOAN’ Epdeokev EBwv Oivijos aAwrjv (I
540), plur. oprkeootv golkdtec ..., ob¢ Maidec Eprdtaivovotv E8ovte_c (II 260). <?>
eETYM Acc. to sources from antiquity, it means BAdntwv ‘damaging’, pOeipwv
‘destructive’, or épe8iGovtec ‘annoying’; additionally, there is the gloss ée- pipet,
épeOiCet (H.). Others analyzed it as a present ptc. of » efwOa ‘to be used to’. Contrary
to the last interpretation, it can be stated that the old perfect eiw8a, indicating a
situation, has no present form; moreover, a present in the same meaning would be
rather strange. Also, the construction conflicts with that of etw8a, and the translation
‘acting in conformity with one’s character’ is a bit strange | in these passages (of a
swine and wasps).
The hypothesis of Schmidt KZ 45 (1913): 231ff., which connects é0wv as a primary
present to » w0éw, is doubtful. Cf. also Leumann 1950: 212f. Bechtel 1914 s.v.
connected #0w to ciw8a, #80c.
eldopat 379
DELG prefers the interpretation BAdntwv (which seems, however, to conflict with
éptduaivovot). Not related to » gOpic.
ei [pcl.] ‘if, introducing a wish, condition, or question (IA, Arc.). <?>
eVAR Aeol. Dor. ai, sometimes eix, aik (after od : obk); Cypr. Dor. 1).
*ETYM Uncertain. For interjective origin of ai (partly also of ei), see Schwyzer 1950:
557 and 683. Perhaps a demonstrative ei ‘then’ also existed (Brugmann-Thumb 1913:
616), with which compare ei-ta, and which would originally be a locative of the
demonstrative *h,e-, h,o- (Schwyzer: 550). See Schwyzer 1950: 557 and 683.
gia [interj.] adhortative ‘hey, come on’ (Att.). <ONOM>
eVAR See Hdn. Gr. 1, 495, 14.
*DER ei ‘call ela’ (E. Fr. 844; cf. aidtw).
*ETYM Onomatopoeic; comparable with Lat. (M)eia and other cries. Cf. » eiév.
siapeviy [f.] ‘lowlands, humid pasture’ (IL). <PG(v)>
*VAR taptvot [pl.] ‘id’ (Nic., H.). Cf. iapevi, -ai, also eiapévov- vijvenov, KoiAov,
Botavwdn ‘without wind, hollow [valley], herbaceous’ (H.).
*ETYM Frisk s.v. and others assume a participle, with accent shift as in » deEajtevi. Is
initial ei- for i- metrical? The word is probably Pre-Greek, given the variation -pev-/-
ttv-, which could not occur in a participle.
eiBw [v.] ‘to drip, spill’, med. ‘to trickle down’ (II.). <PG?>
eVAR Mostly kat-eiBw, -opat; only present.
*DER Beside this (itacism or ablaut?) iBavn- Kadoc, dvtAntiptov ‘vessel for water or
wine, bucket’; iBavov- Kddov, otaiviov, yaAkiov ‘id., wine- jar, copper vessel’ with
iBavet (for -@?)- dvtAei ‘draw water’ and iBavatpic: itintiptov ‘rope of a draw- well’
(all H.); also iBdng ‘peg to let out the water’ (Eust.).
eETYM Frisk suggests a cross of Aeibw and mikpidac with *efkw. See Giintert 1914: 148,
Walleser WuS 14 (1932): 165f. All of these are rather improbable guesses. {B6n¢ may
be unrelated, given the meaning. Is ei§w Pre-Greek, with its 8, interchange et/ 1, and
suffix -av-?
eiddAtmos =eidoc.
eidanicg [2] - dpvic totdc ‘kind of bird’ (H.). <?>
eVAR Also iddaAtoc.
eETYM Unexplained.
cidap >25w.
eldnpa VAR eidnotc. = oida.
eiSouat [v.] ‘to appear, seem, resemble’ (Il.). <1 *ueid- ‘see’>
VAR Aor. eicac8at (ptc. also é-(F)etodttevoc, Chantraine 1942: 182).
*COMP Odta-eidouat with factitive fut. Sta-eicojiat ‘make appear’ (© 535; see
Chantraine 1942: 442).
380 el6wiov
*DER eidog ‘appearance, species, form, etc.’, eiSvAMOov ‘poem, single song’, eiddAtocg
‘with beautiful appearance’; efdwdov ‘picture, image’, -Adtpnc¢ ‘who reveres idols’,
eidahAeta paivetat ‘appears’ (H.).
*ETYM Beside (F)eiSouai and the s-aorist, there is the thematic aorist »ideiv and the
perfect » oida, both of which are old. There is no exact equivalent of eiSopai in other
branches; comparable are Celt. and Gm. forms like Olr. ad-féded ‘narrabat’, Go. fra-
weitan ‘to revenge’, both from IE *wueid-, but with rather different meanings.
Semantically, eiSouat agrees well with inherited eidoc, by which it may have been
influenced (or is it a back-formation from eidoc?). eidoc itself corresponds exactly to
BSI. forms like Lith. véidas ‘face’ and OCS vids ‘appearance’, as well as to OHG wisa
‘way, manner’ and other Gm. words, which were built on the IE s-stem *ueid-s-.
Formally identical, but semantically farther off is Skt. védas- ‘knowledge, insight’.
The form éetodyevoc is found only in the formula (verse initial) t@ pv &. mpocégr; it
is therefore probable that an accident led to this unusual form: the formula must
have had tw de Fe Fetodpevoc. See Beekes 1969: 59f. Incorrect analysis in RPh. 71
(1997): 157. Cf. also » ivéaAAetau.
elkw 381
*ETYM Like the synonymous Hom. (F)e(F)ioxw, tetrasyllabic éixaoédw presupposes an
original *FefixdCw. Both formations are recent factitive presents of the perf. (F)é-
(F)oix-a “be like, resemble’, with zero grade in (F)é-(F)tx-tov [du.], (F)é-(F)ux-to
[plpf:med.] (Schwyzer: 735). See » Zouxa on the etymology.
eikds = eliKool.
eixn [adv] ‘just so, without deliberation’, late also ‘in vain’ (IA). <I *ueik- ‘resemble,
seem’>
*COMP As a first member in eixo-BoA€éw ‘shoot just so’ (E.) with eixoBoXia (Phld.).
*DER eikaioc ‘without plan, at random’ (S.) with eikatéty¢ (Phid.) and sikaootwy
(Timo). Cf. onovdsj, kopudtj, etc; so a nominal dative (Schwyzer: 622).
eETYM Incorrectly, Wackernagel 1916: 137' who, based on Indic parallels, assumes *€-
Fey] ‘arbitrarily’ from »éxwv; this is impossible because of the prothetic vowel
assumed. Ruijgh Lingua 28 (1971): 169 starts from *ueik- ‘resemble, seem’, which
seems possible.
e(koot [num.] ‘twenty’. <1E *dui-dkmt-i(H) ‘twenty’>
eidwAov = e(Souau. 5 *VAR Hom. also éeixoot (see below), Dor. Fikatt.
eCOMP As a first member often eixooa-, eg. geixoodBotoc ‘worth twenty cows’ (Od;
eiév [interj.] ‘okay, alright? (Att.). <ONOM> !
eVAR On the interaspiration, indicated by grammarians and the cod. Rav. of Ar.,
Schwyzer: 219 and 303.
*ETYM Froehde BB 10 (1886): 297 connected the word with Skt. evdm ‘okay’, bu
perhaps this rather belongs to » gia; was the ending taken from pév? Differently, von
Wilamowitz 1889: 320; cf. Barrett 1964: 297.
eiOap [adv.] ‘immediately’ (IL.). <?>
eETYM Was the word originally a neuter noun in -ap? It is difficult to connect it with
i@vc, which has a long i-; see Schwyzer: 350 arid 519 and Schwyzer 1950: 70.
Incorrectly, Pok. 892; there is no etymology.
e(@e [pcl.] ‘utinam, o that’, in wishes (II). <1E *(h,)e(i) dem. pron. + *g’"e pcl.?>
eVAR Also aie (see > el).
*ETYM From ei, ai (see ei) and a particle -Oe; however, the latter has no clear
etymology. Meillet MSL 8 (1894): 238 compared the particles Skt. gha and OCS Ze;
thus, is it from IE *g”"e? Further, see Schwyzer 1950: 561”.
eixaCw [v.] ‘to picture, compare, suspect’ (IA); on the mg. cf. Brunel 1939: 71, 155; 174,
184. 4IE *ueik- ‘resemble’ >
eVAR Lesb. gikdacdu; aor. eixdoat, fut. eixadow, perf. pass. eikaopiat (7-).
°COMP Prefixed especially with dn-; also with &&-, ém-, mpoo-, etc.
DER (dm-)eikacia ‘picture, comparison, conjecture’ (IA; on the formation Schwyzer:
469) with eixdowoc ‘aestimabilis’ (gloss; Arbenz 1933: 99), (am-)elkacpa
‘representation’ (A. Pl.), (dn-, én-)eikaopuds ‘supposition’ (D. H,, Str.); eikaotr¢
‘conjecturer, diviner’ (Th. 1, 138; see Fraenkel 1912: 73f.), ‘who represents’ (D. H.);
eikaotoéc ‘comparable’ (S., etc.), eikaotixdc ‘ptng. to portraying’ (Pl., etc.).
after Emta-, Tetpa-, etc.). On sikooivnpitoc (X 349) see > vijpttoc.
*DER eikoodkic ‘twenty times’ (IL.), eixoods [f.] ‘twenty pieces’ (late; cf. eixac below),
(2)eixootdc (Boeot. Fixactéc) ‘the twentieth’ (II.); fem. eixooti ‘the twentieth’ with
eikootatog ‘belonging to the twentieth day’ (Hp,; like devtepaiog, etc.); also eixac [f.],
Dor. ixdc, Ther. htkdc ‘the number twenty, the twentieth day of the month’ (Hes.),
after dexdc, tptakdc, etc. (not an original formation to (€)ikati, as per Schwyzer:
597); from here eixadetc the members of a society that met on the 20th, eponymous
founder Eixadevc (Athens; Fraenkel 1912: 71 and 180, von Wilamowitz 1932: 368°),
eixadtotai epithet of the Epicureans (Ath.), cf. dexadtotai to dexac (see » béka).
*ETYM Hom. ée(kooi stands for &F)ikoot (the prothetic vowel derives from the
glottalic feature of the *d-; see Kortlandt MSS 42 (1983): 97-104). It was graphically
influenced by contracted eixoot; likewise, Heracl. feixatt. The o-vowel in eixoot is
difficult to account for: it may have been taken from eixootdc (differently, Meillet
MSL 16 (1910-1911): 217ff.; see Schwyzer: 344), which itself took it from tptaxootéc,
etc. with -o- as in tptdkovta, etc.
PGr. “fikatt, Fikaotés gave Dor., Boeot. Fikatt after the loss of the first laryngeal
by dissimilation; see Kortlandt MSS 42 (1983): 97-104. The word is identical with Av.
visa'ti, as well as with Skt. vimsati- [f.], which has secondary nasalization and i-
flexion, as well as secondary stress. The -g- in Lat. viginti is difficult to explain; see
Kortlandt MSS 42 (1983): 101, who states that it results from voicing after a nasal in
the words for ‘70’ and ‘90’, and subsequent analogical introduction in the other
decades.
The dual IE *dui-dkmt-i(H) properly meant ‘two decades’, from IE *dui- ‘two’ and
> déxa. See also under » éxatov.
elkw [v.] ‘to give way, yield’. <IE *ueig- ‘give way, yield’>
382 eiKwv, -OVOG
eVAR Aor. ei€au (é(p ete Alcm., yi€at [ie. FeiEat]- ywpfjoat ‘to give way’ H.), fut. ef&w,
-ouat (IL; cf. Triimpy 1950: 2209f.), perf. ptc. Zeca (Chron. Lind.).
*COMP With prefix: b7(0)-, map-, ovv-eikw, etc. Lengthened form (b7-, nap-)eikaetv
or -Oeiv (S., Pl; Schwyzer: 703°).
DER trtetttc ‘yielding’ (Pl; cf. Holt 1941: 164; ei&t¢ Plu.) with bmeixtikdg (Arist;
eiktiKdc Phld.).
eETYM Among the many verbs based on IE “*ueik-, there is no semantically
convincing connection. Semantically, however, Skt. vijdte (younger vejate) ‘flee, give
way and the Gm. pres. OS wican, OHG wihhan ‘give way, etc.’ agree very well with
(F)eikw. As the former must go back to PIE *ueig-, not to *ueik-, we should assume
that the different velar was generalized from forms with consonantal endings (cf. the
Skt. aorist forms vik-thds, vik-ta) or from the o-aorist. Thus, Frisk s.v. and LIV? s.v.
*yeig-. TOAB wik- ‘disappear; abstain from’ belongs here as well. See also » énieuxtoc.
eixwv, -6vog [f.] ‘representation, picture, resemblance’ (IA). «IE *ueik- ‘resemble’>
VAR Cypr. Fetkova, Ion. also ik, -odc [f.].
eCOMP As a first member in eikovoAoyia ‘speaking in resemblances, figuratively’
(P1.).
*DER Diminutive eikoviov (Hell.) and -idtov (late); eixovikdg ‘picturing’ (Hell.),
eixovwdng (gloss.). Denominative verb (é&-)eikoviCw ‘imitate, record in documents’
(LXX, pap., Plu.; cf. Mayser 1906-1938, I: 3: 146) with eikoviopa = eikdv (S. Fr. 573; cf.
Chantraine 1933: 188), eikoviopdc ‘picture; description of persons’ (pap., Plu.),
eikovioti¢ name of an official, ‘registrator’ (pap.).
*ETYM Formation in -wv (Chantraine 1933: 159f.) as an agent noun related directly to
> Zoika, with the same vocalism as in eikwe, -dc, eikedoc. On the innovation eikw, see
Schwyzer: 4794.
eidapides [f.pl.] name of twocerebral membranes (Poll. 2, 44). <IE *wel- ‘turn, wind’>
*DER Diminutive of *eiAapoc (as TAGKaOG, etc.).
eETYM The word is related to eiAéw ‘turn, wind’, “6t1 mepi pvedOv eihodvtat” “because
they were wrapped around the marrow’, with ei- (for *FéA-apoc) as in » eiAEdc.
eikanivn [f.] ‘drinking-bout, festive eating’ (Il; Ael. €A(A)aztiva Hoffmann 1893: 487).
<PG(S,V)>
*DER eiAamuvatw ‘to feast’ (IL; only present) together with eikamtvaotc (P 577).
eETYM No etymology. A cultural word that may well be of Pre-Greek origin; cf.
under > deinvov. Initial ei- is perhaps due to metrical lengthening; a suffix -a7t- can
hardly be IE.
eidap [n.] probably ‘parapet, protective wall’, cikap vewv [vnd@v Leaf] te kai abtav
‘shelter of the ships and of themselves’ (H 338 = 437; & 56 = 68, of mUpyot, and
Telxoc), KULatos eiAap ‘protection of a foetus’ (€ 257, pinec oiovivat ‘mat of wicker-
work’); in H. also hap BorPeta ‘aid’. <1E? *ueru- ‘defend’>
eVAR Only nom. and acc.
*ETYM Often considered to be an action noun *FéA-Fap (with dissimilation to *&\-
fap?). Perhaps from > eiAéw 1, aor. (F )éAcat ‘press together’, but this does not fit very
elAéw 1 383
well. Note BrjAnua: KALLA, Ppaypa év noTaLd ‘impediment, defence in the river’
(H.). Neither is it related to » eidéw 2 ‘roll, wind’. See Schulze 1892: 121, Bechtel 1914
s.v. Chantraine 1942: 131, and Porzig 1942: 348. Blanc RPh. 70 (1996): 115f. proposes
to derive the word from Fepf-ap, to épv-pa, etc.; however, the dissimilation to A
would then be difficult to account for. Cf. also Blanc BAGB 1 (1996): 4-5.
FiAei®uia [f.] name of the goddess(es) of birth, often in plur. (IA). Also EAeiOuia (Pi.,
inscr.), EiAnOuia (Call., Paus.), EAevOuia (Cret.), EAev@in (Paros), EAev@ia, with
assibilation ‘EAevoia (Lacon.), and other variants. Short form "EAev0w (AP) and
(quite different) EiAidveta (Plu. 2, 277b; is it correct?). On the forms see Kalén 1918:
8. <PG(S)>
eDIAL Myc. E-re-u-ti-ja.
DER EiXe:8v(t)aiov ‘temple of E.’ (Delos), TAN8utov (ibid.).
*ETYM It has been assumed, starting from the assumption that ’ENevOura is the old
form, that "EAei8via would have arisen by dissimilation and thence Eidei®via with
metrical lengthening. Schulze 1892: 26o0f. then connected éAevO- with édevooupat,
tAv8ov. Wackernagel too started from EAevOuia, but he considered it to be Pre-
Greek because of the PN’EA\ev0épva. Giintert 1919: 38%, 258 also takes E())AeiOuia as
Pre-Greek, with secondary adaptation to é\ev@w ‘to bring’ (Dor.), in the sense ‘she
who brings forth’.
Beekes 1998: 24f. shows that the suffix -uia is Pre-Greek.
eidedc [m.] 1. as a medical expression ‘intestinal obstruction, Bauchgrimmen’ (Hp.;
Lat. ileus); 2. (rarely) name of a vine (Hippys Rheg. [V*?]); 3. ‘den, hole of animals,
especially of snakes’ (Theoc. 15, 9, Arc. Poll.). «IE? *uelu- ‘turn, wind, cover,
protect’>
eVAR tec.
*DER From 1: eiAewdng ‘ptng. to intestinal obstruction’ (Hp.).
*ETYM Formation like @wAedc, Kkodedc, etc. (Chantraine 1933: 51). An original
meaning ‘winding’ (cf. H.: eihedc¢: 1) tod Onpiov Katadvorg kal otpdqgos ‘lair of a wild
animal, cord’), from eiA€éw ‘to roll, wind’, explains meanings 1. and 2. Also, the ‘den’
can be combined with ‘winding’; however, note that eiAvdc (A. R.), like synonymous
eiAvOuLd<, is based on eiAtw ‘to envelop, cover’.
eidéw 1 [v.] ‘to press together, draw together, fence in’ (Hom.). <IE *uel- ‘press
together’>
eVAR Epic Delph. also etAouci in eiddpevoc, eikéoBw(v), Dor. El. FnAgw, Att.
sometimes tAAw, eiAAw (cf. below), aor. Aca, Acai (Ep.), med.-pass. dAtpevat,
aAfjvat, adeic, perf. med. geApau, -uévocg (Ep.), perfect preterite édAel? (Pi, see
below); thence the new forms eiAfjout, eiAjow, efAnpat, eiAnOnv (on. Hell.).
eCOMP With prefix am(o-), e.g. dmo-FnAéw (EL.); 2&-, e.g. éy-FrAnBiwvtt (Her.) = &-
elAnB@ot; Kat(a)-, eg. Kata-feduévoc (Cret.); also mpoo- (mpoti-), ovv-ethéa,
-(e)iAXa, etc. with various shades of mg.
*DER Most of the derivatives have become formally and semantically independent:
Parc, Paoddic, »eEovAr, mtAn (elAn), »ovAaudc. Further: BrAna-: KwAvpA,
ppaypa év ota ‘impediment, defense in a river’ (H.), ie. FAnua; Mess. Anna,
384 eihéw 2
Kat-, ovv-eidnotc ‘pushing together, what is pressed’ or ‘what is drawn together’
(Epicur. or Ael.), eiAnBttdc (ei5- cod.) ovotpogn, puyr ‘mass [of people], flight’ (H.).
From (f)iAAw probably fikouocg [gen.] ‘adversity’ (Pamph. IV*); unclear iAddc
‘pressed together (?) (S. Fr. 70, E. Fr. 837), cf. on » eihéw 2; lengthened iAAiCe, see
ibid. See also > eihap.
eETYM A nasal present *feA-véw can be posited on the basis of eihéw, FnAEw, and also
on account of citehAetv (?, cod. -etv) amoxAsiev ‘shut out (Aeol.Y (H.). This *FfeA-
véw may be a variant of eikw < *fék-vw (Schwyzer: 720, see also 693, and Chantraine
1942: 130). Moreover, there is reduplicated iAAw < *fi-FA-w (mostly from > eidéw 2,
like iAAGptevog A. R. 2, 27). For eiAw, a prothetic vowel used to be assumed (so *é-
FéA-vw or é-FéA-1w), but this is no longer possible. It is probable that there was
simply (graphical) influence by eidéw. Originally, the non-presentic forms were
primary, as is to be expected: aor. (F)éA-oat, perf. *(F)é-(F)oAa in édAe ‘(Cop)pressed’
(Pi. P. 4, 233; a conj. by Boeckh)?, middle with secondary full grade (F)é-(F)eA-pLat,
intrans. aor. with zero grade (F)aAi-vat; these forms were replaced by the
innovations eiAfjoat, etc. Within Greek, it is not always possible to distinguish eiAéw
‘press (together)’ from eidéw ‘wind’. On the whole group of words, see Solmsen 1901:
224ff., 285ff. Many IE words contain an element *uel-, but there is no obvious
counterpart to eikéw 1. For example, Balto-Slavic formations like Lith. veliu, vélti
(Ru. valjat’ ‘to felt, full’, Ru. vdlom [ins.] ‘in mass’ (from a noun *valo), Lith. su-val yti
‘to collect (grain), reap (together)’ require a set root, for which there is no evidence
in Greek. LIV’ sv. 1. yel- ‘einschliefsen, verhiillen’ remarks that “Eine detaillierte
Untersuchung aller *yvel-Wurzeln ware hilfreich”. They connect Skt. var- [2] ‘to
cover, enclose, ward off, but Lubotsky 2000a pleaded against this connection
because the Indo-Aryan evidence points to an initial laryngeal.
eiAéw 2 [v.] ‘to roll, turn, wind, revolve’ (mostly Hell.). <1£ *uel- ‘turn, wind, revolve’>
eVAR iAAw, eiAAw (Att; see below). The non-presentic forms, most of which are
compounds, are based on the presents: eiAfjoal, eiAjjow, eiAnka, etc; from TAAw only
iAAdunv (IG 5(2), 472: 11; Megalopolis II-III’).
*COMP Often with prefix, especially év- and mept-ethéw (X., Hell.), -(e)iAAw (Th. 2, 76;
codd. Ar. Ra. 1066), also am-, d1-, 8-, ém-, kat-, map-etkéw (Hell.), €&-, cat-idrw (X.,
Hp.).
*DER From eikéw : » eidedc (s.v.; secondarily adapted?); further (év-, é&-, ém-, Kat-,
mept-jetAnolc ‘winding, etc. (Pl.), (év-, mept-)efAnua ‘id’ VJ., Poll), mpoceiAnua
(kepaAfjc¢) ‘turban’ (Creon Hist.); eidetiag kind of reed (Thphr.), eiAntdpiov
‘winding, roll’ (Aét.), eiAnddv [adv.] ‘in windings’ (AP). From iAAw: » idddc
‘squinting’ with many derivations; idAdc [f.] ‘snare, rope’ (N 572; Chantraine 1933:
351) with iddile Seopevet, ovotpégel, ayeAdCet ‘fetters, presses together, drives
together’ (H.). (also to > iAAw 1); unclear iAAddacg yovac ++ayehelac Kal cvoTpOPac
‘herds; dense masses’ (H.: S. Fr. 70 and E. Fr. 837); probably to » eidéw 1. Here also
belong several nouns that have become independent from the verb: see Ȏuk,
p dAtLoc, m obAOG 2; further perhaps > ddivdéw, >» EAdvn, » eiALyyog; finally the u-
enlargement »eiAbw with many derivatives. Not here »éAtuc, » evAnpa, »Ad@pLA,
> evAr, P aidAOc.
eiALyyoc 385
eETYM As in » eikéw 1 and (é)iAw ‘press’, a-nasal present is also continued in eihéw
‘roll, turn’ < *feA-véw; a reduplicated formation *fi-FA-w is found in iAdw. The
formal coalescence often led to semantic interference as well; for example,
iAAdptevoc, in A. R. 2, 27 A€wv ... iAAdpLEvdc mep OLiAw, must have been identical with
the ptc. in 1, 129 Seopoic iAAdjtevos, even if it originally did not mean ‘surrounded’,
but ‘pressed’. In the other branches, there are many words that go back to the
unstable notion ‘turn, wind, revolve’, etc: e.g. Olr. fillim ‘to turn, bend’ (see
Matasovi¢ 2008 s.v. *wel-n-o-). A special group are the u-enlargements; see » cihtw
and LIV? sv. 2. *wel- ‘drehen, rollen’. Further, cf. Arm. gelum, aor. 3sg. egel ‘turn’ <
*uel-.
eiAn 1 >in.
eiAn 2 [f.] ‘warmth, heat of the sun’ (Ar. Ve. 772 [v.l. €An], Luc.). <IE *suel(H)- ‘burn,
singe’>
eVAR Also ein, édn; BéAG (=féAa): HAtog, Kai adyn, b1O Aakwvwv ‘the sun; sunlight
(Lacon.) (H, likewise to €\a); unclear is the appurtenance of yéAav (=féAav?)-
abyry nAiov ‘light of the sun’, because of yeAeiv: Adimtetv, avOetv ‘to shine, to bloom’
(H.), perhaps rather to » yehaw, » yaArvn; but yeAodutia- nAtodvoia ‘sunsets’ (H.)
belongs to FéAa.
*COMP As a first member in eiAn-Oepric ‘warmed by the sun’ (Hp., Gal.), éhaQepéc:
TAtoBadméc ‘warmed by the sun’ (H.), rather to 9épouci then to Bgpoc (see Schwyzer:
513); from there eiAnBepéw, -€ojtci ‘warm (oneself) in the sun’ (Hp.); » eiAtkpivijc,
> ciAdmedov. As a second member in mpdc-ethog ‘exposed to the heat of the sun,
sunny’ (A.), ev-ethog ‘id.’ (Ar.), G-etXog ‘sunless’ (A. Fr. 334).
*DER eiAriov: év NAiw Gepuavév ‘heated in the sun’ (H, false explanation of TAnjiov
® 558 ?); denominative verb eikéw ‘warm in the sun’ (Eust.), pass. aor. ptc.
eiAnPévtec; also éhatar MAtodta ‘is exposed to the sun’, fut. BeA[A]aoeta
TAtwOrjoetat (H.).
*ETYM From PGr. *hréda, whence FéAG, £4, beside which a form with a prothetic
vowel used to be assumed (*é-FhéA@ > etn, efAn), which however is impossible.
These belong as a verbal noun to a verb ‘to singe (intr.), burn without flame’, which
still exists in Gm. and Balt. e.g. OE swelan, MoHG schwelen (with full grade), Lith.
svilti (with zero grade of a root *suelH-), with many derivatives. The Greek forms
exhibit eiA- beside éA-. There is no explanation for this, as a by-form *hwel- from a
root *suel- is hardly possible. Unless there is an unknown phonetic development, the
problem cannot be solved. Could there have been an analogical spread of eiA-? From
Greek, » d\éa 1 (dA-) ‘heat of the sun’ can also be connected. OHG swelzan ‘to burn’,
OE sweltan ‘to die’, and ON svelta ‘to starve, die’ belong to an independent root IE
*sueld- (also Arm. k‘aic‘).Cf. also » f{Atoc ‘sun’ and » éAdvn ‘torch’.
eiAtyyos [m.] ‘dizziness’, often plur. (Hp., Pl.), ‘whirl(pooly (Peripl. M. Rubr., A. R.).
<2>
eVAR eiAtyé, -yyoc [m.] (D. S,, etc.); also T1-, A-.
*DER Denominative verb eiAtyy-taw (iA-) ‘get dizzy (Ar.); with eidtyywdne¢ ‘dizzy’
(gloss.). :
386 elAiKptvtys
*ETYM Form in -tyy(o)- (Schwyzer: 498, Chantraine 1933: 398ff.), either directly from
> cidéw 2 ‘to turn, wind’ or via an unknown noun. Initial ei- was taken from the
present (cf. » eiAéw 2); it is superfluous to assume a prothetic é-. On iA- for eid-, cf.
> An. ToB wai walau ‘vertigo’ (cited by Frisk s.v.) is a mistake for waipalau, from
wip- ‘shake’. On account of the suffix, one could separate the word from eidéw as
Pre-Greek.
eiduxptvijs [adj.] ‘pure, absolute, genuine’ (Hp., Att.). <?>
eVAR Also el-.
*DER eidtkpiveta ‘purity’, eiAuxptvéw ‘purify’ (Hell.), eiAucptvdtng¢ (gloss.).’
*ETYM Expressive word without a convincing etymology. It is mostly taken as a
compound of kpivw and ein (with compositional -t? Schwyzer: 447f.), in which case
it would properly mean “distinguished in/by the sun” (Frisk); one should then take
efAn not as ‘heat of the sun’, but as ‘sunlight’. However, such a meaning is only
known for Dor. féAa and cannot be old. This makes the proposal highly improbable.
Connection with eihéw (1 or 2) seems to make no sense either. DELG sv. offers a
difficult hypothesis.
eiAioves >déAL0L.
eiAimoug [adj.] mg. uncertain, in Hom. only dat. and acc.pl. -16decotv, -modac of Bdec;
later (Anacr., Eup.) also of other nouns. <?>
eVAR eidtntddnc (Nonn.); on the formation see Schwyzer: 451.
eETYM Because the meaning is unclear, the proposed etymologies are uncertain, as
well. As depoinodes inmot (2 532) ‘foot-lifting horses’ suggests a contrastive use as
‘dragging the feet’, Osthoff BB 22 (1897): 255ff. assumed that the first member
contained an element related to Lith. sel, seléti ‘drag’, Skt. tsdrati ‘to sneak, steal’;
thus, eiAitiovc would mean ‘with sneaking feet’. This interpretation, however, is not
as convincing as the inner-Greek connections. There seems to be no trace of
digamma (Chantraine 1942: 132); however, see Shipp 1967: 60 (who suggests that it is
a late formation without an old tradition). One might think of ‘pressing the feet’
(from ei\éw ‘press’) as ‘turning the feet’ (from eiAéw ‘to turn’; thus also H.: da to
éhicoetv tovc méddacg Kata THv mopeiav ‘because of their turning the feet in their
mode of walking’). ei- can be metrical or taken from the present. On the ~ in
compounds, see Schwyzer: 447f. and Knecht 1946: 31. The unclear gloss dveAXimtouc:
6 TOI TOO! [1] GA<A>dLLEVOG, Ttot xwAdc ‘not leaping with his feet, limping’ (H.)
does not help. See also » eidttevijc.
eidttevijs [adj.] said of dypwotic (i.e. “dog’s tooth grass’), mg. unknown (Theoc. 13,
42). <?>
*ETYM Poetic formation, modelled after eidt-xptvijc, -mtovc; the second member is
probably related to > teivw (cf. dtevijc), while the first member has been connected
with eikéw ‘turn, wind’ (Frisk), but “die sich windend ausdehnende’” is just a guess.
Differently, Osthoff; see > eiAimtouc.
eidbw 387
eiAdreSov. [n.] in 7 123 dAwn ... ‘vineyard’ / tij¢ Etepov pév O’ eihdrtedov ... / TEpoETat
TeAiw “dry up in the sun’, read by Doederlein (details in Bechtel 1914, Leumann 1950:
44), for traditional Oethomtedov. <?>
*ETYM Analyzed in antiquity as ‘sunny spot’, with eiAn ‘heat of the sun’ as a first
member. The reading OetAdnedov (thought to be false; see Frisk) was already
accepted in antiquity (AP, Dsc.); thence OetAonedetw ‘to wither in the sun’ (Dsc.).
See also Ure Class. Quart. 49 (1955): 227. Nonetheless, an inscription in Mylasa has
OetAome[, which rather suggests that Oetkdnedov was the correct reading after all; see
Dubois RPh. 71 (1997): 162. See » ein.
eiAvordop.at [v.] ‘to sneak like a snake or a worm’ (Hp, PI.). <GR>
eVAR Also id-.
*DER eiAvortaoic and -onaoctikdc (Arist.).
eETYM Expressive verbal dvandva-compound from eiAvopiot and ondoptat (Schwyzer:
645).
eidde@aw [v.] ‘to roll, whirl about’ (I1.). <?>
eVAR Only ptc. -pdéwv, -powvtec (A 156, Hes. Th. 692, trans.; Nonn. D. 30, 81 intr.),
-beatw only present (Y 492 trans.; Hes. Sc. 275 intr.).
*ETYM Iterative-intensive formation in -dw with lengthening to -4¢w (Schwyzer: 734,
Chantraine 1942: 337), from eiAbw, though unclear in detail (eiAtw : *eiAUmTw :
eiAveaw like &ntw : dpaw?). Schwyzer 1937: 667 incorrectly believes that it consists of
eihbw and dpdu; neither did it arise via an intermediate noun in -goc, -@n (Solmsen
1901: 235, Bechtel 1914). The varying length of the -v- is metrically conditioned
(Chantraine 1942: 360).
eiAbw [v.] ‘to wrap around, envelop, cover’ (Il.). IE *uel-u- ‘envelop, cover’>
eVAR (Arat. 432; kataeiAvov Y 135 v.l. for -vuov, -vucav), perf. med. efhdtcu, fut. cad
dé ... / ciAbow ® 319, aor. kat-ellvoavte (A. R. 3, 206); eihvojtau ‘to wind itself and
curl, crawl forward’ (S. Ph. 291 and 702), ‘to swarm’ (Com.), aor. pass. édvoOn
‘rolled’, €Avo@eic ‘ducking’ (Il; Theoc. 25, 246 has eidvOeic instead; A. R. 3, 296
eiAv[tevoc).
*COMP Some prefixed compounds: kat-elAtw (Hdt.), dt-etkvo8eioa ‘sneaking
through’ (A. R. 4, 35), &&-etkvoGEevtec (Theoc. 24, 17), ovv-etAtw (EM 333, 42).
*DER From éAv-: €\b-tpov ‘envelope, shell, container’ (IA) with éAvtpdopct (Hp.);
éhdjta ‘plough-beam’ (Hes., secondary length, see below), in H. also = viooa
‘turning point’ kai 16 itiatiov ‘mantle’, cf. eiAvua; EADjtog a Phrygian pipe (S., Com.),
in H. also ‘envelope’; ZAvota: dtmeAoc LéAatva “dark vine’ (H.; -o- like in €hboOn, see
below); deverbative éXvooet eikeita ‘draw oneself up’ (H.). From eidb-: ethdpia
‘envelope’ (¢ 179, etc. cf. EAvpia); eiAvOuUdc “hiding-place, hole’ (Nic.), in H. = €Axoc,
Tpdpog ‘wound, trembling’, to eiAvopat; eidvdc = meidedc sv; eiAvoic ‘sneaking
forward’ (sch. on eidvoptat); eiAvtac, €AADTag name of a cake’ (inscr., H., éAbtH¢
gramm.; see Fraenkel 1910: 171f.); deverbative eiAvooetat- eideitat (H.), cf. éAvooet
above, with eivotiptov (gloss.). From aAv- (zero grade): » dAvotc, » dAdTacs. See
also » méhAUTpov and > yoAuvplov.
388 cithw
*ETYM The gloss yéXoutpov- EAvTpOV, Hyouv Aémupov ‘pod’ (H.) points to PGr. FéAv-
tpov, identical with Skt. varu-tra- [n.] ‘“over-garment’ (gramm.). Theoretically, eihiw
could derive from PGr. *fed-v-b-w and agree with Skt. vrnoti ‘envelop, cover’ < IE
*ul-ne-u-ti, but the Greek word is late and rare, which makes the identification less
probable; even less so, when we consider that the Skt. root contains an initial
laryngeal (see Lubotsky 2000a). Disyllabic FeAv- in (F)eAv-o-8n, etc. (with analogical
-o-; Schwyzer 761) is also found in Arm. gelu-m ‘to turn’ (formation uncertain) and
in Lat. volv6; an iterative formation in Go. walwjan, OE wealwian ‘to revolve’ <
*uolu-eie-. Note (F)éAb-ta, with the same secondary long vowel as in Lat. volimen,;
further, Arm. gelumn ‘turning’. In the formation of the Greek system, the perfect
etAdpar < *Fé-FAb-tia (with long vowel; initial f- is uncertain, on which see
Chantraine 1942: 131 and Schwyzer: 649e) played an important role; the late forms
eiAdoat and eiAvoOeic and the many nouns in ei\v- are derived from it. See LIV’ s.v.
1. and 2. yel-.
eidAw >eihéw 1.
eipa >EvvoLu.
eipddsc [pl.?] - moytévwv oikiai ‘houses of shepherds’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM Formation like detpdc, etc; is the word derived from *feitia = Lat. vimen ‘rod,
wickerwork’?
giqu [v.] ‘to go’ (perfective; cf. Schwyzer 1950: 265). <IE *hi- ‘go>
eVAR Only present active; inf. iévau.
eDIAL Myc. i-jo-te /iontes/.
°COMP Very often with prefix: dv-, dm-, di-, elo-, 8E-, etc.
*DER From the simplex: i-Ouata [pl.] ‘step, pace’ (E 778 = h. Ap. 114, of doves), = ‘feet’
(Call. Cer. 58); on the formation Schwyzer: 492”, 523); » icOutdc, also itattdc, > ith<;
cf. oitos, oijtoc. From the compounds: eio-i-Ou1n ‘entry (¢ 264, Opp,; cf. (Quata and
Porzig 1942: 283); 2&-i-tndog ‘perishable’ (1A), acc. to H. itnAov- TO éytovov, kai ovK
etitnAov ‘abiding, not going’ (A. Fr. 42); eio-i-tnpia ‘revenue’ (Delos, Delphi); eio-,
é&-, kat-t-thptog (D.); dt-, ovv-t-tikdg (Arist.). On » dttak-t-tdc, see s.v.; on the
univerbation atapmitéc see » dtpamdc. Iterative itaw in itntéov ‘eundum est’ (Att.)
and énavtakwp = émavedndvOdc (Elis); thence eio-ttntiptia [n.pl.] ‘initiation
sacrifice for an official’ (Att.; also eio-itypia, see above), eic-ttntdc¢ ‘accessible’
(Alciphr.) and itntikdg = itaidc (Arist.). As a verbal noun to eitu, especially to the
compounds, serves 66d¢ (dv-o6d0¢, etc.), Schwyzer 1950: 75, Porzig 1942: 201. See also
> POlTaw.
*ETYM Old athematic root present with exact correspondences in several languages:
ei-u, el (< *ei-hi), el-o1 = Skt. é-mi, é-si, é-ti, Lith. ei-mi, ei-si, ei-ti, Hitt. pai-mi, pai-si,
pai-zi (with preverb pe-, pa-), Lat. i-s, i-t (replacement of 1sg. with e6 < *ei-6), all of
which are from IE *ei-mi, -si, -ti. pl. (ev : Skt. i-mds; ipv. t-O. = Skt. i-hi : Hitt. i-t;
impf. Hom. ijia = Skt. ayam from IE *h,e-h,ei-m. Iterative itaw = Lat. itare, MIr.
ethaim. Further details are in Schwyzer: 674, etc. On the relation between eiju -
épxottat - rAGov and other verbs of going, see Bloch 1940: 22ff.
elpyw 389
eitsi [v.] ‘to be’. <IE *h,es- ‘be’>
VAR Inf. eivat (IA), Dor. ri, inf. jwev, Aeol. &yu, inf. éyev, -at; only present stem
(with future).
*COMP Often with prefix: dm-, év-, €- (éGeot1), ém-, map-, ovv-, etc.
*DER éot-W [f.] (to éoti) = odoia (to @v) ‘substance’ (Archyt. Philos.), an-eotw
‘absence’ (Hdt. 9, 85; ovv-eotw 6, 128 vl. to ovveotin), see Schwyzer: 478 ,
Chantraine 1933: 117; cf. also on eveota; ameotuc Anoywpnotc ‘retreat; voidance’ (H.;
Chantraine 1933: 291). From the ptc. dv, évt-o¢ : oboia (see above) with an-, é-,
Tap-, ovv-ovoia, etc. from am-v, etc; thence e.g. cvvovaiatw with ovvovoiactis,
-AOTIKOG, etc.
*ETYM Old athematic root present with exact correspondences in several languages:
eittt, et (epic and Dor. éoot), goti = Skt. dsmi, dsi, dsti, OLith. esmi, esi, ésti, Hitt. esmi,
essi (eSi), eSzi, Go. im, is, ist, Lat. es(s), est (sum is an innovation), IE *es-mi, *esi (<
*es-si, sometimes restored by analogy), *es-ti; 3pl. with zero grade eioi, Myc. e-e-si
/e*ensi/, Dor. évti (with psilosis after eipti, etc.) = Skt. sdnti, U sent, Go., etc. sind, all
of which are from IE *h,s-enti. Hom. fa [ipfasg.] = Skt. dsam, IE *h,e-h,es-m, Dor.
Aeol. Arc. Cypr. fic [3sg.] = Skt. (Ved.) as, IE *h,e-h,es-t. Further forms are
mentioned in Schwyzer: 676ff.
eivatépes, -épwv [f.pl.] ‘wife of the husband’s brother’ (Il.) <1E *(H)ienh,-ter- ‘wife of
husband’s brother’>
VAR Also sing. évatnp, -Tpl, -tepa (late Anatolian inscr.), voc. eivatep, gen. -Tepoc
(Hdn.).
eETYM Old, disappearing kinship term denoting a member of the extended family
(see Risch Mus. Helv. 1 (1944): 117). Epic eiv- is a metrical lengthening of psilotic év-.
The acc. tavatepa is not Phrygian, but Greek.
The etymon is also seen in Lat. ianitricés (after genetricés, etc; the vocalization -a(n)-
in the root is not quite clear), OLith. jenté, CS jatry (ending after svekry ‘mother-in-
law’), and in Skt. yatar- (with zero grade of the root: *igh,-ter-). Arm. ner (also nér),
gen. niri is difficult to explain; see Kortlandt 2003: 120 and 163 on this word.
eivooigvAAos =évoolc.
gimov [v.aor.] ‘say, speak’ (I1.). <1E *h,e-ue-uk”-om ‘T said’>
VAR Epic éetrov, Ion., etc. also eina, inf. einetv, cima, Cret. reimar.
*COMP Often with prefix, e. g. am(o)-, 8&-, et(a)-, Map-, Mpo-(F)etmetv, -(F eta
eETYM The Skt. aorist d-vocam ‘I spoke’, from *h,e-ue-uk”-om, points to a Greek pre-
form *e-weuk”om, whence by dissimilation *eweik”om > &(F)eimov. On an uncertain
trace of the digamma in an antique edition of Homer, see Kretschmer 1923: 190ff.
Further, see » moc. On the meaning, use and inflexion, see Fournier 1946: 3ff., 9of.,
227ff.
eipyw [v.] ‘to fence in, shut out’ (on the mg. Brunel 1939: 27f., 122). <IE *h,uerg- ‘shut
in, press’ >
*VAR Also elpyw; eipyvup, epic éépyw, éépyvupu, epic Ion. épyw, épyvuju, s-aor.
eipgat (also eip-, ép-, ép-), them. aor. xat-Efopyov (Cypr.), pass. eipxOfjvat (eip-,
390 elpepov
etc.), fut. elpEw (eipEw, Heracl. ag-, ép-épEovtt, ovv-hépEovtt), perf. med. eipypat,
gepyuat (épypat), epic 3pl. Epyata, -ato with artificial extension épyatéwvto & 15
(see Leumann 1950: 179ff.), lengthened pret. eipyaBetv (-a8e1v?; Schwyzer: 703).
¢ComP Often with prefix: am(o)-, ag-, dt-; eio-, ép-, €E-, kat- (ka8-), Ovv-, etc.
*DER eipKtt (ép-), often plur. ‘enclosure, prison, women’s apartments’ (IA); eipyydc
‘prison’ (Pl); (ovv-, KdO-, §-)eipfic ‘shutting in, etc” (Pl) with -eipktixdcg; dg-
epkto¢ ‘shut out’ (A. Ch. 446 [lyr.]).
*ETYM Except for the zero grade thematic aorist Cypr. kat-Efopyov (-€- or -1)-3
Schwyzer 653 B), all forms, including the nouns, go back to a full grade é-(p)épyw,
eipyw; acc. to Sommer 1905: 127f., the aspiration in eipEat, EpEw, eipyw, etc. arose
before voiceless p in épxt-, ép&-(?). Details are included in Solmsen 1901: 221ff. There
are no directly comparable formations in the other languages. Av. varaziign [opt.]
‘they should fence in’ is perhaps cognate; Lith. verZiu, verZti ‘to narrow in, string’ is
not, but rather from *uerg"- (see LIV? s.v. *ueré"-). Further, there are some related
Indo-Iranian nouns: Skt. vrjdna- [n.] ‘enclosure’ = Av. varazana-, varazana-
‘community’, OP vardana- ‘town’; Skt. vrajd- [m.] ‘fence’ (as if from *h,ureg-o-). It is
unclear whether to connect it with an Irish word for ‘wall, etc.’: Olr. fraig, Molr.
fraigh ‘wall of wickerwork, roof, fence’. Within Greek, the word has been compared
with Myc. we-re-ke /wreges/ ‘fences’; see Tichy 1983: 286 with fn. 163. This would
presuppose that the prothetic é- is secondary.
elpepov [acc.] ‘imprisonment, servitude’ (6 529). <?>
*ETYM Etymology uncertain. Frisk Eranos 50 (1952): 6ff. argues against the
connection with Lat. servus, instead suggesting a basis *fepfepov, and connecting the
word with Arm. gerem ‘to take prisoner’. It is probably not related to » ebpioxw ‘to
find’ or » aptw ‘to draw water’, although based on the meaning the word has been
compared with Skt. grdha-, grdhana- ‘taking, emprisonment, scooping’. Other
suggestions are in Bechtel 1914 and Brugmann IF 19 (1906): 382ff.
eipeoia >épétiys.
eipeotwvn [f] ‘an olive or laurel twig adorned with red and white bands and decorated
with fruits’, as a symbol of fertility (Ar.), “a song when carrying this twig around’
(Hom. Epigr., Plu.), ‘wreath (of honour)’ (Hell.). <>
VAR Also eipvoiwvr (Delos I*), folk-etymological reshaping after eipvoyict ‘protect’.
eETYM For the formation, cf. the plant names in -wvn in Chantraine 1933: 207f,
Strémberg 1940: 81 points to iaciwvn, but further comparanda are unknown. The
word is often derived from egipoc, but without much reason. Chantraine thinks of
"Epéotog epithet of Apollo (H.); cf. Myc. We-we-si-je-ja /Werwes-/. Differently,
Schénberger Glotta 29 (1942): 85ff. and Grodelj Ziva Ant. 1 (1951): 122f; cf. Meid IF 62
(1956): 277”.
*gipy [f.] taken as ‘place of speaking or gathering’, acc. to H. = épwrtrjotc, prun,
KAn Sav ‘questioning, speech, omen’, acc. to EM 483, 3 = ékkAnoia ‘assembly’ and
yavteia ‘prophesying’. <?>
VAR Only eipdwv 2 531 (verse-initial), also eipgéacg Hes. Th. 804 (conj. elpatc, eipac).
elpouat 391
*ETYM Traditionally connected with ép@, eipyka (elpw) ‘say’, but with an unclear
base form; is the nom. *eipa < *Fép-1a? See also > eipryvn.
eipiyv [m.] name of the full-grown youths in Sparta, ‘kdpoc téAetoc’ ‘full-grown boy’
(H., IG 5(2), 279, Plu. Lyc. 17, etc; on the mg., etc. Solmsen IF 7 (1897): 37ff.). <>
VAR Also eipryy, ipryy, -11v; gen. -Evoc.
*COMP As a second member in pedA-eipnv ‘a youth becoming eipyv’ (Plu. Lyc. 17)
together with pehAetpeveta (Sparta), tpitipeves [pl.] ‘third-year eipévec’ (Messen.).
*ETYM Uncertain. Acc. to Solmsen IF 7 (1897): 37ff., the word is from *époryv, and
therefore differs from Ion. » pony ‘man, male’ only in accent; the loss of *s with
compensatory lengthening would be due to the oxytone accent (Wackernagel KZ 29
(1888): 127ff.). However, as a strictly Laconian form, one would expect *"prjv, as
Bechtel 1921, 2: 370f. notes. Neither related to » "pt ‘early’, nor to > eipryvn.
eipyvn [f.] ‘peace, time of peace’ (Il.), cf. Triimpy 1950: 183ff., later ‘peace treaty’, in the
LXX also ‘(wish) of blessing’ as a Hebraism (Wackernagel IF 31 (1912/13): 263f.); as a
goddess, daughter of Zeus and Themis (Hes.). < PG?>
*VAR ipdva (Dor., Boeot., Arc., etc.), also iprva (Gort. II*: x[t]prvas [gen.] with
secondary aspiration), ipeiva (Thess.), eipryva (Delph. IV%, Pi., B.), eipava (NWGr.,
etc.), eiprva (Aeol., gramm.), Eipriva, -av1 (PN, Lycia).
ecomP As a first member in eiptyvo-motdc (X.), etc.
*DER eipnvatog ‘peaceful’ (Hdt.), eipryvixdc ‘belonging to peace’ (Att. Hell; after
mtoAeutKdc; Chantraine 1956a: 151);.denominative eiprvebw [v.] ‘keep peace, live in
peace’ (Pl.) with eipryvevoic (Iamb.), eipnvéw ‘id’ (Arist, after moAeuéw). On the
Lacon. PN Fetpava see Kretschmer Glotta 7 (1916): 332, Bechtel 1923: 155.
eETYM The many dialectal forms cannot be combined under one form, but must be
loans with incomplete adaptation (Leumann 1950: 277). The original anlaut is
perhaps, according to the hesitant suggestion of Wackernagel I F 25 (1909): 327, open
ip- in Ionic and elsewhere, which was first rendered in Attic by é-, later by eip-; the
Attic orthography became dominant. The occurrence of -prjvn (also Att.) versus
-pava was explained by Whitney Tucker TAPA 93 (1962): there was an early
dissimilation of *# to *é before *# in one of the following syllables. This prevented
the so-called Attic Riickverwandlung of *ré to pa. No etymology; Pre-Greek origin
is very probable, principally because of the ending (cf. A®@jvn, Muxrvn, etc.); thus
also Chantraine 1933: 206.
eipoptat [v.] ‘to ask’ (IL). <1E *h,r(e)u- ‘ask, inquire’>
eVAR Also épéouat, épéw (epic), subj. (with short vowel) épeiovev, imp. med. épeto
(from *épevo? Chantraine 1942: 297), aor. gpéo8at (Od.), fut. eiproouat (Od., Ion.),
éprjoouat (Att.). See Chantraine 1942: 394.
eDIAL Myc. e-re-u-te-re /ereutéres/.
eCOMP With prefix: av-, dt-, 8&-, é7t-.
*DER Agent noun épevtai Crtrytai, inquirers’, name of the state exactors on Crete
(inscr.); secondary presents » épecivw, > Epevvdaw, » EpwTdw.
*ETYM The verbal noun épev-tai beside épeve: épevva ‘search (Aeol.)’ (H.) and the
subjunctive épeiouev (A 62, from *épéf-o-uev) lead to the reconstruction épé(F)-w,
392 eipoc
athematic *épev-tu. Therefore, eipopiat is derived from zero grade *épf-opai; for the
aorist péoOat, one also supposes *épf-éo8a (with Attic development): both of these
are from IE *h,ru-e-. The shifting accentuation (peo8ai beside épéo8au, but also én-
elpéo0at) shows the uncertainty of the speakers regarding the function of the zero-
grade forms.
There are no direct cognates outside Greek. The form is perhaps seen in ON raun
[f.] ‘attempt, test’, IE *h,rou-neh,-; further, see » pevvaw and > épeeivw.
eipos [n.] ‘wool’ (Od.), also a plant name = yvapadtov ‘cotton weed’ (Ps.-Dsc.; on the
name Str6mberg 1940: 105) and name of a fever (Hp. apud Erot.; because of the
temperature?, cf. Stromberg 1944: 74ff.). <IE *ueru-os- ‘wool’>
*DIAL Myc. we-we-si-je-ja /werwesieiai/ “women who work the wool’, from we-we-si-
jo(-) /werwesios/.
*COMP As a first member e.g. in eipo-mdKo¢ ‘with woollen fleece’, -xduoc ‘preparing
wool’ (both II.). As a second member in ev-etpoc (Hp., AP), Att. et-epoc (with evep-
ia [Pl. Com.]) ‘with beautiful wool’, ém-epog ‘sheep’ (Del. 644, 15, appr. 300%, Aeolic
Asia Minor); on the phonetics Schulze 1933a: 367f., Forster 1950: 41; on the second
member (for *ev- and *ém-eipric) see Sommer 1948: 112; on uncertain evetpac acc. pl.
f. (S. Fr. 751, v. k.) Fraenkel 1910: 130.
*DER eiptov (epic Ion.), Att. Cret. éptov ‘wool’, gpt (Hell. poet) with artificial
abbreviation (Schwyzer: 584°); thence eipiveoc ‘of wool’, Att. etc. £peotc, épetotc (for
-tobc) ‘id.’, with cross épeivodcs (pap. V-VIP); épéa ‘wool’ (Hell; after aiyéa et al.;
Chantraine 1933: 91); on the derivations Schwyzer: 468.
*ETYM Most interesting among the words compared with eipog is Lat. vervéx, -écis
‘wether’, a derivation in k- of ueru- (see De Vaan 2008 s.v.). eipoc ultimately
continues *FépFfoc, a form now proven by Myc. we-we-. See further > dprjv.
eipow > 1épow.
eipw 1 [v.] ‘to string, attach’ (Pi.). IE *ser- ‘string together’>
eVAR Mostly present; aor. eipai, gpoo (IA; cf. Schwyzer: 753), perf. med. ptc.
éeppevoc, eippévoc (Ion., etc.), plpf. Zepto (Hom.), perf. act. dt-eipKa (X.).
*COMP Mostly with prefix, especially ovv-eipw ‘connect’; also with év-, dv-, dt-, &-,
etc. (IA).
*DER pata [pl.] ‘earrings’ (Od.), ‘sling’ (Ael.), also KaQgppiata (Anacr.); Evepotc
(éveipw) ‘insertion, fitting’ (Th. 1, 6), dtepotc ‘sting through’ (Hell.); from the present
eipwtdc ‘connecting’ (Arist; on the spiritus asper see below), ovveippidc (Demetr.
Eloc. 180); with o-grade » dptog ‘chain, collar’, whence opud, oppiaBdc.
*ETYM Beside the full grade yod-present eipw (as a simplex only in Pi. and Arist.),
Latin has a thematic present serd, and Arm. y-erum ‘to tie, link, string together’,
which probably derives from *ser-s- or *ser-nu- (Martirosyan 2010 s.v.). This
etymology presupposes that eipw lost the spiritus asper; this can be understood from
the fact that the simplex is rare in comparison with ovv-eipw, etc. An aspirated efpw
is mentioned by EM 304, 30 (see Solmsen 1901: 292”); the verbal nouns may also have
the old aspiration. Further traces of the verbal root and nouns are found in Italic
(Osc. aserum ‘asserere’), in Celtic (Olr. sern(a)id ‘serit’, a nasal present which
elpwv 393
coincided with sern(a)id ‘sternit’; see Thurneysen 1946: 133), and in OLith. séris
‘thread’; further, ON servi [n.] ‘collar’ < PGm. *sarwija-, which belongs to the old
Gm. word for ‘weapon, equipment’, e.g. Go. sarwa [n.pl.] < PGm. *sarwa-, IE *sor-
uo-. Evepotc and Lat. insertid are due to parallel innovation.
elpw 2 [v.] ‘to say’. <IE *uerh, ‘speak (solemnly)’>
VAR only 1sg. pres. (Od.) and 3sg. eipev as an aorist (B. 16, 20; 74), but eipeto (A
513), -ovto (A 342) rather mean ‘asked’ (cf. Chantraine 1942: 341°), eipetat (Arat.) for
efprtat like sporadic Hell. eipexa for eiprka (to éppéOrv), fut. epic Ion. épéw, Att.
ép@, perf. med. eiprtou (Il; Arg. Ferprpévoc, Cret. Feprpévoc), with fut. pass.
eiprjoojtat (epic Ion. Il.), perfact. efpyka (A. Ar.), aor. pass. ptc. prPeic (Od.),
eipéOryv (Hdt.), rather after etprytat (Lejeune 1972: 1574) than from *éfpé@nv
(Schwyzer: 654); Att. ppryOnv, Hell. innovation éppéOny, fut. prOrcopa (Att.). As
an aorist, eimov is used, as a present, pryti, Aéyw, Hell. also gp@ (Schwyzer: 784*) with
ipf. tpeov (et-) ‘said’ (Hp.).
*COMP Often with prefix: mpo-, mpoo-, kat-, also av-, am-, St-, ém-, ovv-, bm-Epa, etc.
*DER Action nouns: prjotc (IA @ 291), Arc. Fpfjotc ‘pronunciation, speech’ (on the mg.
Chantraine 1933: 283, further Holt 1941: 87f.), often to the prefixed verbs: ava-, an6-,
d.a-, émi-, Katd-, mapd-, mpd-, Mpdo-prjoic (cf. Holt, see index); pia “statement,
word, story’ (Ion. Archil.), as a grammatical term ‘predicate, verb’, also an6-, éni-,
TIpd-, TPdO-prtta; PryTtpa, -n (E 393, X., Dor.), El. Fpdatpa (Schwyzer: 679), Cypr. with
dissimilation fprjta (from where evfpntdcatv) ‘agreement, treaty, law,
pronunciation’ (Chantraine 1933: 333), with prtpevw ‘pronounce’ (Lyc.); on the
suffix -tpa- cf. piytiip, prytwp.
Agent nouns: prytip ‘speaker’ (I 443), prytwp ‘speaker’, especially ‘orator’ in state
affairs (trag., Att.). .
Verbal adj. piytéc ‘agreed, settled’ (D 445) < *urh,-to-; cf. Ammann 1956: 20, ‘what
can be said’ (A, S.), often opposed to d&pprytoc (e.g. Hes. Op. 4), and-, éni-, mpd-
PPl|toc; TMapa-ppijtds ‘convincing’ (Il; to mapa-pnu, -etmetv). Adverb dia-pprdnv
‘expressly’ (h. Merc., etc; Schwyzer 1950: 450), émt-pprydryv ‘open’ (Hell.), pydyv only
A. D., EM (from é1a-pp.).
Note the juridical and official mg. of many of the nouns (cf. the outer-Greek
cognates below); see Porzig 1942: 265f., Fournier 1946: 5ff., 94ff., 224ff.
*ETYM All forms derive from a disyllabic root *uerh,-, including (F)sipw < *uerh,-ie-
by Pinault’s rule (loss of laryngeal in the sequence *CHiV), to which we may
compare the Hitt. yod-present ueriie/a-“ ‘to call, name, order’. Hitt. also has the
particle -wa(r)- that indicates direct speech, properly ‘said (he)’; additionally, Ru.
vrat’, 1sg. vru ‘to lie’ (< *voro, *vorati) has been connected. Among the nouns,
compare Av. uruudta- [n.] ‘pronouncement, order’, from IE *ureh,-to-? See also
> elpwv.
eipwv [m., f.] ‘who suggests not to know what he does’ (Ar., Arist; cf. the description
in Thphr. Char. 1, 1). <?>
*DER eipwvikds ‘like an eipwv’ (Pl; cf. Fournier 1946: 88); denominative eipwvevopat
[v.] ‘simulate’ (Att., Arist.) with eipwveia ‘irony’ (Att., Hell; cf. Biichner Herm. 76
394 gic
(1941): 339ff.), eipwvevpata [pl.] ‘id’ (Max. Tyr.), cipwvevtis = eipwv (Timo) and
eipwvevtikdc (sch.); also eipwvitw ‘id’ (Philostr. VS 7, 1; vl).
*ETYM Substantivizing and individualizing fomation in -wv (Chantraine 1933: 161; see
also Hoffmann MSS 6 (1955): 35ff.) from an unknown basis. Solmsen 1901: 263
connected the word with > eipw ‘say’ as “one who only says sth. (but does not mean
it)’; is it derived from the present? Taken by Prellwitz 1892 as “one who asks”, from
elpopan ‘ask’.
gic [prep., adv.] ‘towards’ (epic IL, IA, Lesb.). <1E *h,en ‘in’>
eVAR Epic Ion. also &¢ < évc (Cret., Arg.); details in Schwyzer 1950: 455f.
eETYM Exists beside év as && beside éx, and was perhaps formed based on this
opposition. Hence efo-w, go-w [adv.] ‘towards’ (Il.), with added -w (cf. dvw sv.
> cava).
cic [num.] ‘one’. <IE *sem- ‘one’>
VAR Dor. 1c; fem. pia, ntr. év, gen. évdc, pac, etc.
eDIAL Myc. e-me dat. /"emei/.
*ETYM The pre-form *éve (still visible in Gort. ev[6] 5- < évc 6-) derives from *éu-c,
IE *sem-s, beside which is a zero grade fem. » ia < *sm-ih,. The gen. év-dc replaced
*éu-dc after *évc, év. An old numeral, found in Lat. sem-per ‘in one stroke, ever’ and
(though unclear in detail) in ToB se(me), A sas [m.], etc; in Gm., it probably occurs
in Go. sin-teins ‘daily’, etc, as well as in Arm. mi ‘one’ (generalized from the
feminine). An ablauting variant is » 6u6c, dudc, » Gua with derivatives; note further
tyyta: eic. TTaqrot H., with a velar suffix as in Lat. singuli.
giokw =éolka.
elooptat 1 =oida.
eioopa 2 =eiSopat.
elooptat 3 [v.fut.] “set oneself in movement, hurry’. <IE *uei(H)- ‘track down’ (?)>
eVAR Aor. (€)eioato.
eCOMP Also with prefix: ém- ‘hasten against’, kata- ‘hasten down’, pet- ‘drive
inbetween’ (Hom.).
*ETYM Originally from (F)ieyou, acc. to Bechtel 1914 s.v., so perhaps the word must be
understood as (F)icopa, &(F)ioato, (F)icato; the loss of the digamma facilitated the
(semantic) connection with eit ‘go’ (Chantraine 1942: 293 and 412). See > ieyat and
LIV? s.v. *weih,- ‘sein Augenmerk richten auf, trachten nach’. :
eloWw eVAR éow. = Eic.
eita [adv.] ‘then, thereupon’. <IE *h,e(i)- dem. pron>
eVAR Ion. Mess. Boeot. eitev; also n-erta, Ion. Dor. é7t-ette(v).
*ETYM From > ei and an adverbial element -ta, -te(v); there are no direct parallels
outside Greek. Cf. Schwyzer: 629.
elite ‘sive - sive, whether - or’, etc. (Il.).<1E *h,e(i)- dem. pron.>
eVAR Dor. aite; often repeated eite - eite.
EKAOTOG 395
*ETYM From Pei (Dor. ai) and enclitic > te < *k”e.
eiw8a [v.] ‘to be used to, use’ (I1.). <1E *sue d'eh, ‘character, custom’>
*VAR éwOa (see Wissmann MSS 6 (1955): 124ff.), Lesb. etw6a, plpf. eiwBetv, Ion.
éwea.
*ETYM Old intransitive perfect of state. The denominative é6i(w (from »&oc)
functions as a transitive present with a complete inflexion (aor. é@icat, etc.); on
supposed intr. *€6w, see » £0wv. H. offers the unclear glosses evé8wxev: elw8ev (from
*€86w?, Bechtel 1921, 1: 88; 369; from *effeO-), €B@KatTi- ciwBaotv; cf. Schwyzer: 775.
The unexplained long vowel in *oé-ocfw8-a, whence eiw8a (with Grassmann’s
dissimilation), etc. is also found in yé-ywv-a ‘I can be heard’, which is old, too. The
long vowel also appears in » 780 beside » £80c. Cognate verbs are unknown, but the
same univerbation of *sue ‘self and *d'eh,- ‘to posit’ is found in nominal formations:
Lat. sodalis ‘member of a fraternity’ and Skt. svadha- [f.] ‘custom, peculiarity, etc.’,
ék 2E.
éxdepyos [adj.] epithet of Apollo (IL), also of Artemis (Ar. Th. 972 [lyr.]). <GR>
*ETYM Interpreted by the ancients as ‘protecting at distance’ or ‘working at distance’
(éxdc and eipyw or épyov), but the word rather means ‘freely working’: i.e., it is a
bahuvrihi compound of *éxa < *féxd, an adverb in -& (oda, etc.) of Péxwv, and
épyov. See Bechtel 1914 s.v., as well as Schwyzer: 439°. Cf. » €xnBdAoc. éxa- appears in
a few PNs, such as‘Exa-undn (Hom.) and"Exa-d1oc¢ (Teos) (but Boeot. Fhexa-dapoc,
together with Thess. rexé-Sap0c¢ and Att. » AxddnpHOos is rather Pre-Greek).
éxdc [adv.] ‘far, far away’, both local and temporal (II.); Bexdc: paxpdv ‘far’ (H.). <IE
*sue-kns ?>
COMP Compar. éxaotépw, superl. xaotatw.
*DER éka-Oev ‘from afar’ (Il; cf. €xd-tepoc), ap-exac far off (Nic.).
eETYM Cf. avdpa-Kac ‘man for man’ (v 14); the word is from the reflexive/anaphoric
pronoun > é, é, so properly ‘on itself? The same distributive suffix also occurs in
Sanskrit, e.g. parva-sds ‘limb by limb’, sata-sds ‘in hundreds, hundred by hundred’
(AV+); cf. Schwyzer: 630 and Klingenschmitt 1975. The word exadi [dat.] (Dura,
Hell.), name of an estate, is unclear; see Cumont RPh. 48 (1922): 104.
éxaotog [pron.] ‘every one’ (Il.). <GR>
VAR FéKaotos (Gort., El, NWGr., Arc.).
*DER Several adverbial derivatives: éxdotote ‘every time’ (IA), éxdotoO ‘in every
place’ (y 8), xaotaxod ‘everywhere’ and several formations with a suffix -x-, further
EKAOTAKIC ‘on every occasion’ (Corc.), etc.
*ETYM The solution of Wackernagel KZ 29 (1888): 144ff. is probably correct (see also
Schwyzer: 630%): viz., that the word is from *éxdc tic ‘every one for himself (cf. gic
Tig ‘unusquisque’). From *éxdac teo > éxdoTov, *EKdc Tw > ExdoTw, the other cases
(like xkaotog, etc.) were formed, along with the superlative in -totoc. When éxaotoc
was analyzed as xa-otos, this led to the creation of éxatepog (IA), Fexatepoc (Gort.,
Delph.) ‘each of both’ (based on dtepoc, mdtEpoc, etc.), with several adverbial
derivatives like éxatépw8ev, -w6, -woe (IA, etc.); note the form éxatep8e(v) ‘on both
396 ‘Exatn
sides’ (Il.), based on tmepOev, EvepOev, etc., for metrically awkward éxatépwOev. See
Schwyzer: 627f., Lejeune 1939: 223f., Mastrelli Stud. ital. fil. class. 27 (1956): 8, and
Lazzeroni Ann. Pisa 2:25 (1956): 136ff.
‘Exaty [f.] popular goddess originating from Anatolia (Hes. Th. 411ff.; h. Cer.), more
specifically from Caria, and identified with Artemis (E. Supp. 676 [lyr.]); cf. Nilsson
1941: 722ff. <PG>
*DER Exataiog ‘belonging to H.’ (S., D.), also ‘Exatrjotog and ‘Exatikéc ‘id.’ (late);
‘Exatatov [n.] effigy of Hecate, which was put up in front of houses or on three-
forked roads (Ar.), ‘Exatrotov ‘id’ (Plu.), Exatrjowa [n.pl.] festival in Cos. Several
Anatolian PNs:‘Exataioc, Exatryvwp, Exatac, etc. (Bechtel 1917b: 150f.).
eETYM Originally an epithet, assumed to have resulted from a cross of » &xatnBdhoc
or » €xnbdAoc. However, I see no reason to assume that it had an initial digamma.
More probably, of Pre-Greek origin.
éxatiPedétyes [adj.] epithet of Apollo (A 75, Hes. Sc. 100, h. Ap. 157; always in gen.
-ETO). <GR>
VAR After this éxatnBedétic (Theol. Ar.).
*ETYM Either from the old full-grade aorist stem *g”elh,- of » BaAXw, or (better) for
older *éxatn-Pedrs, with enlarging -tn¢ as in aiet-yevétne, for *aiet-yevrjs, etc. after
the example of cases like dxaha-ppefé-t1\¢ (> akahappeitijs), veped-iyyepe-Tta, etc.;
cf. Schwyzer: 451f. The synonymous éxatr-BdAoc, Dor. -a- (Il) is a compound with
BadAw. The word éxatnBedétn¢ was already compared with éxn-Bddoc by the
ancients, and interpreted as ‘hitting from afar’ or as ‘with a hundred shots’. Contrary
to the latter sense - which was proposed by Wackernagel IF 45 (1926): 314ff., who
translated ‘hitting hundreds’ — it must be objected that one would rather expect
éxatou- as a first member; cf. the old word éxatdu-Bn. The attractive connection
with éxn-BdAoc suggests that éxatn-Bedétic, -BdAOc are metrically lengthened
“Streckformen”, perhaps adapted to éxatév. The word éxatn-BdAog could be a cross
of &xn-Bddog and the Apollonian epithet “Exatog (IL); compare eg. “It-toc for Igt-
Kpatis, -KAfjc, etc. Acc. to von Wilamowitz 1931: 325, “Ekatoc, Exatn are from an
Anatolian language and adapted by the Greeks to éxatnbddoc, ExnBddoc; however,
éxd-epyos is certainly Greek. See further Schwyzer: 439° and Kretschmer Glotta 18
(1930): 235f.
éxatoupn [f.] name of a large, official festive sacrifice (Il.). <IE a
‘sacrifice of hundred cows’>
*DER ExatopBoua [n.pl.] (Delph., Arg.) with the month name ‘ExatopuBaiwv, -@vocg
(Att., etc.), also "EkatopBevc (Lacon.);‘ExatopiBatoc epithet of Zeus and Apollo (H.,
EM).
*ETYM Collective bahuvrihi of éxatév and the zero grade of Botc, gen. Bo(F)dc, with
a suffix -d- (Schwyzer: 450, Sommer 1948: 76); originally, *éxkatou-Bf-a. A
counterpart is found in Indo-Iranian, e.g. Skt. sata-gu- ‘possessing hundred cows’,
possibly through *Sata-gv-a-, Sata-gv-in- ‘id.’; counterparts with a thematic vowel are
the PNs Ddsa-gv-a-, Ndva-gv-a- ‘having ten (nine) cows’. The word is traditionally
explained as the ‘sacrifice of a hundred cows’; cf. Oettinger 2008b. Differently,
ékexetpia 397
Thieme 1952: 62ff., who translates it as ‘winning a hundred cows’ (scil. daic). On the
form, see Wackernagel IF 45 (1926): 319. After éxatdubn was built the late (Jul.)
XALuBN.
éxatov [num.] ‘hundred’. <1E *dkmtom ‘hundred’>
eVAR Arc. EKOTOV.
*COMP As a first member in many compounds, like éxatdul-medoc¢ ‘measuring one
hundred feet’ (¥ 164; see Sommer 1948: 28ff.); also €xatovta- (after -Kovta-), e.g.
ékatovta-étng ‘one hundred years old’ (Pi.).
*DER éxatootdg ‘the hundredth’ (IA) with éxatoott¢ ‘the hundred’ (X.); éxatooth
[f.] ‘contribution of one percent’ with éxatoot-rptog, -npia, -taioc, -edw (Att.).
eETYM Based on the comparison with Skt. satdm, Av. satam, ToB kante, Lat. centum,
Olr. cét, Go. hund, Lith. sitntas, and OCS soto, we arrive at IE *kmt6m. It is likely,
however, that this had an initial *d- because of the relationship with *dekm, etc. ‘ten’
(see » Séxa), so properly *dkmtém. This *d- was a preglottalized stop (**d-), which
was reflected as e- in Gr. éxaté6v (on Arc. éxotdv, see Schwyzer: 88, 344); see
Kortlandt MSS 42 (1983): 97-104. The aspiration was then taken from év ‘one’ (see
> £BSoLNKoOvTa).
éxei [adv.] (over) there, to there’ (Hdt.). <1E *(h, )e-ke(i)- ‘there’>
eVAR ket (Archil., Herod.), xf) (Sapph.), an old instrumental. From there (2)KetO1,
70 ‘id.’, (€)keiBev ‘from there’, ()keioe ‘to there’.
*ETYM Ending as in mei, mf ‘where?’, tei-de, ti-de ‘here’, etc. (Schwyzer: 549f.) and,
like these, probably an old locative/instrumental. The basis is a deictic particle, IE
*ke, *ki, seen e.g. in Lat. ce-do, hi-c, ci-s and with pronominal function in Hitt. ki
‘this’, Lith. Sis ‘this’, etc. (see also » trhepov); the 3rd person deixis must then be a
Greek innovation (cf. » éxeivoc). The initial é- (cf. &-keivoc, é-xy8éc¢) is an inherited
demonstrative particle, as well: Oskc. e-tanto ‘tanta’, Ru. é-tot ‘this’, Skt. a-sdu ‘that’
(see > obTOc).
éxetvog [dem. pron.] ‘that one (over there), ille’ (Il.), on the use Schwyzer 1950: 208f.
<E *h,eno- ‘that’>
eVAR Also xetvoc (Il.), kijvoc (Aeol., Dor.; Dor. also tijvoc); with added deictic pel.
éxetvoo-t (Att.).
*DER Ekeivwe, -vy; KIjvo-Oev (Alc.), tnv@0e(v) (Dor.) ‘éxeiBev’, material adjective
éxeiv-tvoc ‘from that material’ (Arist.).
*ETYM The formation consists of several demonstrative elements: *é-Ke-evoc (or *é-
ket-evoc, acc. to Ruijgh Lingua 28 (1971): 169); the last element *h,eno- also occurs in
the frozen form » évn ‘the third day’, OCS onz ‘that’, the Hitt. demonstr. pron. asi-,,
uni-, and Lat. enim ‘for’ (De Vaan 2008 s.v.). On é-Ke-, see » ékel.
éxexetpia [f.] ‘truce, festive time’ (Th., Att. inscr., etc.). <GR>
eVAR Dor. éxeynpia.
*DER Hence éxexetpo-@dpoc ‘who transfers an éxeyxetpia, mediator’ (Max. Tyr., Poll.).
Backformation (cf. » BiBAoc) éxéxetpov, -xnpov [n.] ‘travel permit when transferring
398 éxnBdodog
a truce’ (Hell.), also éxeygipiov (Hell.); also év-exéxeipov, -ynpov ‘id’ (Hell.); and
LET-eKEyI]pov ‘period between two festive times’ (Olympia 24°).
*ETYM From éyetv yelpac, with the suffix -ia (cf. Schwyzer: 441; on the dissimilation,
261). Cf. Sommer 1948: 118f.
éxnBdrog [adj.] epithet of Apollo (IL), later also of Artemis (S.), again later of objects.
<1E *uek- ‘wish, want’>
VAR Boeot. rexaBddoc.
eDER éxr]PoAin, -a (E 54 in plur.; Call, Str.) and denominative éxnBodéw (Max. Tyr.).
Also éxnBedétng ‘id. (Orph. Fr. 297, 11; cf. exatnBed€ét19¢).
eETYM Metrical lengthening for *éxa-Bddoc, taken with éxdc in antiquity and
interpreted as ‘shooting/striking from afar’ (thus Belardi Doxa 3 (1950): 203f.). It is
rather from éxwv, as ‘striking at will’ (see » éxdepyoc); éxnBodin means ‘accuracy,
precision’, but was probably already taken as ‘shots from afar’ by the poet of E 54
(Triimpy 1950: 114; see also Porzig 1942: 204 and 210).
%xmAozg [adj.] ‘untroubled, at one’s ease, quietly’. <1E *uek- ‘wish, want’>
eVAR Dor. &kaXoc.
DER Also evxroc, edKGdos (Il.). From it éxnAia: girotijata ‘of friendship’, edkaXia-
fovuxia ‘quietness’, ebkahet: dtpepitel ‘keeps quiet’ (H.).
*ETYM Uncertain. The word is best taken, as per Buttmann 1825:1: 141, as *FéxdAoc (=
yékaAov: fjovyov H.; on the digamma, see Chantraine 1942: 129f.), from *Féxa in
> éxdepyoc, etc. with suffixal -adoc, -1;A0¢ (Chantraine 1933: 241f., Schwyzer: 484).
Thus, it would properly mean “at will”. edknAoc was formed after the numerous
compounds with ev-; » dvoxrAoc was modelled after it. The semantically attractive
connection with Skt. ucyati ‘to find pleasure, be used to’, dkas- [n.] ‘abode,
residence’, etc. would be fine for ebkndog (root *h,euk- ‘get used to’, see LIV’), but
does not explain the form éxndoc.
#xntt [adv] ‘by the will of, for the sake of (Od.). <1£ *uek- ‘wish, want’>
eVAR Also &kGtl.
eCOMP dék17r1 ‘against the will (Hom.).
*ETYM Related to éxa-, éxwv and dékwv, but the formation is unclear. See Leumann
1950: 251ff., who states that it was created after (Oe@v) idtryt for (BeWv) dexdvtwv.
éxnayAog [adj.] ‘terrible, surprising, tremendous’ (II.). <GR>
DER éxmayAéouat ‘be surprised’ (Hdt, trag.).
*ETYM Both éxnayhog and éxnAaydtynta: 2Earordtyta (H.) are usually derived from
*éxmAay-Aoc, related to éxmAay-fvat frighten’ with dissimilatory loss of the first A;
this is quite possible.
éxnodwv [adv.] ‘out of the way, away, far’ (IA). <GR>
*ETYM From ék mod@v with a shift of accent (Schwyzer: 389 and 625). Cf. » gumodwv.
éxtiKkdc [adj.] ‘regarding the é&1c, i.e. the situation, the state of the body, regarding the
state, usual, skillful (Hell.); also name of a continuing (literally “hectical”) fever
(medic, cf. Stromberg 1944: 85f.). <GR>
éx-gAvvddavw 399
DER éxtixevouat ‘suffer from éxtiKdc (Mupetoc) (Alex. Trall.).
*ETYM From é&tc, related to > éyw.
éxtdc [adv] and [prep.] ‘outside, far from’ (II). <1E *heg'-s ‘out’>
eVAR €x00c (Locr., Delph.), [&]k86c¢ (Arg.).
*DER ékto-Ot ‘id.’ (IL), Exto-Bev (Od.), x too-8e(v) (Il.) ‘from outside’, xto-ce ‘(to)
outside’ (€ 277); &x8o-dandc ‘foreign, inimical’ (Pergam. II, after &dA0-dartdc;
associated with éx8o0c, éx8pdc?), €x8d60-dtkoc Sika ‘trial against a foreigner’ (Arc. III’;
cf. Schwyzer 1950: 538); €x8ot ‘outside’ (Epid.; after oixot, etc.), y¥8w = Ew (Delph.).
&KTO-TI]¢, -11to¢ [f.] ‘absence, being far away’ (Gal.).
*ETYM From ék, shaped after év-tdc; éx96c derives from *éxo-t6c. See Schwyzer: 326
and 630 and Lejeune 1939 (see index). Cf. » £& and » éx8poc.
“Extwp, -opos [m.] son of Priamos and Hekabe, the greatest hero of the Trojans (II.).
<IE *seg"- ‘hold’>
*DER Extopeog ‘regarding Hektor’ (Il.), perhaps Aeolic for -ptoc (see e.g. Wathelet
1970: 159ff.). Patronymic'Extopidn¢ = Astyanax (IL).
*ETYM Derived from the root of » yw, and identical with the agent noun éxtwp (see
on r EXw). The root originally meant ‘to overpower, keep in check’, thence ‘to hold’
in Greek.
éxvpoc [m.] ‘father of the husband, father-in-law’ (II.). <1E *suekuro- father-in-law>
*DER ékvpé, -1) ‘mother of the husband, mother-in-law’ (II.). Denominative Boeot.
éxoupevw ‘be father-in-law’ (Corinn.).
eETYM Old kinship term, preserved in many languages: Skt. §vdsura- (assimilated
from *svas-), YAv. x’asura-, Lat. socer, OHG swehur, Lith. sésuras (assimilated from
*se§-), all of which are from IE *suékuro-; the original anlaut can still be seen in the
meter: gike (Fh)éxupé T 172 (cf. Schwyzer: 304 and Chantraine 1942: 146). The
oxytonesis must be a Greek innovation (after éxupd; cf. also nevOepdc). To éxupa
corresponds Arm. skesur (< *kuekura- with assimilation from *suek-), with the a-
stem replacing an older a-stem; cf. Skt. Svasrii-, MoP xusri, Lat. socrus, MW chwegr,
OHG swigar, OCS svekry, and IE *suekruH- [f.]. Another innovation is Go. swaihro
= ON svera (6n-stem), whence the new msc. Go. swaihra. In other languages, as
well, the word for ‘father-in-law’ is sometimes derived from that for ‘mother-in-law’:
thus clearly in Arm. skesr-ayr, lit. ‘husband of the mother-in-law, MW chwegr-wn,
MoHG Schwiegervater from Schwieger(mutter); and probably in OCS svekrs. This
explains the oxytonesis in €xvpdc. The word probably contains the reflexive *sue (cf.
> déX1o1); however, the ending is obscure. On bkepdc, -a4 with vowel metathesis
(Lydia), see Schulze KZ 52 (1924): 152.
éx-@Ajjvat [v.aor.] ‘bubble forward’ (E. Fr. 470). <1E?? *b'leu- flow’>
*ETYM Cf. the opposite dmo-cKAfvat ‘dry up’, related to » okéhAw; further forms are
unknown. The word has been connected with » phéw, » pAbw 1. See also » peAXOc,
PATVbwW s.v. » PATVa~aw and > éx-prvvddavw.
éx-@Avvdavw [v.] ‘to break out, burst up’ (Hp.). =pAbw 1.
400 EKOV
éxov [ptc.] ‘deliberate(ly)’. <1E *uek- ‘wish, want’>
eVAR Cret., Locr. fexwv; fem. éxotdoa (Cyren. IV* éxaooa, Cret. Fexa0<O>a in
yeka0a- Exodoa ‘willing’ H.), ntr. &kdv; opposite déxwv, Att. akwv, déKkovoa, akovoa
(Dor. dékacoa in <dé>Kacoa: dkovoa H.), dékov, dkov ‘involuntary, unwittingly’
(IL.).
eDER éxovouog [adj.] ‘voluntary’ (IA) with éxovoidtne¢ (late), Exovordtopict ‘(be)
sacrifice(d) voluntarily’ with éxovoiaopdg ‘voluntary sacrifice’ (LXX); dexototoc,
axovotog ‘unvoluntary, reluctant, forced’ (IA); éxovt-i, -"v, -nddv ‘voluntarily’
(post-classical), éxovtij¢ [m.] ‘volunteer’ (Epict.), like é8eXovtij¢; Denominative
dexaCdopevoc [ptc.] (Od., h. Cer.), after dvayKatdétievoc (Wackernagel IF 45 (1926):
314”).
eETYM Old participle (cf. Wackernagel 1920-1924(1): 283 and 286), identical with Skt.
us-dnt-, fem. us-at-i (cf. Cyren. &kaooa < *feKx-yt-1a) except for the root vocalism
(on the spiritus asper, see Schwyzer: 227). The Greek full grade must originate from
the lost indicative *Féx-tu = Hitt. wekmi, Skt. vdsmi ‘want, desire’. The origin of éxa-
(*uek-nt-?) is unclear. Cf. » xdepyoc and > éxnt
éXaia [f.] ‘the olive (tree) (Od:), rare éXatog [m.] ‘(wild) olive’ (Pi. Fr. 46, S. Tr. 1197).
<PGP
*VAR Att. also 2haa, Ion. éhain; Cypr. Ehaufov (Kadmos 3, 1965, 148).
DIAL Myc. e-ra-wa, -wo /elaiwa/, /-won/.
eCOMP Many compounds, especially since Hellenistic times. As a first member
éato- does not only refer to €Aatov, but also to éAaia, eg. édatd-putosg ‘planted with
olives’ (A.). As a second member in bahuvrihis like d&v-ehatog ‘without oil (olives)
(Thphr., Str.); in determinative compounds like aypt-éAatog = Gyptog ~Aatog
(Thphr., etc.), xatt-ekaia “Daphne oleoides’ (Nic.), cf. Risch IF 59 (1949): 257,
Strémberg 1940: 110; yAvk-éAatov ‘sweet oil’, bdp-éAatov “water-oil”, ie. ‘oil mixed
with water’ (late).
eDER ZActov [n.] ‘olive oil, oil in general’ (Il); on the pair édaia (-o¢) : €Aatov
(distinguishing the tree from the product), see Wackernagel 1920-1924(2): 17,
Schwyzer 1950: 30. Substantives: éddic [f.], €kddac [acc.pl.] ‘olive trees’ (Att; see
Chantraine 1933: 344), diminutive éAd@dtov (-idtov) “small olive tree’, also (from
€hatov) ‘a little oil’ (Com., pap.); éXatwv, -Wvoc [m.] ‘thicket of olives’ (LXX, pap.),
‘the olive mountain’ (NT, J.), diminutive éXawwvidtov (pap.); édatets ‘id.’ (Chalkis;
see BoShardt 1942: 21f.). Adjective éAativoc, éAdivog ‘of olive wood, belonging to the
olive’ (IL), ‘of olive oil’ (Orph. L. 717); -iveog ‘of olive wood’ (1320 and 394; metrically
convenient contamination of -tvoc and -eoc, Risch 1937: 122, S. Schmid 1950: 38);
éhaixdg “of olive’ (Aristeas, pap.); éAainpdc ‘regarding oil’ (Hp., Pl. pap, see:
Chantraine 1933: 232); €Aaiwdng¢ ‘oily’ (Hp., Arist.); éhaujets ‘belonging to the olive’
(S.; on the formation Schwyzer: 527). Denominative verbs: éAai(w ‘to cultivate olives’
with éAatoti\p, -t1¢ ‘collector of olives’ (Poll.) and éatotrptov ‘olive press’ (Mylasa);.
éhatdottat ‘to be oiled’ (Arist.) with éXaiwotc (Zos. Alch.).
eETYM Lat. oliva, which was borrowed from Greek, proves a basic form *é\aifa, with
é\atfov (which is now found in Cypriot) corresponding to Lat. oleum. All other
élavbvw 401
European: forms derive from Latin (see WH 2, 205f.). The word is no doubt Pre-
Greek. Arm. ewt ‘oil’ may derive from the same source.
éXaiayvoc [m.] name of a shrub, Salix Capra (Thphr. HP 4, 10, 1; 2; Boeot.). <GR>
VAR Also éAé- (H.).
eETYM Perhaps a determinative compound from »éAaia and »dyvoc; cf. Bechtel
1921, 1: 305 and Stromberg 1937: 72.
éavn [f.] ‘torch from reed, reed bundle’ (Hell.). < PG(S,v)>
DER Also éA€vn- Aaya, Seth ‘torch, reed’ (H.), also a twisted basket containing the
sacred utensils for a festival of Artemis Brauronia, the so-called EAevngdpia (Poll.);
to this Ehévioc: dyyetov xwpovv tétapTov ‘vessel containing a quarter’ (H.).
eETYM The plant name éAéwov is uncertain; see »'Ehévn. For the instrument suffix
-dvn; cf. okamdavn, tAektavn, etc. (Chantraine 1933: 199). Since -évn is very rare (only
in wAévn and Aeol. gepeva), assimilation from éh\dvn was assumed (Schwyzer: 255f.).
Because of the meaning ‘reed-bundle, twisted basket’, hdvn, -évn is usually related
to > eikéw ‘turn, wind’, which can also account for the meaning ‘torch’ (cf. detai
‘ayimddec, Spdypata’). Nevertheless, this etymology must be wrong, as éAdvn is
most probably a Pre-Gregk word (suffix -av-, variation a/e, meaning).
€Aavog [m.] - ixtivog ‘kite’ (H.). <PG?>
eETYM Unknown. It is hardly related to £Aavvw, thus probably Pre-Greek.
édapyet [v.] - ZAaBev, Emdp<O>noev, kaOeirev ‘took, destroyed, reduced’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Acc. to von Blumenthal 1930: 35, the word is a denominative of *hapydc = Lat.
largus (?). Unknown.
éaoac [m.] “chaser”, name of an unknown bird (Ar. Av. 886). <PG?>
eVAR Accus. -a.
eETYM Acc. to W. Petersen Class. Phil. 32 (1937): 129, the word is a formation in -a¢
from éAdoal, just as Tpecdc, xeodc; it is hardly from *é\a-cocg (Solmsen 1909: 245,
Fraenkel 1912: 15f., Schwyzer: 461). Possibly Pre-Greek. DELG thinks that the word
was coined by Aristophanes. See > éAéa.
éhatn 1 [f.] ‘pine, fir’, metonymical ‘rudder, ship’, etc. (IL). <?>
DER éAdttvdc (metrical lengthening eiA-) ‘made of fir’ (Il), €katnic [adj., f.] ‘like fir’
(Nic. on the formation Chantraine 1933: 345f.).
eETYM No certain etymology. If we reconstruct *h,Jyteh,, éhatn might be connected
| with OHG linta ‘linden’, Lith. lenta ‘board, plank’, Lat. lentus ‘pliant, flexible’, etc.
; (cf. De Vaan 2008: 335).
éatn 2 [f.] ‘the fruit enclosed by the spathe of the palm’ (Dsc. 1, 109, 5). <?>
eETYM Etymology unknown. See DELG, Supp.
éAativn ‘cankerwort, Linaria spuria’ (Dsc. 4, 40). <?>
eETYM Etymology unknown.
é\abvw [v.] ‘to drive, push, forge (metal)’, intr. ‘to drive, ride’ (on the mg. in the Epic
see Triimpy 1950: 95f., 115f:). <IE *h,elh,- ‘drive, move’>
402 Ehapoc
eVAR Also éXdw in éAdav [inf.], €kawv [ptc.]; impf. Z\wv (Hom.), ipv. ga (Pi.),
éhatw, -dvtw, -4o0w (Dor. inscr.), etc. (further Schwyzer: 681f.); aor. éhdo(o)al,
-aoBa, fut. 2Adw, perf. med. éAnAaytat (I.), -aopiat (Hp., etc.), act. ekfAaka (Hdt.),
aor. pass. éha(o)Ofvat (Hdt.).
eCOMP Often with prefix: am-, 5t-, eio-, &&-, ém-, MEpt-, 11p00-, etc.
*DER Action nouns: éAaotc ‘march (of an army), ride, expulsion, etc.’ (IA), often to
the prefixed verbs: dt-, é&-, ém-, mept-€daotc, etc; rare éhacia ‘ride, march’ (X.) with
an-, @-, én-edacia (Hell.), after Bo-ndacia, etc. (from Bo-ndkatéw, -dty¢), cf.
Schwyzer: 468f., Chantraine 1933: 83f. €\aoua ‘chased metal, tin, (medic.) probe’
(Ph. Bel., Gal.) with éAaopdtiov (Delos II*, Dsc.); éAaopidg = EAaopta, EdXaotc
(Aristeas); Zhatpov ‘flat cake’ (Milete V*), cf. éhathp. Agent nouns: éAatip ‘driver’
(IL) with édatiptoc ‘driving off (A. Ch. 968 [lyr.]), normally ‘carrying away,
purging’, ntr. ‘purgative (Hp; see Andre Les ét. class. 24, 41); éhatip ‘flat cake’
(Com.); katy ‘driver’ (E. Fr. 773, 28 [lyr.]) from Bonddtne (with Bondatéw, -oia,
see above), inmnAdtng, Fraenkel 1912: 31f.; EAdotwp ‘id.’ (App. Anth. 3, 175); €haotis
‘id’ (EM); édatpetc: 6 tpitnv mUpwot éxwv Tod otdipov mapa Toic pLetadAEbotv
‘thrice-forged iron’ (H.); see Bofhardt 1942: 82f,; also as a PN (0 111); see BofShardt
1942: 120. Verbal adjective: é\atdc ‘malleable, beaten’ (Arist.), €&-Aatoc ‘beaten’ (M
295; several compounds like imm-fAatoc, Oe-yAatocg (IA); éAaotdc ‘id.’ (pap.).
Desiderative éhaceiw (Luc.), iterative pret. EAdoaockev (B 199). Cf. also » Aacdic and
’» EAdotepoc.
*ETYM The verbal root is éha- < *h,elh,-; €\abvw derives from a verbal noun *é\a-
Fap, éAa-vv-oc¢ (related to éAd-w like *dXe-fap, ad€-(F)ata to mdA€w; s.v.). A
secondary formation is haotpéw (see >’ EAdotepoc). There are no certain cognates;
connection with Arm. elanim ‘to become’ is improbable, whereas Arm. elanem ‘to go
out, go up’ belongs to the verbs in -anem = Gr. -dvw. The Celtic na-present Olt. ad-
ellaim ‘to go to, visit’ could belong to » miAvaytct. Other Celtic forms point to *(p)el-.
ZXagoc [m., f.] “deer, deer cow’ (II.). <1E *h,el-en- ‘deer>
*COMP Note éAagn-Bddog (with rhythmically preferable -n- for -o-, Schwyzer 438f.)
‘killing deer’ (2 319, etc.) with éAagpnBodia ‘deer hunt’ (S.), EAapnPdrta (sc. gpd)
[n.pl.] name of a festival for Artemis (Phocis), whence the month name
‘Edagnpodtmv (treaty in Th. 4, 118). As a second member in determinative
compounds like tpay-éAagog “buck deer’ (Ar. Pl; cf. Risch IF 59 (1949): 56), also
inm-, Ov-, Tavp-EAa@os (Arist.).
*DER Diminutive éhdaguov (Ar. Th. 1172), édagivnc ‘young deer, deer calf (Aq., H;
see Chantraine 1933: 203); éAagi “deerskin’ (Poll.); édagiat- of tTHv éhaqguv
dotpayadot ‘the neck vertebrae of the deer’ (H.); éAagic name of a water bird
(Dionys. Av. 2, 11); see Thompson 1895 s.v.; éhagetos ‘of a deer’ (X., Arist.); Ehapetov —
and éhagikdév as plant names (Ps.-Dsc.), see Strémberg 1940: 118, Stromberg 1944: 50.
On Elaphe as a name of a kind of snake and on MoGr. dialectal forms hagiatng, etc,
see Georgacas 1956: 11of., 124f.
*ETYM The by-form éA\dc “‘deer-calf (1 228, Ant. Lib. 28, 3), which (with Aeolic
development?) may stand for *éA-voc (Lejeune 1972: 153, Schwyzer: 284), can be
connected with a widespread name for ‘deer’: Arm. etn, gen. etin, Lith. élnis, OCS
]
}
|
eAaw 403
jelenv, MW elain, the Gaulish month name Elembiu (:'EXapnfodtwv?), ToA yal, ToB
yal ‘gazelle’. Note also évehoc: veBpdc (H.) (if metathesized from *elen-); the n-stem
is probably also in kagog < *h,elu-b'o- (cf. Skt. vfsan- : vrsa-b'd- and see Schwyzer:
495 and Chantraine 1933: 263).
éXappdc [adj.] ‘light, nimble, quick, small (Il.). <IE *h,leng’"-ro- ‘light (of weight,
movement)’>
eCOMP As a first member in éAagpo-toxia ‘low rate of interest’ (Pergamon II*).
*DER éAagportng ‘lightness, speed’ (Pl., Plu.); éhagpia ‘lightness’ (NT); "EAd@ptoc
(uv) month name (Cnidos); denominative verbs: éXagpitw ‘enlighten, lessen’, intr.
‘be quick’ (Archil, E.); éAappbvw ‘enlighten’ (late; after Bapbvw; Debrunner IF 21
(1907): 84); €kagpodtat H. as an explanation of dAeybvetau.
*ETYM Identical with a Gm. word: OHG lungar, OS lungor ‘quick’, OE lungre [adv.]
‘quickly, soon’ < IE *h,ng”'-ro-. The root is also found in Skt. rdrahdna- < *hyle-
hlng*"- (Garcia Ramon Sprache 34 (1988-90): 30); see further » éhaxvc. Krahe 1955:
94 connects the Illyrian HN Lambros (Upper Italy) = éA\appéc.
éhaxtc [adj.] ‘small’ (Call. Hec. 3 K.). <1 *hilng’*-u- ‘light, quick’>
eVAR éhaxeta h.Ap. 197 (on the accent Wackernagel Gott. Nachr. 1914: usf.,
Schwyzer: 379; 1 116, K 509 as a v.l. to Adyeta; cf. Leumann 1950: 54), €Aaxb (AP); msc.
also éXaxoc (Call., see Leumann 1950: 54).
eCOMP As a first member in éAayv-ntépvk, [éa]yb-vwtos (Pi.).
*DER Grades of comparison: é\aoowv, -ttwv [compar.] (Il.), éAdytotoc [superl.]
(IA). From éA\doowv, -ttwv (Schwyzer: 731f.): denominative éhaoodopta, -TTSOLLAL
‘to become smaller, be inferior, be damaged’ (IA), -6w ‘to diminish, damage’ (Lys.,
Isoc.) with éhattwotc ‘diminution, disadvantage, want, loss’ (Antipho Soph., Pl. Def.,
Arist.) and éhattwttkdeg ‘not insisting on his rights, diminishing’ (Arist.), 2Adcowpta,
-ttwpia ‘id.’ (D.). From éXacoov-, -ttov- : £kattov-axtc ‘less often’ (PL, Arist., after
MAEov-akic), ékattov-dt1¢ ‘be inferior’ (Iamb.; beside p1ettov-dtn<s); EAacoov-éw,
-ttovéw ‘have or give less, to be defective’ (LXX, pap.), éAattov-é6w ‘diminish’
(LXX). From éAdytotoc: éXaxtot-cktc ‘very rarely’ (Hp.), éAaxtot-taiocg ‘of smallest
size, infinitesimal’ (Diog. Oen. 2).
*ETYM Old adjective, identical with Skt. laghu-, raghti- ‘quick, light, small’, YAv.
rauui- [f.] ‘agile, fast, quick’ (< *rayyi-), all of which are from an IE zero grade
*hlng"-u-. The full grade of the root *h,leng”'- is found in Av. ranjiié [compar.], in
Lith. léngvas, in Go. leihts ‘light, easy’ (if it derives from PGm. *linxta- [IE *h,leng’"-
to-]), and in ToB Javk,tse ‘light’. A form without the nasal and with short e is Lat.
levis ‘light, small, quick’; with problematic root vocalism, OCS logo-ke ‘light’; with a-
vowel, Celt. e.g. Olr. laigiu ‘smaller, worse’ [compar.] < PCI. *lag-ids. There is no
uniform explanation for all these forms, although it seems that the nasalless root is
the oldest (cf. De Vaan 2008). We then have to assume that the forms with nasal
were influenced by the old nasal present seen in Skt. rdmhate ‘hastens’, Olr. -ling ‘to
leap’. In Greek, the long vowel in £A\acowv is secondary; see Schwyzer: 538 and Seiler
1950: 436.
éXdw = ELabvw.
404 EASopat
EA Soptat = £€A Sopa.
éhéa [f.] kind of singing bird, perhaps ‘reed warbler, Salicaria arundinacea’ (Arist. HA
616b 13). See Thompson 1895 s.v. <PG?>
eVAR éheta (Call. Fr. 100c 14), éhedic [m.] (Ar. Av. 302; on the formation Schwyzer:
461, Chantraine 1933: 31); also Aatog [m.] (Alex. Mynd. apud Ath. 2, 65b).
*ETYM Formation and origin unclear. Compared with the Italo-Celtic name of the
swan, Lat. olor, Olr. elae, as well as MoSw. al()a, al-fagel ‘Fuligula glacialis’ (Lidén
Arkiv f. nord. Fil. 13 (4897): 30f.). Other European words for ‘swan’ have also been
adduced, such as Ru. lébed@ and OHG albiz, of which the analysis is unclear. If the
latter really contained an element *a/-, one may assume European substrate origin
(acc. to De Vaan 2008 sv. olor). However, the word is probably Pre-Greek (note e/
ev/ al).
éX€aTpos = éAEdv.
éAeyaivetv [v.] = mapagpovetv, doeAyaivetv, akodactaivetv ‘to be beside oneself,
behave licentiously, be licentious’, EM 152, 51; 327, 6. <PG?>
*ETYM Reminiscent of Aéyat, an attribute of yuvaikec (Archil. 179), which was
connected with Adyvocg by Solmsen 1901: 111. The word was subject to folk-
etymological influence by é\eyoq; cf. EM 327, 6: kai TO édeyetov uéTpOV Amd TOUTOV
KAnBijvat tivég vopifovotv ‘the elegiac meter was also named after this, according to
some’, but this is a mere guess. The word is probably Pre-Greek because of the
prothetic vowel (Fur.: 376).
éXeyoc [m.] ‘mourning song (accompanied by flute) (E., Ar.). <PG?>
*COMP Compounds iapB-éXeyog and éXey-iauBoc, names of verses (gramm.); see
Risch IF 59 (1949): 284f.
*DER éAeyetov a verse, ‘distichon’, and a poem following this scheme; poetical
‘inscription’ (Att, etc.) with édeyeto-moidc, -ypdgoc (Arist.); diminutives
éhey(e)idtov and édey(e)Sdpiov (late); adj. éAeyetaxdc (D. H., Ath.); also éAeyeia
(Str., Plu.) and, as an adjective, éheyelov (Siottyov, Ael.); also a fish, éAeytvoc (Arist.
HA 610b 6), named after its sound? See Strémberg 1943: 74.
*ETYM Anatolian (Phrygian?) origin was considered by Hommel RhM 88 (1939): 194.
Incorrectly, Theander Eranos 15 (1915): 98ff. (who believes the word is related to
édeAed, OAOAVCW); cf. Kretschmer Glotta 9 (1918): 228 and Kretschmer Glotta 12
(1923): 220. From éAeyetov was borrowed Lat. édogium (influenced by Adyoc); see
WH s.v. The word is probably Pre-Greek.
éhéyxw [v.] 1. ‘to revile, disgrace’ (Hom.); 2. ‘to cross-examine, bring to proof, accuse,
question’ (Hdt,, Pi., Att.); on the mg. Daux REGr. 55 (1942): 252ff. <1E? *h,leng'-
‘revile’?>
eVAR éd€yEau (IL), fut. ehéyEw, aor. pass. éreyxOfjvar with eAeyyOrjoopau, perf.
édrpAeypal, 3sg. -yKtat (Att.).
*DER To 1. Aeyxoc [n.] (like évetdoc) ‘revile, disgrace’ (Hom., Hes., Pi.), plur. also of
persons, ‘coward’; msc. éheyyéec (A 242, O 239; but see Bechtel 1914 s.v. éAeyxijc;
Frisk 1935: 19f., Sommer 1948: 137); superlative éhéyytotoc (Hom; Seiler 1950: 83f.);
éXe10¢ 405
from éeyyog also éAeyyxeity ‘id’ (IL). To 2. eyxoc [m.] (like Adyoc) ‘proof,
refutation, examination’ (Hdt,, Pi., Att.; édeyEtc ‘id’? (LXX, NT, Philostr.) together
with jocular éAeyEtvoc (D. L.); éAeypdg ‘id’ (LXX, NT); éXeyxthp ‘who proves’
(Antipho; Ionic? See Fraenkel 1912: 52); €AeyKtixdc ‘fit for A€yxetv’ (Att, etc.).
*ETYM The word used to be connected with éXayvc, which is possible semantically
(MoHG schmdahen, ‘disgrace’, OHG smahen ‘make small’, from smahi ‘small’), but
phonetically, the etymology would imply that é\éyyw (for *éAéugw < IE *h,leng’”"-)
has its -y- from éhayvc, tAdoowv (< *éAax-twv), €Aaytotoc. This is not very likely.
Nowadays, it is mostly accepted that Hitt li(n)k-* ‘to swear’ is related (see
Kloekhorst 2008 s.v.), as well as OHG ant-lingen ‘to answer (Tischler).
éAedovn [f.] a kind of octopus (Arist. HA 525a 17), cf. Thompson 1947 s.v. <PG>
eVAR Also é\-. Further deXedwvry 6 wdAXog ix 8v¢ ‘the fish Sciaena umbra’.
*ETYM Formation in -@vn (seen in plant names; cf. yeA@vn, yoyypwvn, etc.); further
unknown. “Ohne Zweifel Mittelmeerwort” (Frisk).
éXetv [v.aor.] ‘to take, seize’, med. ‘to take for oneself, pick out, choose’ (II.). <1E *selh,-
‘take’>
VAR Iterative preterite Ekeokov. SS
*COMP Often with prefix: ag-, dv-, é&-, mpo-, etc. As a first member in éAé-1(T)oAtc
‘conquering cities’, epithet of Helena (A. Ag. 689 [lyr.]); also name of a siege
machine (Ph. Bel.); €\éva<vu>¢ (A. ibid.) with reference to Helena.
*DER €Awp [n.] (only nom.acc.sg. and pl.) ‘plunder, capture, booty’ (II.); also €Awptov
‘id? (Schwyzer: 470‘).
*ETYM As some attestations suggest an initial f- (differently, Solmsen 1901: 251°),
Chantraine 1933: 219, Chantraine 1942: 152 has proposed an alternation *syel-/ sel-
and connection with adioxopat, Lat. velld, but this is impossible since the aor. é4Awv
points to *-h, (see LIV’ s.v. *yelh,-). Beside é\eiv, Gm. has a yod-present in Go.
saljan ‘to offer, sacrifice’, ON selja ‘to render, sell’, OHG sellen ‘to render, give up’,
etc. with the deverbal nouns ON sal(a) ‘rendition, sale’, OHG sala ‘rendering’, etc.
Because of its meaning, this Gm. word is generally considered a causative of éAgiv
(‘nehmen machen”), but this is unnecessary; cf. » aivvpat ‘to take’ next to related
ToA e-, ToB ai- ‘to give’, and also e.g. ON fa (= Go. fahan) ‘to take’ and ‘to give’. The
appurtenance of OCS solati ‘to send’ and Lat. cén-silium ‘counsel’ is possible; see
Derksen 2008 s.v. *sblati and De Vaan 2008 s.v. cénsuld, as well as LIV’ s.v. *selh,-
‘nehmen’. As a suppletive verb of é\giv, Greek has » aipéw. Acc. to Schrijver 1995:
437’, Ol. selb and W helw ‘possession’ are perfect cognates of Gr. éAelv. De Vaan
(ibid.) also mentions Olr. ad-roilli, do-sli ‘to earn’, MW dyrllid ‘to earn’, Co. deleth
‘to be appropriate’, and MBret. dellit ‘to earn’ (< *tu-ari/ro-) < PCI. *-sliie/o- (<<
*s(e)lh,-e/0-).
éXetdg [m.] ‘a kind of dormouse, Myoxus glis’ (Arist. HA 600b 12); also = eidoc¢
igpaxocg ‘kind of hawk (H.) (?). <PG?>
eVAR Also éA-.
' «DER Beside it 6Atoc¢: oxiovpos, éretdc ‘squirrel, é” (H.), together with lower Ital.
oddio, etc. ‘id.’; Rohl fs 1930: Nr. 621.
406 éheXed
eETYM Unknown. Probably Pre-Greek.
éXeled [interj.] cry of pain (A. Pr. 877), battle cry (Ar. Av. 364: éhedeXed), cry in
general (Plu. Thes. 22). <ONOM>
eDER éAkhilw, aor. éAehiEat ‘raise a cry of pain or of war (é\eAeby (Ar, E.); also
éhehvodw (Sapph. 44, 31 LP; v.l. dAoAVGSw).
eETYM Onomatopoeic interjection; cf. dAaAd, -dCw, and dAoAKw. See Schwyzer 716
and Schwyzer 1950: 60o0f.
éiedilw [v.] 1. ‘to shake’, med.-pass. ‘to tremble, be shaken’, 2. ‘to turn round (trans.
and intr.)’ (IL.). <1E *h,leig- ‘tremble’>
eVAR Aor. éhehi€au, pass. éhehtxOFjvau, 3sg.pret. €AéAuKkto, perf. med. éAéArypat (Hell.).
eCOMP As a first member (cf. Schwyzer: 444: 3) in éAe\i-yOwv ‘shaking the earth’ (Pi.
P. 2, 4), ‘earth-shaker’, epithet of Poseidon (Pi. P. 6, 50), of Dionysus (S. Ant. 153);
also in » éhehio@akos, -ov.
*ETYM To be distinguished from é\ehiCw ‘to raise a cry’ (see » éhehed). Two verbs
seem to have merged in the aorist forms éAéAtEa, éAeAixOnv: 1. a reduplicated present
éXeXilw ‘to shake’; 2. an augmented *é-féhtEa from the present (F)eAioow ‘to turn’
(see » €tE). The pret. éhéhucto refers to a snake in A 39 and therefore belongs to 2. as
*Feréhixto ‘twisted itself; the expression €yxoc ... cetdpievov éd€dukto N 558 may
represent the turning or whirling, as well as the shaking movement. It is no longer
possible to distinguish the two. Cf. Chantraine 1942: 132, as well as Bechtel 1914 s.v.
éhehiCw. In the meaning ‘to shake’, éhediEaut, EAeAiCw is connected with Skt. réjate ‘to
tremble, shake’, réjati ‘to make tremble’, Khot. rriys- ‘to tremble’, Go. laikan ‘to
jump’, etc. it presupposes that -i€au, -iGw is part of the root, on which see Risch 1937:
298ff.
Formerly, a reduplicated aorist ¢-Aé-AtE-a was reconstructed, to which the passive
aorist é-Aehix-Onv was formed, but the é- in the present é-he\iw cannot be explained
in this way; the root had an initial laryngeal, *h,leig-. The reduplication may be a
Greek innovation. Note the similarity in the formation of Skt. rejata ksah ‘the earth
quaked’ (RV) with Gr. é\eXi-yOwv.
éhehiogakog [m.] kind of sage, ‘Salvia triloba’ (Thphr.). <GR>
VAR éXeAiog@axov [n.] (Dsc.). On the gender see > Sidonupov.
*DER éAeMogaxitne (oivoc; Dsc., Plin.; Redard 1949: 96).
*ETYM Properly “trembling sage-apple”, related to »éAeAilw, because of the |
trembling fruits (Strémberg 1940: 76). On the apocopated form Aehiogakog (Dsc.)
and MoGr. d\togaxta (after dXc ‘sea’), etc., see Stromberg 1944: 44.
Edeptog EA vpLOG.
‘Exévn [f.] daughter of Zeus and Leda, sister of the Dioskouroi, wife of Menelaos (IL).
<%>
eVAR En€veta: €opti ayopévn b10 Aakwvwv “a festival celebrated by the Laconians’
(H.).
*ETYM Nilsson 1941(1): 315 assumes that Helena is an old Minoan goddess of
vegetation, who was connected with the tree-cult. The plant name é\éwov (Thphr,, |
édeoridac 407
Dsc.) was derived from this use, acc. to Stromberg 1940: 130. Connection with the
appellative é\évn (see » EAGvn) is rather uncertain. See eg. Linsay 1974: 209ff. De
Simone Glotta 56 (1978): 40-42 argues that the form had a F- and goes back to *suel-
(Skt. svarati ‘lights’), with a variant with *s-.
éie6v [n.] ‘table on which the roasted meat was put’ (I 215, § 432 éAeoiotv, Ar. Eq. 152,
169 TOvAE6v). <2>
*COMP éXeo-dUtn¢ ‘cook at the Delian sacrifices’ (Ath. 4, 173a: 5ta TO Toi éAEoic
dbrodveo8at Staxovobvtec év taic Boivatc ‘because they dive under the éAeoi when
serving at the meals’.
*DER éA€atpog ‘seneschal, steward’ (pap. III*), eikéatpoc (Pamphil. in Ath. 4, 171b,
metrically lengthened?), or oxytone -tpdc as in Saitpéc, etc.
*eETYM Technical word without etymology. On the formation, cf. koAgdv, ote\edv,
Oupeds, etc. (Chantraine 1933: 51); on the meaning, Kuiper Glotta 21 (1933): 272ff.
EX€0¢ 1 [m.] ‘compassion, pity’ (I1.); acc. to Schadewaldt Herm. 83 (1955): 131ff. rather
‘pain, lament, commotion’ than ‘compassion’; criticism by Pohlenz Herm. 84 (1956):
4off. <1E? *hJeu- “compassion’?>
eVAR Hell. also ntr., see Schwyzer 1950: 38.
eCOMP As a second member in vnA(e)i\¢, -éc ‘without compassion, mice (il.) <
*q-h,leu-es-; beside it av-nierje ‘id’ (And., Hell.).
*DER é\eov [adv.] ‘pitiful’ (Hes. Op. 205), éA(e)etvdc ‘rousing compassion, plaintive’
(1l.), (after &A(e)yetvoc and the adjectives in -etvéc (Chantraine 1933: 195f.) rather
than from late to é\goc; éAerLwv “compassionate, pitiful’ (e 181, Att, Hell.), from
éheéw (cf. Chantraine 1933: 173), with éAenpioobvn ‘compassion’ (Call.), ‘alms’ (LXX,
NT); with internal shortening éAenjo-moldg ‘giving alms’ (LXX); éAentixdg =
éherpwv (Arist; from éAeéw). Denominative verbs: édeéw, aor. édefjoat ‘show
compassion’ (Il.) with éhentbc = \eoc (& 82, p 451; Porzig 1942: 182; on the semantics
Benveniste 1948: 66); éAeriwv, éAentikdc see above; éAeaipw ‘id.’ (Il; éhénpa A. R. 4,
1308) after €xOaipw etc. (Risch 1937: 286; not from *é\e-Fap as per Benveniste 1935:
112 and Schwyzer: 724); BAeepet- oikteipet. Bowwtol ‘to pity (Boeot.)’ (H.), mistake for
édeaipet?
*ETYM No etymology. Origin as an interjection (cf. » é\ehed, > OAOADTW, etc.) is
possible (see Pok. 306).
éhe6¢ 2 [m.] an owl (Arist. HA 592b 11, see Thompson 1895 s.v.). <?>
*ETYM Unexplained. Onomatopoeic? Cf. e.g. Lat. ulula and » é\eXeb, > OhoAVCW.
ékeonidas [acc.pl.] of micea, perhaps ‘marsh-lands, swamp lands’ (A. R. 1, 1266). <?>
*ETYM The analysis in €\oc ‘swamp’ and a root noun *omtic (*éAe[o]-o7i5-), which
would be cognate with pPomidtoc, »daomdic, and even with »domic, is
morphologically far from convincing. See Bechtel 1914 s.v. domic and Schwyzer: 507.
The connection with the gloss \éomv peydAnv, ddpnAry ‘large, moist’ remains
unclear. Aidvpocg tiv Katadvoptévny eic méAayos TETpav. oi SE TH votepdv ‘In D. a
rock submerged into the sea, others: a wet [rock]’. GAdou 52 o7tida (leg. AEomda?)
Babeiav ‘a deep cavel?]’. oi dé ASypnv “a lair’ (H.). See Taillardat REGr. 73 (1960): 13.
408 &hebv0epoc
Perhaps -716- is the same element as contained in mida& ‘source, geyser’ (Van Beek
p.c.). See » Edo.
é\evBepoc [adj.] ‘free, free man’, opposed to do0d)oc ‘slave’ (Il.). <1E *h,leud"- ‘grow up,
come out’>
*DIAL Myc. e-re-u-te-ro /eleut*eros/.
«COMP Rarely as a first member, e.g. éhevOepd-otopoc ‘with free mouth’ (A.); as a
second member e.g. in am-ehebOepoc ‘freed man’ (Att.), mostly taken as deverbal to
am-ehev8epdw ‘liberate, make into a freed man’ (Pl, Arist.); Schwyzer: 421,
Stromberg 1946: 39f. with litt.
*DER éAevOepia ‘freedom’ (Pi.) with é\ev8epwrtikdc ‘proclaiming freedom’ (Him.);
denominative verbs: é\ev0epdw ‘liberate’ (IA) with éAevOép-wolc, -wya, -wttc
éhevOepeaOeic (Thess., Schwyzer 736 with lit.); ékevOéptoc ‘as a free man’ (IA), also as
an epithet of Zeus (Pi. Hdt., because of the victory on the Persians) with’ EXevOepiwv
month name (Halicarnassus); éhevOepidt¢ ‘open-heartedness, liberality’ (Pl.) and
the denominative éhevOepiaGw ‘speak and act as a free man’ (Pl.); éhevBepiKdc
‘belonging to a free man’ (Pl. Lg. 7o1e beside Seonotixdc; 919e beside the bahuvrihi
av-edebOepoc; cf. Chantraine 1956a: 146). Cret. 2Aov8epog with secondary voalism
(Schwyzer: 194).
*ETYM An adjective in the meaning ‘free’ is also found in Lat. liber, -era; as a
theonym = Venet. Louzera, Pelign. loufir, Osc. (Iviveis) Liivfreis = (Iovis) Liberi; cf.
Falisc. lo ferta = liberta, OLat. loebertat-em = Falisc. loifirtat-o. The starting point was
an old word for ‘people’, which is found in Gm. and BSI: OHG liut ‘people’, liuti
[pl.], OE léod ‘people’, Lith. lidudis ‘lower people’, OCS Ijudije, Ru. ljudi [pl.] “men,
people’, all of which are from IE *h,leud'-o-, -i-; from the same root with different
suffixes are also Burgund. leudis ‘a free man’, OCS ljudino ‘free man’, so that
éhevOepoc, liber (< IE *hleud*-ero-) must originally have meant ‘belonging to the
tribe’, as opposed to subjected peoples. The root is probably the same as that of
> édetoouat; see LIV? sv. *h,leud"- ‘steigen, wachsen’, who assume a development
‘frei’ — ‘rechtsmiindig’ « “erwachsen’ for édebOepoc. A reflex of the initial laryngeal
is also seen in Skt. vi-rtidh- ‘plant’, anii-riidh- ‘growing along’ (Mayrhofer EWAia 2:
467ff.). Of foreign origin, but perhaps reshaped after \evOepoc and with oppositive
accent, is the PIN’EAevepai, whence EAevOepetc as an epithet of Dionysus; cf. on
Ei\eiOvia and’EXevoic. On the semantics, see Benveniste 1969:1: 321ff.
éhevOw —éAevooua.
éAevoonat [v.fut.] ‘come, go’ (epic Ion., trag.). <1E *h,leud"- ‘grow up, come out’>
eVAR Aor. HAvGov, perf. eikAov8a (‘Attic reduplication’ from *h,le-h,loud"-, with ~
metrical lengthening), ptc. é(t\)AnAovOwc (epic), éAnAv8a (post-Hom.), plur. also
édrAvuev, -te (Att. Com.), Cyren. ptc. kat-ehnAevOvia (Fraenkel Glotta 20 (1932):
88f.). Rare trans. (factitive) forms in Doric: ¢hevoiw- oiow ‘T shall carry’ (H.), 3plaor.
édevoav (Ibyc.), ém-eXevoet, ém-eXedoat (Gortyn) ‘bring’. As a present, » Epxopat is _
used.
eCOMP Often with prefix: dv-, am-, dt-, eio-, &&-, Kat-, etc.
eEMac, -avtoc 409
DER éAevote ‘arrival’ (Act. Ap. 7, 52), also from the compounds (mostly rare, all late),
e.g. ovv-, ém-éevoic. Older the common noun fAvotc ‘walk, way’ (E.), @&-, mept-
Avot (Hdt.), etc. (cf. Holt 1941: 58 and 149) with compositional lengthening (fAvoig
after the compounds), and the same vowels as in the compounds vé-nAvc, -do¢
‘newly arrived’ (Il.), ém-ndvc ‘immigrated, foreigner’ (Hdt., én-nAvb-ty¢ Th.), etc.;
Tpoo-1Av-Tos ‘newly arrived, proselyte’ (LXX, NT), etc.; further the abstracts é1-
nAvoin (h.Hom.), kat-, ovv-nAvoin (Hell.).
*ETYM The best agreement (semantically and formally) to this old abinuting verb is
found in Celtic, with the Olr. preterite lod, luid ‘I, he went’ (< *h,lud'-om, -et :
HAvdov, -e); formally as good, but semantically less convincing, is the further
comparison with Skt. ré(d)hati, Go. liudan ‘to grow, rise’ (whence the old word for
‘people’, OHG liut, etc; see »é\eb8epoc). One must assume that -0- (IE *-d'-)
disappeared analogically in f\Avotc, éAAvpev, -tEe as well as in (vé)-, (1tpoo)-hAVTOG
(in other words, these are built secondarily on éhevooua); cf. Schwyzer: 704’, 769’. It
seems less probable that the dental of Celtic, etc. was a secondary enlargement.
Connection with Arm. eluzanem ‘extract’ is further possible. Cf. also » é\Qeiv.
éde@aipoptat [v.] ‘to deceive’ (Y 388, T 565), also ‘to damage, destroy’ (Hes. Th. 330).
<e>
eVAR Aor. ptc. éhepnpdapevoc.
*DIAL Myc. PN e-re-pa-i-ro /Elepairén/?
*ETYM In H. there are also active forms (édegaipetv, éXegripat), explained ¥ with
(28)anatav, BAdntetv, ddixeiv ‘deceive, damage, do injustice’. Old, rarely occurring
epic expression with unstable meaning, of unclear formation und uncertain
etymology. The ending -aipw seems to point to an r-stem (*éAegap?), but could also
be suffixal. The stem recurs in PN’EAeg-rvup, but possibly stands for *EAepnp-tyvwp
with dissimilatory shortening (Sommer 1948: 1707). Within Greek, it is compared to
ddoQwiog ‘deceitful, noxious’, which itself is unclear.
An acceptable connection would be with Lith. vilbinti ‘allure, befool’. Cf. Bechtel
1914 s.v. and Schwyzer: 724. Got6 1995: 365-370 suggests that it be connected with
Skt. upa-valhate ‘to puzzle, confuse by means of riddles’, if Skt. -valhate goes back to
*-valbhate. However, if the Mycenaean PN is related, the comparisons with Skt. and
Lith. are impossible (Myc. has no initial y-).
éhE@ac, -avtoc [m.] ‘ivory, elephant tusk’ (II.), ‘elephant’ (Hdt.), also as the name of a
disease = éheqavtiaotc, see Stromberg 1937: 193. < LW Eg >
*DIAL Myk. e-re-pa, e-re- pa-to, e-re- pa-te /elep"ans/, etc.
eCOMP As a first member in both mgs., eAepeyse Tov ‘with ivory feet’ (Pl. Com.), ~
-"axog ‘fighting elephants’ (Str.).
*DER Diminutive éXeqavtioxtov ‘young elephant’ (Ael.); adjectives €hepavtivog ‘of
ivory’ (Alc. Att.), -iveoc ‘id’ (inscr; on the formation cf. Chantraine 1933: 203),
éhepdvt-etog ‘belonging to an elephant’ (Dsc., Opp.), -wéng¢ ‘elephant-like’ (medic.),
-wédr¢ ‘suffering from [the disease] é-. (medic.); substantives éhepavtiotii¢
‘elephant driver’ (Arist.), also ‘shield from elephant skin’ (App.), éAeqavtetc ‘ivory
worker’ (pap.). Denominative verbs: 1. édepavt-tdw ‘suffer from [the disease] é-.’
410 eOeiv
(Phid. medic.) with -iaotc, also -tacpid¢ (EM); 2. -6w “inlay with ivory’ with -wtdc
(inscr.).
eETYM Like Lat. ebur, ¢héqac is a foreign word. Except for the vt-suffix, the final part
recalls Eg. ab(u), Copt. eB(o)v ‘elephant, ivory’; the beginning recurs in Hamit. elu
‘elephant’ (whence through Egyptian mediation [article p-] MoP pil, Arab. fil); the
details remain unclear. From é\égac comes Lat. elephds, elephantus, whence the Gm.
and Romance forms. See Lokotsch 1927: Nr. 605 and Mayrhofer EWAia(3): 28.
é\Oetv [v.aor.] ‘to come, go’ (Il.). <?>
VAR Ind. MAGov, epic lyr. also HAVOov (see » EAevoopta), subj. EAPw, etc."
*DIAL See also on Dor. » évOeiv.
*COMP Often with prefix dv-, am-, dt- eio-, €€-, kat-, etc.
*ETYM Because of their semantic and functional identitity, HAv8ov and HABov can
hardly be separated from each other. As A v@ov is limited to the epic and lyrics, and
has an acceptable IE etymology, it is generally regarded to be the original form.
Improbable suggestions about the origin of mAov are given in Frisk s.v. (by
Johansson, Wackernagel, Schulze). Szemerényi 1964: 3 takes é\@eiv to be syncopated
from éAvO@eiv. It is often believed that the v was lost in the imperative éA9é, which
had oxytone accent. The form Ȏv@eiv probably arose by a dialectal Doric
development, but it has also been connected with Skt. ddhvan- ‘road’, OAv. aduuan-
(both from *h,gd"-uen-).
éhixn 1 [f.] ‘willow (IG 1’, 864: hopog heAtkng Att.); acc. to Thphr. HP 3, 13, 7,
Arcadian for itéa. <?>
DIAL Myc. e-ri-ka /helika/.
*DER “EMk@v, -Wvoc (Hes. Op. 639, FeA- Corinna) “willow-mountain, Viminalis”
(Boeotia) with EAtkwv-toc, [f.] -tdc, -ic (Y 404 “EXtk@wocg dvak of Poseidon, s.v. von
Wilamowitz 1931: 213 and 336%, Nilsson 1941(1): 447°) Hes., Pi; on “EAikwwidc as a
plant name Stromberg 1940: 126.
*ETYM Boeot. feAtkwv precludes the connection with Lat. salix. Furthermore, the
comparison with an old WGm. word for ‘willow’, OE welig, OS wilgia, MHG wilge, is
impossible because of the Mycenaean form. DELG reconstructs *syel- / *sel-, which’
solves nothing.
éhixn 2 >EdE,
éXixwy [adj.] said of the Ayatot (Il, verse-final). <GR?>
eVAR Always plur. nom. or acc. -witec, -wrac, fem. édtk@mic, -d0¢ (A 98 kovpn Hes.
Th. 298 von; also Sapph., Pi.).
eETYM From été and wm- (on the second member, see Schwyzer: 4264 and Sommer
1948: 1), so properly ‘with eyes that constitute a winding’, ie. ‘with winding eyes’,
formed like éAtxo-Bréqapog (h. Hom. 6, 19, etc.) and expressing beauty (cf. H. °
éhixoBrEqapoc: KaAMBAEPapos)? See Bechtel 1914, Diintzer KZ 12 (1863): 17.
Differently, Prellwitz Glotta 15 (1927): 128ff. reads “with curls” (comparing H.
édikwrtec ovAdTpLYEs ‘curly-haired’).
EXIXPVOOG 4u
On the basis of éhixwmec as LeAavd@0aAtot ‘black-eyed’ in H., an adjective é\Kdg =
uéAac was coined; thus not only H,, but also Call. Fr. 299, etc, on which see
Leumann 1950: 152°.
€Xivoc [m., f.] ‘tendril, vine’ (Hell.). <PG(v)>
eVAR éA Evol: KAT LATA TA TOV cyiTéAwv ‘twigs of vines’ (H.).
eETYM The word has been connected with é\1g, é\uc, éhévn, etc. and » eiA€éw 2 ‘turn,
wind’, from an t-stem; cf. yéAtv (= F-) Oppdv ‘fishing line of horse hair’ (H.).
However, the interchange e/t rather points to a Pre-Greek word.
éXivbw [v.] ‘to rest, pause, stop doing something’ (Ion.). <PG?(v)>
eVAR Aor. édtviou, fut. 2Atvbow. Cf. dAtvvet- Arpyet, dpyet ‘to stop, be idle’ (H.).
DER édtvvec [f.pl.] (scil. mpépat) ‘festive days’ (Plb. 21, 2, 1, = Lat. supplicatio).
eETYM Etymology unknown. All earlier proposals are impossible or highly
questionable. The variant in Hesychius may point to a Pre-Greek word (Fur.: 376).
€\tk, -Kog [f.] ‘convolution, volute, tendril, curl, spiral’ (I1.); also as an adjective of dec
et al. (motattdc, dpdp0¢), see below. < PG?>
eCOMP As a first member in » éXikwi, éAtk-dpimv (Pi.), EAtko-otépavos (B.) et al.,
also (referring to éXicow) éXt- in Edi-tpoxog ‘turning a wheel’ (A. Th. 205 [lyr.]); cf.
further » éhixpvcoc. As a second member in tetpa-é1& kind of thistle (Thphr., H.),
also in dugi-éAtcoa, epic adj. of vnt¢ (Hom.), later also of other things (e.g.
iudo8An), properly ‘forming a é\tE on both sides’.
*DER & EXikr 1 ‘willow’ s.v.; éAikn 2 ‘spiral, turning’ (Arist.), also name of the Great
Bear (because of its turning movement; cf. Scherer 1953: 133, but not as an adjective);
3. elAtkdets ‘provided with coils’ (Nic., Opp.; metrically lengthened). Denominative
verb éXicow, -ittw, Ion. also eitioow after cikéw (not with Solmsen 1901: 230ff. from
*é-redioow), aor. éhi€au, eihiEat ‘make a turning, wind, turn’ (l.); also with prefix év-,
mept-, etc; from there éAtypdc (ei-) ‘turning, whirl’ (Hdt.), éAtyua (ei-) “bracelet, curl’
(Sapph. [?], Com.), gtk ‘turned binding, turning’ (medic.), éAtktrp ‘ear-pendant’
(Att.), -eAixtyg in compounds like iuavt-eAiktat ‘turner of straps’ (Democr.), see
Fraenkel 1910: 244; éhiydry (ei-) [adv.] ‘turning’. Cf. » éXeXiCw in its second mg.
*ETYM Formation like nt, yOME, SAGE et al. (Chantraine 1933: 382f.), so probably
from a noun, which was perhaps derived from » eihéw (*Fed-vé-w) ‘turn, wind’. The
epic epithet é& is probably (cf. Bechtel 1914 s.v. and Risch 1937: 162) a shortened
compound (*éAtk6-7t0vc, -Kpaipa?). Note that the suffix -«x- mostly makes Pre-
Greek words (like -uk-; cf. on «fpvk).
éhitpoxog =éLE.
éhixpvoos [m.] plant name ‘Heliochrysum siculum, goldflower’ (Alcm., Ibyc.); also
édetoxpvoog (Thphr.). <GR?>
VAR Also -ov [n.] (see on » Bovtupov).
*ETYM Named after its golden yellow flower (Strémberg 1940: 25). Like e.g.
édetooéAtvov, éAELOypvcoc is understandable as a compound of éAetoc and xpvodc
(related to €\0¢?), after the compounds in aypt(o)-, e.g. aypt-EAatog = dyplog ~AaLog
(see Risch IF 59 (1949): 257). The form éAt- is a further shortening after dypt-, aiy--,
412 E\KOC
KaAAL-, etc. Stromberg 1940: 153 thinks it is a loan. The locus in Alcman (16) has no
digamma; cf. Solmsen 1901: 146. DELG considers the variant éAet6- either a mistake
or an ‘étymologie populaire déraisonnable’.
#Axog [n.] ‘wound, ulcer’ (I1.). <1E *helk-os ‘ulcer’>
eCOMP As a first member in éAxo-mot6¢ ‘making wounds’ (A.) with éAxono1éw
(Aeschin.).
*DER Diminutive é\xbdpiov (Hp., Ars on the suffix Chantraine 1933: 72f.); eAxwdnc¢
‘ulcerated’ (Hp., E.), éAxretc ‘id’ (Man.); denominative verbs: éAxdojtat ‘to fester’,
-dw ‘to wound’ (Hp., E; also with prefix: dv-, dg-, &&-, ég-, xa0-, mpo-); thence (aq-,
ék-, ég-)éAkwots ‘festering’ (Hp. Th.) together with éAxwttkdc, EAxwtta ‘wound,
ulcer’ (Hp., Thphr.) with éAxwptatikdc; from épedxdoptat also é@eAdxic ‘scab of a
wound’ (medic.); édkaivw ‘fester’ (A. Ch. 843) with deverbal €\kava- tpatpata
‘wounds’ (H.); also éAkav@oa: NAKwptévy F HAKorommpevn b710 Tvpdc “wounded by
fire’ (H.; Schwyzer: 700).
*ETYM Old noun, identical with Lat. ulcus, -eris (< *h,elkos-) ‘ulcer’, Skt. drgas- [n.]
‘haemorrhoids’. Is the spiritus asper from é\Kw ‘draw’?
€AKw [v.] ‘to draw, drag’ (IL.). <1E *selk- ‘draw’>
eVAR The non-presentic forms show three stems: 1. a lengthened stem éAxn-:
Ehxrjow, Edxijoal, EAKnOrvor (Hom.), with ipf. eiAkeov (P 395; cf. Chantraine 1942:
348; see also below); 2. édxv- (after synonymous épbom): éAkvoo (Pi, Att.),
edkvobijvat, etAxvoptat (IA), EAkbow (Hp.), eiAxvka (D.); 3. €Ak-: fut. EAEw (A.) and
late aor. €AEcu, Ax Or{vau; details in Schwyzer 721.
*COMP Often with prefix: dv-, dg-, &&-, map-, etc. As a first member in the epithets
éhxe-xitwvec, éAKeoi-metthoc, and édxe-tpibwv (Pl.), éAKeci-xelpog (AP); on
éhxe(ot)- Knecht TepyivBpotoc 29.
*DER From éAk-: (&p-)éA€tc ‘drawing, dragging’ (Hp., Pl.) with (€@-)éAktixdc (PL)
and the plant names é)kivn, éAkitic ‘bindweed’ (Dsc., Ps.-Dsc., Redard 1949: 71), also
édxiva [acc.?] (Ps.-Dsc. 4, 85), €Aktoc ‘what can be drawn’ (Olymp.; cf. Arbenz 1933:
76, directly from €\Kw); with o-vocalism » OAKdc, OAKi, see s.v. From édxn- (old but
rare) éAKnOjtdc ‘the drawing’ (Z 465; cf. Benveniste 1935: 201, Porzig 1942: 236f.),
éhxnua ‘what was dragged, booty’ (E. HF 568; Chantraine 1933: 178), €\knOpov
‘coulter’ (Thphr. HP 5, 7, 6; Strémberg 1937: 170); édxntip ‘drawer’ (AP 6, 297);
édxnddov [adv.] ‘drawing’ (Hes. Sc. 302). From éAkv-, mostly late: (a@-, ég-,
EANOW, -O7TtOG 413
ZAAa >éSAta.
€dAEBoposg [m.] ‘hellebore, Helleborus, Veratrum album’ (Hp., Ar. on the mg.
Dawkins JHS 56 (1936): 3f.). <PG>
eVAR Ion. éh-.
eCOMP As a first member in éAAeBopomooia ‘drinking é” (Hp.); é\AeBopo-onpata
plant name = Aeytwvov (Ps.-Dsc. 4, 16), an original bahuvrihi: ‘plant that shows
symptoms of Helleborus’, Strémberg 1944: 51.
*DER é\AeBopivn ‘Herniaria glabra’ (Thphr., Dsc.), éhreBopitns ‘kevtavperov tO
Lukpdv (Ps.-Dsc.), also name of a wine (Dsc., Plin.), cf. Redard 1949: 71 and 96;
denominative verb é\\eBopitw ‘treat with hellebore, bring to sense’ (Hp., D.) with
éhXeBoptoytdc (Hp.).
*ETYM Taken as “eaten by deer”, from éAdc (EAAGc) and BiBpwoKw (see » Popa); see
Stromberg 1944: 48ff. (full discussion). The compositional -e- remains problematic.
Amigues RPh. 72 (1998 ): 125, stresses that the plant is fatally poisonous. It has been
suggested that the first element be identified with éo0Adc; Girard 1988 assumes
original é\do-, which is hardly correct. The traditional etymology seems very
doubtful; the word could well be non-IE, i.e. Pre-Greek. The double -AA- may then
represent the phoneme -/’-, which at the same time explains the two first e’s: /a/ was
pronounced [d] in contact with the palatalized I, and [é] is reproduced by ¢; after the
B, it may have been realized as 0, which gives us a pre-form /al’abar-/.
éAAgSavoi [pl.m.] ‘band for binding corn sheaves’ (Z 553, h. Cer. 456, Hes. Sc. 291).
IE? *uel- “‘press’>
eVAR Or -& [n.]? All attestations have dat.pl. év éhAeSavoion, but H., Suid. have -oi,
-06.
eETYM From Aeol. *éAAéw < *FeAvéw ‘turn, wind’ (see > eihéw 2) with suffixal -da-vdc,
possibly via *€AAedwv (cf. tupedwv beside tupedavdc). See Solmsen 1901: 244 and
Schwyzer: 530. Chantraine 1942: 131 objects that there is no evidence for F-.
éhAepa [adj.] said of gpya (Call. fr. 434); acc. to Hes. éyOpd, modégtua, ddika
‘unfriendly, ptng. to war, unjust’, acc. to Suid. gdvia, yahend, kad ‘murderous,
troublesome, bad’; details in Pfeiffer 1949-1953 ad loc. <?>
*ETYM Unexplained. DELG adds that the etymologists explain the word as éAAvpa or
oddOVTA.
miap-)éAkvotc ‘the drawing’ (LXX, Aret.), EAkvopa = ~Axnpta (Man.), also “dross (of
silver)’ (Dsc., Gal.), (&-, éq-, dt-)éAxvoytdg ‘attraction, etc.’ (Chrysipp., medic., pap.);
édxvotnp ‘drawer’, ‘instrument for drawing out, etc.’ (Hp.), éA\xvotpov ‘id,
(Apollod. Poliorc.); EAxboutoc, EAxvotHploc; secondary verb éAkvotdw ‘draw (¥ 187 |
= 2 21), expressive form after pvotaCw (Schwyzer: 706, Risch 1937: 298). |
*ETYM A cognate verb is ToB sdlk*- ‘to draw out’ (pret. sdlkate; innovated nasal
present slariktdr); nominal formations are found in Arm. helg ‘slow’ (a-stem), Lat. i
sulcus ‘furrow’ (see » 6\K6c), and OE sulh ‘furrow, plow’. An old iterative is perhaps
reflected in Alb. helq, heq ‘draw (off)’, if from IE *solk-eie-; cf. Porzig 1942: 236f. Not
related to » GAoE.
é\Aete = Eppete (Call. fr. 1, 17 [Pf]). =éppw.
i £A\ASc 1 >EAaGoc.
£A\Ac 2 >EAOW.
éhAoy, -onog [m.] 1. poetical epithet of iy8d¢ (Hes. Sc. 212), in this function also
éhAortocg (Emp. 117) and édddc (S. Aj. 1297, Ath. 277d); also of kovpa (Theoc. Syrinx
18); 2. poetical for ‘fish’ in general (Lyc.); 3. name of a large, rare and expensive fish,
which is compared (and identified) with the sturgeon (Arist.); in this mg. usually
written €\oy (Epich., Archestr., Plu.), Lat. (h)elops; 4. name of a snake (Nic. Th.
490). <PG> :
414 eAvTAG
*DER Denominative éAAontetw [v.] ‘fish’ (Theoc. 1, 42); note éAAdémédac [acc.pl.]
(Crat. 408 acc. to H.; -ode¢ EM 331, 53), acc. to H. and others = tovc otpovOotc ij
veottovs S~ews ‘sparrows or the young of a snake’; unclear is d\Aoming, epithet of
Tpaxovpoc (Numen. apud Ath. 7, 326a).
eETYM The ancients explained the word either as ‘dumb’ or as ‘scaly’, the former by
means of impossible etymological connections. The meaning ‘scaly’ is interpreted as
é\AoTIOc < *év-AOTIOG, a prepositional bahuvrihi of Aomdc ‘scale’; the shortened form
é\kow would have been adjusted to animal names in -ow (metri causa?); a second
analogical shortening (cf. ai®ow : ai®éc) would then have given éAddéc. Then the
single \ in Aoy, Lat. (h)elops remains; as this notation seems to indicate a special
fish, Zkoy could be of foreign origin. Acc. to Frisk, this could point to a cross of a
foreign fish name with an inherited adjective. Cf. Thompson 1947 s.v. and Strémberg
1943: 30f. However, the interchange A/.AA is frequent in Pre-Greek (Fur. 387);
further, we find e/a and 1t/B in dA(A)GBr@¢ (Str. 17, 2, 4; Ath. 7, 312b; PTeb.) and é\ay
(Gp.). An interchange of the suffix -a®-/ -om- is well known in Pre-Greek; see Fur.:
107. In a similar vein, d\Aominc can be understood. Therefore, we probably have a
pre-Greek word for a great fish. In Pre-Greek, I reconstruct *aV’a/op-.
éAAtbtac [m.] name of something baked, a kind of cake, ‘pretzel’ vel sim. (Thera).
<PG?>
eVAR ékdotic (for -tI¢2)- mAAKOdc tic ‘a flat cake’ (H.), eiAdtac [acc.pl.] (Boeotia),
éhdtys (gramm.).
*ETYM Traditionally connected (see Frisk) with > eiAvw, either from the verbal stem
(F)eAv- or from the present stem *feAvv- or the perfect stem *FefAd-. Other attempts
to accomodate the different forms by Solmsen 1901: 240, as well as Bechtel 1921, 1:
304. The connection with eiAbw may well be wrong, however; the interchange A/AA
rather points to a Pre-Greek word, in which case the word had initial *el’-.
€Xutc [f.] ‘intestinal worm, parasitic worm’ (Hp., Arist.); MoGr. forms in Rohlfs ByzZ
37 (1937): 56f. < PG(S,V)>
eVAR Gen. éAtttvOoc (to which a new nom. éAjuve Hp.), also €Apuyyos, etc.; further
acc. €\tu8a (epid.); nom.pl. ZApetc (Dsc.); AiptvOec: EApuvOec. [Ta qrot (H.).
*COMP As a first member in éAyuvO0-Bdtavov ‘herb used against worms’ (medic.).
*DER Diminutive éApivO-tov; -wdn¢ [adj.] ‘worm-like’, -t4w [v.] ‘suffer from worms’
(Hp. Arist.).
eETYM Traditionally connected with two other names for ‘worm’, Skt. kfmi-, Lith.
kirmis, Olr. cruim, etc. < IE *k’rmi-, on the one hand, and Lat. vermis, Gm. *wurma-
on the other. Greek would have innovated its form by folk-etymologically adjusting
it to the root *uel- ‘turn, wind’ (see » eikéw 2), which gave two further forms for
‘worm’, > evAr and FaAn (spelled bdAn). It seems obvious, however, that the latter
forms are clearly unrelated to éAuc. Our word is not IE, as per Fur.: 290. It is unclear
why Fur.: and DELG hesitate to take the -v0- as an indication of Pre-Greek origin.
Note that the form é\,uyyoc also shows typical Pre-Greek prenasalization (cf. acc.
éhtuOa IG 47(1), 122: 10], Epidauros). The form AiptvOec also suggests a Pre-Greek
variant. Was it *Pmi(n)t-, with prothetic vowel a- which became e- before the palatal
E\TLOG 415
] (see Beekes 2008)? Note that the MoGr. forms Aefi8a, -i5ec confirm the vowel after
the / (see DELG).
EAEivn eVAR EXEitIc. > EAKU.
€Xog [n.] ‘marsh meadow, marshy ground’ (I1.). <IE *selos-‘marsh’>
eVAR éAn; obvdevdpot toro ‘thickly-wooded places’ (H.); cf. the etymology below.
eCOMP As a first member thematically lengthened in é\ed-Opentocg ‘grown on
marshy meadows’ (B 776), éAeo-o€Atvov ‘celery from marshy meadows’ (Thphr.,
Dsc.), also éXeto- by contraction from éAelov o€).; also in édeto-Baty¢ ‘traversing
(living in) marshes’ (A. Pers. 39 [anap.}), from ta éAe1a or with metrical lengthening;
with elision in €Xeopéw “be a surveyor of marshes’ (Erythrae IV*; or ‘forester’? See
below), from *éAgo-(F)dpoc. Unclear > éAeomidag; cf. also » éhixpuaoc.
DER éXetoc ‘marshy’ (IA), ‘EAgia epithet of Artemis (Cos), éAwédng¢ ‘id’ (Hp., Th.),
éheitr<¢ ‘growing in marshes’ (Dion. Byz.), also an epithet of Apollo (Cyprus; cf.
Redard 1949: 12, 24, 208; on the formation see Schwyzer: 500); éAet-rtN¢ (A€wv, Call.
fr. 748).
eETYM Inherited word, identical with Skt. séras- [n.] ‘pond’, IE *sélos-; Gr. €Xetoc =
Skt. sarasiya-. Not related to Lat. silva or bAn, in spite of H. and Thess. bAopéwv
exists beside Erythr. €heopéwv; see Wahrmann Glotta 19 (1931): 165.
édoy = EAdOW.
€Anopat [v.] ‘to expect, hope, suppose’ (IIl.). <1E *uelp- ‘expect’>
eVAR Act. \nw ‘make hope’ only B 91 = v 380 mdvtac jlév (F)éAmtet. Epic also
éémtop.at (see below), perf. (with present mg.) goAma, plpf. éwAmet (for *(F)e(FOATIEL,
see below and Debrunner Mus. Helv. 2 (1945): 199, Chantraine 1942: 479f. with Add.
et corr.).
eCOMP As a second member in d-eAm-toc ‘unexpected, unhoped for’ with deAnt-ia,
-éw (IL), also d-eAm-i¢ (€ 408); as a first member in "EAn-yvwp (Od. on the
formation Schwyzer: 441, Sommer 1948: 175 with lit.).
*DER éArtwpr) ‘hope’ (Od.; for -wAn?; cf. Porzig 1942: 235); éAmic, -ido¢ [f.] ‘id’ (1 101 =
t 84; cf. Porzig 353; on the mg. Martinazzoli Stud. ital. fil. class. N.S. 21 (1946): uff.)
with et-, dv-edmuc, etc; denominative éAnitw [v.] ‘id’ (IA) with Amotikdc, EATOLLOG,
éhmopa (Arist.). On éArtic, EATtoptat see Myres Cl. Rev. 63: 46.
*ETYM There is no counterpart to (F)éAmopiat (see Chantraine 1942: 133 and 182) and
the old perfect with present meaning (F)é(F)oA7a in the other languages; Homer has
a few forms from ééAmopial, after ééAdopiat (Beekes 1969: 64). A verbal adjective
connected with Gr. éAmic is supposed in Lat. volup est ‘it is pleasant to me’ (whence
volu p-tas); IE *u(e/o)lp-i-.
éAmog [n.]? - éAatov, otéap, evOrvia ‘olive oil, rendered fat, abundance’; éAgoc:
Bobtupov. Kvmptot ‘butter (Cypr.) (H.). <PG(V)>
eDER On > 6A ‘oil-bottle’, see s.v.
eETYM The word has been compared with an IE word for fat’, *selp-: Skt. sarpis- [n.]
‘molten butter, lard’, ToB salype ‘fat, oil’, PGm. *salba- ‘salve’, as well as Alb. gjal pé
‘butter’. Nevertheless, one. would expect a spiritus asper in Greek. The variation 1/p
416 éhddptov
rather points to a Pre-Greek word. Cypr. Agog is unexplained; see DELG. The word
> OArtn indicates a bottle, and therefore has nothing to do with the word for ‘oil, fat’.
éd vdptov [n.]? = xeAddviovy, ‘celandine’ (pap.). <?>
*ETYM Formation in -tdpiov (Chantraine 1933: 72f.). It has been connected with
> €\oc ‘marsh’ (“somit nach dem Standort benannt”, acc. to Frisk), but this has
spiritus asper.
€Avpos 1 [m.] ‘millet’ (Hp. Ar.). <?>
VAR In H. also édeioc: onéppa Srtep Eyovtes Adkwvec éoBiovotv ‘seed which the
Laconians boil and eat’. Frisk (s.v. eikbw) notes that the word also means ‘container’:
kai 1] Tij¢ KLOdpag Kai Tod TdEOU OrKn ‘case for the kithara and the bow’ (H; s.v.
Evol).
eETYM Unknown (see Schwyzer: 494). Connection with dAvpat ‘rice-wheat’ and
ovdAai ‘barley groats’ is uncertain. Fur.: 246 suggests connection with éhipiap- Keyxpw
duotov [éAtvi] 7 peAivy b7t0 Aakwvwv ‘millet (Lacon.) (H.), assuming F- > u-;
however, this is very unclear. Perhaps Pre-Greek. See » cihtw.
EAvjtog 2. [f.(m.)] name of a Phrygian pipe (S.). <?>
eETYM There appears no reason for connection with > eiAtw.
EAwp > éXeiv.
Eupades =Baivw.
EuBpvov —Bpvw.
été [pron.] ‘me’. <IE *h,me ‘me’>
eVAR Encl. pe [acc.] ‘me’, éttoi (Dor. Phoc. éuiv), encl. wot [dat.] (also gen.) ‘to me’
(‘mine’); varying genitive forms: Ion., etc. guéo (Hom. also éteio), ged, tev, Att.
contr. é100, lov; Dor. also éuéoc, euetc, etc; Lesb. Hom., etc. &té8ev; more in
Schwyzer: 602.
*ETYM Old pronoun: for pe, cf. Lat. mé, Skt. md, Go., etc. mi-k (after ik ‘T; not = *pé
ye), IE *mé; jot = Skt. me, Lat. mi (used as vocative), OLith. -mi, etc; euiv after apiv,
etc. The genitives are all innovations: g1é0 (whence éeio analogically or with
metrical lengthening), modelled after téo, etc. (gen. of » tic), whence é,té0-c, éé-Bev
(like oiko-Gev, etc.). Adjectivized éué gave the possessive éudc ‘meus’; likewise, Av.
ma-, Hitt. -mis, Lat. meus. On the acc. *h,me, see Beekes, Sprache 33 (1987-9): 7-12; it
is also seen in Arm. im [dat.] ‘mei’.
£1€w [v.] ‘to vomit’. <IE *uemh,- ‘vomit’>
eVAR Aor. é1é0(0)at (IL.), perf. éuujpexa (Hp. Luc.), fut. guéow (Hp.), gu@, epodptau
(Att.), pres. éué0w (Hdn.).
°COMP Prefixed with am-, 2&-, év-, brtep-, etc.
DER Verbal nouns: ét1etoc ‘vomiting’ (Ion., Arist.) with the bahuvrihis dv-, dvo-, ev-
életoc, -Huetoc (Hp. et al; also, directly from éguéw, Svo-, ev-epric, -nLUYI¢),
Komtpijetoc (Hp.); to brtepepéw: brtepéuetoc (Hp.). From éetoc: étecia ‘qualm,
inclination to vomit’ (Hp.), guet-tKdc, -Wdn¢, -Nptos, -taw (Hp., Arist. et al.); eos
EMTS 417
and gueopa ‘id.” (Hp.); éuiacg “spitter” (Com, see Chantraine 1933: 93). See also
> eldc and > mepinektéw.
*ETYM In Skt. there is the athematic vdmi-ti; additionally, Lat. vomit, vomimus
(beside vomi-tus), which were reinterpreted as thematic forms, with which compare
reg-i-mus. The disyllabic root is also represented in Lith. vémti (new yod-present
vemitt). The root also occurs in North Gm.,, but only in metaphorical meaning, e.g.
OSw. vami [m.] ‘disgust’. Schwyzer: 222° sees an element of the living language in
éttéw, which would explain why the verb does not show a f- in Homer (a similar
explanation exists for lack of F in » idpwe, as well as in » Sigpoc).
EMMA VIc > LL17}VIC.
éptartéws ‘immediately’ (epic since II.).
eETYM From *éppartrs ‘grasping’, to *éut-partetv. See > Lramtéetv.
EMpatéw >LLatevw.
ELLOTOG = }L0Tc.
éuaopat [v.pres.] ‘care about something, for something’ (I; mostly with negation).
< IE? *peh,- ‘protect, feed’>
*COMP Act. kat-eptatw.‘take hold of (om6tav ype oe katepmatn Nic. Th. 695).
*ETYM No good etymology. Connection with »éumng ‘in any case’ is semantically
difficult. In view of the MoSw. expression for ‘care for something’, fasta sig vid nagot,
properly “to attach yourself to”, one may consider (as Frisk does) an original *éu-
May-Lopiat, to ept-1wayivat (Ion. mak-tdc¢, naKtobv). The gloss étactijpac pvOwv-
MUOTWTAG, [iaptupac ‘confirmers, witnesses’ (H.) is unclear; Latte corrects it to
*éuumtotipac. Blanc RPh. 70. (1996): 1996 connects it with *peh,- ‘protect’ (Beekes
1969: 173); however, cf. Pok. 787 *peh.k/g- ‘fit together’.
tmatos 1 [adj.] ‘bursting in, sudden’ (A. Ag. 187 [lyr.], also Emp. 2, 22). <GR?>
*ETYM From ttrtaiw ‘burst in’ (S. El. 902; see » maiw); cf. Schwyzer: 452: 2.
&tmtatog 2 [adj.] ‘experienced, skillful (v 379, @ 400; Lyc. 1321). <GR?>
eETYM Not well explained. Schwyzer: 467° and 620 derives it from gu as *‘fully
master of (related to é1-71doj101; see »mdouat). Differently, Lagercrantz KZ 34
(1897): 395; see also Sommer 1905: 8of.
&unedocg —1é5ov.
Eutetpoc —Teipa.
ys [adv.] ‘in any case, really, all the same, nevertheless’ (II.). <GR2>
eVAR Dor. gustac, also etrtav, gt7td.
*ETYM Origin uncertain. Acc. to Brugmann IF 27 (1910): 274ff., prop. a nom.-acc.ntr.
‘validity, reality, truth’, related to El. guumdaw (gn@, én-eumntw) ‘execute (a fixed
punishment), realize’, mé7ta1cu, 1c, etc. It is improbable that éu- is from IE *sem- in
gic (Schwyzer: 620). The ending of 714 is like Hpéud, atpeua; etmtav (a or ), as in
418 étimtic, -id0¢
anav (Brugmann IF 27 (1910): 274ff.); see also Bjérck 1950: 123f. Radt 1958: 200-208
suggests év maovv ‘inall cases’.
éumic, -ido¢ [f.] ‘gnat’ (Ar., Arist.). <GR>
*ETYM Popular derivation from éumivetv ‘to drink oneself full (of bloody; cf. eg.
dixAideg from KAivetv. See Strémberg 1944: 14 for full argumentation. Older
interpretations, all wrong, are recounted in Strémberg and Bq. Cf. Gil Fernandez
1959: 26. Differently, Szemerényi 1964: 143°.
éunAatia [f.] name of a kitchen (IG 5(2), 4 [IV’]). <?>
eVAR Only Arc. ittn-.
eETYM Perhaps related to mAdtog ‘breadth’, from gtAati¢ (only Anon. in Tht. 30, 1)
or to étmatbvelv ‘broaden’ (LXX). It has been compared with émindatop-
mAaKodvtos eidog ‘kind of flat cake’ (H.), but is this really useful? Cf. on » méAavoc.
éumAnv =TAry.
guttodwv —T10Uc,
éunoAn [f.] ‘trade, trade goods, purchase, profit’ (Pi. Att.). <IE? *k”el- ‘turn, move’>
eVAR Arc. ivmoAa (IV*).
eCOMP Compounds: on dmetmoAr see below. Also with prefix: dm-, dt-, &&-, map-,
TIpOo-.
*DER Note étméAwpoc: ayopavejtog ‘clerk of the market’ (H.; probably for éoA-;
for Chantraine’s opinion, see below). étmoAaiog ‘belonging to trade, etc.’, epithet of
Hermes (Ar.), étoAevc ‘buyer’ (AP). Denominative verb énoddw, -dopat ‘trade,
buy, sell, win’ (Od.), with impf. hundAwv, aor. HuntoAnoa (éverdAnoa Is.),
HunoANOny, perf. HuUMOANKa (gtmendAnKa Luc.), med. HuMdAN[LaL. eTdANLLa “goods,
profit’ (S.), (dm-)éundAnoig (Hp. Poll.), amepmoAntic ‘seller’ (Lyc.); deverbal
anEeuMoAry: anahrayrv, Mpaotv, étopiav ‘deliverance, sale, trade’ (H.).
eETYM Also (2E-)éumod€éw ‘id’ (Herod., J.). Cf. évtoAn, évtott, etc; based on a verb
*éunédw, -ouat. It has been compared with the iterative (with lengthened grade)
twréw ‘sell’. etmoAdw is a denominative, as appears from the augmented and
reduplicated forms. Connection with méAojiu, -w ‘turn, move’ (root *k”el-) is
semantically possible; ¢,tmoAn would then be ‘traffic’. However, IE also has an old
root *pel- ‘sell, earn, etc.’ in several nominal derivatives, e.g. Skt. pana- [m.] ‘salary’
(with panate ‘trade, buy’), Lith. pelnas ‘wages, salary’, OHG fali, ON falr ‘sal(e)able’;
it has been. connected with nwAéw, as distinct from étm0A1. See Schwyzer: 720% On
éutoAn, éumoAdw, see Chantraine RPh. 66 (1940): 11ff. with various suggestions
(medatw, médac, etc.). Recently, De Lamberterie has argued for connection with
*k”el- and mwAéoytat (see DELG Supp. s.v. mwréw).
éumopos [m.] ‘who travels on a ship, passager’ (Od.), ‘traveller’ in general (B., trag.),
usually ‘merchant’ (1A; on the mg. beside kdmndocg, vabKAnpos Finkelstein Class.
Phil. 30 (1935): 320ff.). <GR>
*COMP Several compounds, e.g. ovv-, oiv-, [uKp-E€UTOpOS.
évavTa 419
*DER éutopia ‘sea-trade, wholesale trade’ (Hes.), éttmdptov “commercial town’ (IA),
éuimopikdc ‘belonging to a merchant (to trade)’ (Stesich., IA; see Chantraine 1956a:
115); denominative verb é,tmopevoptat “be étmopos, travel, trade’ (IA), also “be (more)
cunning’ (2 Ep. Pet. 2, 3), with éumdpevita, -€lov, -evtucdc.
“eETYM Hypostasis from év mépw (wv), “being in transit”; see » mépocg and Porzig
1942: 258. See De Lamberterie RPh. 71 (1997): 159.
"Eunovoa [f.] name of a popular phantom (Ar., D.). <PG?(s)>
*ETYM Probably a Pre-Greek figure, see Fur.: 197%; for the use of the suffix, cf.
ai®ovoa, dyyovoa, kadovoa, viPovoa, Axidovoa; Kniotoa = KnAwooa.
EunmpooGe(v) «VAR éLimtpoo8a. =1mpdo0ev.
éunvpiPytyg, -ov [m.] ‘which goes into the fire’, of a tpinoug ¥ 702. <GR>
*ETYMCompound of the prepositional phrase év nupi and Bij-vau, with suffix -tn-; cf.
Schwyzer: 452. Cf. mupiBrytns Arat. 983, a false archaizing form. On the matter, see
« Brommer Herm. 77 (1942): 366f.
éuve, -b50c [f.] ‘freshwater tortoise’ (Arist.) (in LSJ only in Suppl.) «PG?>
eVAR Also €- (LSJSuppl.), msc. and fem. Also duc ‘id.’ (Archig. apud Gal. 12.575).
*ETYM See Chantraine 1933: 126 and 347; origin unknown. Sommer 1905: 100 derives
it from &téw because the animal, when breathing out below the surface of the water,
continuously releases air bubbles. However, *-ud- is not an IE suffix, so the word is
probably Pre-Greek; see Chantraine 1933: 348: mnAaptc “sans doute préhellénique”,
xAapbs “arrangement d’un mot emprunteé.” Cf. also Pre-Greek on the suffix -v6-. It
has apparently escaped researchers that there are two forms; this probably points to
Pre-Greek origin (cf. Fur.: 346f.), where the variants a-/ é- are different reflexes of a
single Pre-Greek phoneme. There is no support for the suggestion that mnAaptc
contains étt¢ as a second member, but this makes no difference for our
interpretation.
EULQWTOV = EWC.
év [adv., prep.] ‘in, within’ (Il.), as a preposition usually with the dat. (loc.) to indicate
the rest at the attained goal; in NWGr., El, Arc. Cypr., Thess., Boeot. also with
accus. indicating the direction, for which the other dialects have év + c, see » sic. 4IE
*h,en() ‘in’>
VAR Also évi; as a preposition év, poetic évi, metrically lengthened eiv({), Arc. Cypr.
Cret. iv.
*ETYM Old adverb, also seen in OLat. en (> in), Osc.-U en, Gm. (e.g. Go.) in, Olr. in,
OPr. en, Arm. i, etc., all from IE *h,en, *h,eni (identical with the loc. in -i, like ém,
mépt, etc.?). On évt as a copula (certainly since V-VI?), whence MoGr. eivat (eivi, evi,
etc.) ‘is, are’, see Debrunner Mus. Helv. 11 (1954): 57ff.
EvayxXog =ayXt.
évahiykiog =aXiyKtoc.
Evavta eVAR Evavt., évavtioc. =avta and dvti.
420 évavtiBiov
évavtipiov = Bia.
évapa [n.pl.] ‘the weapons of a fallen opponent (II, Hes. Sc. 367). <2
ecomP As a first member in évapo-Ktdvtac, of death (A. Fr. 151 [lyr.]), évapr}-pdopoc
‘carrying the é’ (API.); also évapo-gdpoc epithet of Ares (Hes. Sc. 192), also name of
ahero (Alcm.) with o in the compound after éyyeomdAoc¢ (Leumann Glotta 15 (1927):
155f., Schwyzer: 336).
*DER Denominative verbs: évaipw, aor. évapeiv (2&- Hes. Sc. 329) ‘take away the é.’,
euphemistic for ‘kil? (Il.); also évapi-uBpotoc ‘killing men’ (Pi. after gOetoi-
ubpotoc); (younger) évapiCw, aor. évapi—at (Il; in Hom. often é&-; also an-, ét-,
Kat-) ‘id’.
*ETYM Unknown. Schwyzer IF 30 (1912): 440f. compared Skt. (1x) sdnara- (RV 1, 96,
8), of uncertain meaning. Connection with Skt. sandti ‘win’ (cf. » dvupt) would
impart évapa the original meaning ‘gain, booty’; one would have to accept psilosis.
Hardly an r/n-stem, as per Schwyzer: 518. On the meaning, see Triimpy 1950: 86ff.
See also » évtea.
évapytis -és [adj.] ‘clear, visible, recognizable, living’ (Il.); on the mg. Miilder RhM 79
(1930): 2off. <1E *h,erg- ‘shining, white’>
*DER évapyeta ‘clearness’ (Pl., Hell.), évapynua ‘outward appearance’, also in plur.
-Mwata ‘recognizable facts’ (Hell; cf. Chantraine 1933: 190); évapydétn¢ (Poll.); also
évapywdrs (Aret.).
*ETYM Formations like év-teArjc¢ from téXoc demonstrate for the second member of
év-apyric an s-stem *dpyog ‘shining’, which is also found in dpyeotic and apyevvdc
(see » 4pydc 1 and Schwyzer: 512). Further details are difficult to ascertain, but it is
probably a bahuvrihi with adverbial first member: ‘having dpyoc, having splendor’.
See Stromberg 1946: 118f; differently, Sommer 1948:108.
évatnp —Eivatépec.
évavriFopat évavroc 3.
évavAog 1 [m.] ‘bed of a stream, torrent’ (Il.); post-Hom. ‘hole, grotto, ravine’ (Hes., h.
Ven. 74, 124, E. [lyr.]), also in sea (Opp.). <1E *h,eulo- ‘tube, longish hole’>
eETYM Properly ‘with » avAdc’, so ‘hollow area’, from avdddg ‘hole, tube’. For the
meaning ‘torrent’, cf. the analogous development of yapadpa (properly related to
> xépados ‘gravel’).
évavAog 2 [adj.] ‘accompanied by the flute’ (Att.). «IE *h,eulo- ‘tube, longish hole’>
*ETYM Bahuvrihi compound of » abAdc and adverbial > év.
évavAoc 3 [adj.] ‘sleeping in the open air (E.). <IE *h,eu- ‘pass the night’>
*DER Also évavAtoc with the substantive évatov ‘abode’ (Hell.).
*ETYM Hypostasis of év abAf (Vv) ‘living in the open air’; also, of Aéovtec (E. Ph. 1573
[lyr.]).
évdamtoc [adj.] ‘indigenous’ (Hell.). <Gr>
évdov 421
*ETYM From évdov, modelled after dAAodandc, trAedartdc, etc., and reshaped after
the adjectives in -toc (€vtémuog, etc.). Cf. Schwyzer: 625.
évdedexIs =SoAtydc.
évétva [n.pl.] ‘intestines’. <1E? *h,endo- ‘in(side)?>
eVAR Only évdtwwv [gen.pl.] (Y 408).
*ETYM Derived from évdov with a suffix -tvo-. Metrical lengthening (as per Schulze
1892: 253)? Cf. Chantraine 1933: 204 and Meid IF 62 (1956): 275". Vendryes MSL 15
(1908/09): 358 accentuates évdivoc like dayytotivoc, etc; differently, Brugmann-
Delbriick 1897-1916 2:1, 176 (accent as in évtepa).
évdioc [adj.] ‘in (of) the afternoon’ (Il.), as a substantive -ov [n.] (-o¢ [m.])
‘(after)noon’ (Call., A. R.); rarely “belonging to heaven, coming from heaven’ (bdup,
Arat. 954), ‘in the air’ (AP 9, 71); in Hom. |, later (from etdtoc?) also t, see Sommer
1948: 75° with litt. <1E *dieu- ‘bright sky’>
*ETYM Hypostasis of *év difi (: év-dift-oc, cf. év-vbxt-o¢), locative of the word for
‘bright sky, day’ (see » Sioc, » Zevc). Whether the expression ~vdtov tdwp (Arat.),
etc. contains a trace of ‘heaven’ is doubtful; it rather arose by blending with Stoc.
évdediwkdta =Bioc.
évdo1aGw =Sdo0i.
évdov [adv.] ‘inside, at home’ (II.). <1£ *h,endon ‘inside’>
eCOMP As a first member e.g. in évdo-pdyac ‘fighting at home’ (Pi.), évd6-uvyoc
‘who has his hiding place inside’ (S.), -pevia, évSovxia ‘furniture, movables’ (Plb;
évdupievia Phryn., pap. after dvouat ‘enter’?).
*DER évdo-Gev (like oixo-Qev, etc.) ‘from inside, from the house’ (I].), vé0-0 =
évdov (Hom.); on évdo8idioc see below; évdoce (acc.?) = elow (Keos), évdw (Delph;
after &€w). Compar. and superlative évSotépw (Hp. post-classical), -tatw
(postclassical); late évéétepoc, -tatocg (VIP). By confusion with évtdc arose évddc
(Dor.; cf. Kretschmer Glotta 27 (1939):11) with évSoo8idta [pl.] ‘intestines’ (Epidaur.),
with Cretan development évdo8idtog ‘living at home’ (Gort.), évdd081a (LXX) =
évtéoOia. After oikor et al. Evdot (Lesb. Dor.; see Solmsen 1909: 114); on » évddaTt0¢
s.v5 unclear is évévAw- Evdo0ev (H.), like puxxdAOoc, SpyttrAoc? See Baunack Phil. 70
(1911): 383. On > évdtva, see s.v.
*ETYM Ev6ov is identical with Hitt. andan ‘within’; also, anda ‘id, = Lat. endo. Often
explained as ‘indoors’, from év and an endingless locative of the root noun for
‘house’ found in »ddnedov, »deondt\¢, » ddu0c; the expression Aldcg évdov
aynyépato (Y 13) has been adduced, but the genitive can just as well be elliptic, on
which see Vendryes MSL 15 (1908/09): 358ff. See Schwyzer: 625f. Schwyzer 1950:
546f., Lejeune 1939 (see index), and Brugmann-Delbriick 1897-1916 2:2, 723.
DELG rejects this view: it fits neither the form nor the meaning. Cf. Meid AAHG 27
(1974): 54. Leumann 1977: 562 assumes that endo was borrowed from Greek: indigena
would be a calque on Gr. évdoyevric, after which endo became separated. Acc. to De
422 Evdopa
Vaan 2008 s.v. endo, this “seems unlikely in view of the recent date of indigena, and
because of the generally archaic look of the words indi/u- is combined with.”
évdopa [n.pl.] properly ‘what is wrapped in the skin [when sacrificing]’ (SIG 1025, 48;
1026, 8); Cos: Evdopa évdépetau. <IE *der- ‘flay’>
eETYM From évdépoptat ‘wrap in the skin’, referring also to dopd; note the
explanation of évépata (after €yxata?) in H.: ta évdepdpteva obv TH Ke@aAr Kai Toic
mooi ‘what is wrapped in the skin together with the head and the feet’. Stengel Herm.
54 (1919): 208ff. explained it as omAdyxva ‘internal organs’; however, his connection
with déptpov ‘retina’ is correctly rejected by Kretschmer Glotta 12 (1923): 220f. The
word is a hypostasis of év Sopa, acc. to Jones Class. Rev. NS 9 (1959): 132. See » dépw.
Evdpvov =dpic.
évduKéwes [adv.] ‘careful’ (Il.), explained in Hp. as ‘continuously’. <?>
*DER Also évduxéc (Nic. Th. 263, H. [beside évdvxtov]; probably also A. R. 1, 883 for
metrically impossible -éwc).
eETYM Perhaps related to » ddevxrj¢ with uncertain analysis; both a verb *év-dukeiv
and a noun *d0xn are possible. Cf. Strémberg 1946: 90; on the meaning, see
Leumann 1950: 311f.,, who explains its use in Hp. as from a false interpretation of
Homer.
éveykeiv [v.aor.] ‘bring’, resultative (Att., Pi. B. Hp.). <1E *hnek- ‘bring’ and *h,nek-
‘attain, reach’>
eVAR Also évéykau; aor. pass. évexOrjvou with fut. éveyOrjooptat, perf.act. évijvoxa,
med. évriveyitau; as a present there is pépw, as a fut. ofow.
*COMP Often with prefix: dm-, eio-, &&-, kat-, mpoo-, etc; As a second member with
compositional lengthening in dt-, Sovp-, » modnvexijs, etc. (cf. also » Sdpv).
DER Verbal noun > dyxog, s.v.
eETYM Beside éyx- (old zero grade *h,nk-), there is also évex- (old full grade *h,nek-).
With old o-grade, Attic reduplication, and aspiration, we have évijvoy-a < *h,ne-
hnok- (but no reduplication in kat-"jvoxa H.). The crossing of éyx- and évex-
yielded év-rveyxtau; influence of éveixat resulted in év-rvetyK-tal, HveryKav, etc.
(Att. inscr.). There are no exact parallels in other languages: Skt. has the reduplicated
perf. an-dms-a ‘I have attained’ (*He-Hno(n)k-); however, an additional problem is
that there were probably two roots, *h,nek- ‘carry’ and *h,nek- ‘reach, attain’ (see
LIV? s.vv. for various forms in the separate branches).
There is a fundamental discussion of the separation of these two different roots and
their respective semantics in Garcia Ramon 1999a: 47-80. The Greek verb derives
from *h,nek- ‘bring, carry’, like a BSL verb (Lith. neg-11, OCS nes-9 ‘I bring’), while
most Indo-Iranian forms (Skt. ndgati ‘attains’ < IE *h.nek-, as-nd-ti ‘reaches’ <
*h.nk-) derive from the second root meaning ‘reach, attain’, as do Go. ga-nah ‘apxei,
it suffices, “es reicht”, Olr. t-@nac ‘I came’ < *(-)h,e-h.nok-, Lat. na-n-c-iscor (nasal
infix present), nactus sum ‘attain’, and Arm. has-anem, aor. has-i ‘reach’. ToB enk-,
ToA ents- ‘take’ (LIV? s.v. *h,nek-) have also been included with the etymon *h,nek-,
although the semantics are not straightforward. Gr. » davexij¢ probably belongs to
évedc 423
*h.nek-. The aorist éveyxeiv is most difficult. A basic form *h,ne-h,nk-o- would
develop into éveyk- with shortening of the vowel by Osthoffs Law; cf. Beekes MSS 38
(1979): 18ff. See LIV? s.v. for further litt.
éveikat [v.] ‘to carry (off) <1E *hnek- ‘take away’>
eVAR Aor. ind. fvetka (Il.), also Hvika (Lesb. Dor.; partly = fvika for veka) subj.
with short them. vowel évixet (Cyren.); sigmatic 3pl. etviEav (Boeot. for tivetbav); aor.
pass. év(e)txOrjvou, perf. med. évijveryptat. Also ovv-eveikoptct (Hes. Sc. 440).
eCOMP Also with prefix: dv-, am-, eio-, 2E-, etc.
*ETYM Derived from év-eixat (related to »ikw) by Frisk et al; see also Chantraine
1942: 395. However, éveixat is discussed by Meier-Briigger KZ 100 (1987): 313-322. He
concludes that éveyx- is the original form, and éveix- a secondary development,
pointing out that nominal derivations are from éveyx-. The root is now
reconstructed as *h,nek- ‘to take away’, and the Greek form reconstructed as a
reduplicated aorist *h,ne-h,nk- > *enénk-, in which the long vowel was shortened by
Osthoffs Law. On demarcation against *h,nek- ‘to reach’, see Garcia Ram6n 1999a:
47-80.
évexa [postp.] ‘because, because of (Il.), with gen. On the mg. in Hom. see Porzig
1942: 169; on the final -a cf. eita: eitev, Enetta: Enette(v); Evexov after Evdov et al; by
crossing éveko, -Kav, see Schwyzer: 627, 406, Schwyzer 1950: 552. <?>
VAR Evexev (especially postclassical); eivexa, -xev (Ion.), Evvexa (Aeol., see below);
Hell. also évexe, -Ko(v), -Kav.
DIAL Myc. e-ne-ka.
*ETYM The analysis as év-fexa, related to » Exwv, etc., is refuted by the Mycenaean
form. Note the interchange év-, étv- (is €vv- hyperaeolic? or a metrical lengthening?).
See Schwyzer: 228, Chantraine 1942: 161, and Bolling Lang. 30 (1954): 453f. The form
obveka = évexa especially in Att. poets, by reanalysis of a preceding genitive in -ov:
tovtovvexa was conceived of as tovtov otvexa (Schwyzer: 413). Since it is
Mycenaean, there is no etymology; connection with *h,nek- has been suggested.
évelog [m.] - veBpdc ‘young of the deer, fawn’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM From évedoc comes Lat. inuleus ‘young deer’ (WH s.v. hinuleus with lit.);
further uncertain. Niedermann IF Anz. 18: 78f. thought it was,a metathesized form of
*é)hevos, related to > éA dc, > ELagoc.
éveviikovta [num.] ‘ninety’ (B 602). <IE *h,neun->
eCOMP On the n see » €BdoptrKovTa.
*DER hevevnxovta (Heracl.; like hoyédonkovta after heBdSeynKovta), évnkovta
(Delos, Phocis [III or II*]; probably haplological); uncertain évvijkovta (t 174);
innovation after évvéa, évvipap, etc.; gen.pl. 2vevnkovtwv (Chios; Aeolizing).
*ETYM Acc. to Kortlandt MSS 42 (1983): 99, a pre-form *h,neyy-dkomt- regularly
developed into *évefvijkovta, in which the -f- was lost at an early stage. See » évvéa.
évedc [adj.] ‘speechless, dumb, stupid’ (IA). <PG?>
@VAR Also évvedc.
eCcOMP As a first member e.g. in éveo-otacin ‘speechlessness’ (A. R. 3, 76).
424 évepOe(v)
*DER évedt1¢ ‘dumbness’ (Arist.).
eETYM The form recalls kevedc, but has no etymology. Acc. to Brugmann 1912: iff,, it
is related to edvic, etc; this is correctly rejected by Kretschmer Glotta 6 (1915): 305.
Fur.: 392 recalls vevdc: evrOnc¢ ‘meek, silly’ (H.), and further vevindog (also évindos),
but does this prove Pre-Greek origin?
évep8e(v) [adv., prep.] “(from) below, below’. <IE *ner-(ter-o-) ‘the lower one’>
eVAR Also vép8e(v) (Hom.), évep8a (Dor. Lesb.).
eCOMP Also br-, ém-évepBe(v). See Lejeune 1939, especially 341ff.
DER évepot ‘those below, those below the earth’, of the dead below the earth and the
chthonic gods (Hom.), compar. évéptepoc, véptepoc ‘below (the earth)’ (Hom.),
superl. évéptatog ‘the lowest’ (Emp.).
*ETYM Cf. the opposites imep-Oe(v), bmép-TEpoc, -tatoc, from » brép; also, bmEpov,
bmépa. A good formal agreement with véptepos is found in Italic: U nertru ‘sinistro’,
Osc. nertra-k ‘a sinistra’. It has been cmopared with further Gm. words for ‘north’,
e.g. ON norér [n.], which require zero grade: PGm. *ntirpra-, IE *nr-tro-, with basic
meaning ‘region where the sun is below [the earth]’, or ‘left side of someone who
turns to the east when praying’. Another formation in Arm. ner-k‘-in ‘the one below’
(cf. i nerk‘oy, i nerk‘ust ‘[from] below’). Also different is Skt. naraka- ‘hell’
(Wackernagel-Debrunner 1954: 150). Without consonantal suffix, there is ToB jior
‘below’ < *nér- (see Adams 1999). As Armenian has no *e-, this is probably a Greek
innovation. Further, one connects Lith. nerit, nerti ‘plunge, slip into’, etc. (see
> devdptw); see also > veipdc. The Gr. é- may be compared with that of éxet.
éveth [f.] ‘pin, brooch’. «IE *(H)ieh, ‘throw; make, do’>
eVAR Evetifp, -fpoc [m.] ‘clyster syringe’.
eETYM Verbal noun of év-inpu; see > inpu.
évéwpa [adv.] acc. to Baunack Phil. 65 (1906): 637f. ‘in the air’ (inscr. Milete),
comparing te téwpa (cf. » tetéwpoc). <GR>
*ETYM Hypostasis of dep-?
évy [f.] sc. uépa, only in adverbial expressions mg. ‘the day after tomorrow’. <IE
*h,eno- ‘that one’>
eVAR e.g. Eg T adbplov é¢ te Evngiv (Hes. Op. 410), with surprising hiatus; évng, eic
évyv, tH évy (Att.), Evac (Theoc.), évap (Lacon.)- é¢ tpitnv ‘on the third day’,
émévap: cig tetaptnv. AdKwvec ‘on the fourth day (Lacon.)’ (H.).
*ETYM Old pronoun, seen in > éxetvoc.
évniis [adj.] ‘mild, soft, benevolent’ (IG 14, 1648: 8; metrical tomb inscription). «IE?
*h,eu- “enjoy, desire’, or *h,euH- ‘help, assist’>
eVAR Gen. and acc.sg. évnéoc, -éa (Hom., Hes.), nom.pl. -ijec, -éeg (Opp.).
DER évnein ‘mildness, benevolence’ (P 670, Opp.).
*ETYM Uncertain. Formations like év-teArc¢ (from téAo¢) point to a second member
*Hoc, which can be PGr. *dfog or *tfoc, the latter of which would differ only in
ablaut from Skt. dvas-, Av. auuah- [n.] ‘favor, benevolence, help’ (*h,euH-os-), in
which case évnrj¢ would properly mean “having benevolence”. However, it is rather
-évOeiv : 425
perhaps related to Lat. aveo ‘be eager’, Skt. dvay- ‘consume’, etc. with initial *a-. For
the ablaut, it has been compared with dyoc beside Skt. dgas- (from decomposition?).
It has additionally been compared with ditng (s.v. » atta), from *&(F)oc with short
a-.
évijvobev =évOetv.
évnpdotov [n.] ‘rent on ploughed land’ (Delos, Halic,; since IV*) 41E *h,erh,- ‘plough’>
VAR In the same mg. évapdtiov (Rhodos III*).
*ETYM Hellenistic technical term, hypostasized from év dpdétw or dpatw (cf. on
Apatvoc) by means of a suffix -\o-: “[rent] on the ploughed land”; the -n- is from
compositional lengthening. Likewise, mpo-npdotdc ‘before the time of ploughing’
(Hell.).
évOa [adv.], demonstrative and relative ‘there, here, where’, first local, but secondarily
also temporal; also ‘to there, to here; where to’ (on the use Hom. see Bolling Lang. 26
(1950): 371ff.); <IE *h,eno- ‘there’>
VAR évOev ‘from there, from where’ (Il.). On the difference between évOa and évOev
see Lejeune 1939: 375ff.
*DER évOd-de ‘to there, here’, évOév-Se ‘from here’ (Il.); also EvOtvoc ‘from here’
(Megar.; cf. Bechtel 1921, 2: 204), évOddtoc: évtémtog ‘local’ (H.). From crossing of
évOa and adtd (with elision or shortened from *évOavta) arose Ion. év8atta (cf.
toia : tolatta); with transfer of aspiration after v-Oa, év-Oev arose Att. évtad-B8a
(and évtev-8ev) ‘there, (to) here’ (since I 601; cf. Wackernagel 1916: 23; Att. inscr.
also évOat0a, -80i); secondary loss of aspiration (after v) in Arg. évtade, El. évtatta.
Ion. évOettev, Att. évted8ev ‘from here, from there’ (t 568) is cross of évOatta and
évOev (Wackernagel IF 14 (1903): 370°); different Schwyzer: 6287: *évOavta >
*évOnuta > *évOevta: évOedtev. After TodTO, etc. EvtovBa (Cyme, Oropos).
eETYM No parallel formations in other languages. For év-Qev, cf. 16-0ev, etc. An old
suffix -0a is found in »i®ayevijc, but other material ( Arm. and ‘there’, Olr. and
‘there’, Lat. inde, OCS kedu ‘from where?’) is doubtful; see WH s.v. inde and én. It
has been compared with the deictic element *h,eno-; see » évn.
évOeiv [v.] ‘to come, go’ (Dor., Delph., Arc). <1E? *h,ned"- ‘come about’>
eVAR Aor. ind. fv8ov, ptc. év8wv, etc. Compare the epic perf. and plpf. forms:
avivobev (A 266), of aipa; évijvo8ev (p 270), of kvion (v.1. av-); ém-evijvo8e (B 219, K
134 of Adxvn; 8 365 of EAatov), Kat-evrjvobev (Hes. Sc. 269 of Kdvic; h. Cer. 279 of
Koptat [pl.]), tmap-evrjvobe (A. R. 1, 664 of {17TI¢); the mg. is perhaps ‘to bubble up,
spring’ or ‘to spread out’.
*ETYM Since év@eiv is widespread in Doric, it is not from éA@etv (with a limited
dialectal development At > vt). There is no good verbal connection for évOsiv
outside Greek. The forms év-, dv-rjvo8e have been compared with év@eiv (ablaut
éve0- : évo0- : évO0-); avivo0_ev could go back to *dv-evijvobev by haplology.
Formally, we may reconstruct a root *h,ned'- ‘to come about’ vel sim. The Indo-
Iranian group of Skt. ddhvan- ‘road’, OAv. aduuan- [m.] ‘id? < *h,nd"-uen- is
426 EvOtvoc 1
probably related. The connection with ON ondurr ‘snowshoe’ seems more dubious.
Not related to » &v@o0c.
EvOtvoc 1 >EvOa.
>
EvOtvoc 2 [adj.] ‘godlike’, ZvopKdv te ... kai EvOivov (Hierapytna, Crete). <GR>
*ETYM Contaminated from évOeoc (Cret. *EvOtoc) and Gétvoc (Cret. *8i-tvoc > Bivoc;
built after dvOpwmivoc). Cf. Bechtel 1921, 2: 724.
évOovoidtw [v.] ‘to be possessed by a god’ (Pl. Hell.). <GRr>
VAR -tdw (A., E.), aor. EvOovoldoa, -aoat.
*DER évOovoiacic (Pl. Ph.), evOovotacpidg (Democr., Pl.), évOovoia (Procl.;
deverbal); évOovoiactixdcg ‘possessed’ (Pl. Arist.), -aoti\¢ ‘somebody who is
possessed’ (Ptol.); évOovoiwd1)¢ [adj.], -6wc [adv.] ‘possessed’ (Hp.).
*ETYM From évQeo«, after the verbs in -o1a{w (Ovoidlw, etc.) and the verbs of illness
in -tadw (Osthoff MU 2 (1879): 38); on €0 > ov, see Schwyzer: 251. On évOeoc, properly
“in whom is a god”, see Schwyzer: 429 and 435 and Stromberg 1946: 115.
évOvoxe [v.] - évtvyxdvet ‘meets with’; anoO00<o>Ketv- anotvyxdvetv ‘to miss’;
ovvOvEw- ovvavtrjow ‘I shall meet with’ (H.). <IE *d'eug"- ‘fit’>
*ETYM From *Ovx-oK-et to tuxetv (see » Tuyydvw). See Schwyzer: 708; doubts in
Brugmann IF 9 (1898): 348".
Eve Ev.
évtavtdc [m.] ‘anniversary, year’ (Il; Risch Mus. Helv. 3 (1946): 254). <2
*DER éviavotoc, Delph. Coan -tlog “(one) year, a year-long, every year’ (mt 454),
éviavolatog ‘a year long’ (Arist. see Chantraine 1933: 49); denominative verb
éviavtifoutat, -iCw ‘pass a year’ (Pl. Com.).
*ETYM A new expression for ‘year’, properly ‘anniversary’ (cf. Bechtel 1914 s.v.). For
the formation, cf. kovi-op-t6c¢, Bov-Av-tdc, etc. (Schwyzer: 501); it seems to contain a
word évog ‘year’ (H., Sch. Theoc. 7, 147), seen in several compounds : dievoc ‘two
years old’ (Thphr.), éntdevov: éntaetiy H., tetpdevocg (Call.); as an s-stem, in
tetpaevec [n.] (Theocr. 7, 147), bmevec: eic tetaptryv H; see also > tvic. The same
word also perhaps occurs in Baltic and Gm., e.g. as a second element in Lith. pér-nai
‘last year’ (*per-h,n-, with acute from the laryngeal), perhaps in Ru. loni < *ol-ni ‘of
the past year’, Go. fram fair-nin jera ‘from the past year’. The second member seems
to contain iatw, either the present-stem év-tav-tdc (Meillet MSL 23 (1923): 274f.) or
the verbal root (cf. kovi-op-téc, etc. above), in which case -t- would be a
compositional vowel: év-t-av-té¢ (Schwyzer: 424°, 448). This is hardly probable;
neither are the semantics (*"pause of the year”?) evident. Acc. to Brugmann IF 15
(1903-1904): 87ff., Brugmann IF 1 (1892): 319f.), and many others, it belongs to
éviavbw as *”’Rast-, Ruhestation der Sonne, Jahreswende”; a to-formation from a
present would, however, be remarkable.
évtot [adj.] ‘some, a few’. <IE? *h,eno- ‘that’>
évvéa 427
*DER éviote ‘sometimes’, Eviayi, -o0 ‘in some places, sometimes’, originally Ionic
words (only in prose), that were taken up in Attic; late Dorianizing reshaping évioxa
(Archyt.), also vidxtc ‘sometimes’ (Sor.; after TOAAAKLE, etc.).
*ETYM Uncertain. The explanation by Ebel (KZ 5, 7of., taken over by Schwyzer 614),
starting from évi oi, évi Ste = Eottv ol, E08 Ste, must be given up: évt in the function
‘is, are’ is ascertained only since V-VI? (see » év). The best solution seems to be the
hypothesis of Benfey, further advocated by Wackernagel 1907: 6, assuming év ‘one’
(like HG einige to eins and MoE some to *sem); the psilosis would be Ionic. For the
ending, cf. upto, xiAtor; then éviote, éviaxfj, -ob would be formed after Ste, néte,
TtohAayi, -ob, etc. Improbably, Brugmann IF 28 (1911): 355ff. connects it with the
demonstrative *évoc in vn ‘the third day’, éxeivos, etc.
éviny [f.] ‘reproach, menace, threat’ (II.). <1E? *h,eni-h,k”- ‘teproach’>
*DER Beside it the yod-present évioow, aor. évévinov, hvinanov (Schwyzer: 648 and
748, Chantraine 1942: 398), new present évintw (Il; évintw also A. Ag. 590, cf. on
> évvérw) ‘reproach, revile’; lengthened present éwtd(w (A. R.). Here also the river
name’Evuretc (Hdt.) as “rager” (Bofhardt apud Frisk)?
*ETYM As a verbal noun of évioow, évinr must have had a labiovelar *k”. Brugmann
connected it with »dninebw, Skt. iksate ‘see’, etc. (root *h,k”- ‘see’), which he
substantiated (IF 12, 31) by referring to dmic ‘reverential look’, also ‘retribution,
punishment’. Likewise, Porzig 1942: 228: évutr as ‘malign look’. Brugmann further
connected it (in a rather unclear way) with iyao, twetat (see »imtopat) ‘to oppress,
punish’ vel sim. This in turn has been connected with > idntw ‘shoot, hurt, etc,’ <
*h,i-h,ek”-ie/o-; thence intopat from *h,i-h,k”- (Kuiper Glotta 21 (1933): 282ff; Kuiper
MKNAW 14: 5 (1951): 25°), and évi-m1 from *h,eni-h,k”-.
évvéa [num.] ‘nine’ (II.). <1E *h,n(e)un ‘nine’>
eVAR Also hevvéa (Heracl. after émtd, oxtw), évvij or -1) (Delph. Cyren., etc. cf.
Fraenkel Glotta 20 (1932): 88).
eCOMP As a first member beside évvea- (e. g. Hom. évved-Botoc) also older éva-, Ion.
eiva-, e.g. Hom. eivd-etec [adv.] ‘nine years long’, civa-vvyec ‘nine nights long’, éva-
K6otot (eiva-) ‘nine hundred’.
*DER In derivatives: éva-tog ‘the ninth’, Ion. etvatoc, Argiv. Cret. fvatoc, Aeol.
Evotog; eivac [f.] ‘the ninth day’ (Hes. Op. 810) beside évvedc ‘set of nine’ (Theoc.);
évaxic (ei-) ‘nine times’ et al.; but évvijjtap ‘nine days long’ (A 53), see Sommer 1950:
28f., 33 with details, e.g. Boeot. évaxndexatn and évvaetipw (Hes. Op. 436). On
> évevijkovta, see s.v.; on Evatos cf. dEkaToc s.v. » Seka.
*ETYM The Greek form exists beside Skt. ndva, Lat. novem (with -m after decem,
septem), Go. niun, Lith. devyni, OCS deveto (with d- by dissimilation from -n- or
after désimt, deseto), etc. all from IE *h,neun. The *h,- is reconstructed because both
Gr. évvé(F)a, *évpa- (higuy, whence eiva-, éva-, etc.) and Arm. inn (= inan,
disyllabic) show forms with initial vowel. Thrac. evea is unclear (von Blumenthal IF
51 (1933): 115). A special problem is presented by the geminate in évvéa. Acc. to Ward
Lang. 24 (1948): soff., it was caused by the syllable length in éntd, dxtw
(improbable); acc. to Sommer 1950: 27, *év|fa- changed *é|véfa to *év||véfa (which
428 év(vétw
is improbable). Differently, Wackernagel KZ 28 (1887): 132ff.); see Schwyzer: 591.
Connection with »véoc ‘new’ is impossible in view of the *h,-. Incorrectly,
Szemerényi 1964: 107-118 (who does not accept the laryngeal).
év(v)énw [v.] ‘to say, recount, announce’ (Il.). On the mg. Fournier 1946: 47f. <IE
*sek"- ‘say’>
eVAR Aor. éviomeiv, ipv. pl. gonete (epic), fut. Evionrjow (e 98), éviyw (H 447; for
*evéww? Chantraine 1942: 443), new present évintw (Pi. P. 4, 201; cf. s.v. » évimtn).
*COMP Also with preverb: é&-, mpoo-, map-, etc.
*DER » doztetoc; also »Oeonéotoc, »Péomc. Note mpoo-eyia (cod. -1d; leg. -tc¢?):
MpooayopeEvois ‘greeting’ (H.). On » évomn, see s.v.
*ETYM The imperative évvere is identical with Lat. inseque, insece ‘say, recount’ (with
inquam, inquit); -vv- in this form is attributable to metrical lengthening (Solmsen
1901: 35, Chantraine 1942: 100f.), or rather to Aeolic assimilation from -vo- (e.g.
Schulze 1892: 128 A. 2, 173 and Lejeune 1972: 128; also, Schwyzer: 300)? The zero
grade of (o)em- (IE *sek”-) is found in the aorist évi-on-etv (ipv. onete < *év-ort-
ete). On the preverb év-, see Chantraine RPh. 68: 117 and Schwyzer 1950: 457. A
verbal noun appears in Olr. insce ‘discourse’ < IE *en(i)-sk”-id; Celtic has other
forms like OW hepp ‘inquit’. In Lith. there is only dialectal seku, sékti ‘say’, but
otherwise this formation was replaced in Balto-Slavic by Lith. sakau, -yti ‘say’, Ru.
socit’ ‘indicate’ < caus. *sok”-eie-, which is also found in Gm., e.g. ON segja, OS
seggian, etc, PGm. pres. *sagje- < IE *sok”-éie-. OHG sagén is an innovation. The
future éviyw arose from *h,eni-sk”-s-6, with dissimilation of the first s (not from
*evéww, which is not authentic); see Waack-Erdmann MSS 41 (1982): 199-204.
évveoiat [pl.] ‘counsels, plans’ (II.), only dat. -joi(v) (E 894) except A. R. 3, 1364 (gen.
-dwv). <IE *Hieh,- ‘send, throw; make, do’>
*ETYM Prop. ‘inspirations’ (“in-givings”), from év-inju with metrically necessary
double -v- (Chantraine 1942: 100). On the suffix -oin (instead of -otc), see Schwyzer:
469, Risch 1937: 124, and Porzig 1942: 99. Likewise, é&eoir) (Hom.) ‘sending out,
message’, from é&-inpit. See > input.
évvottos [adj.] ‘humid’ (Call. Fr. 350). <GR>
eETYM Acc. to Leumann 1950: 51f., the form arose by false division from A 811 Kata
dé vvdtioc péev idpwo. However, other explanations are possible: that it is a cross of
vottog and év-vypoc vel sim, or a bahuvrihi of év and votia, on which see Strémberg
1946: 124.
évvvuut [v.] ‘to clothe, dress (oneself) (Il.). <1£ *ues- ‘cloth’>
eVAR Med. -pat; Ion. etvupu, -pol, impf. Kata-eivvov Y 135 (v.l. -vuoav, -Avov; cf.
eiAbw), aor. Eo(o)at, -ac8a1, fut. Zo(o)w, -opat, Att. dpipid, -obpct, perf. med. eipat,
gooat, eitat or gotat, eipévoc, plpf. goto, geoto (Il; cf. below), Att. Hugieopan,
TU@tecpEevos, poet. dupeppévos, aor. pass. ptc. durecBeic (Hdn.).
eCOMP Often with preverb, especially du@i- (always in Attic); also ém-, kata-, Ttept-,
amapgt-, etc. New presents: dpqr-éCu, » augracw.
évopyetac 429
*DER & Eavdcg name of a woman’s cloth s.v.5 ef{uata [pl.] (rarely sing.) ‘clothes, cover’
L.), Aeol. (F)eupata (yéuuata: iwdtia ‘clothes’ H.), Cret. Frua (yfua iuatiov H.),
also Frias [gen.sg.] to Fuad [f.] (cf. yyOua ~ yv@un et al.); often as a second
member, e.g. ev-, kako-eiwwv. Diminutive eivdtia [pl.], Att. »ipatiov, often plur. -ta,
with inatidtov, -tSdpiov, ivatiw, iatioudc, etc. Further €o8o¢ [n.] ‘clothes, dress’
(QO 94, Ar. [lyrical and Dor.]), formation like G&y@oc, mA‘8oc, etc. (Schwyzer: 511,
Benveniste 1935: 199); denominative perfect fjoOrpa1, mostly in ptc. h}oOnyEvos (é-)
‘clothed’ (Ion.) with éo8rpata [pl.] ‘clothes’ (trag., Th.), éoOrjcetc ‘id’ (Ath.); cf.
Fraenkel 1910: 106f. More usual than €08o¢ is éoOr¢ (Pi. €o04c), -fto¢ [f.] “id” (Od.);
attempts at an explanation by Brugmann-Delbriick 1897-1916 2:1, 527, Schwyzer IF 30
(1912): 443; lengthened dat.pl. éo@rjoect (Hell.). yéotpa (= Féotpa; cod. yeotia, see
below): évdvoic, oTOAN, iudtia ‘putting on, apparel, clothes’ (H.); see Latte; to é@-
resp. dugt-évvuut: épeotpic [f.] ‘upper garment, coat’ (X.), dugi-eotpic [f.] ‘coat,
sleeping garment’ (Poll.); on the formation Schwyzer: 465, Chantraine 1933: 338.
From dugt-évvunt further dugieopa (IA), -ieoig (sch.), -teopdg (D. H. 8, 62; vil.
-tacpoc, from > dugiatw).
*ETYM The present évvout, eivout < *féo-vu-u (Att. -vv- from restored -ov-;
Schwyzer: 284, 312, 322, Lejeune 1972: 123) is identical with Arm. z-genum ‘to put on’
(aor. z-gec‘ay, med.). Beside this nu-present, there is also an athematic root present
in Indo-Iranian and Hittite: Skt. vds-te ‘clothes himself, Hitt. impv.act. apl. ues-ten,
ind.pres.med. 3sg. ues-ta. Exactly parallel are the Greek perfect forms 1sg. eiuat <
*péo-pat (to which belongs analogical 3sg. eitat), 2sg. €o-cat (Od.), 38g. émi-eotat
(Hdt. 1, 47 = Skt. vds-te); these are perhaps reinterpreted old presents (cf. ptc.
eiévoc); see Chantraine 1942: 297, Schwyzer: 767. For the Greek o-aorist, cf. ToB
pret. wdssdte ‘he put on’. The nominal derivatives could be old: éavdc [m.]: Skt. vas-
ana- [n.] ‘cloth’; eiwa = Skt. vds-man- [n.] ‘cloth’; réotpa : Skt. vds-tra- [n.] ‘id’,
MHG wes-ter ‘christening dress’. Except for uncertain yeotia (see above), Greek
does not have the normal derivative in -t- seen in Lat. ves-ti-s, Arm. zges-t (u-stem),
Go. wasti. The idea that IE *ues- ‘dress, wear’ is a derivative of *h,eu- ‘put on’, seen in
Lat. ind-u6, etc., is impossible because of the initial *h,-.
évorau [f.pl.] ‘ear pendant’ (S. Fr.54). <GR>
eETYM Hypostasis from év Omaic, properly “in the holes”; in the same meaning,
dtonat (Attica, Ar.), from 6 ond@v “(fitted) through the holes”. With oppositive
accent, di-omtog ‘with two holes’ (Epid., Ath.), a bahuvrihi. See further » wetomm and
> Onn.
évony [f.] ‘cry, battle cry, sound(s), voice(s)’ (Il. on the mg. Triimpy 1950: 154f., but
hardly all correct). <1E *sek’- ‘say’ or *uek”- ‘speak’>
*ETYM A connection with év(v)émw ‘say’ (cf. Schwyzer: 460) is perhaps better than
that with »émoc, etc. as *év-fon-f (Brugmann KZ 25 (1881): 306”) for semantic
reasons; however, DELG holds that a connection with évvénw is impossible, and
prefers the other etymology. This presupposes a verb with év-; cf. Lat. in-vocd, OPr.
en-wackémai ‘we invoke’. Cf. Porzig 1942: 251.
évopysias [f.] - tac veoooeiac. Kpijitec ‘breedings, nestlings (Cret.) (H.). <GR>
430 Evo
*ETYM Acc. to Bechtel 1921, 2: 784 (who writes évopyia), it is abstracted from évopyoc
‘who is év Opyfj, ie in the rutting season’. See » Opyr}.
évoc [adj.] ‘old’ as opposed to ‘new’, only in fixed expressions about fruits and officials
of the past year, also of the last day of the preceding month, indicating the new
period (Hes. évn the first day of the month, with Ion. psilosis?); in the last sense
mostly év1] kai véa (sc. ceArvn; Att. since Solon). <IE *seno- ‘old’>
*ETYM The common IE word for ‘old’, *sénos, is still found in most branches, in
opposition to ‘new’: Gr. évoc, Arm. hin, Skt. sdna-, Lith. sénas, Olr. sen; here also ON
sina [f.] ‘withered grass of last year’ (cf. évog BAaotos, etc.). Some languages also use
it in opposition to ‘young’: thus e.g. Celtic and Lithuanian, but also Gm., e.g. Go.
sineigs ‘mpeoBbtn¢’, as well as Iranian, Av. hana- ‘old, grey’; nevertheless, Skt. sdna- is
not used in this way. The latter meaning became dominant in Italic: Lat. senex, Osc.
senateis ‘senatis’. In the Eastern languages, *sénos was replaced in this meaning by
derivatives from the root of » yépwv. Cf. Porzig 1954b: 343ff.
évoots [f.] ‘shaking, quake’ (Hes, E. [lyr.]). <2
DIAL Myc. e-ne-si-da-o-ne, with a difficult -e-.
eCOMP As a first member in the epic compounds évooi-x8wv, évvooi-yatog ‘earth-
shaker’, epithets of Poseidon; in the same mg. évvooidac (Pi; with da- in Aa-pdatnp
(see Anuntnp and von Wilamowitz 1931: 203); after this eivooi-pvAdog ‘shaking off
foliage’ (Hom; éwv-, eiv- with metrical lengthening; cf. Chantraine 1942: 100); cf.
Knecht 1946: 26.
DER Evooretau: Tpgvet, ceietat ‘tremble, shake’ (Cyr.).
*ETYM Uncertain. The explanation as *év-Fo0-tic from » w0éw (see also > wv,
> éeipa) by Pott, followed by many scholars, meets with several objections: the
sequence -0-t- should have given -ot- (cf. e.g. mo0-t1¢ beside meb-otc); the o-grade as
in d-ppwv: pry is not expected in a ti-derivative (and refuted by Mycenaean
anyway); finally, a prefix év- is not well explained (“bump against”?). If Evootc is
indeed a primary ti-derivative (cf. Holt 1941: 94f.), we would rather expect a
formation like dpo-oic; however, évooig may have been derived from the
compounds. Incorrectly, Janda 1999: 183-203 (followed by Stiiber 2002: 88), who
assumes a root *h,enh,- ‘to move, with which he connects Skt. dnas, Lat. onus
‘burden’). However, no such root is attested: the Lat. o-grade points to *h,en- and the
apparent lack of Brugmann in Skt. is explained by Lubotsky 1990: 132. Kloekhorst
2008: now connects aniie/a-* ‘work, produce, etc’ with these words as *h,n-ie/o-.
Finally, the roof meaning of *h,en- would rather be ‘carry on a cart or an animal’,
-which does not seem adequate for Greek; neither does it solve the problem posed by
Mycenaean. Thus, the Greek words remain without etymology.
EvOXEPW ETO XEPW.
évtadOa eVAR évtev0ev. =EvOa.
évte éote.
EVTOG 431
évtea [n.pl.] ‘equipment’, especially ‘defensive weapons’ (Il; cf. Triimpy 1950: 7off.).
<i>
VAR Evtog [sg.] (Archil. 6).
ecOMP As a first member in évteot-ijotwp (also évteo-) gmetpog STAWV
‘experienced with tools/weapons’ (H.), further in évteot-epyovc [acc.pl.] ‘working
harnessed’(?), epithet of fptdvouc (QO. 277).
eETYM Beside évtea, there is évtbvw, -opal, évtbw, aor. évtbvat ‘to equip, prepare’
(IL). As it recalls dptv(v)w, it may have been built after this verb (Porzig 1942: 338).
A basic noun *évtvc could be assumed. Connection with > dvuju, dviw is impossible
(see Frisk). Compare > évapa and » ad0évtig (on the psilosis, see Chantraine 1942:
186).
évteAéxera [f.] philosophical notion created by Aristotle, “completion, fullness’
(opposed to dvvautc). <GR?>
*ETYM Compound from évtenéc éxetv (cf. ovvéxeta, vovvexeta, etc.), hardly from the
rare and doubtful évteAeyrjc; the resemblance to évdeAexr)¢, -e1a has led to mistakes
in the mss. ‘
évtepa [n.pl.] ‘intestines, bowels’, also sing. ‘gut’ (Il.). «IE *h,entero- ‘inside part’>
eCOMP As a first member e.g. in évtepo-xKrA1 ‘breach of the intestines, hernia’ (Dsc.,
Gal.; see Risch IF 59 (1949): 285, Stromberg 1944: 69).
*DER Diminutive évtepidia (Com.); also évtépiov (M. Ant. 6, 13% form and mg.
uncertain); évtepwvr ‘inside of a fruit, heartwood of a plant or tree’ (Hp. Thphr;
Strémberg 1937: 127f.); formation like iaciwvn, eipeoiwvy (Chantraine 1933: 208);
évtepoveta (Ar. Eq. 1185) mg. unclear; acc. to H. and Suid. = évtepidvr ‘innermost
part’; adjectives évtepikdg ‘of the &’ (Arist.), évtépivoc ‘made from bowels’ (sch.);
denominative verb évtepetw ‘gut fishes’ (Com.).
eETYM Old word for intestines, identical with Arm. ander-k‘ [pl.], -ac‘ [gen.pl.] and
with ON idrar [pl.] < PGm. *inberéz. Hiibschmann 1897: 447f. suggested that the
Arm. word was borrowed from Greek. The original adjectivial meaning is preserved
in Skt. dntara-, Av. antara- ‘being inside’, with Osc. Entrai [dat.sg.] *‘Interae’, name
of a goddess; in Latin, it was replaced by interior. IE *h,enter-o is an adjective derived
from an adverb *enter, preserved in Skt. antdr ‘inside’, Lat. inter ‘between’. Besides
OHG untar, there is also Osc. anter ‘under’ = ‘amongst’ from the zero grade *h,nter.
At the basis is the adverb *h,en (see Ȏv) with the comparative suffix -ter; see
Benveniste 1948: 120f.
EvTOAH = TEAAW 1.
Evtog [n.]=évtea.
évtdc [adv.] and [prep.] ‘inside’ (IL). «IE *h,en-tos ‘(from) inside’>
*DER évtooGe(v), rare EvtoVev (after Evdo0Ev, ExtoVev, etc.) (from) inside’ (epic
Ion,, IL.;) with évtdo®8a and évtooGidia [n.pl.] ‘intestines’ (Hp., Arist, cf. Chantraine
1933: 39), with the adjective évtda@toc, -idtoc ‘of the intestines’ (medic.); cf. below.
Compar. évt6tepos ‘inner’ (LXX).
432 évtporahiCouat
*ETYM Identical with Lat. intus (from) inside’; IE formation in -tos (e.g. Skt. i-tdh
‘from here’, Lat. peni-tus ‘[from] inside’) from the adverb *h,en; see » év. Cf. also
Pm éicrdc. EvtdoOla is not (as per Vendryes REGr. 23 (1910): 74) from *évtdotia (after
évtooe) = Skt. antastya- [n.] ‘intestines’; the word belongs to Skt. antdr ‘inside’ (see
> évtepov) with regular replacement of -r by -s- in sandhi before the suffix -tya-.
évtpomalifoua [v.] ‘to turn around (often), turn back’ (I1.). <1E *trep- ‘turn’>
VAR Only ptc. -dpevoc. In the same mg. also petatpomadiCeo [impv.med.] (Y 190).
eETYM Expressive formation from tpoméopat, tpénopat, modelled on these like
otpogahi~w on otpopéw, otpépw and Kpotadi~w on Kpotéw. The original starting
point was a noun in -aA(o-); cf. Kpdtadov, otpopadtys. Chantraine 1942: 340. An
adjective évtpo7taddéc ‘shameful, afraid’ is attested in MoGr. cf. Schwyzer: 32.
Differently, Bechtel 1914: 318f.
évtvBov [n.] ‘andive’ (Gp.). <LW Lat. (Sem.)>
eVAR ituBoc (Edict. Diocl.); ivtouBog (Ps. Dsc.).
*ETYM The Latin word seems to be a loan from Semitic (see André 1956: 170,
Hiltbrunner 1958: 174-177, and Hiltbrunner Archiv fiir das Studium der neueren
Sprachen 197 (1960): 22f.).
EvTUVW eVAR Evtbw. >EvtEd.
évtumds [adv.] uncertain, but probably ‘wrapped in’ (O, 163 6 & év péooot yepatds ||
évtumac év xAaivy Kexahvppéevog; later A. R., Q. S.). <IE? *tup- ‘squat’?>
DER Evturtadia H; évtetumaotat ‘is wrapped (in) (BSA 16, 107 [Pisidia]).
eETYM The meaning was already uncertain in antiquity, as appears from the
explanations in Hesychius: évtumdc évtetumwpévoc. EyKEKAAVLMEVOG TO TIPOOWNOV
TH ipatiw, th xeipa Exwv mpd Tov Mpoownov. if Kekv@we ‘formed, molded. With the
face wrapped in the mantle, holding the hand before the face. Or with the head down
(in shame)’. Mostly (with the schol.) connected with » tbitw, tbmo¢ and taken as
‘well enveloped in’, i.e. in such a way that the outline of the bodily members and the
head could be distinguished. Taken by Kurschat apud Prellwitz as ‘squatting’, related
to Lith. tupti, tupéti ‘id.”. On the adverbs in -ac, see Schwyzer: 631 and Chantraine
1942: 251.
PA
évwdtov ‘earring’ (Att. inscr. since 399*; Meisterhans 1900: 65 and 79), often dual
(Schwyzer 1950: 47).
*ETYM Hypostatic diminutive formation from *év-ov(o)-idtov, with transfer of the w
from wta, etc. (Wackernagel Phil. Anz. 15 (1885): 199ff; see also Schulze 1892: 38’).
Since Hellenistic times, it has instead been évwtuov, fully adapted to @ta (inscr.
Delos 279%, etc.) with the new diminutive évwtidtov (inscr. Delos, Tanagra); further,
évwtdplov after wtapiov (H. s.v. Botpvéia). Beside it exists a formation in -ddtov in
ewPadia- evwtia. Adkwvec (H.), from *é§-wvh-ddta; cf. Schwyzer: 520). See > ovc.
év@na [adv.] ‘in the face, openly; against’ with gen. (O 320, Orph. L., Epigr.).
Univerbation of év oa, cf. » Evavta and Schwyzer: 619. <IE *h,ek”- ‘eye’ >
eVAR Only in katev@ra (kat év@na, KaTévwTd).
é 433
*DER Evwrta-Siwe ‘face to face, in the flesh’ (w 94), -dic¢ (A. R. 4, 351), -66v-(Q. S. 2, 84)
‘id’.
eETYM The form évwz-toc ‘in the face, visible’ arose by hypostasis, mostly in its
neuter form évwmiov as an adverb and preposition (with gen.) ‘in person, face to
face’ (Hell.), katevwmuov ‘id.’ (Hell.). Additionally, there is €v@mta [n.p].] ‘front wall,
outside wall, front of a house’ (Hom.), also in sing. (Delos II*); ‘face’ (A. Supp. 146
[lyr.]). The form évwrtfj ‘in the face, openly’ (E 374), an isolated dative, is from évwnn
‘look, face’ (only in évwntic yAtvea Nic. Th. 227; simplex wm) A. R.), if not a
reformation of év@ma after the adverbial datives in -f (onovdyj, etc; Schwyzer: 622);
cf. Chantraine 1942: 249. See » My, and cf. » tpdowzov and > pétTwroVv.
Evwtiov = EvMdiov.
8& [adv., prev., prep.] ‘out’ (II). Details in Schwyzer 1950: 46iff. <IE *h,eg"-s ‘out’ (or
*h,ek-s)>
*VAR Before consonant éx (éy, x), dialectally é¢ (Boeot. always &(o)c).
eDER é€w [adv., prep. with gen.] ‘outside’ (cf. dvw, eiow); thence éwOev ‘from
outside’ (1A), etc. Variants: é€ei- Ew (H.) with locative ending, Cret. e&o, Delph.
efoc; on éEov0a, éEeoa see Lejeune 1939: 329, 355. Cf. » €x8dc (Locr., Delphi) from é.
*ETYM Exact agreements with é€ are found in Italic and Celtic, e.g. Lat. ex (é, ec-),
MW ex-, Olr. ess-; further, in Baltic and Slavic forms with unclear i-, e.g. Lith. is, iz,
OCS is, iz; doubtfully, Arm. i, y- ‘out, from’ (beside i, y- ‘in’). Because of the aspirates
in Eoxato<, éx8dc (= éxtdc), etc, one has posited an IE pre-form *h,eg"-s instead of
*hek-s. This assumption is unnecessary for »&x@dc, but seems unavoidable for
> Zoxatoc. Cf. also » éy8pdc.
#€ [num.] ‘six’. <1E *sueks ‘six’>
*DIAL Myc. we-pe-za /"wekspeza/, see Viredaz SMEA 23 (1982): 310-313; Dor, etc. Fée.
*COMP As a first member, beside rare é§-, éx-, usually é&a- (€€d-petpoc, e&a-Kdotot,
etc.) after émta-, tetpa-; é&i-Kovta after mevtr}-Kovta; on second members -Kovta
and -xdotot see on > StaKdotol.
DER é€itng (scil. BdAOc) ‘throw of six in the game of dice’ (Epigr., Poll.); é&ac, -avtoc
[m.] (Sicil.) formed after Lat. sextans, together with é€Gavtiov (Epich.). Ordinal éxtos,
Cret. Féxtoc; adverb e€dxic (after moAAKIc, etc.); collective éEac [f.] ‘number of six’
(Ph.) with éadixdc.
eETYM The JE numeral ‘six’ has two variants: Lat. sex, Germ., e.g. Go. saihs, Lith. ses-
i, OCS Ses-tv, Alb. gjash-té, ToA sak seem to go back to IE *seks. On the other hand,
Gr. Fé—, Arm. vec’, Celt, eg. MW chwech, Skt. sds-, Av. xSuuas point to *sueks.
However, although some details remain unclear, the form with -y- is certainly
original, while the loss of -y- may have been triggered by ‘seven’, *septm. Gr. €& (Dor.
rét) continues *sueks with loss of the digamma or the aspiration; on Boeot. &
(beside Fucacth), see Schwyzer: 226.
The ordinal éxtoc, féxtoc is probably from *syek-to-s, as *syeks-to-s would give
**_y@-. An original sequence *-kt- also seems necessary for certain Germanic forms,
OHG sehto (beside sehsto), ON sétti. Other forms, however, show -s-: Lat. sextus, Go.
saihsta, ToA skést. Yet other forms are ambiguous: Skt. sasthd-, Lith. sétas, OCS
434 eEartoc
Sesto; note Gaul. suexos. On unclear Eéotpie xprOr} 7 ebaotixoc. Kvidtot H., see
Schwyzer: 269, 590. See Lubotsky 2000b on the IIr. and IE reconstruction.
EE arto Saivupat.
eEaigvnys =eanivns.
#EaXocg [adj.] ‘out of the sea, far from the sea’ (A 134 = w 281), weakly attested vl. for &&
aAdc; also Emp. 117 (ix8vc; from e&aAAopat?) and Hell. <GRr>
*ETYM Hypostasis of && dAdc. Hardly correctly, Leumann 1950: 55”4.
éEaving =dvta.
eEanivns [adv.] ‘suddenly’ (I1.). <PG>
VAR Dor. -ac; Hell. é&amiva (after the adverbs in -a).
DER e€amtvaioc, together with the adverb -aiwe ‘id” (Hp., Th.).
*ETYM Formation like é€aigvnc. These words clearly have something to do with
> dap, > Gpvw: Fur.: 158, etc. recognized that the whole group is Pre-Greek (1/@).
The variants -t-/-71- show that the i is part of the consonant, so we may assume a
PG phoneme *p” for these forms (Pre-Greek: B 1). For the same Pre-Greek
phenomenon, cf. »kvwnevc / »KtIvwmetov, »TIvUTdcG; also, PdKpatpviic /
> akparvic. See further > aiya, » aime.
EEaottc, -t0¢ [f.] ‘hem of a fabric’ (Samos IV*), plur. ‘threads coming out of a fabric’,
especially ‘selvage of linen’ (medic.). <1E? *h,et-ti- ‘stitching’>
VAR Also é€eotic (Gal.).
eETYM Derived by Schmidt 1895: 89' from *é§-av-ot-tc, a verbal noun from
éEaviotnu, for which he assumed apocope and loss of the nasal like in Epid. d-otdc
= av(a)-otdc¢. However, apocope is unmotivated in a Ionic word, and the ending -tc
is unexpected.
Boisacq considered connection with » d&ttojtat ‘to set the warp in the loom’, dopa
‘warp’, etc. Given the new etymological proposal for »Gttopa, this is quite
attractive, as aotic may simply mean ‘what sticks out’.
eEavotip =adbw 2.
eEavtijs [adv.] ‘immediately’ (Hell.). <GR>
*ETYM Probably from é€ avtijc thc O50u; see Wackernagel 1916: 414.
ékepdw —dn-epdw.
etalw etal.
eb ijc [adv.] ‘in a row, one after the other’ (Od, Att.). <GR>
eCOMP ég-e€jjc, Ion. én- ~ ‘id’, KaO-ebf\¢ ‘id’ (Ev. Luc. 1, 3, Plu, Ael.).
DER Also é€eing (Hom.), ég-, xa0-e€eing (Orph., Opp.); av (Dor., accentuation?)
‘id’.
eETYM The adverbial genitive é&fj¢ must derive from a nominal formation of éxeo8at
‘connect, follow’, but the details are uncertain. Schulze 1892: 293 detects in é&jj¢ and
étav forms of a noun *&a with the same inflexion as 1d, tude, plav; Bechtel 1914 s.v.
cow,
1
cs ae 7
edXet 435
starts from an adjective *é§dc. Solmsen 1909: 240") supposes that é&fj¢ was contracted
from earlier é€einc (metrical lengthening for *é&é1¢?); however, this does not explain
Dor. é€av. é€e({)in¢ is from an adjective *é&e(ijoc (cf. Geta: ta e&fj¢ H.); is this in turn
from é&tc? The synonymous énexéc (Arg.), émexei (Delph.), and moteyei (Heracl.) are
from én-, mot-éxeo8ar. See » Exw.
ektotwv [adj.] ‘fringed’? Adjunct of yttwvioxov [acc.], together with ktevwtdv (IG 2?,
1514: 30, 1516: 9 [middle IV*], in lists of clothes given to Artemis, containing several
technical words). <GR>
*ETYM Without a doubt for €&§ iotwv ‘consisting of six woven pieces’; on the matter, -
see Preisigke 1925 s.v. iotdc.
2EovopaKAndny [adv.] ‘by name’ (Hom.). <1E *klh, ‘call’>
*ETYM Also & & OvoptaKAnSryy, a hypostasis of the expression dvojia Kadgiv (TLva)
‘to call (sbd.) by name’ with KAndny (I 1) and é& as in éovopaivw (-dw). See
Pm Kaew. ;
gEovAn [f.] ‘ejectment, dispossession’ (Att.), almost only in é€ovAf¢ Six; rarely
éEovAr and -dc. <1E *uel-(H)- ‘press together’>
*ETYM Juridical term, from *éx-FoAva from *éx-feAvéw ‘push out’ (see > eiAéw 1); cf.
also on GArjc¢ and » ovAapdc. On the oxytonesis, see Wackernagel and Debrunner
Phil. 95 (1942): 178f.
BEw = 2k,
Eweakat [pl] ‘a kind of outward Haemorrhoid knots, resembling lentil fruits’
(Cyran.). 4 EUR?>
*ETYM Related to » gaxdc ‘lentil’; cf. » dan.
éotka [v.] ‘to resemble’ (Il.); see Chantraine 1942: 424f., 479f., Schwyzer: 769, 773, 541.
IE? *ueik- ‘be fitting’?>
eVAR Epic du. éiktov, Att. pl. goikapev, pretsg. éwetv, epic du. éiktyy, Att. pl.
éwkeoav, epic med. éikto, iikto, ptc. eikws (M 254, Att., beside gorkwe), fem. éikvia,
ntr. eixdc; sg. olka, ptc. oixws (Hdt.).
eCOMP Also with prefix ém-, an-éouKa, etc.
*DER Innovation factitive > eixa{w and éioKw (Il. only present stem, ipf. ioxe(v), ptc.
toxovt-) ‘to equate, compare, suppose’.
eETYM The old intransitive perfect goa (whence by hyphaeresis oika, etc;
differently, Schwyzer: 766f.) continues *Fé-Foix-a, du. *Fé-FtK-tov, plpf. *(é-)Fe-Foik-
‘ et (> é@xet), which is shown by the meter (Chantraine 1942: 129). Innovations were
*Fe-Fik-oK-w (> eioxw), *fe-Fik-dw > eka lw, >» eixdtw. A form *fix-oK-w without
reduplication is supposed in ioxe(v), foxovt’ (e.g. Schwyzer: 708; Chantraine 1933:
317). No reduplication in » eikwv; for eixwc, however, a reconstruction *Fe-FiK-Fw<C
instead of *fex- is also possible. On elkedog, see > ikeAoc; on > émtenkric see s.v. There
are no certain cognates outside Greek. The comparison with the Baltic root of Lith. j-
- vpkti ‘to occur, happen, get real’, pa-véikslas ‘example’, etc. is doubtful.
£6Act [v.3sg.] ‘oppressed’ (Pi. P. 4, 233, conj. Boeckh). <1E *uel- ‘press together’>
436 éop
*DER Hence é6A1)to ‘be surrounded, oppressed’ (A. R.).
eETYM See m eihéw 1.
éop [f.] - Svydatijp, aveyidc ‘daughter, cousin’ (H.). 4IE *suesor- ‘sister’>
VAR E0pEc: Mpoor|kovtec, ovyyeveic ‘kinsmen, relatives’ (H.).
*ETYM Old relic of the IE word for ‘sister’, seen in Skt. svdsar-, Lat. soror, Germ., e.g.
Go. swistar, all from IE *suésor-. The Greek forms must come from a psilotic dialect;
gop seems to be a vocative. In Greek, the word was replaced by ade qi, like ppatnp
by adeA @oc.
Eopya =épdw.
£opyn [f.] ‘topbvn; stirrer, ladle’. <1E *uerg- ‘work’>
*DER Denominative éopyijoat- topuvijoat ‘to stir’ and éopyiletar topyvatat (Poll.
H,, Eust.). Further evépyn, evepyétic (Poll., H., EM). Semantically and formally close
is OpydCewv ‘to weaken, knead, tan’ (Att.), cf. ebepyrc of dptog “well-kneaded loaf in
Andromachos (apud Gal. 14, 38, 9).
*ETYM The formation édpyn (accent for *éopyr) like deiAn, Sépr? See below), like &6-
w6-n, etc., may derive from reduplicated *Fe-Fopy-1. The variants evépyn, -étic seem
to be folk-etymological reshapings (cf. evepyrjc above). The form opyda{w replaced
original opydw (Schwyzer: 718). The words belong to » épyov, »épdw; for the
meaning, cf. HG (Teig) wirken = ‘knead’.
éopth [f.] ‘feast, religious festival’ (Od.). <2?
*DIAL Ion. opty (with hyphaeresis).
«COMP As a second member in @tA-€optog (Ar. [lyr.]), ete.
*DER Adjectives éoptaiog ‘ptng. to the festival (D. H.), éoptwérg¢ ‘festive’ (J., Ph.)
and denominative éopta(w, dptatw ‘celebrate a festival (IA) together with édptaoic
(Pl.), -woc (J.), é6ptacpia (LXX), goptaotii¢ (Poll, Max. Tyr.), éoptaotiKds
‘appropriate for a festival’ (Pl. Lg. 829b, etc.).
*ETYM Traditionally analysed as a verbal noun in -t1 (e.g. *Fe-Fop-tH), but without
further cognates. Also taken as related to > épotic, » Epavoc; not, however, to > fpa.
&6¢ 8, &.
énatviy [adj.] adjunct of Persephone (Hom.), late also of other goddesses (Hecate,
Demeter). <?>
*ETYM Perhaps arisen by false split (in I 457?) from é7 aivi II. ‘and also the terrible
P.”. See Buttmann 1825:2: 101, Leumann 1950: 72, and Schwyzer: 102.
énahijs [adj.] epithet of Aéoyn (Hes. Op. 493 émadéa AEoyNV). <?>
*ETYM Connected with » dAéa ‘heat of the sun’, or (alternatively) with »dArjc¢ as
‘pressed together’. Chantraine rejects the latter interpretation for a number of
reasons: GArj¢ is said of persons or things, not of places; the prefix én- is difficult to
understand; and a reading én’ makes no sense. However, this does not mean that the
other interpretation is correct. See Bechtel 1914: 129.
énadnvog [adj.] ‘pleasant’ vel sim. (Pi. P. 8, 84, from vdotoc). <2>
ETApos 2 437
eETYM One hypothesis derives it from » dpmaéoc < *aAmadéog, and connects it with
*&Amiatog (see »GAmwotoc), which would derive from an r/n-stem *&iAnap, gen.
dAnvoc. The word would then be a bahuvrihi with adverbial prefix; this is
improbable.
énavtng, -€s [adj.] ‘steep’ (Th. 7, 79). <GR>
*ETYM Like dv-, kat-dvtn,, etc., from a noun avt- ‘front’, seen in » dvta, » dvti, with
adjectivial s-stem inflexion; thus, it properly means ‘facing frontally, head-on’.
énapetéw [v.] ‘to take in service, in use’ (PTeb. 5, 182; 252; II*; kt, mola, of officials,
etc.). <GR>
eETYM From dpetr in the sense of ‘service’, with éni as in ém-xelp-éw, Em-Ovp-éw,
etc.
*Enapttot [pl.] name of the soldiers of the Arcadian League (X., Ephor.), originally =
émiAeKtot ‘those selected’ (D. S. 15, 62). <IE *h,ri- “count’>
*ETYM Compare the PNs Ile6-dapitoc (Arc., Lac.), En-fpttocg (w 306), Met-1pitoc
(ion.), and further the adj. » vijpitoc from *g-h,ri- ‘uncoountable, countless’, from a
verbal root *h,ri- ‘count’, seen in dpt-Op16c, and prefixed with ém- as in ém-Aéyetv ‘to
select’. See Leumann 1950: 247, Schwyzer: 502.
énacovtepot [pl.] “one after the other, as a group’ (epic since Il.). <IE *ki-eu- ‘set in
motion’>
VAR Also sing. -oc.
eCcomMP As a first member in énacovtepo-tpipi¢ ‘following one another quickly’ (A.
Ch. 426 [lyr.]).
*ETYM Uncertain. Some (see Frisk) derived it from an adverb *én-av-(o)o0 of *ém-
av(a)-ooevouat ‘hurry after one another’, comparing dvd-covtos ‘rising’ (Hp.), éni-
covtos ‘urging’ (A., E.), and nav-ov-din ‘full of impulse’; Ehrlich RhM N.F. 63
(1908): 109 proposed haplological shortening from énacov[td]-tepoc. Acc. to Risch
1937: 95 and Seiler 1950” 44, however, it is a contamination of *dyyttepoc and
aoootépw; thus also Baunack Phil. 70 (1911): 387, who asserts that it is a
contamination of dcootépw and éyybtepoc.
énavpiokw [v.] ‘to touch, participate, enjoy’ (Il). <?>
*VAR Mostly med. -ouat; énavpet (H. Op. 419), aor. énavpeiv, -éo8a, fut.
eA pT|OOHAL.
DER émtatpeoie ‘pleasure, gain’ (Hdt., Democr., Th.).
*ETYM No etymology. Schwyzer: 709° proposes *én-a-fp-, related to » evpioxw. A
form with another prefix occurs in amavpioxouat ‘derive nourishment’ (Hp. Nat.
Puer. 26).
Emagosg 2 [adj.] adjunct of &umedXoc; meaning unknown (PAvrom. 1 A 26, 1 B 27; 1°).
<i>
VAR Also -ov.
- eETYM Perhaps ‘with agi, ie. grip’, ‘supported, bound up’ (Moulton JHS 35 (1915):
55).
438 éttel
émei [conj.] ‘as, when, because’ (I1.). <1E *hei ‘when’>
eVAR Also with added particles, e.g. émei te (epic Ion.), énei dH, émetdy (II), epic also
énet 1 (émeu); with av: énel dv, énedv (Ion.), én (1A), émav (Hell.); énel & dv,
émeSav (Att.).
*ETYM From ém-ei (see » ei); probably originally a demonstrative, like eita, é-erta.
Details in Schwyzer 1950: 658ff; also, Chantraine 1953: 258f.
éreiyw [v.] ‘to press, urge; hurry’ (IL.). <?>
VAR Also med; impf. Emetyov (Od.), fteryov (Pi, S.); the non-presentic forms are a
minority: aor. ijneiEa (Hp. Ep. 17), pass. yreixOnv (Th. Pl.), fut. émeiEouat (A.), perf.
med. fmetypat (J.). Hdn. Gr. 2, 436 notes énoiyw as Aeol.
¢CcompP Also with prefix, notably xat-eneiyw (Att.).
*DER émettic ‘pressure, hurry’ (J., Plu.) with émei—yoc ‘urgent’ (POxy. 531, 9, II?);
éneiktng ‘who urges, urgent’ with émetktikdc ‘urgent’ (EM, Sch.); émetywAn ‘hurry’
(EM);’Emtetyevc PN (IT 571).
*ETYM Uncertain. Acc. to Brugmann IF 29 (1911-1912): 238ff., it is related to of yvupt
‘open’ (from *Fo-(e)ty-?, Lesb. deiynv).
émetta *VAR émeite(v). >eita.
énevijvobe =évOeiv.
éxevnétw [v.impv.] uncertain, perhaps ‘put upon’? Elis, see Schwyzer: 409. <?>
VAR énévmot [opt.].
eETYM Unknown. Cf. Bechtel 1921, 2: 864.
énepOa [adv.] ‘above’ (Alc.). <IE *h,epi ‘upon’>
eVAR Kat-émepOev.
*ETYM From pm émi, modelled on » évepOe(v), -Oa, tmepOe(v), -Oa. Cf. also énéptepa:
veiCw kai dbynAdtepa ‘more and higher’, which is analyzed by Mastrelli Stud. ital. fil.
class. 27-28 (1956): 272ff. as émep-tepa, but which may also be a mistake for bnép-
tepa (DELG). ©
énepos [m.] ‘ram’ (Aeol., Asia Minor, Schwyzer: 644, 15). <IE? *ueru-os- ‘wool’>
*ETYM Not related to xampog, Lat. aper, etc. (as per Meillet Rev. ét. slav. 5 (1925): 9).
Neither, as per Mastrelli Stud. ital. fil. class. 27 (1956): 1ff., relatd to énéptepa: peifw,
kal bynAdtepa ‘more and higher’ (H.), Alb. epéré ‘what is up high’. DELG translates
‘who has wool on him’, and connects it with » eipoc.
éneoPoAog [adj.] ‘throwing words, reviling’ (B 275, A. R., AP). <IE *uek”-os- ‘word’>
*DER also éneoBodin ‘slander’ (6 159) and émeoBodéw ‘revile’ (Lyc., Max.).
*ETYM Compound of éstoc and BaAAetv, with e-vocalism of the s-stem and o-vocalism
of the second member (Schwyzer: 440 and 449).
énétoooe [v.aor.] = ‘énétvye, hit, reached’. <?>
VAR émtttdooatc [ptc.sg.m.] (Pi. P. 4, 25; 10, 33).
eETYM Unexplained; cf. Schwyzer: 755’.
énepvov —Beivw.
EMTs, -00 439
éntPoroc [adj.] “who gets something, participates, has possession of (Od.), also
‘attainable’ (A. R.). <IE *g”elh,- ‘throw’?>
VAR enaBoaa [f.] ‘share’ (Gortyn), émnBoAr; pépos ‘share’ (H.).
*DER Cf. énnBodia- ovvnBodia ‘occurrence’ (EM 357,29). katnBoAr TO émBddAdov
‘which is put upon’ (E. Fr. 614, 750).
eETYM Verbal nouns from ém-, kata-BadAAw, with -n- after é7-, Kat-1\Kooc, én-
TLotBdc, etc. (lengthening in compounds). See Brugmann Sachs. Ber. 53 (1901): 103.
énnykevides [f.pl.] ‘part of a ship’ (€ 253). <IE *h,enk- ‘bend’>
*ETYM Acc. to Doederlein (see Bechtel 1914 s.v.), “what rests on the aykdévec ‘ribs of a
ship’?”, ie. ‘the planks’, thus a noun in -id-e¢ with compositional lengthening, for
which oavidec has been compared (cf. GyKotvat). The factual meaning remains
unclear.
énnetavdc [adj.] probably ‘sufficient, rich, everlasting’ (Od.). <1E? *uet-os- ‘year’>
eVAR énntavoc h. Merc. 113, Hes. Op. 607.
*ETYM Properly ‘lasting the whole year’ (like ém-ét-eloc, ém-et-1o10¢), with -n- as in
p émnPodos, etc. and suffixal -avocg as in » ontdavioc. It is unnecessary to suppose
haplology from *-fett-tavog or *-feto-tavoc. Acc. to Benveniste 1935: 45, an old
suffixal interchange with » étaXov, s.v.
émmAvydfopat eVAR énijAvé. =HAvyn.
EmnpAvc —éAevoopat.
énnpeta [f.] ‘bad treatment, offence, threat’ (Att.). <?>
DER émmnpedtw ‘to treat presumptuously, revile, threat’ (Hdt, Att., Arc.), also -et- in
IG 5(2), 6: 46 (Tegea [IV*]) énnpeaopdc (Arist.), -aoti¢ (Sm. pap.), -aotiuxdg (Com.
Adesp. 202, etc.). :
*ETYM Abstract of an adjective *én-nprjc, for which relationship with > dpei, > apr
is suggested. However, if the form from Tegea is genuine Arcadian, this connection
is impossible because it presupposes PGr. *-ér-, not *-dr-. Acc. to Wackernagel KZ 33
(1895): 57; it belongs to *Epoc, which he finds in » épecyndéw. Blanc RPA. 71 (1997):
159 thinks the basic meaning is ‘to look for problems’ and connects it with » épé0u,
épebiCw, but gives no further details.
Ennpetpoc = épécow.
énntis, -od [adj.] ‘sedate, behaving well, benevolent’ vel sim. (v 332, 6 128; A. R. 2, 987;
cf. Fraenkel 1910: 327). <1E? *sep- “care, honour’>
VAR énntéss [f.pl.].
*DER éntntuc [f.] (~ 306) ‘good behaviour, benevolence’.
eETYM Uncertain. Acc. to Wackernagel 1916: 42’, it is from » émw in the meaning of
Skt. sdpati “care, honor’, with n-enlargenent as in é6-n-tUc, as well as psilosis.
Teffeteller Dale Glotta 60 (1982): 207-214 suggests that the word is derived from émoc
and émetuc ‘conversation, good at speaking’.
440 emt TPILOL
énrytpuot [adj.] ‘near one another, in heaps’ vel sim. (IL. A. R., only plur, in Q. S. and
Opp. sing. ‘prominent, powerful’). <?>
*ETYM Connected with jtptov ‘warp’ by the ancients, which is further explained by
Bechtel 1914 s.v. Doubts to this are expressed by Arbenz 1933: 25f. Comparable
meaning in » émacovTtepot.
émt [adv.] ‘on it, at it’ (II.). <1E *h,epi ‘on’>
VAR én [prep.] ‘on, at, by, at the same time, because’ with gen., dat. and acc.
eDIAL Myc. e- pi. ;
eETYM IE adverb *h,épi: Skt. dpi, Av. aipi, OP apiy ‘also, at it; by, in’, Arm. ew “also,
and’. Ablauting émt- occurs in » émOev, also dialectal. *m- (Lith. -pi) is supposed in
>méCw and »ntvx1, but this seems improbable, as a zero grade *h,pi would also
have given ém in Greek. On the different forms, see the extensive discussion by
Hamp MSS 40 (1981): 39-60.
’Eniaooa [f.] epithet of Demeter (H.). <?>
*ETYM Old ptc.with zero grade = én-totoa (like Zacoa = (2)oboa, Exkaooa = Exodoa)
from the root *h,ei- ‘go’, parallel to Skt. yati ‘going’ < IE *h,i-yt-ih, beside *h,i-ont- in
idvtosg, etc. This etymology is doubtful, as it finds no support on the semantic side.
émB54 [f.] ‘the day after the festival’ (Pi. P. 4, 140); mostly in plur. émPdcu or eniBdau
(Cratin. 323, Aristid., EM 357, 54); in H. ano tod ém<Bi>BaleoOat taic Eoptaic od
ovoaic 2& abtmv (meaning unclear to me). <IE *ped- ‘foot’>
*ETYM Properly ‘following the trace’, with assimilated zero grade of the word for
‘foot’ (see » mots, as well as » 125d), like in Skt. upa-bd-d- ‘trampling’, Av. fra-bd-a-
‘front foot’. The formation of émPda is not clear: Schwyzer: 475 pleads for a suffix
-ta- with lost yod; Solmsen 1909: 269 thinks that 71864 is a secondary shortening for
*éni-Bd-a.
énteixiys [adj.] ‘proper, fitting, suitable; solid’ (Il.). «IE *ueik- ‘be fitting’?>
*DER also émteixela ‘equity, reasonableness’ (IA) and émeixevouat (LXX 2 Es. 9, 8
[v.L], H.).
*ETYM Opposite d-elkij¢ (see > dixrc), related to énéoixa; full grade as in p> eixwv.
Beside this also exists émt-eixeXoc ‘comparable’ (Hom., Hes.) after eixedoc; cf.
Stromberg 1946: 91 and Schwyzer 1950: 466.
énigiuxtosg [adj.] mostly with negation, od« ériextov (uévoc, oBévoc, mévO0c) =
‘invincible, unindulgent’ (Hom.); also = émetxrjc ‘fitting, suitable’ (0 307, late). <IE
*ueik- “give way’>
eETYM As there is no compounded verb *ém-(F)eikw ‘yield’, Schulze 1892: 495"
connected the adjective with Lat. vinco ‘conquer’, Go. weihan, Olr. fichim ‘battle’, for
which he compared EM 638, 39: ob« énietktov = od wKkwpevov. However, there is
> eixw (DELG).
émt-cioopal +eloopal 1.
éniCapéw [v.] ‘to rush upon, press on’ (E. Ph. 45, Rh. 441 [codd. here -Catet]), Arcadian
acc. to Eust. 909, 28. <?>
ETLKOKKGOTPLAa 441
*ETYM No convincing etymology.
émuCagedog [adj.] ‘vehement, violent’, of fury (y6Ao¢ I 525). <PG?>
VAR Also adverbial -wc (yaAenaivetv, peveaiverv, épeetvetv I 516, ¢ 330, h. Merc. 487;
on the shift of accent Schwyzer 618), -ov (kotéovoa A. R. 4, 1672).
*DER With archaising suppression of the prefix Ca@eAog (Nic. Al. 556, EM), Cagedéc,
-O¢ (H.), -h¢ (Suid.).
eETYM Expressive word without etymology. (a- is probably the Aeolic form of dta-; it
is further unclear. Not better, Stromberg 1946: 89. Fur.: 176 suggests connection with
> Caw ‘surf, and takes it as Pre-Greek.
énujpavoc1 ‘welcome’. >éninpoc.
émupavos 2 ‘ruling, governing’. =t}pavoc.
éninpos [adj.] ‘graceful, pleasant’ (Emp., Epich,, etc.).
VAR Enitypov [n.sg.] Marc. Sid. (Glotta 19, 176); otherwise éiinpa [n.pl.].
*DER Compar. éminpéotepoc; as an adverb = ydpiv (Antim. 87, etc.), éminpa déy8at
(AP 13, 22), pépeoOat (A. R. 4, 375), pépovta (S. OT 1094 [lyr.]).
*ETYM From éni pa pépwv (A 572, etc.) by univerbation; thence » émrpavoc 1
‘charming, welcome’ (t 343). See Sommer 1948: 139 with litt. See further > rpa.
énibupppov =OvuBpa.
émuxdpotosg [adj.] ‘transverse, crosswise, at a right angle’ (1 70, of ships, Hdt., Plb., etc.).
IE *(s)ker- ‘cut’>
*ETYM Also occurs as éykdpotog (Th.), after évavtioc? Secondary simplex kdpotov:
TtAaytov ‘athwart, sideways’ (H.), -iwc¢ Suid. Ultimately related to keipetv, émtxeipetv
‘cut’, but unclear in detail. Str6mberg 1946: 92 starts from a verbal adjective
*émikaptoc, whence émikdpotoc like dubpdoioc from duBpotocg (see also on
dtAdotoc). Derivation from the root IE *kers- (in kopodv- koppidv H., d-Kepoe-
KOLNG; see > Kdpon) seems less likely. The overall resemblance with Lith. skefsas
‘transverse’, OPr. kirscha ‘across’, Ru. cérez ‘through, across’ can be explained as
parallel formations of the root (s)ker- ‘cut’. Not from *émi kapoi, a plur. of émi xdp (II
392) ‘on its head’, as supposed by Bechtel 1914 s.v. See > keipw.
énixepac [n.] plant name = tij\ic, ‘Trigonella’ (Hp. apud Gal. 19, 99). <IE *kerh,s-
‘horn’>
*ETYM Called ‘horn-like’ or ‘with horn’, after its long sickle-shaped shell. See
Stromberg 1944: 33. On the retained ending -ac, cf. mdyKpeac (s.v. » Kpéac) and
> épvoimedac.
énucokkdotpta [f.] adjunct of yw, ‘mimicking, reverberating’ vel sim. (Ar. Th. 1059).
<ONOM>
eVAR émlkokKaorTi¢ (uncertain conj. in Timo 43).
*ETYM Formation in -tptd (frequent in the language of comedy; Chantraine 1933:
106) as if from *émikoxKatw (Ar. Byz. apud Eust. 1761, 26); onomatopoeic.
442 EMLKOKKOUPOG
émikdkkoupos [m.] - 6 mapatnprtis év otadiw mapa Adkwotv ‘spectator at the race-
course (Lacon.)’ (H.). <?> ;
eETYM Unknown. There seems no basis for Latte’s “an émkojtpatwpdc, scl. pugilatus
legitimi custos?”.
énixovpos [adj., m.] ‘helper’, ‘support; helping, protecting’; plur. ‘auxiliary troops’
(Il.). <1E *krs- ‘walk’>
eDER émuxovptkdc ‘consisting of auxiliary troops’ (Th. Pl.), émtkovptoc “coming to
help’ (Paus.), émtkovpia, -in ‘help, support’ (IA), denominative émxovpéw [v.] ‘to
come to help, support’ (E 614; cf. Kretschmer Glotta 18 (1930): 98f.) with
ETLLKOUVPIOLG, -I]LlA, -NTUKOC.
eETYM The word stands completely isolated within Greek. Probably for *émixopooc,
from a lost verb equivalent to Lat. curré ‘walk, run’ (< *krs-e/o-). Cf. the related
Celtic word for ‘car’, Olr. carr, MW carros (whence Lat. carrus, Arm. ka7-k‘ [pl.]
‘wagon’; from Galatic). Further perhaps related is odpoat dao as Illyrian
(Lagercrantz IF 25 (1909): 367); doubtfully, MHG hurren ‘move quickly’.
émuddic, -i50¢ =bn0AGic and AGac.
ényujdtov [n.] a plant (Dsc., Gal.). <2
eETYM Named after the plant » undiov. The parasitic nature of the plant may also
have given rise to the name; cf. synonymous > Guaunric and > OuounAic.
émpmnAic, -i50¢ [f.] ‘medlar, mespilus germanica’ (Dsc., Gal.).
eETYM Derived from pfjAov, because of the similarity with the apple tree (Stromberg
1944: 32f.). See > LLijAov, > éTtTStov.
éxivntpov >véw.
énikevoc1 ‘foreigner’. =Eévoc.
éni€evoc 2 [m.] - émy8dviog ‘upon the earth’ (H.). <1E *d'g"em- ‘earth’?
eETYM Unclear. Acc. to Hoffmann 1921: 80, it is from x@wv with a special
development; cf. Schwyzer: 326. Because of Eev@vec: oi avdp@vecg bd Dpvyav
‘men’s appartments (Phrygian) (H.), Pisani AnFilCl 6 (1953-54): 213 considered it to
be Phrygian, which is rejected by DELG.
ériEnvov [n.] ‘chopping block, hangman’s block’ (A., Ar. Eust., H.). <1E? *kes- (*kses-)
‘cut, split’> ;
eDER Cf. Eryvdc = ‘kopuidc, trunk’ (Suid.) from » Eéw ‘carve, polish’.
eETYM émiEnvov is rather from » Eaivw, modelled on émxdnavov ‘chopping-block’
(Hell.), than from ém-féw.
éniopkoc, -ov [adj.] ‘perjurious’ (T 264), later msc. ‘perjurer’ (Hes., Gortyn, etc.).
<GRP>
eVAR In Hom. only in éniopkov dudcoat ‘to swear a false oath’.
eDER émtopkéw [v.] ‘to break an oath, perjure’ (since T 188), together with émopkia
‘perjury’ (D., X.), émopkoobvn ‘id.’ (AP).
émimAOov 443
eETYM As the verb émopkéw is frequent, it is obvious to consider the much rarer
émiopKog ‘breaking the oath’ as a back-formation from the verb (thus Strémberg
1946: 86ff.). The form émopkéw derives directly from dpKoc, with ém- like émOvpéw
from O8vpdc, émyeipéw from yelp, etc; émtopkéw then properly means ‘act against the
oath’ (opposite evopxéw ‘keep the oath’ from etopKoc [since Hes.]); on the
preservation of the -t-, see Fraenkel 1910: 237. Differently, Leumann 1950: 7off. (with
discussion): the expression ériopkov 6W600a ‘perjure’ (whence émopKéw) would be
due to a false analysis of epic mi 6pkov Op1d00at ‘swear an oath on top’; against this
view, Luther 1954: 86ff. with a different explanation; see also Fraenkel Gnomon 23
(1951): 373 and Bolling AmJPh. 76 (1955): 306ff., who start from (6) énl dpkw (Bac).
Leumann 1950: 88 is similarly inclined to see émiopxog as a back-formation from
eTLOpKEW. See > OPKoc.
éniovpos =dpopat.
éntovotos [adj.] of dptoc (Ev. Matt. 6, 1, Ev. Luc. 11, 3), translated with ‘quotidianus’
in the vulgate, afterwards as ‘daily’; also émovoi[wv (Sammelb. 5224, 20; economic
message), meaning unknown. <GR>
eETYM The most obvious interpretation as 1) émovoa (épa) suggests ‘for the
coming day’, but this seems improbable. If we start (just as Debrunner Glotta 4
(1913): 249ff.) from ém tiv oboav (iépav), we get the more acceptable translation
‘for the day in question’. See Blass-Debrunner-Funk 1961 $123 and Koerster in Kittel
1935: 587-595.
énunaktic, -ido¢ [f.] ‘rupture wort, Herniaria glabra’ (Dsc. 4, 108); Pliny has epicactis
(13,114), see André 1956 s.v. <?>
eETYM From *énindxtoc ‘fixed, closed’, related to émntyyvupt (cf. émmaxtdw ‘to
close’), because of its healing function. Cf. the plant name mykt1 = obp@utov and
Strémberg 1940: 89. On the short a in (ém)naxtdw, see Wackernagel 1916: 11.
émmatpdgtov [n.] ‘father’s name’ (Schwyzer: 462 rem. 28, Tanagra III*). <GR>
eETYM Univerbation of *éni matpdgt with a suffix -to-; cf. Schwyzer: 551 and 451. See
Morpurgo Davies Glotta 47 (1970): 46f.
énurtXa [n.pl.] ‘movable goods, utensils’ (IA). <1E *k”el- ‘turn’>
eVAR Rarely -ov.
eETYM Old expression, probably as ém-mA-a, properly “what has been added” as
opposed to fixed possessions, from émt-néAouat; for the formation, cf. di-pp-oc and
Schwyzer: 449. Because the word was not transparent, reshapings like énimAoa (Hdt.
1, 94, pap; modelled on émmeiv, for which cf. on » éninAoov) and énimoka (Dodona;
modelled on émnoAn, for which see » émimoAfj\¢) occurred.
énizAoov [n.] ‘fold of the peritoneum, omentum’ (Ion., Hell.). <1E *pleu- ‘swim’>
eVAR Also -ooc [m.].
*ETYM The word has been compared with Lith. plévé ‘fine, thin skin’ (on milk, below
-the egg-shell, etc.), Ru. plevd ‘id’, Sln. pléva ‘eyelid’; however, the prefix then
remains unexplained. So it is probably a purely Greek creation: a verbal noun from
444 emMoAfc
éml-mAeiv ‘swim upon’ (see Strémberg 1944: 65f.); énimAoov is then ‘the organ that
floats on top’. The form émimdAaov (Eub. 95, 3) arose from connection with
ETUMOAALOG; see & ETLMOA I<.
émtodijs [adv.] and [prep.] ‘on top of, above’ (IA). <?>
*DER émttm)atoc ‘on top of (Hp., D.), émmodatw ‘be on top, have the upper hand, be |
usual’ (Hp., Att. Arist.) with émimdAaotc, -aoptdc, -aotixdc; also émtmoAn [f.] ‘surface’
(Argos III’, Aret., Gal.) with émimoAebw ‘be at the surface’ (Ael.).
*ETYM Probably from *éni moAfj¢ (Schwyzer: 625), thus from a noun *moAn. A
connection with méAoptat, 1dAoc, TéAOs is not semantically evident: *1oA1 like téAoc
(yovr : yévoc) would then properly be the ‘turning point’ > ‘culminating point’ or
‘walking around, place where one walks’? Better connections seem to be with MoSw.
fala [f.] ‘(treeless) plain, heathe’, OCS polje ‘field’ from ORu. pol ‘open, free’
(Persson 1912(1): 228); additionally, Emtmodai [pl.] name of the heights near Syracuse
(Th.).
> or
énippoBoc [m.] and [f.] ‘helper, helping’ (A 390, 770; Hes. Op. 560); ‘abusive
language’ (S. Ant. 413, Fr. 583, 10), as an adjunct of 66d6c = ‘where the cars rage’ (AP
750). <2>
eVAR As an adj. also -ov [n.].
*DER émippo0éw ‘shout in answer, rage against’ (trag, D. H.). Not to be separated
from pd80¢ ‘noise’, poOéw ‘rage’; in the epic ‘come with noise to somebody’ =
‘coming to help with noise’, cf. Brugmann BPhW 39 (1919): 136ff.
eETYM Acc. to Schwyzer Glotta 2 (1923): 15f., émippoBosc ‘helper’ is wrong for usual
> émitappo8oc in Hom.
éniotov [n.] = égrBatov, euphemistic designation of the pubic region (Hp., Arist.).
<2>
eVAR émteiolov.
eETYM Unknown.
émoxdwov [n.] ‘skin of the brows’ (Il.), metaph. ‘proud, severity’ (Plb. 25, 3, 6). <IE
*sku(H)- ‘cover’>
*ETYM If the simplex oxtbwia [n.p].] ‘eyebrows’ (Nic. Th. 177, 443, Poll. 2, 66) was not
derived from émioxvwov, the word would come from *émt-oxdviog ‘upon the brows’.
In any case, we have to start from a nominal stem *oxvv-, which belongs together
with OHG scir ‘protecting roof’, Lat. ob-sctir-us *“covered’, dark’, so that an r/n-stem
is supposed. With a suffix -I-, there is oxv-Aog [n.] ‘flayed skin of an animal’, oxdAa
[n.pl.] ‘spolia’. Perhaps the root is seen in Skt. sku-nd-ti, sku-no-ti ‘cover’. Differently
on obscitrus, De Vaan 2008's.v.
énioxupos 1 [m.] name of a ball-game (H. = 6 [eta MOAAW@V o~atptoyds ‘playing ball
with many people’, Poll. 9, 103, sch. Pl. Tht. 146a); also called énikotvoc. <?>
eETYM Unknown. Identical with » émioxupos 2?
ETMOTAPAL 445
éniokupos 2 [?] uncertain word in Call. Fr. 231 (see Pfeiffer 1949-1953: 567) and Fr.
anon. 135; explained by H. with dpywv, BpaBevtiic, BonPdc, énioxomoc, Epopos,
émkoos ‘ruler, arbiter, assistant, guardian, overseer, witness’. <?>
*ETYM No etymology.
Emap yEpos —oLLvyepoc.
émooat [f.pl.] ‘later born daughters’ (Hecat. 363 J.); H. also émtooov- 16 tbotepov
yevouevov ‘the later-born’. <?>
*ETYM For the formation, cf. ,étaooat [f.pl.] ‘lams of middle age’ (1 221); perhaps also
the geographical names ‘Ajigiooa, Avtiooa. Derivation uncertain; perhaps suffixes
-T-Lo- or -K-lo-. Acc. to Giles Class. Rev.3 (1889): 3f., €m-ooat would be analogical
after [tét-acoal = Llet-ovoa with archaic disappearance of the zero grade of the fem.
ptc. See Schwyzer: 472.
emtooogos [m.] name of an official (Thera, Schwyzer: 227, 199). <?>
DER Perhaps [emt] co@evw (IG 9(1), 691: 15 [Corcyra]).
eETYM Unknown.
2 or
énicowtpov [n.] ‘metal hoop upon the felloe, tyre of a wheel (II. Poll.). <?>
eETYM Derived from odtpov ‘felloe’ (Poll.), also in éb-cowtpoc (Hes. Sc. 273; v.1. O
578); further owtpevpiata: Ta Tod TpoXoOd EAa. Kai 6 emi TobTOIc GidNpOs éEtticwtpov
(H.); on the enlargement -(ev),1a see Chantraine 1933: 186f.
Usually derived from > cevoztal, Zoovto ‘to hurry’, but the long root vowel that has
to be assumed in the reconstruction *ki6(u)- is problematic. One compares Skt.
cyautnd- [n.] ‘enterprise, deed’ = Av. syad9na- ‘deed’, which are then taken as
thematicized enlargements of a noun in *-tr, -tn-. Doubtful.
éxiotauat [v.] ‘be assured, know how (Il.), also ‘believe’ (Heraclit., Hdt.), first intr. as
in émotdtevoc ptév dkovtt O 282. <IE *si-steh,- ‘stand’>
eVAR Fut. émiotrjooptat (I1.), aor. ymotOnv (Hdt., Att.).
*COMP Also-with prefix, e.g. 2&-, ovv-eriotatat.
*DER émlotiiwv ‘knowing about, expert’ (Od.) with émotnpiovwixds ‘of the
émiotrpiwv’, usually ‘ptng. to knowing, to knowledge’ referring to émotrtn (Arist),
émtotnoobvn (Xenocr.); also émiotnpiocg (Hp.; Chantraine 1933: 152); denominative
verbs, both rare and late: émotnpoviCopa (Al.), émotnpdoptat (Ag.) “become
EMLoTHlwv’. Emlotrin ‘understanding, knowing, knowledge’ (IA); the -n- of the
derivatives was favored by the adjectives in -niwv, or by pvi-Lin, pr-Ln respectively
(Chantraine 1933: 173, 148; Schwyzer: 522); likewise in the verbal adjective. émotntéc
‘what can be understood’ (Pl. Arist.).
eETYM From *émt-hiotajiat with early loss of the breath and vowel contraction
(hyphaeresis). Through the semantic development *‘stand before something’ > ‘be
confronted with sth., take knowledge of sth.’; likewise, OHG firstan, OE forstandan.
The word éniotapia was also formally separated from foto, which already in
Homer had lead to a new verb ég-iotajtat ‘stand at’. Acc. to others, it is an old
-fomation without reduplication (litt. in Schwyzer: 6757); acc. to Brugmann-Delbriick
1897-1916 2:3, 160, itis a recent formation from an aorist ém-oTd&evos, -oTaitiny.
446 emloTNS
éniotis [?] ‘prop’ (inscr. Delos 340, 11, II*). <GR>
*ETYM Probably from > totnpu..
Pd
éniotiov [n.] ‘staple-town, slip or shed for.a ship’ (¢ 265). <?>
*ETYM Term from shipbuilding, explained by Aristarchus as katdAujta and identified
with ééottos, -ov as Ionic; from iotiov, acc. to the sch. on the passage. Schwyzer: ©
425 suspects enlargement of a root noun *ém-otTa (comparing OP upa-std ‘help’).
The phrase mivovoa tiv émiotiov (Anacr. 90, 4), the joking name of a drink, is
unclear.
éntoxepw [adv.] ‘in a row, one after the other, uninterrupted, gradually’ (IL, Simon.).
IE *se¢"- ‘hold’>
*DER Besides évoyepw (A. R. 1, 912) and, in two words, év oxep@ (Pi.) ‘id’; so a
compound of éni and an instrumental oyepw (Schwyzer: 550 and 625).
*ETYM From the middle voice of the noun *oy-epdc (on the formation, see Schwyzer:
482 and Chantraine 1933: 224; *oxepdv [n.] ‘continuum’), i.e. ox-éoOa, Exeo8au ‘join,
follow’; cf. é&f\¢ from the same stem. With an s-stem, there is OAo-oxeprc ‘complete’
(Hell; Schwyzer: 513); thence a derivation Lyep-in, “uninterrupted coast, continent”
vel sim., name of the land of the Phaeacians (Od.).
émitappoBog [m.] and [f.] ‘helper’ (Hom.). <?>
eETYM Unknown. Resembles the synonymous émippoOo«; is it a cross from this and
another word, or a “Streckform” (cf. on » éxatnBedétn¢, -BdA0c)? Acc. to Schwyzer
Glotta 12 (1923): 15f., a compound of *éitt-tappo-80¢ = tapo® (-oic, -oitv) émBéwv,
-8éovoa [meaning?]; however, -pp- for -po- remains to be explained. The solution of
Brugmann BPhW 39 (1919): 136ff. is no better: *ém-10a-ppo8oc, from iBa- in iBa-
yevijc. The form tappo8oc (Lyc.) is secondary.
énite’, -exoc [f.] ‘close to delivery’ (Hp., Hdt., Gortyn). <1E *tek- ‘give birth, bring
forth’>
eVAR Acc. énitox-a (Andania, Hdt. 1, 108 asa v.l.).
*ETYM From éni (ém) and an unattested second member, probably a root noun *té&,
either as a hypostasis of éni *tex-i [dat.] (Schwyzer: 424), or as per Sommer 1948: 111
and 115 as a bahuvrihi of the type ¢v@eoc: “with the delivery approaching”. Modelled
on this form is late ayyi-te& ‘id.” (Theognost.). The o-vowel in énitox-a is rather
from later émi-toxoc than old ablaut. Further, see > tiktw.
émtndéc [adv.] probably ‘of set purpose, deliberately’ (A 142, 0 28); on the
proparoxytonon Schwyzer: 380. <?>
eVAR éntitndec (IA), émitades (Theoc. 7, 42).
eCOMP é€enitndes ‘id? (IA).
*DER Adjective éiutrdetog (Att; Ion. -eoc) ‘appropriate, suitable, fitting’ with
émttndeotys (IA); denominative verb émtyndevw ‘do sth. on purpose’ (IA) with
émtHdevpia, étrSevotc “profession, action’ (Att; on the meaning Roéttger 1937:
2aff.), Cret. émtadovupia; émitndev(jia)tixdg (Hell.).
eETYM Presupposes a noun *tf\Soc, *ta5oc; no further connection.
ETtOG 447
émtnAic, -ido¢ [f.] ‘horned poppy, Glaucium flavum’ (Nic. Th. 852). <?>
*ETYM So called because of the resemblance to tiAlc “Trigonella’; see Stromberg 1944:
33. Cf. on » émirdiov.
énitvpov [n.] ‘confection of olives’, only as a Lat. LW epityrum in Cato RR 119, Plaut.
Mil. 24; acc. to Varro LL 7: 86, a Sicilian delicacy. <GR>
*ETYM From tupdc, because it was eaten together with or after the cheese.
émwyai [f.pl.] ‘places of shelter for ships’ (e 404, A. R. 4, 1640 [sg.], Opp. H. 1, 602).
<IE *uh,g- ‘break’>
*ETYM As a verbal noun from é1-(F)ayvupa ‘break against sth.’, so properly ‘place
where wind and waves are broken’; compare kupitatwyr < *Kvptato-Fayr (Hdt.), and
Bopéw bi iwyf (& 533), properly “under the breaking of Boreas”, i.e. ‘protected
against Boreas’. The latter has the reduplication *Ft-fwy-n, *ui-uoh,g-; thus, éiwyr
is probably from *émififwyr. Bechtel 1914 s.v. prefers *&u-Fwyr without
reduplication, beside Fayrj. On the formation, see Jacobsohn Gnomon 2 (1926): 384.
€noptat [v.] ‘to follow, accompany’. <IE *sek”- ‘follow’>
eVAR Ipf. eimdpiny, fut. Eyoucu, aor. éonduny, inf. onéoOat (IL); éon-eo0al, -d1evoc,
-oiunv certain only since A. R, who also has the innovated present gometou (see
Braswell Glotta 58 (1980): 205-213).
*DIAL Myc. e-qge-ta /heketas/, e-qe-si-jo /hek”esios/, see Gérard-Rousseau 1968: 91-
94.
eCOMP Also with prefix é@-, map-, ovv-, pe8-.
*DER énéta¢ ‘who accompanies’ (Pi.) = Myc. e-ge-ta; -t1¢ [f.] (A. R.); further
derivatives > docoéw, > d1tdwv, > OdCw; cf. > ONS.
*ETYM Identical with Skt. sdcate, Av. hacaité (= énetat, IE *sek"-e-toi); further, to Lat.
sequor = Olr. sechur, Lith. sek, sékti follow’. The Gm. word for ‘to see’, Go. sailvan,
etc. deviates semantically — perhaps ‘to follow with the eyes’? See LIV’ s.v. *sek”- ‘sich
anschliessen’. It has mostly beeri assumed that the aorist éomdinv stood for *é-on-,
with secondary aspiration after énop.at (like eimdttnv), and that the form éonéoOat,
which was considered certain only for Hell. times, was secondary. However, Braswell
(l.c.) shows that Pindar has some non-indicative forms with éon-, so Frisk and
Chantraine mistakenly reject the form .
Ercoptrddtog = @pL0c.
éttog [n.] ‘word, speech’ (II.). <1E *uek”- ‘speak’>
eVAR Plur. also ‘song, epic poem’ (Pi, Hdt; on meaning and use Fournier 1946:
212ff.).
eDIAL El. Cypr. Féstoc.
eCOMP As a first member in > é1teoBddog, é1t0-mo0Ld< (with analogical compositional
vowel); as a second member e.g. in » amtoemtc.
*DER énbAMov ‘small song, small verse’ (Ar, after this other diminutives in -vAAtov,
Leumann Glotta 32 (1953): 214 and 225); é1kdc ‘belonging to epic poetry’ (D. H.).
' eETYM El. and Cypr. Fénog is identical with Skt. vdcas-, Av. vacah- ‘word’; IE *uék”-
os- [n.]. Greek further has the root noun *éy (in » ém-a [acc.], etc.), in addition to
448 ETOY, -OTTOG
> dooa and probably > év-om, as well as the aorist »eimov. A primary athematic
verb is preserved in Skt. vak-ti ‘he speaks’.
énoy, -omoc [m.] ‘hoopoe, Upupa epops’ (Epich., Ar.), also énomoc: dpveov ‘bird’,
émwna: adhextpvdva dyptov ‘wild cock’, dnagoc Enow TO Spveov ‘hoopoe’, after the
animal names in -@og (H.). <ONOM>
*ETYM Formation like dpvoy, etc. (Chantraine 1933: 259) on an onomatopoeic basis;
cf. énonoi, moémom0 of the call of the bird (Ar. Av. 58 resp. 227). Parallel names exist in
other languages: Arm. popop, Lat. upupa, Latv. pupukis, etc. The word probably
cannot be called Indo-European. On énoy, see further Thompson 1895 &.v.
éntdé [num.] ‘seven’ (Il.). <IE *septm ‘seven’>
eCoMP As a first member in copulative entaxaidexa, in Emtaxdotot (cf. on dtaKdot01)
and in several bahuvrihis like énta-Bdetoc.
*DER Emttaxt(c), -tv ‘seven times’ (Pi.), émtaya ‘in seven parts’ (& 434), émtdc [f.] ‘a
group of seven’ (days, years; Arist.); emtadevw ‘belong to the énta’ (Olbia III").
eETYM Gr. éntd, Skt. saptd, Lat. septem, Arm. ewt‘n, Gm., e.g. Go. sibun, etc. go back
to IE *septrg (accent after IE *okté[u] > Oxtw, astdu). Cf. also » éBSopujKovta,
> EBSopoc.
énw 1 [v.] ‘to care for, occupy onself (Il, Ion., Hell.); in the epic sometimes confused
with émopial, or semantically influenced by it (Chantraine 1942: 3097, 388). <IE *se P
‘occupy with, care for’>
eVAR Emovta Z 321; further only with prefix (adverb): cyip(t)-, dt-, &@-, weO-, Tept-
émw, mostly present stem, further future and aorist forms like ég-éwu, én-éomrtov, ém-
OTeiv, HETA-OTWV.
°DER P Srtov, & Siortoc, probably also » émntij¢, -tTvc.
*ETYM Old thematic root present, identical with Skt. sdpati ‘care, honor’; Iranian
features athematic forms, viz. Av. haf-si [2sg.], hap-ti [3sg.] ‘hold (in the hand),
support’. An old enlargement is Lat. sepelid ‘bury’ = Skt. saparyati ‘honor’.
Enw 2 [v.] ‘to name’. <GR>
eVAR in €movovv (Nic.).
*ETYM Artificial present of » einov.
énwtidec [fpl.] ‘catheads of warships, beams projecting like ears on each side of a
ship’s bows’ (E., Th., Str.). <1E *h,ous- ‘ear’>
*ETYM Forms based on ov¢, wtdc, like énwptic ‘upper part of the shoulder’ on doc
and émidopatic ‘point of a lance’ on ddpv, etc. (Strémberg 1946: 99). Thus it is
properly ‘tips of the ear’, because of their projecting position. Differently, Forster
1950: 70.
én@xato [v.] only in M 340 maoat yap énmyato (scil. mbAat) ‘they were all closed’. <1E
*h,ueig- ‘open’>
eETYM Perhaps a 3sg.med.plpf. to én-oryvbvat in the meaning ‘close’, with aspiration
of the velar. For the meaning, cf. especially (tiv 8Upav) npocéwkev ‘they shut (the
door) (LXX Ge. 19, 6). Wackernagel 1955(1): 127ff. also discusses the analysis as a
Epavoc 449
plpf. émwyato (the inferior reading in the mss.) derived from émé yw. See also Bechtel
1914 S.V. & OLYVULLL.
épa [f.] explained by Erot., Str., etc. with yi ‘earth’, in pale, Dor. épacde ‘on the earth’
(IL); Epac: yii¢ (H.). <1? *her- ‘earth’>
eCOMP The word is further assumed in compounds, e.g. as a second member in
TOAU-Nnpoc: MoAVapOUpOG, TAOOLOG ‘with many fields, rich’ (H.), as a first member
in épeot-fitpyy: Tv yewpetpiav ‘geometry’ (H.); on the last Hoffmann 1921: 82ff.,
who wants to read in H. épac: yi and takes the word as a neuter; épate then from
*épao-de.
DER épdvat: Bwpol ‘altars’ (H.; Schwyzer: 489; very doubtful); denominative verb in
> am-epdaw, etc. Cf. also on > évepot.
*ETYM A general resemblance is shown by a few Gm. and Celt. expressions for ‘earth,
tc’: OHG ero ‘earth’, ON jorvi ‘sand(bank), MW erw ‘field’, all with a suffix -y-
(old u-stem?); with. a suffix -t-, Go. airpa, ON jord, MIr. ert ‘earth’. Arm. erkir ‘earth’
is unclear.
épapat [v.] ‘to desire, love’ (Il.). <2>
eVAR Lengthened form épdac8e II 208 (cf. Chantraine 1942: 83); IA épduw; aor.
épao(o)acbai, Epacbijvat, fut. EpoacOrooptat (epic Ion.).
*DER Verbal adj. épatdc ‘desired, loved’ (Il.), with Epatw [f] name of one of the
Muses (Hes.) and épatilw ‘desire’ (A 551); lengthened form épatetvdc ‘lovely’ (Il;
after the adjectives in -etvdc, e.g. dAyetvoc; moBetvdc; Pi.); on épactic see below.
Further gpwe (Il.), gen., etc. -wtog [m.] (Hdt, Pi.), epic also Epoc [m.] “(carnal) love,
the god of Love’, with several derivatives: beside the hypocoristics ’Epwt-tov, -dptov,
-loxog, -t5evc also épwtikdc ‘ptng. to love’ (Att.), €pwtbA0o¢ ‘lovely, darling’, gpwtic
[f.] ‘id’ (Theoc.); gpwt-tadeg (Nbpat; AP); épwtidia (-eta, -ata) ‘festival for Eros’
(Ath., inscr.); denominative verb épwt-tdw ‘be sick of love’ (Hp.). From époc: épdeic
(Hes., h. Hom.); cf. Treu 1955: 245. From a stem épao-: Aeol. épavvdc ‘lovely,
charming’ < *épao-vdc (Il.), épdopuog ‘id.’ (Semon., Anacr; cf. Schwyzer: 493°°,
Chantraine 1933: 43), épaotii¢ ‘lover’ (IA), also in compounds, eg. maid-epaotrc,
fem. gpdotpia (Eup.); pactdéc = épatdc (Att., etc.); denominative verb gpactetw =
épaw (A. Pr. 893 [lyr.]). The frequent formations in -o-, which can hardly all be
analogical, point to an original s-stem gpwe, épao- (like yéAwc, yéAao-), which was
subsequently enlarged by -t- or thematicized.
*ETYM No etymology. Thus Pre-Greek?
épavoc [m.] ‘meal on joint account, meal of friends’ (Od., Pi.); ‘contribution,
benefactory society’ (Att., Hell.). <PG?>
*COMP Compounds: épav-dpxnc¢ ‘president of an épavoc’ together with -éw [v.]
(pap., etc.), also apy-épavocg = apy-epawotis together with -ifw [v.] (inscr.).
*DER épavikdc ‘regarding an épavoc and denominative épaviCw, -optat ‘collect
contributions’ (Att., Hell.) with épav-totg (Pl.), t0p6¢ (D. H.), pawotiig ‘participant
or member of an épavog’ (Att., Hell.), also gpaveotric (Achae.) after kndeotr, etc.
' eETYM Uncertain. Traditionally grouped together with »épotic ‘feast’ (Cypr., etc.)
and » éoptn, and combined with » tpa ‘service’; the latter connection is phonetically
450 Epayoc
improbable, however. We should assume the basic forms *Fépa-voc, *Fépo-ttc, but
their origin is unknown: so is the word Pre-Greek?
Epaxos [2] - 76 Spaypya: Bow toi ‘handful (Boeot.)’ (H.); also épayatat- of deopevovtec
‘the fettering ones’. <?>
*eETYM See Bechtel 1921, 1: 305f.
épdw 1 papa.
*Epdw 2 >amT1-epaw.
épyov [n.] ‘work, labour, work of art’ (I].). <1E *uerg- ‘work’>
*DIAL Myc. we-ka-ta /wergatas/.
*COMP As a first member e.g. in épyo-AdBoc ‘undertaker’; further PN ’Epya-pévnc
(Bechtel 19172: 23f.; cf. gpya-tr¢ but also AAkapévrjc); very often as a second member
-epydc (or -opydc), e.g. yewpydc farmer’ (see > yf), > SnpLovpydc.
*DER épywdnc¢ ‘laborious, heavy’ (Hp., X.). gpyatn¢ [m.] (from the plur. épya;
Schwyzer 500; cf. pyaCopat) ‘labourer’, especially ‘farmer’; also adj. ‘laborious’ (1A),
fem. épydtic, with épyatikdc ‘ptng. to an épyatng, laborious’, épyativng = épyatncs
(Theoc; cf. Chantraine 1933: 203, Schwyzer: 490), Stepydtivoc (Mytilene),
épyatrotos ‘profitable’ (Plu. Cat. Ma. 21; uncertain; cf. Chantraine 1933: 42); pyaoia,
to épyaCopa, see below; denominative verb épyatevoua, -ebw ‘work hard’ with
épyateia (LXX, pap.). Epydavn, Delph. fapydava epithet of Athena (Delphi VI-V*,
etc.), also = épyacia (pap., H.); goyava, Fépyava (written yépy-)- épyadeia (H.);
épyanetov, usually plur. -eia, Cret. Fepy- ‘tool, instrument’ (IA); there is no *Epyahov
(cf. Chantraine 1933: 60). Denominative verb épyaCopat ‘work’ (Il; Schwyzer 734),
Cret. Fepyaddoual, often with prefix dt-, év-, etc several derivatives: épyaotikdc
‘busy, productive, labourer’ (IA); épyaoia, Cret. Fepy- ‘(heavy) labour, fieldwork,
profession’ (IA) with épydoutoc ‘in business, cleared (land)’ (also to épyaCopau; cf.
Arbenz 1933: 44f.); pyaotrp ‘field labourer’ (X.), gpyactrs ‘id.’, also ‘negotiator’ (A.
D., Rom. inscr.); pyaotrptov ‘workshop’ (IA; cf Chantraine 1933: 62f.; thence [after
vinculum] Lat. ergastulum, though acc. to Leumann Sprache 1 (1949): 207", from
épyactpov) together with épyaotnpiakédc ‘labourer’ (Plb.), diminutive
épyaotnpidiov (pap.); gpyaotpa [pl.] ‘wages’ (pap; Chantraine 1933: 332).
Desiderative ptc. pyaceiwv ‘who wants to do’ (S.).
*ETYM Dor. Fépyov (thence regularly El. Fapyov) is identical with Av. varazam [n.],
OHG werc, ON verk [n.] ‘work’; IE *uérgo- [n.]; with secondary 0, Arm. gore ‘id’
(from deverbative gorcem ‘work’). Connecion with W vergo-bretus ‘highest official of
the Aeduans’ is uncertain. Primary verbs from this root are » pdw and > pélw; see
LIV? s.v. 2. *uerg- ‘wirken, machen’. See further > édpyavov, » Spyta, > €Opyn.
Epyw elpyw.
épdw [v.] ‘to do, make, finish’, also ‘to sacrifice’. «IE *uerg- ‘work’>
eVAR Aor. épEat (Cypr. éfep—a), perf. gopya (IL), med. é]pypévoc (B. 12, 2073
uncertain), fut. Zp&w (Od.).
DIAL Myc. wo-ze /worzei/ continues the original zero grade.
&péOw - 451
eCOMP Rarely with prefix an-, mpoo-, ovv-. In prose replaced by notéw, mpattw,
épyaCopa, etc.
DER épyta ‘deed’ (h.Hom., Archil.), pxtwp ‘perpetrator’ (Antim.).
eETYM The present (f)épdw (Cret. Bépdr; cf. Schwyzer: 224; on the digamma, see
also Chantraine 1942: 135; on the secondary aspiration in épdw, ibid, 187f.) can go
back to *fépyw via *Fépzdw, and differs only in ablaut grade from the zero grade
yod-presents Av. varaziieiti = Go. waurkeib, OHG wurchit, all from IE *urg-ie-. The
full grade could be taken from (F)épyov; likewise, OS wirkiu after werk; cf. Schwyzer:
716". The non-presentic forms show the expected full grade, with regular o- in the
perfect. Cf. > péCw.
épéa =eipoc.
épéag : téxva. @ecoadoi ‘children (Thess.)’, épgeoqt téx-voic (H.). <1E? *h,(e)r- ‘arise’>
VAR épéwv [gen.pl.], Epecot [dat.p]l.] (Puchstein Epigr. Gr. p. 76).
*ETYM With the exception of épéac, all forms can be explained from *époc [n.],
which together with épvocg ‘sprout’ may belong to » dpvuut. So it is probably to be
corrected to pea. Note that one expects generalized op- from *h,er-, however, so
that the e-vocalism of the s-stem nouns must be secondary. A msc. *éprjg would be
difficult, in spite of Bechtel 1921, 1: 205.
EpéPtvOoc [m.] ‘chickpea’ (II.). <Lw Eastern Mediterranean?>
*DER Diminutive épeBivOlov (pap.) and épeBivO-wdn¢ (Thphr.), -etog (Zen.), -tatoc
(Dsc.), -tvoc (H., Phot., Suid.).
*ETYM Related to » pofog ‘id.’ with the Pre-Greek suffix -tvOoc. Further related to
Lat. ervum ‘a kind of vetch’, to which some Celt. and Gm. words for ‘pea, etc.’ are
compared: OHG araweiz, arwiz ‘pea’, MIr. orbaind ‘grain’, etc. The word may come
from the eastern Mediterranean area; see WH s.v. ervum. Skt. aravinda- [n.] ‘lotus
flower’ does not belong here; cf. Mayrhofer KEWA s.v.
EpeBog [n.] ‘the dark of the underworld’ (Il.). <IE *h,reg’-os- ‘darkness’>
*DER épeBevvic, Aeol. < *épefbeo-vdc properly ‘belonging to épefoc, dark’ (Il. Hes.);
more common épeuvoc < *épeB-vic (cf. Risch 1937: 99; see also on » Setvdc) ‘id.’ (I1.);
épeBwdng ‘id.’ (late).
eETYM Old word for ‘darkness, etc.’, also found in other branches: Skt. rdjas- [n.]
‘dark (lower) air, dust’, Arm. erek, -o y ‘evening’, Go. rigiz, ON rokkr [n.] ‘dark, dusk’,
all from IE *h,rég’-os- [n.].
Epéypata épetkw.
épezivw [v.] ‘to interrogate, hear out’ (epic since II.).
eVAR Only present.
*ETYM Like in the similar case of dAgeivw (see » déa 2), a denominative formation
has been assumed: an r/n-stem *épef-ev-. The form » eipopat is a primary present.
Cf. also > épevvaw, > Epwtdw.
épéOw [v.] ‘to stir, provoke’ (Il.) <?>
452 épeidw
eVAR Also pres. épe8iCw, with aor. épeBioat (A.), pass. épe8-to8ijvau, -to8eic (Hdt.),
-iGat (AP), perf.pass. 1)pé8-topat, -topévoc (1A), act. npé8uca (Aeschin.), fut. -iow, 10
(Hell.).
eCOMP With prefix av-, dt-, &-, mpoo-epebiCw, etc., also é&-, kat-epébw.
*DER From épeGilw: épeOicoudc (Hp.), épé8iopia (Ar.) ‘provocation, irritation’,
épeOtotI\¢ ‘agitator’ (LXX), -totiKdc ‘irritating’ (Hp.) From épé0w perhaps *dpo8oc
in > Opo8bvw.
eETYM The present épé8w may have a formantic -0-, like @aréOw, prAeyéOu, etc.
(Schwyzer: 703, Chantraine 1942: 327ff.); the primary verb from which it.is derived is
unknown. Note the forms in H., gpeto- wpyn8n, époeo: Steyeipov, and épon: opunon,
that might have formed the basis of épé0w.
épeidw [v.] ‘to prop, support’. <2>
eVAR Also med. -opat; aor. épeioat, -eicacBal, pass. épetoOfjvar (Il.), perf. med.
éprpetouau (Il.), 3pl. épnpédatai, -éSato (Hom.) for -idatai, -idato (Aeolism?, cf.
Schwyzer: 106), éprjpetvtal, Hprpervto (A. R.; Schwyzer: 671), act. ovv-, Mpoo-rpelka
(Hp., PIb.), (mpoo-)éprpetka (Dsc., Plu.), fut. épeiow, -opat (Arist.).
*COMP Very often with prefix, e.g. avt-, d1-, é71-, 1p00-, Ovv-, bT-, etc.
*DER (-)&petotc, (-)épetopia, (-)épetopuds, (-)épetotikdc. Cf. avtnpic, Szemerényi 1964:
143°.
eETYM No certain correspondences outside Greek. Connected with Lat. ridica [f.]
‘stake, wine prop’ by Froehde KZ 22 (1874): 263, which is deemed ‘very uncertain’ by
De Vaan 2008 sv. One could mechanically reconstruct *h,reid-.
épeikn [f.] ‘heather, Arica arborea’ (A., Eup.). <?>
eCOMP As a second member probably in b1-épetkog [f.] (Nic.), -ov [n.] (Hp. Dsc.5
written bmepikdv) ‘Hypericum’; Strémberg 1944: 42.
*DER épeixta [n.pl.] ‘heather plants’, épeixtvoc ‘made of heather’ (pap.), épetxnpdc
‘id’? (medic.), épeixatov (scil. uédt) [n.] ‘honey from heather’ (Plin.). PN ‘Epeixeta
with Epetxetetc (Attica IV*%; written’Epix-, probably itacistic; cf. Meisterhans 1900: 42
and 53), Epetkovc Adgoc (Asia Minor IV*), Epetkodooa island near Sicily (Str. et al.).
*ETYM Celtic and Balto-Slavic designations of heather resemble épeixn (supposing
that this derives from *fepeixa), but they do not agree completely: Olr. froech, MW
grug < JE *uroiko-; Latv. virsi [pl.], Lith. virzis, Ru. véres, véresk, etc. with unclear
final velar. Acc. to Machek Ling. Posn. 2 (1950): 158f., épeikn and véres, etc. were
borrowed from a common source.
épeixw [v.] ‘to break, bruise, crush, burst’ (II.). <1 *h,reik- ‘break, tear off? (cf.)>
eVAR épetkdpevos intr. (N 441), aor. tpixe (P 595, intr.), épei—ou (IA), perf-pass.
Eprplypat, -uévoc (Hp., Arist.).
*COMP Rarely with prefix kat-, di-, b1-.
*DER épetkidec [pl.] (Gal.), épetxdac (H.) ‘pounded barley, groats’, épeixiov ‘crumbly
pastry’ (Gal; formation like épeimia), épeixitac (Gptoc, Ath; Redard 1949: 89), all
often itacistically written épix-; thus épiypiata [pl.] (Hp.), épiypn (sch.) “bruised
beans’ instead of épety-; in the same meaning with unexplained e: épéypata (Thphr.,
Erot.), épeyjtdc (pap., Gal., Erot.) together with épéytuvoc (Dsc., Orib.).
épeoynréw 453
eETYM With the full grade root present épeikw and the clearly old weak grade aorist
iiptxe, there are no formal and semantic agreements in other branches. The nearest
relations are Skt. rikhdti, likhdti ‘scratch’ (with aspirated velar), Lith. riekiv, riékti
‘cut loaf, plough for the first time’, Skt. risati, lisdti ‘pluck, tear away’. One might
consider connection of nominal forms like OHG riga, MHG riha ‘row, line’, Lat. rixa
‘quarrel’, and perhaps also rima ‘cleft, crack’ (see De Vaan 2008: s.vv.).
épeinw [v.] ‘to ruin, tear down’ med. ‘to collapse’ (Il.). <1E? *h,reip- ‘throw down,
dash’?>
eVAR Aor. éptneiv (IIL. intr.), petyat (Hdt., Pi.), épimévti [ptc.dat.] = éputdvtt (Pi. O.
2, 43), pass. épeipOeic (S. Aj. 309), perf. éprpime (E 55, intr.), plpf. épépimto (E 15);
EPTPUULLLaL, TypipOrWv (Arr.); fut. epeiyw (S.).
*COMP With prefixes é&-, kat- et al.
DER épeimta [pl] ‘ruins’ (Hdt., Arist; on the formation Schwyzer: 470, Chantraine
1933: 55), adjectivized épeimoc (oikia Ph; épeimtocg yi} 1 xépooc ‘dry land’ Suid.);
épetytc of unclear meaning (Att. inscr.) with épeiyoc ‘ruined’ (E. IT 48),
éperyimbAGc [m.] (B.), -totyog (A. Th. 883 [lyr.]) ‘tearing down towers, especially
walls’; with zero grade épinvat [pl.] ‘broken cliff, steep ascent’ (E, A. R; sg. Nic.); on
the suffix cf. kpnpvdc, Kpaitvdc and Chantraine 1933: 192.
*ETYM Beside full grade épeinw, we have ON rifa ‘to tear down’ (trans.), like épeinw
also of buildings; with verbal noun, Lat. ripa ‘steep border, shore’ (cf. épinvat and
épeitiog yi} = xépooc, ie. ‘shore’); additionally, ON rip ‘upper side of a boat’,
EastFris. rip(e) ‘shore’, MoHG rif ‘id.’. Analysis of épeimw and épeixw as IE *(h,)rei-
p> *(h)rei-k- (Pok. 857ff.) is too far-fetched. See LIV’ s.v. *(h,)reip-.
épéntopat [v.] ‘to devour, eat’, of animals and men, properly ‘tear away, snatch away’.
<IE *h,rep-? ‘catch, snatch away’>
eVAR Only ptc. épentopevoc (Hom., AP; épéttwv Nonn.). With av- the aor.3pl. av-
Npéyavto (Hom; codd. everywhere -petw-; corrected by Fick; thus also A. R. [beside
-pew-], Orph.), ptc. dvapewapévn (Hes. Th. 990, cod. Ven.). avepewdapevor (AB 401,
27); avepéwato (Pi. Pae. 6, 136) ‘snatch away’.
*COMP With av-.
*ETYM The yod-present épéitopat resembles Lith. ap-répti ‘take, catch’ (which
mechanically requires *(H)reh,p-) and Alb. rjep ‘tear off, rob’; cf. Lat. rapi6, -ere ‘tear,
snatch’ with a-vocalism, on which see De Vaan 2008 s.v. It has also been compared
with > dpmdtw. See Szemer€ényi 1964: 203-5 and Beekes 1969: 35-7; LIV’ s.v. *(h,)rep-.
épeoxnréw [v.] ‘to joke, tease’ (IA). <PG?>
eVAR Only present; also -xeAێw v1.
*DER From the verb: épeoynAia, -xehia (pap., EM 371, 1, Suid.). Also épioyndoc:
Aoidopos ‘slanderous’ (EM, Parth. Fr. 18).
eETYM Like >» BAacgrpéw, probably from a nominal first member and a verbal
second member; further derivation unclear. Acc. to Wackernagel KZ 33 (1895): 57;
épeo- is a neuter synonymous with égptc and is also found in émrjpeta; he compares
the second member with ynAevetv: partetv, mAéKetv ‘sew, stitch; braid’ (H.); épeo-
454 epétns
xnAeiv would then mean ‘start a feud’. Fur. (index) considers ¢/n Pre-Greek; note
also the form with épt-, though this could also be analogical based on > éptc.
épétye¢ [m.] ‘rower’ (Il.). IE *h,erh,-, h,reh,- ‘row’>
eVAR Myc. e-re-ta /eretas/; inf. e-re-e /ere*en/ (Perpillou Minos 9:2 (1968): 208-212).
eCOMP As a second member in > bmnpéti.
*DER épetiKdc “concerning the rowers’ (Att.); collective abstract eipeoin, -ia ‘the
rowers’ (Od.), where the metrical lengthening ei- was maintained in prose);
denominative verb épéoow, rare Att. £péttw, aor. Epéo(o)at ‘row’ (I].).
Further the instrument noun épettdv [n.] ‘oar’ (Il.) with épetpdw [v.] ‘to equip with
oars’ (E.), PN ‘Epetuetc¢ (8 111), also the TN “Epétpia as “the rowing (town)”.
Formally isolated are the nouns in -npty¢ and -epoc, -opos, like tpt-1pn¢ ‘trireme’
(IA), aAt-fprng ‘rowing the sea’ (kwmm E. Hec. 455 [lyr.]), mevtnKdvt-epoc,
mlevtkOvt-opos ‘ship with fifty oars’ (IA), etc., see below.
eETYM The agent noun épé-t17¢ points to a disyllabic primary root *h,erh,-/ *h,reh,-
‘row’, like synonymous Skt. ari-tar- (which would be Gr. *épe-trp, perhaps in
"Epétp-ta). In Greek, this verb was replaced by the denominative épéoow (uncertain
Myc. e-re-e), but it is still present in other languages: Lith. irit, irti (from zero grade
*hrh,), Gm, eg. ON réa, Celt, e.g. Olr. imb-rd ‘row, sail’ (both from *ro-, as
opposed to ré- in Lat. rémus, and go back to *h,reh,- versus *h,roh,-). Traces of the
verb in Greek occur in tpt-jpis, etc. (with compositional lengthening and ending
after the s-stems), tevtnKdvt-Epoc, -opos, etc. (after the o-stems, with root vocalism
-o- after -yovoc, -popos, etc; there is no vowel harmony, as per Schmidt KZ 32
(1893): 327). Perhaps, with a suffix -to-, (Lesb.) téppytov- tpujprys H., if haplological
for *tepp-éprjtov < *tpl-gprjtov as per Brugmann IF 13 (1902-1903): 152f. The form
épetiov is reminiscent both of Skt. ari-tr-a- ‘oar’, Lith. irklas ‘oar’ < *h,rh,-tlo- and of
Lat. rémus, which perhaps has *-smo-; see De Vaan 2008 s.v.
épevyouat 1 [v.] ‘to belch out, disgorge, discharge, vomit’, also metaph., e.g. of the sea
(1l.). <1E *h,reug- ‘belch’>
eVAR Pres. also pvyyavw (Hp. Att.); aor. Hpvyov (Ar, Arist.), ipev'dpnv (Procop.),
fut. gpedEouat (Ev. Matt. 13, 35).
eCOMP Also with prefix dv-, dm-, &&-, é-, KaT-, 1p00-, etc.
*DER épevkic, épevypdc, also gpvktc, épvypydc, Epvypa together with épvypatwdnc
(also épevypatwdic); Epvyr ‘belching out, etc.’ (Hp.).
*ETYM The word épevyouat (the nasal present épvyyavw like muvOavopiat beside
mevOopta, etc.) belongs to an expressive group of words found in several languages,
e.g. Lat. é-riigd, Lith. ridugmi, ridugéti, Ru. rygdt’ (iter.) ‘have belches, ruminate’; with
zero grade as in rpvyov: OHG ita-ruchjan ‘ruminate’, OE rocettan (< PGm.
*rukatjan-) ‘belch’, Arm. orcam (< o-ruc-am < erucam, corresponding to Gr. é-);
also, MoP a-roy ‘belch’. Cf. » épevyopat 2.
épevyouat 2 [v.] in Hom. only of the sea épevyopévijs GAdc (P 265), Kipia ... Setvov
EpEevyO[levov (€ 403), (KUpLATA) épedyeTat Hreipdvde (€ 438); to be translated with
‘roar’ in the last two passages (cf. E 394 kbpia ... Boda moti yépoov), but here, like in
P 265, a translation ‘belch out’ (= » épevyopiat 1) is also possible. The sense of
Epevvaw 455
‘roaring’ seems certain in the aorist fjpuvyev (Y 403f.): pvyev Wc Ste tadpoc tpvyev,
406 tov y épvyovta Aime ... Bvjtdc; thus also in Theoc. 13, 58. The present and future
are also used in the meaning ‘roar’ in LXX (oxvtvoc épevyouevoc, A€wv épevEetat).
<1E *h,reug- ‘belch’ (also ‘roar’?)>
*DER épvypnAoc = 580 (from épvypn H. or *épvypeiv) is also used as an adjunct of
tabposg ‘bull’; differently, EM 379, 27 épvypnAn (H. épvyndn): éniBetov pagavion,
tows amd tig épvyiic ‘epithet of the radish, perhaps called after the belch’. H.
mentions also épvypaivovoa: 1) Bods (ruminator’? Cf. on » épevdyopiat 1). Kai 6
tabpoc épvypaivwv, a0 tic épvypiis ‘also the bull, after @, and épvyrtwp- pontrs
‘clamorous’.
*ETYM Clearly, épevyojtct 1 and 2 are not always kept apart in Greek, e.g. fépa TH
Twépa Epevyetar pijpa (LXX Ps. 18 [19], 2), épevfouan kexpvpyptéva (Ev. Matt. 13, 35);
where ‘to belch out’ is used expressively for ‘to cry’, etc. Nonetheless, » Opuptayddc
and wpdyr), @pvypdc (see » WpVopat) clearly refer to ‘roaring’.
Other languages have comparable words in the meaning ‘roar’: Lat. rigid ‘to roar’;
with a different auslaut (IE *-k-), OCS rykati ‘roar’, OE ryn ‘id’ (PGm. *rihjan-),
OHG rohon < PGm. *ruhon-; in Latin, the expected form would be *rucare, but we
instead have runcare ‘to snore’ (s.v. » péyKw).
épevOw [v.] ‘to make red, paint red’ (II). <1E *h,reud"- ‘red’>
eVAR Aor. épedoat.
eCOMP Also with prefix ovve§-, kat-.
*DER &pev8oc¢ [n.] ‘redness’ (Hp.,. Ph.) with épevO1j¢ ‘red-colored’ (Str., Arat.),
furthermore the poetical épevOretc (-tdetc) ‘id’ (A. R.), EpevBaAd€og ‘id.’ (Nonn.),
probably innovation, like PN ‘EpevOadiwv (Hom cf. Aevkahiwv, Tvypadiwv et al.),
‘Epev8adia town in Argos (sch.; cf. OiyaAia). Denominative verbs: épev0éw ‘get red’
(Luc., pap.) with épedOnjia (Gal.), gpevOidw ‘id. (Hp, after the verbs of disease). On
the plant name épevOédavov [n.] ‘red dye, Rubia tinctorum’ (Hdt., Thphr.), also
épv0pddavov, see » EpvOpdc.
eETYM The word épevOw is identical with ON rjéda ‘to make bloody’, OE réodan ‘to
paint red’; pev00c may also have an equivalent outside Greek, i.e. in Lat. robus,
robur, -oris ‘heartwood’ (with 6 < *eu, a non-Roman dialectal trait; see De Vaan 2008
s.v.), aS heartwood is more red or brown than sapwood. Forms from an s-stem have
been assumed in Greek, but see discussion on » épvoiBn ‘rust’. An old formation is
> EpvOpdc.
épevvaw [v.] ‘to search for (after), inquire’ (II].). <1E *h,reu- ‘search, inquire’>
eVAR Hell. (LXX, pap., NT, etc.) also €pavvaw with ev > av (cf. Schwyzer: 126 and
198); aor. pevvijoal.
eCOMP Also withprefixes dv-, dt-, 2&-, kat- et al.
*DER (dt-)épevvytis ‘inquirer’ (X.) with épevvijtpia [f.] (Corn.), (d1-)épevdvrjotc
‘inquiry’ (Str.), (dt-, €&-)épevvrjtikds (Str.). Also the back-formation épevva [f.], late
also gpavva (cf. above) ‘id.’ (S., E., Arist.).
*ETYM Like > épeeivw, épevvdw is derived from a verb eipopat, épé(F)-w ‘ask’ via a
noun *épef-(e)v-, and modelled on the verbs in -vaw. A transformation of this noun
456 épéqur
could be seen in ON raun [f.] ‘attempt, test, inquiry’, from IE *h,rou-n-eh,-. Further
see > EipoLal, > EpwTdw.
épéqw [v.] ‘to cover, provide with a roof (Pi. Ar.). IE *h,reb"- ‘cover, roof >
*VAR Also épéntw (Pi., B., Cratin.); aor. épéipau (I].), fut. gpéo (A, E.).
*COMP Sometimes with prefix duig-, m-, KaT-; as a second member e.g. in by-dpoqoc
‘with high roof (Hom.); also bw-epegre, -np_egris ‘id’ (Hom.), kat-1pegre ‘with a
roof, vaulted’ (Il.), metp-npegrs ‘vaulted with rocks’ (A., E.) et al.
*DER épewtc ‘roofing’ (Thphr.) with épéwutoc (P1.); with ablaut dpo@oc [m.] ‘cover,
roof (Orac. apud Hdt. 7, 140, A.), also ‘thatch for a roof (QO 451), dpocpr) [f.] ‘roof,
especially ‘ceiling’ (IA, Od.) with dpogiac name of a snake (Ar. V. 206), = dgi¢ Tv
Kat’ oikiav H,; cf. Georgacas 1956: 126; Odpdqtvocg ‘covered with thatch’ (Aen. Tact.),
Opog-tatos, -Loc, -lKd¢ ‘ptng. to the d6popr (dpo@oc)’ (Att., Hell.); denominative verb
dpogéw ‘roof, cover’ (Hell.) with opdqwpa, 6pdqwotc.
*ETYM The only correspondences are the second member in OHG hirni-reba ‘skull
(properly “brain-cover”) and the Gm. word for ‘rib’ (as “cover of the breast”): OHG
rippa, rippi, OE ribb, ON rif [n.], IE *h,reb-io-, and also Ru. rebro ‘id. < *h,reb"-ro-.
Both dpogr and dpogosg contain two o-grades, the first of which must be secondary
(double ablaut?); there is no vowel assimilation.
"EpexOevc =Epty8ovioc.
épéx Ow [v.] ‘to rend, break’ (‘Y 317, € 83, h.Ap. 358). < PG(V)>
eVAR Only present.
*DER Plant name épeyOittc = nptyépwv (Ps.-Dsc.); see André RPh. 45 (1971): 216f.: ‘the
one that breaks’. On »Epey@etc, Att. vases Epeyoss, etc. see > Epty8dvioc.
*ETYM Connected with Skt. rdksas-, Av. rasah- ‘destruction, damage’, Y AV. rasaiiente
[3pl-_pres.] ‘damage’. Semantic objections are voiced by Kretschmer KZ 31 (1892):
432f. The connection is ‘unglaubhaft’ to Mayrhofer EWAia 2: 423 and Gunnarsson
NTS 24 (1971): 64ff. Improbable analysis of -x@- from *-ks-d'- by Lipp, followed by
LIV? sv. *(h,)reks-.
épéw 1 ‘ask’. =elpoptat.
épéw 2 [v.fut] ‘say’. =elpw 2.
épijuoc ‘lonely, uninhabited, deserted’, of places and things, people and animals (I].).
<E *h,r(e)h,- ‘loose, rare, separate’>
*DIAL Myc. e-re-mo /erémos/ describing land. Younger Att. épryL0¢.
*COMP Also in compounds, e.g. épij,t0-vdjtos ‘living in loneliness’ (A. R.), late. As a
second member in nav-, piA-, b1-Eprjtos et al.
*DER Poetical derivatives éprji-aioc (Emp. A. R.; cf. Chantraine 1933: 49), -eloc
(Mykonos); fem. épnudac (Man; Chantraine 1933: 354f.). Abstract éprptia ‘loneliness,
solitude, lack’ (IA) with épnuitns, éprjuxdc ‘id’ (LXX). Denominative verbs
EpryLdotau, -dw “to become or make desolate, destroyed or looted’ (Pi., IA), together
with éprwwoig (LXX), gprywtrig (AP); also with prefix an-, 2&-, xat-, with daméprioc
(sch.). éprnatw [v.] ‘to live in solitude’ (Thphr.).
epidakn 457
eETYM The Greek form mechanically requires *h,reh,-mo- (zero grade would have
given two short vowels, cf. 6vojta < *h;nh;-mn-); the root would agree with Lith. irti
‘disintegrate’, sg. yri. It has been connected with Lat. rarus, which would have to be
from *h,rh,-ro- (Schrijver 1991: 310f. is undecided between zero grade and full grade,
but the latter would require *Hreh,- which would not be compatible with the Greek
evidence); Lat. réte ‘net’ could be from *h,reh,-t- (Beekes 1969: 36), but is now also
connected with Lith. rétas ‘rare, thin, slow’ et al. (see De Vaan 2008 s.v.). Skt. r-té
‘with exception of, without’ is unclear; see Mayrhofer EWAia s.v.
épytbw [v.] ‘to keep back, hinder’. <?>
eVAR Aor. éprytvoat (Il; rare S., E.), pate S. OC 164 (lyr.), EpatoBev (= Eprtvdev B
99) avertavoavto ‘they stopped’ (H.), on which cf. Schwyzer: 182, Hoffmann 1891:
166; 283, Bechtel 1921, 1: 401; DELG thinks it is not Cyprian.
ecoMP Also with am-, kaT-.
*ETYM No etymology. Cf. on mPépwr, »épwéw. If the -a- is reliable, we could
reconstruct *h,reh,-tu-.
EpGet [v.] - pOéyyetau ‘utters’ (H.). <2>
eETYM Unknown.
épt- [pref.] ‘very, high’ (I1.). <1E *ser- ‘high’>
DIAL Perhaps in Myc. e-ri- /eri-/.
*COMP Especially in bahuvrihis like épi-(y)dovurtoc, -oBeviic, -TiWLoc, -aby1V; also épt-
Bpepétne, -Spatoc (A. Ag. 1461 [lyr.]) et al.; cf. Chantraine REGr. 49: 406.
*ETYM Willi KZ 112 (1999): 87-100 follows Heubeck in connecting Hitt. sér ‘high, up’,
and separates » dipt-. Some semantic traces of this etymology may be found, e.g. épt-
abynv ‘with the neck high, in height’, etc. (ibid: 96f.).
épinpes [adj.] perhaps ‘faithful’. <1£ *ueh,r- ‘true’>
eVAR Acc.pl. -ac; secondary sing. épinpos, said of Etaipoc (Hom., formulaic), also of
aoiddc (a 346, 8 62 = 471).
eETYM A bahuvrihi compound of ipa and épt-. It has also been compared with
Bpinpov: pLeyadws Kexapiopiévov (H.).
ép.8axn [f.] ‘bee bread’ (a kind of wax) (Arist. Varr. Plin.). <PG?>
eETYM Hesychius comments: 1) 710 TMV pleALcoM@v mapaTiWEeLéviy Tpogr Kai TO
éyKoihtov Tov ix8bwv THv Lakak@v: kai Ta TWV Dwv EBpva, ‘the food provided by
bees; the intestines of fish; the young of swine’. DELG remarks: “The gloss gives two
informations: on the one hand the meaning ‘interior of crustaceans’, which arose
from the resemblance between the two materials, explains the adjective épi8axwdr¢
‘full of ép.8axr/, epithet of ypatcu ‘crabs’ (Epich. 61); on the other hand, it appears
that the ‘bee-bread’ was (be it wrongly) considered as food of the bees [in reality they
use it to close openings in the walls of the bee-hive], which would explain the
connection with gpi0oc.” The latter remark is not very clear; perhaps Chantraine
refers to the fact that ép.axic means ‘drone’. Pre-Greek, acc. to Nehring Glotta 14
(1925): 183. See » Epi8oc.
458 épiBakoc
épi®axoc [m.] name of a bird, probably ‘robin redbreast, Erithacus rubecula’ (Arist.),
see Thompson 1895 s.v. <PG?>
VAR EpWevc (Thphr.), épi8vAoc (sch.).
DER Adj. Epi8axwodnc (ypatat Epich. 61; meaning unclear; see » épi8dKn).
*ETYM Connection with » épi60c suggested by Frisk, but DELG does not understand
why. See Bo&hardt 1942: 67ff. and Thompson 1895 s.v.
épt80c [m., f.] ‘day-labourer’, of reapers, sheaf-binders (© 550, 560), ‘spinner’ (S., D.
with folk-etymological connection with épiov), ‘servant, etc.’ in general (h.Merc. 296,
etc.). <PG>
*COMP Comp. ovv-épi8o0c [m., f.] ‘helper, labourer’ (Od.), @tA-épi80¢ ‘who loves
spinning’ (Theoc., AP). With the familiarizing suffix -x-: ép.Waxic [f.] (Theoc.).
*DER Denominative verb épi8evoyt (rare -evw, also with é§-) ‘to be a day-labourer,
work for wages, try to obtain a favour or a job’ (LXX, Arist.) with ép.8eia ‘trying to
get a position’ (Arist.), gp.8evtdc ‘bribed’ (Creta, Delphi). Unclear’Epi8dceoc epithet
of Apollo (Attica IV’).
*ETYM No etymology; in the same semantic sphere as SovdAoc, thus Pre-Greek? Cf.
the suffix -10- (Pre-Greek: suffixes).
épivedc [m.] ‘wild fig-tree, Ficus caprificus’ (Il, Hes., Arist.), opposed to ovxi; cf.
Stromberg 1937: 166’. < PG>
VAR Eptvoc [m.] (Stratt., Theoc., Delos, etc.; cf. dSed@edc : -pdc), Att. also épivews
(Delos, Com, after other tree-names in -ewc).
eDIAL Myc. e-ri-no-wo, -wo-to /erinwos, -otos/.
DER éptvedv, -vdv ‘wild fig’ (com., Arist., Thphr.); épivdc [f.] = épivedc (Nic. like
kotivdc, etc.; Chantraine 1933: 353); adjective épiveoc, -votc ‘belonging to a fig-tree’
(Epich, E.), éptvewdng ‘full of fig-trees’ (Str.); denominative verb éptvdtw ‘to
caprificate’, with éptvaoydc (Thphr.): to hang branches of wild fig near the cultivated
one, so that insects will bring over pollen (see Thphr. sv. wry; Perpillou RPh. 71
(1997): 160 adds: “le figuier sauvage serait alors le figuier-bouc, fécondateur
considéré le mape de l’espéce”, but this is hardly understandable as an etymology).
*ETYM Recalling Messen. tpdyoc = éptvedc (Paus. 4, 20, 2) and Lat. caprificus,
Prellwitz BB 22 (1897): 284f. compared an old word for ‘he-goat’, which is also found
in » pipoc. This is now accepted by Perpillou. Acc. to Chantraine 1933: 203 and
Schwyzer: 491, however, the word is Pre-Greek (cf. k6ttvoc ‘wild olive’; 6AvvO0c
‘wild fig’).
Epivoc [m.] plant name (Nic., Ps.-Dsc.). <?>
eETYM Unexplained. See André 1956 s.v. erineos.
Epivic, -vog [f.] name of an avenging goddess; as an appellative ‘revenge, curse’ (II.),
name of Demeter in Arcadia (Antim., Call. Paus. 8, 25, 6). <PG(V)>
eVAR On the length of the v see LSJ. Eptwvuc is rejected by LSJ.
eDIAL Myc. E-ri-nu.
“DER éptvvwdng ‘like the E.’ (Plu.); épivdw = Oupt@ xpijo8at (Arc., Paus. lic., EM), cf.
Bechtel 1921, 1: 390.
Epio~ndoc 459
*ETYM A connection with the mythical stallion’Epiwv (Apiwv, Opifwv; Bechtel 1921,
1: 349) requires further demonstration. Pre-Greek origin can be expected, cf. Herter
Lexis 3 (1954): 232 and Arena Helikon 6 (1966): 144f.
Neumann Sprache 32 (1986): 43-51 proposes an IE reconstruction *eri-snh,-u- ‘who
provokes struggle’, from *sneh,- as in vebpov. This would give, however, *eri-san-u-
> *eri-(h)anu-; this could be avoided by assuming that the laryngeal was lost in the
compound. However, does ‘provoke struggles’ fit the Erinyes? Heubeck Glotta 64
(1986): 164 states that such a meaning “zwar nicht restlos geschwunden, aber doch...
weitgehend zuriickgedrangt worden ist”.
In sum, there is no good IE etymology and the word is probably Pre-Greek. For an
Indo-European etymology, the ending -t¢ would have to be from -uH-s, i.e. -u-h,-,
but a “Motions-femininum” of this type is not known in Greek. Thus, the ending
seems to be Pre-Greek. Moreover, the variation v/vv may represent a palatalized
phoneme w’ (cf. 1’ in AytA(A)ebc; for the phenomenon see Pre-Greek: B 1).
éptov =elpoc.
éptovvne [adj.] of Hermes (Y 34, 8 322), late of Oeoi (Ant. Lib. 25, 2), voocg (Orph. L.
199). <?>
eVAR Eptobwios (IL, h.Merc. Ar. Ra. 1144).
eETYM The ancient scholars wrongly associated this word with various simplicia,
connecting it with different qualities of Hermes: e.g., obvncg: KAEtTHG, ObWOS: [Edvic,]
dpoptetc, KAEMTHS ‘runner, thief (H.); cf. Leumann 1950: 123. Better glosses are
obvov- [bytéc.] Ktimpiot Spdpov ‘course’ and ove (for obvi?) Setpo, Spdpe.
Apkddec ‘Over here! Run! (Arc.)’. Here further belongs the Cypr. PN ®tAovviov
[gen.], cf. DAdSpotoc. Would’Ept-ovvne, -ovwoc then be the quick messenger of the
gods? Thus Latte Glotta 34 (1955): 192ff., but doubted by O. Masson 1961: 256". See
also Ruijgh 1957: 136, 142.
Epic, -t50¢ [f.] ‘strife, quarrel, contention’ (II.); on the mg. in Hom. Triimpy 1950: 139ff.
<2>
eVAR Acc. also -tv.
eCOMP As a second member in dvo-eptc (Att.), also with compasiuonel lengthening
dv0-nptc (Pi.) ‘arousing [bad] struggle’.
*DER Denominative verbs: épitw ‘to fight, wrangle, quarrel (Il; enlarged from *épi-
w?), whence épiopta ‘quarrel’ = ‘object of the quarrel’ (A 38), éptopidg ‘id.’ (Timo),
éplotiKds ‘quarrelsome’ (PL. Arist.), éptotis ‘quarreler’ (LXX Ps. 138 [139], 20; v.l1.).
épidaivw ‘id’ (Il; only present beside unclear épidrjoao8a ¥ 792; cf. Chantraine
1942: 416). €ptdpaivw ‘to provoke, irritate’ (II 260), = épidaivw (Hell.); after the verbs
in -t-aivw like mnpi-aivw; see Schwyzer: 724.
*ETYM Unknown etymology. Because of the PNs Aug-, Av-tipt-toc (Bechtel 19172: 7;
also -to toc), éptc must be an original t-stem; therefore, connection with épeidw ‘prop,
support’ is excluded. Neither is there evidence for relation to » dpivw, »épé0u,
» Epivoc, Hardly related to Skt. dri-, ari- [m.] ‘stranger, enemy, etc.’.
EpiognAog [adj.] epithet of Heracles (Stesich. 82). <?>
460 Eptpoc
DER Beside it dognAot- do8eveic. ogrAdv yap TO ioxupdv ‘weak, for oprAdv means
strong’ (H.), but the mg. does not fit.
eETYM Unexplained; » opadAw has an entirely different meaning.
Eptpog [m. f.] ‘young goat, kid’ (Il, Crete); in plur. name of a constellation of stars
(Democr., Theoc.; see Scherer 1953: 124f.). <?>
*DER Hypocoristic diminutive épigiov (Athenio Com.) with épigijpata: épipot.
Adkwvec ‘kids (Lacon.)’ (H.; on the formation Chantraine 1933: 178, Schwyzer: 523);
adj. épipetoc “belonging to épipoc (Com., X.); Epigiog epithet of Dionysus in
Metapontum (Apollod.; cf. on Eipagimtic); épipéac (for *épipiac?)- xiuapoc ‘he-
goat’ (H.).
*ETYM Formation like » Z\aqoc ‘deer’ et al. Resembles a word for ‘goat, deer’ in Olr.
erp (erb), probably < PCI. *erba-; see Matasovi¢ 2008 s.v Arm. oroj ‘agnus, agna’ <
*er-oj, also erinj ‘young cow’ (unclear) and Lat. ariés, -étis, U erietu ‘arietem’ are
much farther away. In » épivedc ‘wild fig’, an old word for ‘buck’ has also been
supposed.
*Epty@6vioc [m.] name of a hero and king of Athens, son of Ge, father of Pandion (A,
E.); also name of a Trojan, son of Dardanos, father of Tros (Y 219, 230). <PG(V)>
eVAR Cf.’Epex8evc (B 547, 1 80), which is also an epithet of Poseidon (inscr.); on
Attic vases ’Epeyoec, together with EpeyxOnic [f.] name of an Att. phyle (D., inscr.),
"EpexOeidat [pl.] name of the Athenians (Pi.). These names were taken to mean ‘who
tears apart, shaker [of the earth]’, but see below. Also ’Epiy8evc (Pape and Benseler
1911: 379). Note the soothsayer Epty@w in Thessaly oe Phars., see also Ov. Her. 15,
139), which confirms (Pre-)Greek origin.
*DIAL Att. vases Epexoec (Schwyzer 326) a hero and is of Athens (B 543, n 81).
DER ol EptyBovidat ="Epex8eidat (IG 3, 771; poet., Roman times).
eETYM Probably a very old name; already the fact that Erichthonios is called the son
of the Earth, points to Pre-Greek origin. There is no good explanation for the
coexistence of Epex8evc and’Epty8dvioc, cf. the by-form in -wv of Hermes, and. cf.
"EpvoiyOwv. Is the form with -yo- an Atticism, or does it have a wider spread?
Connection with épéy8w is improbable. "Epey8evc, etc. are rather short forms of
"Epty86vioc, and were later connected with » épéyOw by folk-etymology. "EpeyOevc /
Epexoec is clearly a Pre-Greek name; more forms are given by Fur.: 263. It continues
a pre-form *Erekteu-, cf. the alternation in ,16pox8o¢ / » ,tdpoEoc.
éptwAn [f.] ‘whirlwind, hurricane’ (Ar. Eq. 511, A. R.). <?>
eVAR On the accent see Hdn. Gr. 1, 32.4.
*ETYM Unexplained. Perhaps from *feAt-FwAn (from eidéw ‘roll, turn, Wee with
intensive reduplication and dissimilation \-A > p-Az
épxog [n.] ‘fence, enclosure, courtyard; net’ (II.). <1E? *serk- ‘twine’>
eCOMP As a second member e.g. in ev-epKric ‘well-fenced’ (I].); as a first member in
épko-O17p-iKdc ‘ptng. to the hunt with a net’ (Pl. Soph. 220c).
*DER épkiov ‘fence’ (IL, cf. tetxiov: tetyoc et al.); Epxetoc, Epxeioc (after oiketoc et al.)
‘belonging to the épxoc, court-yard’, especially as an epithet of Zeus protecting the
Eppa 461
house, whose altar is in the courtyard (x 935); épkitng ‘a slave belonging to the place’
(Amer. apud Ath. 6, 267c, H.).
Further épxavn ‘fence’ (late) from cross with opKavn “id. (A., E.), which has o-grade
like » 6pkoc; cf. Chantraine 1933: 198. Glosses pxatoc: ppaypds ‘fence’, EpKdti;
gvAaxn ‘watch, guard’ (H.), “Opkatog locality in Calymna (inscr. II*; cf. Fraenkel
1910: 147); on the suffix Cf. 6pyatog; see also » Epxatoc.
*ETYM Apparently a verbal noun (like téAoc, yévoc, etc.), but there is no
corresponding verb. Meringer IF 17 (1904-1905): 157f. connected it as *‘wicker-work’
with Lat. sarci6, -ire ‘to twine, restore’, properly *‘to sew together’; cf. sartum tectum
‘unviolated, complete’, properly *‘twined and covered’, sarcina [f.] ‘bundle’. Lat.
sarcid belongs to Hitt. sar-nin-k- (nasal infix present) ‘to restore damage, make
amends’. On épkoc d5d6vtwv, see Humbach MSS 21 (1967): 24ff. (it denotes the lips,
not the teeth).
épua 1 [n.] ‘prop, support’, of the stones or beams put under the ships when drawn
ashore (in plur. Il and Ap. 507); metaph. of men, ‘support, column’ (IL);
‘underwater cliff on which a ship gets stuck’ (Alc. Supp. 26, 6, Hdt. 7, 183, Th. 7, 25);
“stone (or any other weight) that can serve as ballast’ (Ar., Arist.); ‘heap of stones’ (S.
Ant. 848 [lyr.], AP 9, 319). <?>
*DER Epic (or -tv), acc. Eppiva, dat.pl. -iotv ‘post of a bed’ (6 278, y 198, Hadt. 3, 16; cf.
pnyuiv- from pfyHa, otapiv-, etc.); cf. Hdn. Gr. 2, 431 with etymological
speculations. épyak [f.] ‘heap of stones’ (Nic. et al.), MoGr. €ppaxid (ap-) ‘wall of dry
stones’, many derivatives in the dialects of lower Italy, see Rohlfs 1930: 78f; Eppaxec:
beadot 1étpat ‘rocks under the sea’ (H.: cf. AiBak, pra, etc.). Eppewv: cwpdc AiPwv
‘heap of stones’ (H.), cf. Bodewv s.v. BaAAw, etc. Eppatitns mEtpOG ‘stone serving as
ballast’ (Lyc. 618). ppatixdg ‘fixed’ (kpaBBatoc, PGen. 68, 10; IVP). Epyatog Ad@oc
‘heap of stones’ (1 471; uncertain, cf. on ‘Eppijc). Denominative verbs: éppatw ‘to
support, make stable’ (Hp.) with gppacpa, -opdc (Hp.), Epuactc (Erot., also Troezen
IV? [-oo-]; cf. Fraenkel 1910: 149); épptatitw ‘id’ (Hp.). See »Eppiic (Eppeiac,
“Epudawv).
*ETYM Formally, épjia seems to be a verbal noun in -ua with regular e-vocalism of
the root. For an etymology, one might think of Lith. sveriu ‘weigh’ and relatives, in
which case it would originally mean ‘heavy weight, stone’, from IE *suér-mn.
However, because of the divergent meanings, two or three different words have been
assumed: thus, gpyta ‘cliff was considered a separate word and connected with Skt.
varsman- [n.] ‘height, hill, top, point’ (e.g. in WP 1, 267). However, this etymology
disregards the fact that cliffs under the sea surface are denoted. On the other hand,
épua has been connected as ballast of a ship with Lith. 1sg. sveriv ‘to weigh’, svaris
‘heavy’, OHG swar(i) ‘heavy’. In the meaning ‘support, prop’, words for “pole, etc.’
have been connected, eg. Skt. svdru- ‘sacrificial post’, OE swer ‘post, column’, Lat.
surus ‘twig, sprout, pole’. However, it is doubtful whether éppa ever meant ‘pole’. An
attempt to combine all meanings was made by Porzig 1942: 266: the original
meaning would be ‘stone [for supporting a ship]’, whence ‘stones for ballast’, and on
the other hand, sarcastically, also ‘cliffs under the sea’. Kretschmer Kleinasiatische
Forschungen 1 (1927): 4 thinks that Zppia is Anatolian, pointing to the Lydian river
462 Eppata 2
“Eppoc (toAvwrgida map’ “Epuov Orac. apud Hdt. 1, 55) and to Lycian PNs in Erm-,
Arm-. Chantraine Ant. class. 22 (1953): 69 is also in favor of non-IE origin. There
seems no reason, however, to assume foreign origin.
Eppiata 2 —elpw 1.
éppaiov = Eppijc.
Epuuvevs [m.] ‘interpreter, translator’ (Pi. O. 2, 85), also ‘interpreter’ in general (IA).
<PG?>
eVAR Eppiavete (Pi.).
*DER Denominative verb éppjvebw (-pav- Epid.), also with prefix dt-, é&- et al.
‘interpret, translate’, also ‘explain’ (IA) with several derivatives: épurveia
‘interpretation, explanation, way of expression, style’ (Pl., X., Arist.); €pprjvevotc ‘id’
(D. C., Longin.); épunvedpiata [pl.] ‘id’ (E, Ph.); éppnvevtiis = epunvets (Ph Pit.
290c, LXX Ge. 42, 23, Poll. 5, 154; cf. Fraenkel 1912: 63) with épurvevdtpta [f.] (sch.);
EPLI|VevTLKOG ‘ptng. to interpretation’ (Pl.), cf. Chantraine 1956a: 134 und 137.
*ETYM Technical expression without etymology, probably of Anatolian origin (so
possibly Pre-Greek); cf. Bof&hardt 1942: 36f. and Krahe Die Antike 15 (1939): 181.
Wrong attempts at an IE explanation, connecting it with to eipw ‘string, attach’, elpw
‘say’, Lat. serm6, are found in old dictionaries like Bq. See also »'Epytijc.
‘Epitijc, -ob [m.] Hermes, son of Zeus and Maia; also ‘herm, head of a herm’ (II.). <PG>
*DIAL Myc. E-ma-a, (dat.), ‘Eppeiac, -éac, “Eppeing (Call.), “Eppia¢ (Dor. Boeot.),
‘Eppawv (Hes.), Epudv, -avoc (Lac. Arc.), “Epudov, -do, -a (Thess. dat.), “Eppaov
(Cret. acc.).
eCOMP As a first member e.g. in Epyo-yAvgetov (Pl.) with backformation éppoyAvg-
e0G, -tKO¢, -0¢ (Luc. et al.), see > yA@u. ;
*DER Hypocoristic diminutive ‘Eppidiov (Ar.), -adtov (Luc. also ‘small herm’
[Lydia], after the nouns in -idtov, -ddtov.‘Eppaiog ‘belonging to H, of H.’, also as a
month name (A., S.), probably also Eppatog Adgos (rt 471), if not from » gpya; ntr.
“Epuatov ‘temple of Hermes’ (Ephese), on the accent Hdn. Gr. 1, 369; plur."Eppata
(iepa) “festival for Hermes’ (Att.); as an appellative éppatov [n.] “gift of Hermes”, i.e.
‘chance find, unexpected advantage’ (PI., S.); also a plant name (Strémberg 1940:
129); fem.‘Eppiaic (Hp.);Eppatwv name of a month (Halicarn., Keos);‘Eppaiotai [pl.]
name of the worshippers of H., Mercuriales (Rhodos, Cos, Delos), cf. eg.
AnodAAwviaotai and Chantraine 1933: 317; Eppiaixds (late).‘Eppeta [pl.] mg. uncertain
(Str. 8, 3, 12).
eETYM ‘Epuiic derives from epic ‘Epyéac < “Eppeiac; cf. Aiveiac. Myc. e-ma-a,
/Hermahas/ shows the original form, and excludes an old form with the suffix
*-4rwv, which has been suggested for eg. ‘Eppdv and ‘Epudwv (Hes.). Thus,
connection with Ȏpya 1 should be rejected, since the model for a suffixation in
-ahds is unclear. The Mycenaean form shows that it is an unanalysable Pre-Greek
name. See Ruijgh REGr. 80 (1967): 12.
épvoc [n.] ‘sprout, offshoot’, originally of trees, also of men (II.). <IE? *h,er- ‘go’?
eVAR Also épvoc with secondary aspiration.
épTtw 463
eCOMP As a first member in épveoi-memAoc.(Orph. H. 30, 5; after €Axeoi-1teTAo<),
épvokoLwv: Tapadetoapiwv ‘gardener’ (H.). As a second member in ev-epvijc ‘with
good offshoots’ (E., Str.), dvo-epvij¢ (Poll.). -
*DER Diminutive épviov (Hell.); pvwdne [adj.] ‘like a sprout’ (Dsc.), gpvdopat [v.]
‘to sprout’ (Ph.); two glosses in H.: épvatic: dvadevdpdc ‘vine that grows up trees’
(see Schwyzer 464) and épvutac: épvn, PAaotipata, KAdSor ‘sprouts, offshoots,
shoots broken off, wrong for épvvyac (Arist. Po. 1457b 35; after mtépvk, etc,
Schwyzer: 498).
*ETYM Formation in -voc (Schwyzer: 512, Chantraine 1933: 420), commonly derived
from the root of » dpvuyt, etc. (to which belongs synonymous dppevoc), but this had
h;- (and not h,-), which means that the initial e- would have to be secondary.
Alternatively, simply from *h,er- ‘go’, for the semantics of which one might compare
MoNw. run(n)e ‘twig’ to renna ‘to run, shoot up, grow’. On the separation of *h,er-
and *h,er-, see » dpvuut. One is further reminded of » épé0w and > épéac. For the
suffix -voc, cf. » tépyvoc. Formally, pvoc agrees with Skt. drnas- [n.] ‘flood, stream’,
but the reminiscence is probably secondary.
Epos =Epapat.
Epotic [f.] ‘festival’ (Aeol. acc. to H., Cypr. acc. to Eust.), epigraphically of king
Nicocreon (Kaibel 1878: 846); perhaps in Chalcedon (SIG 1009); E. El. 625; épott
(P.Oxy. 2084); on the use Bechtel 1921, 1: 119 and 447. <?>
eETYM Perhaps related to »pavoc and » éoptt}. “Aeolic” in Hesychius may mean
“Arcado-Cypriot”.
pric [?] ‘wine’ (Hippon. 79, 18, Lycophr.). «LW Eg.>
eETYM As the scholia indicate, this is the same word as Egyptian irp ‘wine’. See
Masson RPh. 88 (1962): 46-50.
épmw [v.] ‘to crawl, slink, go on all four’, in Dor. also ‘go’ in general (I1.). <IE *serp-
‘crawl’>
eVAR Aor. épmtboat (Att; cf-épmblw below), gpyot (LXX), fut. gpyw, also éptow,
Dor. épwo.
*COMP Very often with prefix, eg. dv-, eio-, &&-, ~-, mpoo-. As a first member in
épmt-dxavOa = dxavOoc (Ps.-Dsc.). .
*DER épmetov [n.] ‘animal that goes (or crawls) on all fours’ as opposed to birds
(metetva) and men (IA, 6 418; Aeol. é6pretov with zero grade, on the formation see
Vine 1998: 73f., who thinks the zero grade is secondary in this form); gpm, -1{t0¢
[m.] ‘shingles’ (Hp.), épmtrjyy, -f}voc [m.] ‘id’ (Ph; after Aetyty, etc; also gpm, EM)
with épmnvwdnc (Ph.); gpmnda a shell-fish (Ath; form uncertain); épmndav, -dvoc
[f.] ‘crawling’ (Nic. Chantraine 1933: 36of.); €pmtnotijs ‘crawling animal’ (Nic., AP;
rare like tevynotis et al; Chantraine 1933: 317); épmvAAoc [m., f.] ‘tufted thyme’
(Com.; after this Lat. serpullum) with épnvAA-tov, -dpiov “id” and épmvdAdic
‘grasshopper’ (H.); uncertain épnv&r (Dsc. 3, 69). épwic ‘crawling’ (Pl, Arist.). An
expressive enlargement is ép70{w ‘to crawl’ (Il; cf. Chantraine 1942: 336), to which
belongs the Attic aorist gpmboat (after épvoat, EAkboat?); thence épnvotixds (Hp.,
464 Eppaoc
Arist.) and rare and late épmvotc, -voytdc, -votr|p, -votic, -votdatw. See also » Sprné
‘sprout, twig’.
eETYM The word éprw is identical with Skt. sdrpati ‘id’, Lat. serp6 ‘id’. Several
languages have derived the name of the snake from this root: Skt. sarpd- [m.], Lat.
serpens, Alb. gjar pér.On meaning and spread of épmw, see Blech 1940: 7iff.
Eppaog [m.] ‘ram’ (Lyc. 1316), ‘wild boar’ (Call. Fr. 335). <2
eVAR H. has éppa<o>c¢: Kptdc ‘ram’.
*ETYMNo etymology. See Meid AAHG 27 (1974): 53-55.
éppevti [adv.] unknown (Alc. Fr. 407 L.P.); cf. Hdn. Gr. 1, 505, 7 &n0 tod Eppw H éppw
TEPLOTIWLLEVOU 1] HETOXT) EppEic, EPPEVTOG We Tapa TO EBEAOVTOG EBEAOvT ‘from ~Eppw
or épp@, with perispomenon, the participle éppeic, éppévtoc, and like é0eAovti to
e8éAovtOc. < ?>
eVAR Cf. épdvtt pidAa, Aiav, mavv ‘very, much, certainly’ (H.).
*ETYM See Brugmann IF 17 (1904-1905): 11 and Schwyzer: 623.
"Eppn@opocs >dppnedpoc and gpon.
"Eppos [m.] - 6 Zevc (H.). <?2>
eETYM Unclear. Earlier proposals: to *uorso- in » obpavoc; or ‘the god of Dew’, an
Att. msc. corresponding to “Epon ‘Sister Dew’. Cf. also‘Epoaioc: axptog Zevc (H.).
Eppw [v.] ‘to go (away), disappear, go to ruin’, mostly perfective ‘to sod off, get lost’ |
(Il.), mostly ipv. and in imperatival expressions. IE *uert-ie/o- ‘turn’>
eVAR Locr. Feppétw [ipv.], El. Fappev [inf.] (in imperatival function); non-presentic
forms are rare: fut. épprjow (h.Merc. 259, Com.), aor. tjppyoa (Com.), perf. eio-
Hppnka (Ar. Th. 1075).
*COMP Also with prefix dv-, dn-, eio-, 8&-, mept-.
*ETYM Expressive word of the common and the poetic language, unknown to prose.
The geminate -pp-, common to all dialectal forms, excludes derivation from *uers-.
A reconstruction *Fépo-1w and connection with Lat. verrd ‘sweep’, OCS vracho, vrésti
‘thresh’, Hitt. yars-' ‘reap, harvest, wipe’ is semantically and formally difficult.
Forssman 1980: 18off. therefore proposes a pre-form *uert-ie/o-, together with a new
proposal for the development of the cluster *-rti- (as opposed to *-rs-).
époat [f.pl.] ‘young animals, small lambs’ (1 222).
eETYM Probably simply metonymic for » pon ‘dew’; cf. the use of » dpdcoc in A. and
Call. Cf. also tintépes waxadodyot (S. Fr. 793) to wakadov (Ar. Byz.), from waxdc
‘fine rain, drops’; more details in Bechtel 1914 s.v. pon. Acc. to Leumann 1950: 25",
dpdc0c in the meaning ‘young animal’ in A. and Call. stems from imitation of t 222;
Epoat would be a homonym of épon ‘dew’.
épon [f.] ‘dew’, plur. ‘dewdrops’ (IL.). <IE *h,uers- ‘rain’>
VAR Epic poet. éépon, Dor. époa, Pi. N. 3, 78 Zepod (see Solmsen 1909: 240’); with
different anlaut Gepoav: tiv Spdoov. Kpijtec ‘dew (Cret.) (H.), déponv (PLit. Lond.
60 [Hell.]). x
eCOMP Asa second member perhaps in » Aitvépong, s.v.
EpvOpdc 465
DER Eporjetc, éeporetc ‘dewy’ (Il., AP), époaia: gapiva, véa, anahd, Spoowdn ‘vernal,
young, tender, dewy’; épprjevta: Spoowdn, katayuKtiKkd ‘dewy, cooling’ (H.) with
Att. -pp-, as against the hieratic Ionicism in “Epon, name of the daughter of Cecrops;
épowdng ‘dewy (Thphr.).
eETYM The name 'Eppngopot is unclear; acc. to H., oi ti “Epon émitehodvtec ta
voutCopeva ‘who give to. E. what is due’, together with éppnpopéu; also, ponpdpot,
-pia beside dppn-Pdpol; s.v.; see Nilsson 1941(1): 441. The normal form is é(F)épon <
*hwuers-; forms like dépon cited above are unexplained, as is époat. Sanskrit has
varsa- [n.] ‘rain’ and varsati [v.] ‘it rains’, IE *h,uérs-e-. Beside it exists the iterative-
intensive *h,uors-eie- > Gr. obpéw ‘urinate’ (euphemistically), with deverbal otpov;
the laryngeal may have been lost here before the o-vocalism (Saussure effect); see
also on » ovlpavéc. Because of the accent and because of the e-vowel, pon cannot be
a verbal noun (one would expect *ovpd < *yorsa); rather, it is a collective deriving
from a neutral noun *h,uer-os-, h,uer-s-, and further cognates in e.g. MIr. frass ‘rain’.
The words » dponv and Skt. vfsan- ‘masculine, man, bull, stallion’ are not to be
connected (T. Pronk fthc.). Cf. DELG Supp.
Eponv >dpony.
Eptic [2] - kpyitvdc ‘overhanging bank’ (H.). <?>
eVAR Acc. to DELG, the plant is meant in H.: kputvovc: AevKkdc tivacg Bpotdvac ‘any
pale grass’.
eDIAL Myc. e-ti-we /*erti-went-/ and a-e-ti-to /a-Perti-to-/.
*ETYM See the discussion in DELG Supp., referring to Duhoux 1993: 103, and in RPh.
74 (2000): 257.
épvyyavw —épevyojiat 1 and épevyoual 2.
EpvOpdc [adj.] ‘red’ (IL.). <1E *h,reud"- ‘red’>
VAR Myc. e-ru-to-ro, e-ru-ta-ra /erut"ros, -a/.
eCOMP As a first member, e.g. épv0pd-novc ‘with red feet’ (bird-name, Ar.); &&-
épvOpoc ‘reddish’ as a sign of illness (Hp., Arist.), Nevx-€pvOpoc ‘white-red, flat-red’
(Arist; Risch IF 59 (1949): 60).
DER EpvOpiac [m.] “the red one”, epithet after the red color (Arist.), cf. wypiac, etc.
and Chantraine 1933: 93; épvOpivoc, also épvOivoc (with dissimilation or after
épvOaivopia, see below) name of a fish (Arist; Stromberg 1943: 21); EpvOivor [pl.]
name of a town (B 855; cf. Epv8pai below); épvOpddavov, -o¢ plant (Dsc.), also
épevOedavov, see mépevOw; EpvOpaiog = epvOpdc (D. P.); EpvOpdtn¢ ‘red color’
(Gal.). Epv6pai [f.pl.] town in Ionia (Hdt; after the red-colored rocks inside the
town), together with Epv8paikov catvpiov plant-name (Dsc., Plin.), also gpv8pdviov
(Ps.-Dsc.; after I6vov and other nouns in -dviov); EpvOpaixds also from 1 "Epv8pa
(Odacoa; adjunct of kvBepvijtns, inscr. IP).
Denominative verbs: épv@pidw ‘to become red’ (Att; after the verbs of disease in
-taw; Schwyzer: 732) with épvOpiaotc, -nois (Hp. H.); épvOpaivopia, -w ‘to become,
make red’ (X.). Also épv8aivopat, -w, aor. 2pvOnva ‘id’ (Il) together with épvOnpa
‘becoming red, redness’ (Hp., Th.); see below.
466 épvKw
*ETYM Old adjective in -ro-, a suffix also encountered in Lat. ruber, CS redors, ToA
rtdr, ToB ratre, Skt. rudhird- (reshaped after rudhi- in rudhikra- name of a demon);
ON rodra [f.] ‘blood’. Other languages have a different stem: ON rjddr, OE réod have
the same vowel as the verbs rj6da resp. réodan (= » épevOu, s.v.) and may therefore
be secondary. Lith. raiidas, (dialectal) Lat. rifus, robus, Olr. riiad, Skt. lohd- ‘reddish’
[m./n.] ‘red metal, copper, iron’ probably continue IE *h,roud'o- rather than
*h,reud'o-, because of the vocalism found in most Gm. forms: Go. raups, ON raudr,
OE réad, OHG rot. Together with épv8pdc, the old denominative épv8aivoyc points
to an original r/n-stem *rud'-r-, *rud'-n-. Perhaps a neutral s-stem *h,réud'-os- (=
%pev0oc) existed, as well as a verb *h,réud"-e/o- (= épev0w). Cf. also » épvoipn.
épdKw [v.] ‘to hold back’ (IL). <1E *ueru- ‘ward off, defend’>
VAR Aor. épbtat, epic also npvKakov, gpvkakéetv (Chantraine 1942: 398).
eCOMPAIso with prefix, notably am-, kat-.
*DER Katepuktixds ‘holding back’ (pap.). Enlarged presents égpvkdavw, -avdw
(Chantraine 1942: 316 and 360).
*ETYM Enlargement with -x- like in oAé-Kw, d1w-Kw et al. Schwyzer: 702, Chantraine .
1942: 329), from épvpat, épvopat ‘ward off rather than from épvw ‘draw’.
Epvpat [v.] ‘to keep off, protect, save’ (IL). <1E *ueru- (or *uruH-) ‘ward off, defend’>
eVAR Inf. gpvo8at; impf. épt-to, -co; them. épvouat (épvecBaL, épv_eto), also Pdopat,
inf. pdo8a, aor. Epvo(c)acba, Pioacbal, fut. Eptoooual, Pvoopat; also with
anlauting ei-: elpdto, eipbatai, -ato, -vto, perhaps reduplicated perfects with
present-meaning (inf. efpvo8at); thence, or through metrical lengthening,
eipvooacbal, eiptooovtat, eipvouat; cf. also below; aor. pass. Eppvo8nv (Ev. Luc. 1,
74, 2. Ep. Ti. 4,17, Hld. 10, 7).
*DIAL Myc. -u-ru-to /-wru(n)toi/ or /-wrust*6n/.
eCOMP As a first member: épvu- in’Epv-Aaoc, Ept-pac, -pnAog (also Evpv-, either after
evpvc or from Fepv- (2); see below); épbot- in épvointoAtc ‘protecting the town’ (Z
305 et al.), » Epvoiy8wv; Aeol. Etpvoi-Aaog (cf. above). podoi- e.g. in pdoi-moAtc (A.
Th. 129 [lyr.] et al.).
DER épipa [n.] ‘defence’ (IL), diminutive gpvpdtiov (Luc.); from there épvpv-dc ‘for
defence, protected’ (IA) with épvpvdtng ‘defensive force’ (X, Arist.), épvpvdw
‘defend’ (Agath.). épvopdc ‘defence, protection’ (h.Cer. 230). épbomov (ei- by
metrical lengthening), name of a kind of mustard (Thphr., Dsc.), because of its
protection (Strémberg 1940: 81); from *épv-otc or directly from the verb. poti}p [m.]
‘protector, watcher’ (p 187, 223), potwp ‘id.’ (A. Th. 318 [lyr.], AP). pdotos ‘saving’ (A.
Supp. 150 [lyr.], AP), after the adjs. in -o1og (Chantraine 1933: 41) or from piotc
‘saving (Epigr. Gr. 200 [Cos], LXX). popa ‘defence’ (Hp., trag.).
eETYM The Skt. nouns vari-tar- [m.] ‘protector’, vdrii-tha- [n.] ‘defense, protection’.
(with vyndti ‘avert’, Go. warjan ‘ward off, etc.) speak in favor of the assumption of
original *fépv-pat. Doubts arise because of the absence of a trace of the digamma in |
Homer; attempts at a solution are in Solmsen 1901: 245ff. Therefore, we have two
ablaut grades, Fepv- and fpdv-, the latter of which is certainly in eipdtat < *Fé-Fpv-Tat,
etc. (cf. above), but with otherwise unclear distribution. The initial vowel in the Ionic
yw.
épvw, -opal 467
present eipvouat and in Evpvoi-Aaoc form an unsolved problem. Hackstein 2002:
123-131 offers a new interpretation. He derives the forms from the root *syerh,-,
which he reconstructs for 6pdw. Essential to him is the assumption that the zero
grade *surh,- became *sruh,- > *srii-, according to the rule that in some cases, -ur-
was metathesized to -ru- (like in *k”etuy- > k”etru-). 1 suppose that he assumes that
*seru- arose secondarily from *sru-. In Myc. -u-ru-to /-wruntoi/, sru- was restored to
wru-. Myc. o-ro-me-no would represent an athematic *syurh,-, which according to
him gave *syoro- (but he also speaks of o-vocalism in this form, p. 128). This
hypothesis is difficult to assess.
épvotBn [f.] ‘rust in plants’ (PL. X., Arist. long 7in Orph. L. 600). <PG>
*DER épvoibwors “eaten by rust’ (Arist, Thphr.), épvoibioc epithet of Apollo in
Rhodos (Str.). Denominative verb épvoibdw, -dopat ‘suffer from rust’, also factitive
-6w (Thphr.). There is an epithet of Apollo Epv@iftoc (Str. 13,1,64, vl. EpeBibtoc;
with épedw), EpeBiyitoc, Epediptoc (inscr. Rhodes), Epe8vpudtw (Lyc. inscr.); further
épvoibr epithet of Demeter (Et. Gud. 210, 25); Str. 13, 1, 64 says: ‘Pddio1 5é’EpvOiBiov
AnddhAwvog Exovot év TH xwpa lepdov, Thy épvoiBnv Kadodvtec épvOibiv “The
Rhodians, who say épvOiBnv instead of épvoibnv, have a sanctuary of Apollo
"EpvOiBtoc on their territory’. See below.
*ETYM Popular word with a suffix -B- (Chantraine 1933: 26off.). The stem épvot- is
also found in » épvoimeAac and in the plant name épvoti-oxnatpov (Thphr., Dsc.). It
recalls verbal first members of the type tepwiuBpotog (Schwyzer: 443), but it has also
been considered an old s-enlargement of the word for ‘red’ (see »&épvOpdc,
> épev0w), which may also be found in Lat. russus (but see De Vaan 2008 s.v.), Lith.
rausvas ‘red’, OCS ruse ‘reddish blond’, Gm. words like OHG rost ‘rust’, etc; IE
*h,reud'-s- (h,roud'-s-, h,rud'-s-) derived from the s-stem in pev80c? However, Fur.:
214, 255f. correctly saw that the word is Pre-Greek, because of the alternations of
dental (8, 5) with s and B/p (ibid. 248-263 and 203-221). The long 1 is also typical for
Pre-Greek word formation (Pre-Greek: suffixes -iB-, -iy-, -i6-, 10-, -Ix-, -tv-). The
word must have been folk-etymologically influenced by Gr. épv8-.
Epvoutov >EpvpaL.
épvoimedag, -toc [n.] name of a skin disease, ‘Erysipelas’. < PG>
eVAR Often in plur.
DER Adjective -atwénc¢ (Hp., Gal.).
eETYM Medical term of unusual formation; a learned compound? The first member
also occurs in »épvoifn (?) and in the plant name épvoi-oxnntpov (Thphr.); a word
médag is further unknown, but cf. however on »7é\pa. Therefore, properly “what
reddens the skin” (Schwyzer: 443°)? Of course, it may also be of Pre-Greek origin,
like the beginning of the word (there seems no reason for the suggestion by Fur.:
214° that it would be from éptw).
épvw, -opat [v.] ‘to draw, tear, draw towards one’ (II.). Details in Chantraine 1942: 30,
136f., etc. 4IE *ueru- ‘draw ?>
468 EPPOG
eVAR ei- (Hdt., Hp.), inf. cipduevat (Hes. Op. 818, verse-initially; cf. Chantraine 1942:
294), aor. pvo(o)at, -ao8at (also ei- Hdt. Hp.), pass. épvofjvat, ei- (Hp.), Dor.
Fepvodtw [ipv.] (Delphi IV’; uncertain), fut. épbw, -ouat (Hom.), gpvow (Opp.),
épvoow, -opat (Orph,;as a vil. in © 176), perf. pass. eipdpicu, eipdatau.
eCOMP Also with prefix dv- (af-), &&-, KkatT-, mpo-, etc. As a first member in épto-
appatec [itot] ‘[horses] drawing the chariot’ (Hom.); on the formation Sommer
1948: 11f.
«DER Rarely épv-: pt-otc ‘the drawing’ (Max. Tyr.), épv-trjp ‘the drawer’ (Nic.), épv-
o-t6¢ (S.). Various old words have pv- (pv-): pd-trp [m.] ‘rein, rope’ (Il.), also ‘bow-
stretcher, archer’ (Od.); 6d-twp ‘bow-stretcher’ (Ar. Th. 108 [lyr.]); pd-td¢ [m.] ‘pole
of a chariot, etc.’ (II.); pd-pa ‘that which is drawn’ (A. X.); pd-tn ‘force, pressure’
(Hp.); pt-td¢ ‘drawn’ (putoiat Adeoot ¢ 267; € 10), pd-t4 [n.pl.] ‘reins’ (Hes. Sc. 308);
with a suffix -to- ptotov, Dor. pdtiov *“what is drawn forth’, ie. ‘deposit, retribution’
(IL); see further » pitic ‘fold, wrinkle’, » pdadc ‘wrinkly’. Enlargement puotatw ‘to
draw to and fro, maltreat’ (Hom.) together with puotaxtic (o 224), pdotaypa (Lyc.
1089).
*ETYM In the perfect, *fé-Fpd-wat gave eipdpau. For the initial digamma in (F)eptu, _
note especially epic (Aeol.) aveptw = af-Fepbw, av-fepbw, Bpvtiipes = putiipes (A.
D.). This undoubtedly old verb has no certain correspondences outside Greek. On
ambivalent Lat. riidéns ‘sail of a ship’, see WH and E-M sv.
Ep@os [n.] ‘skin’ (Nic. Al. 248, Th. 376). <?>
*ETYM Rhymes with better known otépgoc, tép@os ‘id.’ (A. R., Nic. etc.), but further
unclear. Perhaps a cross of otéppoc and épiov? Giintert 1914: 139f. suggests that
ép@oc is a younger reshaping of (o)tép@oc to *Epe@oc (from épépw ‘cover [with a
roof]).
Epxatog [m.] - ppaypde ‘fence’ (H.). <?>
VAR Also épxatoc: ppayydc, pKaty: PvAakn ‘watch’ (H.).
*ETYM In itself, the change «/ x might point to a Pre-Greek word, but the words may
also have been influenced by »épkoc. Other forms are épxdvn, dpKdvn. Latte
corrects €pkdtn to épkdvy, but this remains uncertain. Cf. also 6pyatog ‘orchard’;
perhaps adapted to pxatéwvto (& 15), which belongs to > eipyu; s.v. Fraenkel KZ 72
(1955): 193ff. compares Lith. sérgéti ‘to protect, guard’.
Epxouat [v.] ‘to come’, also ‘to go, travel’ (II.). <1E *h,erg"-, *h,er- ‘move, go’>
eVAR Only present stem.
*COMP Very often with prefix am-, eio-, &&-, kat-, etc.
eETYM One has compared Olr. eirg [ipv.] ‘gol’, regaid [fut.] ‘he will go’, and Skt.
rghayati ‘tremble, rage’, and within Greek as an iterative » 6pyéopiat ‘dance’.
Alternatively, one has connected it with Skt. rcchdti ‘to reach, arrive at’, Hitt. arske/a-
* [iter.] ‘to reach repeatedly, make incursions’. This presupposes that épyop.ct
continues PIE *h,r-sk-e/o-, which seems quite possible; thus Rix MSS 27 (1970): 79-
uo. Unrelated to dp- in » épvupt, which requires *h,er-.
épw6didc [m.] ‘heron’ (K 274). <?>
epwtdw 469
eVAR Thus Hdn. Gr. 2, 924 and most mss.; also pwéd1dc (mss. and pap.); also pwSiwe
(Hippon. 63) and dpwéidc (LXX as a v.l.). Worthless is the gloss ++épwydc- Epwotdc
*ETYM Ending like in aiywAtdc, aiyumidc, yapadptéc, and other bird names. The
resemblance with Lat. ardea ‘heron’ cannot be coincidental; one has further
compared Serb. réda ‘stork’; very doubtful, however, is ON arta ‘teal’. Is the writing
with iota subscriptum secondary (after the nouns in -idtoc)? The word could be Pre-
Greek because of the variants (without or with different prothetic vowel).
épwt [f.] 1. ‘rush, impulse, force, throw’, in the II. mostly of spears (Soupdc, Behéwv é.),
also of men (avdpéc, Atktntijpoc, IlveA goto), after Hom. of other objects (netpawv
A. R. 4, 1657, mupdcg AP 9, 490, yaotpdc Opp. K. 3, 175, Mepl Kumptv AP 10, 112). 2.
‘withdrawal, rest’, in the Il. of battle (noAégttov IT 302, P 761), thus Theoc. 22, 192
("ax1)¢), also Saxpbwv (Mosch. 4, 40), also ‘rescue’ (D. P. 601). <1E *h,reh,-(u-) ‘rest’,
*h,reh,s- ‘impulse’>.
DER Beside it pwéw, aor. Epwijoat, also in two meanings: 1. ‘draw back, withdraw,
leave, rest from’ (intr.), also with dam-, é&-, bn-, mostly with ablatival gen. toAégp1o10,
xappns (IL), kapatoto (h. Cer. 301) et al., also absolutely ‘escape a disease’ (Nic.); 2.
trans. ‘force back, push back’ (N 57, Theoc., Call.), also ‘quit’ (Theoc.); also of blood
aia KeAcuvov épwrjcet mepi Sovpi (A 303 = 1 441), translated with ‘flow, stream’.
From épwéw: épwia [f.] ‘respite, rest’ (Theoc. 30, 9); from amepwéw: antepwevs ‘who
hinders, who frustrates’ (€u@v pevéwv, © 361).
eETYM Two homonyms are distinguished: 1. pwr ‘impulse, etc.’ with gpwéw ‘flow,
stream’ (A 303 = 7 441) from IE *h,roh,s-eh,- in Gm. *rdsa: MLG ras [n.] ‘strong
flow’, OE rés [m.] ‘run, attack’, ON rds [f.] ‘run’ ; also, ON rasa ‘to fall down’ with
ras [n.] ‘falling down’, MoHG rasen, IE *h,rh,s-. Perhaps Lat. rorarii [pl.] ‘lightly-
armed skirmishers who start battle with slings’ from *rés@ ‘impulse, throw’ = épwr;
2. pwr ‘rest’ with épwéw ‘rest, etc.’, probably from IE *h,roh,-u-eh,- = Gm. *row6 in
OHG ruowa, OE row, ON ro [f.] ‘rest’, beside OHG rdawa ‘id. < PGm. *réwa-. Note
that épwr ‘impulse, etc” and the verb épwéw ‘to rest, etc.’ are much more frequent
than épwr ‘rest’ and notably épwéw ‘flow’.
Epws —Epatat.
épwtdw [v.] ‘to ask, question’ (Od.), Hell. also ‘to request’. <?>
eVAR Epic Ion. eipwtdw, after Hom. also non-presentic forms like épwtiou,
épwthoat, etc.
«COMP Also with prefix, especially é1-. On the use see Fournier 1946: (index).
*DER épwtna (ém-) ‘question, demand’ (IA) with épwtnpia-tixd¢ (D. T.) and -tiGw
(Arist.); Epwtrotc (ém-) ‘questioning’ (IA); gpwtitikdc “pertaining to questioning,
clever in q. (PL, Arist.); dv-epwti(w (Telecl. 52).
eETYM The present épwtdw, Ion. eipwtdw < *épfwtdw replaced primary *épf-opat >
Ion. meipojiat, especially in Attic. Vine Glotta 78 (2002): 203-221 explains the
formation from *erow6td- to *h,réw-o- ‘questioning, inquiry’, which was replaced by
*erwoto-, whence the agent noun *erwota-. Other secondary presents of this root are
> épecivw and > épevvdw.
470 &
éc [prep.]=eic.
E00ij¢ eVAR E080c. SEVVULEL.
éoBiw eVAR ~oOw. >#5w.
éo00Adc [adj.] “good, brave, stout, noble’ of men and objects (l.). <?>
eVAR Aeol. Pi. ZoXoc, éoAdc, Arc. €oA6c.
eCOMP As a first member in éo8A0-56t¢ (Man.).
*DER éo0A6t1¢ (Chrysipp.).
*ETYM Unknown. Some have connected it with Skt. édhate ‘thrive’ (< *azdh-), Av.
azd-iia- ‘well-fed, stout’, from IE *Hes-d'-. Schwyzer: 533° prefers a compound *Hes-
d']-6- ‘aya8oepydc’, from éo- in étic and a zero grade variant of OCS délo ‘deed’ (IE
*d'eh,lo-; see » tint). This analysis remains improbable. ,
éoxov [v.] ‘I was’ (Hom.). <IE *h,es- ‘be’>
VAR Also augmented noxe (Alcm.).
*ETYM From *éo-oxov, an iterative preterite of eipi with the same suffix as in OLat.
38g. escit, plur. escunt ‘will be’ and in ToB skente ‘they are’ < *h,s-sko-nto. Most
uncertain is Thrac. noxo ‘I am(?) (Kretschmer Glotta 7 (1916): 89).
éopa =éCopiat.
éop16c [m.] ‘swarm (of bees)’ (IA). <1E *(H)ieh,- ‘throw’>
eComP As a first member e.g. in E5pL0-TdKOc ‘producing swarms of bees’ (AP).
*DER géoptov- véotiov ‘ptng. to return’ (H; does it belong here?), also a@eopdc
‘swarm’ (Arist. HA 629a 9) as a cross with d@eotg ‘id. (Arist. HA 625a 20; plur.).
eETYM From input (or dq-inpw) with a suffix -copo-. Derivation from éCopat (cf. DELG)
does not seem probable, as a swarm does not sit down.
éonepos [m.] ‘evening’ (Od.), adjectival ‘of the evening, western’, also substantivized
‘the evening star’ (Il.); €onépa, Ion. -pn [f.] ‘evening, west’ (Pi., IA, after Muépa). <1E
*ue-k” sp-er-o- ‘to(wards) the night, evening’>
eCOMP As a second member in é~éomtepoc ‘western’ (S. OC 1059 [lyr.]), axp-éomtepog
‘on the edge of evening, at nightfall’ (Arist., Theoc., Hp., etc., -tog AP), mo8-gonepa
[adv.] (Theoc.), mpoo-eanéptog (Arist.).
*DER éoméptog ‘of the evening, western’ (D 560), substantivized ‘Eonepia ‘the West,
Hesperia’ (Agathyll. apud D. H. 1, 49), Feomaptot name of the western Locrians (V’*),
fem. éomtepic, especially in plur. as a PN ‘the Hesperides’ (Hes.); later éomtepivdc ‘id.’
(X., LXX); éortepixdc ‘id,’ (Juba), onepitne, -iti¢ (x@pa; D. L.). Denominative verb
éorepitw ‘to pass the night’ (Doroth. MoGr. onepitw) together with éonépioua (Lex.
apud Ath. 1, 11d).
eETYM Inherited word, identical with Lat. vesper, ‘evening’; further, with Lith.
vakaras, OCS vecers ‘evening’, which derive from *uekero-, and also found in Celtic,
e.g. MW ucher, and in Arm. giser. The difficult puzzle of reconstructing this word for
PIE has recently been solved. Armenian had *e which became ei > i before §, 2. The
-§- can derive from a cluster -k%s- (cf. vec‘ ‘six’ < *ueks beside ves-tasan); see Beekes
2004: 59-62. Combined with the -k- and -sp- reconstructed for the other languages
éotia 471
above, this points to a group -k“sp-. It has been identified with Skt. ksdp- ‘night’, of
which the zero grade has been found in Hitt. ispant- ‘night. MW ucher may
continue *ye- followed by ks(p) or sp. The first element had been connected with Lat.
ué- in ué-sanus ‘mad’ et al., but this is now rejected (see De Vaan 2008). The
meaning may have been (stretching) towards night’. The suffix -er- is also found in
words connected with time like Gr. vuxtepdc.
éomete >év(v)éTtw.
édorjyv, -fvoc [m.] name of the priests of Artemis in Ephesus (inscr. IV-III*, Paus.),
also ‘prince, king’ (Call.); acc. to Hdn. Gr. 2, 923, 8 = oiktotr¢, acc. to EM 383, 30
properly ‘king-bee’. < PG>
DER éoonvia, éoonvevw (inscr. Ephesus).
*ETYM Formation in -rv like Bad(A)jv ‘king’, xngrv ‘drone’, etc. (Schwyzer: 487,
Chantraine 1933: 167f.). Probably Anatolian and Pre-Greek; see Frisk for
bibliography with proposals for substrate and IE origin. Nouns in -nv are discussed
by Fur.: 172™°.
éote [conj., adv., prep.] ‘until’, later also ‘as long as’ (since Hes. Th. 754, not entirely
certain; also Ion., southern Dor., Aetol., trag. and X.). <JE *h,ens ‘in’>
VAR Boeot. étte, Locr. évte, Delph. hévte (also efote mid IV*), Dor. éote (EM 382, 8;
vl. in Theoc.). On the use Schwyzer 1950: 675f. Cf. oxe (Archil. 13, if for ei¢ 6 Ke).
*ETYM From *év(o)-te, clearly containing *h,en(s) ‘in(to)’, but the final element -te is
ambiguous, as DELG remarks: it may derive either from -te (in 6te ‘when’, Myc. o-
te, so IE *-te), or alternatively from IE *-k”e, for which the form éoxe would plead
(see above). IE *-k”e is also found in Lat. dénec ‘until, while’ < *dd-ne-k’e. Cf.
Monteil 1963: 316f.
éotia [f.] ‘hearth, fireplace, altar’, metaph. ‘house, family, etc” (Od., Att, Pi, Delph.,
etc.), later identified with Lat. Vesta (Str.). <PG>
eVAR Ion. iotin, Aeol. Boeot. Locr. Dor. Arc. iotia.
eCOMP As a first member e.g. in éott-obyog ‘containing the hearth’ = ‘domestic’,
‘protecting the hearth’ (trag., etc.); as a second member in é@-€ottog, Ion. én-iotioc
‘located by the hearth, belonging to the hearth’ (B 125), av-éottoc ‘without hearth’ (1
63), Ovv-, du-goTloc, etc; on Att. -ottog in Homer see Wackernagel 1916: off.
Chantraine 1942: 15; diff. Solmsen 1909: 214.
*DER Totujia [n.pl.] ‘monetary means of an Totin-temple’ (Milete V*); éotiWtic
‘belonging to the hearth (house) (S. Tr. 954 [lyr.]); ‘Eot-tactai [m.pl.] name of
worshippers of Hestia (Rhod, cf. AnoAAwv-taotai et al.); gotiog ‘belonging to the
hearth’ (Hld., after ouéottoc¢ et al.). As a translation of Lat. Vesta, Vestalés: Eotiatov
‘Vesta-temple’ (D. C.), ‘Eotiddec [pl.] “Vestales’ (D. H., Plu.). Usual denominative
éotidw, iotiaw (augmented eio- in eiotiwv [Lys.], etc.), also with prefix, eg. ovv-,
‘receive at the hearth, feed, receive as guest’ (IA, Dor.) with several derivatives: éoti-
AOIG, -Apa, -aop"ds ‘entertainment’, €otiatwp (iot-) ‘host’, with éotiatdpiov (iotia-,
‘totu-), also €otiatnptov (after the nouns in -rjptov) ‘dining room’; éotiatopia (iot-)
472 E0TO, -ODC
‘party’. Also éotidopiat (E. Ion 1464 [lyr.] S@pa) ‘to be provided with a hearth, get
settled’.
*ETYM As a collective or abstract formation in -ia (cf. especially oix-ia, «Ato-ia),
éotia presupposes a noun éoto-, -a vel sim. For the etymology, an important
question is whether the word had an anlauting f-. In favor of F- speak Fiotiav (PN,
Mantineia IV*) and ytotia: éoydprn (cod. -t1) (H.). However, there are dialectal
forms where f- fails; see Solmsen 1901: 213ff. Therefore, the old, but still often
defended connection with Lat. Vesta is probably incorrect. Moreover, € > tis unusual
and unexpected, whereas an interchange e/ | is frequent in Pre-Greek. ‘Alternatively,
one has proposed that iotia, -in may have arisen secondarily after torn, but this
remains a conjecture. The most probable conclusion is that the word is of Pre-Greek
origin. Cf. Fur.: 358, A. 2. Other explanations, such as connection with éoydpa
(Solmsen l.c.) or Slav. jestéja ‘hearth’ (Machek Ling. Posn. 5 (1955): soff.), are
unconvincing.
éoT, -ods >eiui.
Zotwp 1, -oposg [m.] ‘peg at the end of a chariot pole’ (Q 272, v.l. &ktopt after éyetv;
Aristoboul.).
eETYM Unexplained. Frisk lists a number of proposals, of which only that of
Schwyzer 1939: 531 makes sense: that the word is an agent noun of *sed- ‘sit’. As
DELG remarks, the suffix -twp is surprising in an instrument noun.
€otwp 2 [m.] ‘founder’ (Urb. Rom. 1155.88). <IE *sed- ‘sit’>
eETYM From » éCopat.
éoxapa [f.] ‘hearth, house, sacrificing hearth’ (Il.), metaph. ‘platform, stand’ (Ph. Bel.,
etc.), in medical language ‘scab, eschar on a wound by burning’ (Hp., Arist.). <PG>
eVAR Ion. -pt}.
eDIAL Myc. e-ka-ra.
*DER éoxapic, -id0¢ ‘pan of coals, brazier’ (Com., Plu.) with -idtov (Delos III*),
éoxaptov ‘id.’ (Ar.), also ‘platform, stand’ (Plb.) beside éoyapeiov ‘id.’ (Attica);
goxap(e)wv ‘stove’ (Delos IV’, Theoc., after the indications of place in -(e)wv,
Chantraine 1933: 164); €oxapeve ‘ship’s cook’ (Poll.); €oxapitns (4ptoc) ‘bread baked
over the fire’ (Com., LXX); éoydpioc “belonging to the hearth’ (AP). Unclear
éoxdpiv8ov name of a dance in Sparta (Poll.). As a medical term, basis of the
denominative éoxapdoy.at ‘form an éoxydpa (eschar) with éoydapwotc, -wpa, -wttkdc;
in the same sphere also éoxapwdng¢ (Poll., Gal.). On the fish-name » &oxapoc see s.v.
*ETYM Formation in -pa (like xwpa, téppa), but without cognates. Fur.: 376 points
out that oyapa (gloss.) may have lost the first vowel secondarily. As there are no
cognates and as an IE proto-form can hardly be posited, the word is most probably
Pre-Greek.
éoxapocg [m.] name of a fish, = xdptc, perhaps a kind of sole (solea; Com., Dorio apud
Ath. 7, 330a). <PG?>
eETYM Derived from éoxdpy as ‘frying fish’ (Strémberg 1943: 89)? See also
Thompson 1947 s.v. The word may be Pre-Greek.
ETAIPOG 473
%oxatog [adj.] ‘the uttermost, last’ (Il.). «IE *h,eg"s ‘out’>
*COMP Rarely in compounds, e.g. éoyatd-ynpwe (-oc) ‘in the last age’ (Hell.), map-
éoxatog ‘the last but one’ (Ph.).
*DER éoxaTld, -t} ‘uttermost part, frontier, extreme position’ (Ion., Hes., Att.);
poetical enlargement éoyatiog (Nic.). Denominative verbs: éoyatdw ‘to be the
uttermost, the last’, only in éoxatdwv, -dwv [ptc.] (Il; cf. Shipp 1967: 62); éoxatebw
‘id’? (Arist.); éoyati{w ‘to come too late’ (LXX).
*ETYM Adjectival derivative of 2&, but unclear in detail. The opposite Ȏykata (to
> év) points to a formation *é§-xatoc, for which the aspirate x then requires a proto-
form *éxo-Katoc. This is taken to point to an IE basis *h,eg"s for » é&; however, note
the notation yo = € in older alphabets (Schwyzer: 210), which suggests aspiration of
any velar before o. The suffix -katoc would consist of a velar element (cf. 11p6-Ka,
Lat. reci-pro-cus; *éxo-Ko- ‘what is outside’) and a dental element ("é0(c)-atos, tpit-
atos;, etc.).
étatw [v.] ‘to examine, test’ (Hdt. 3, 62 v.1., Democr. 266, Pl. Cra. 410d, LXX). IE *set-
‘be stable’>
eVAR Aor. étdoal.
*COMP Most frequent é&-etaCw, aor. éetaoat, -a—or (Theoc.), etc. ‘find out, inquire
exactly’ (IA); also with prefix, eg. ém-, ovv-, mpo-ebetatw; Arc. nap-hetaCw in map-
hetakduevoc, map-etaEwvor ‘have approved’ (Tegea IV*%; unless from map-inpu
‘approve’, 1dp-eT0¢).
*DER état, étaopdc ‘proof, test’? (LXX), étacti¢ = éet- (Lampsakos). éétaotc
‘enquiry, test’ (Att.), -oia ‘id. (Astypalaea, imperial period; cf. Schwyzer: 469),
eEetaouds ‘id. (D.); éGetaoti¢ ‘inspector, controller’ (Aeschin. Arist. inscr. cf.
Fraenkel 1910: 227) with é&etaotrpiov ‘inspection’ (Samos II*), é&etaotiuxdc ‘ready
for control, belonging to control’ (X., D.), E€etactéwv PN (Bechtel 19172: 22).
*ETYM Denominative of étdc, which is only found in éta: dAnOF, dya8a ‘true, good’
(H.); therefore, properly ‘verify, check the truth’. Formerly, it was suggested that
étdc is a verbal adjective of eipi ‘to be’ (one has compared eg. ON sannr < PGm.
*sdnpa-, Skt. satyd- ‘true’), from *étdc < IE *s-e-td-. However, the correct pre-form
in laryngealistic terms would be *h,s-nt- or *h,s-eto-, which would not produce the
Greek words. De Lamberterie RPh. 71 (1997): 160, following Pinault, assumes a stem
*set-u-. See on » étedc and » dotoc.
étaipos [m.] ‘comrade, companion, friend’. <IE *se- reflexive pronoun>
eVAR Also proparoxytone étatpoc; fem. étaipa (Ion. -p1) ‘female comrade’ (Il.); also
Erapog (IL, Dor.), fem. étapr (A 441).
*COMP As a second member e.g. in gth-Etatpoc ‘loving his friends’ (Att.) with
glretatp-ia et al.
*DER étatprjioc, -eioc (on the formation Chantraine 1933: 52) ‘regarding the friend’
(IA), étatpikdg ‘id.’, -dv [n.] ‘political society’ (Th. Hyp. Arist.), étaipdovvoc
‘friendly’ with -obvn (late); fem. étaipic = Etaipa (X. HG 5, 4, 6 v. 1), Etatpidiov
(Plu.); étapyin, -peia, -pia “comradeship, friendship, political society, etc. (IA).
Denominative verbs: éta(1)piCw, -opat ‘be(come) comrade’ (IL), late ‘be prostitute’,
474 étadov —
with étaipiopa, -topdc, -totr¢ (late); also étatpiotpia = tpibdac (Pl. Smp. 1918;
contemptuous); étaipéw ‘keep company with’ (Att.) together with étaipnotc;
ETalpevoua ‘prostitute oneself (Hell.).
eETYM The different forms can be understood as follows: from étaposg, a fem. *étatpa
was first made with a suffix -ta- (cf. e.g. xiapog : xipatpa), which was reshaped into
étaipr, -pa and then gave étaipoc, étatpoc; after Etaipoc: Etapoc, a form étapr was
ultimately made beside étaipr, (Schulze 1892: 82). As étapoc, etc. show no trace of a
digamma (Chantraine 1942: 150, Solmsen 1901: 203), the connection with Fét<
‘relative, friend’ (see » tn¢) must be abandoned. We have to start from the reflexive
*se (see » &, €), with an enlargement -t- like in OCS po-sétiti ‘visit’ (from *séto ‘guest’,
IE *s(u)et-o-, cf. Lith. svécias [m.] ‘guest’), beside *sue-t- in Fétng. For the p-suffix, cf.
e.g. veapdc, yepapdc (partly from p-stems). See now Pinsent 1983: 311-328. De
Lamberterie connects the word with étedc and dotoc; see DELG Supp.
étadov [n.] a young animal, ‘yearling’ (Del. 644, 18; Aegae IV-III*). <1E *uet- ‘year’>
eVAR Also éteAov (ibid. 252, 11; Cos III*: tod pév étéXov as opposed to tod dé teAsiov
‘full grown animal’).
*ETYM Identical with Lat. vitulus ‘calf’, U vitluf ‘vitulos’ (with irreglular i for e),
except for the gender. The starting point is the IE word for ‘year’ (Gr. » &toc), IE
*uét-os-, to which belongs Skt. vats-d- ‘calf. For the pattern étoc: éteAov, étahov, the
word has been compared with e.g. végoc: vepédn, Gykoc: ayKahn, suggesting that the
change -aAo-: -eho- could be old. See on » énnetavdc, s.v. An r-stem is found in
Gm., e.g. Go. wiprus ‘(one-year-old) lamb’, MoHG Widder, from IE *uet-r(u)-.
éteXic [m.(f.)] name of a fish, ‘gilthead’ (Arist. HA 567a 20, H.)? <?>
eVAR Also accented éteNic.
*ETYM Lat. attilus ‘a fish like a sturgeon in the river Po’ (Plin. also *atillus), shows a
general resemblance; it is probably Gaulish, perhaps a Ligurian word. Farther away is
the name of the turbot, Latv. ate, Lith. atis; see WH s.v. attilus, Pok. 70. Stromberg
1943: 39 rather envisages derivation from éteAov (»étakov). DELG calls both
suggestions improbable.
étedc [adj.] ‘true, real’, mostly in sing.ntr. étedv (éted [pl.] Y 255, reading quite
uncertain); also adverbial ‘really’ (Hom., Theoc.); in interrogative sentences ‘really’
(Ar.); étef] [adv.] ‘in reality’, also éter) [nom.f.] ‘reality’ (Democr.). <IE *set- ‘stable,
true’?>
eDIAL Myc. PN e-te-wo-ke-re-we-i-jo, to EtefoxAéFne.
eCOmP Often as a first member in names like Etedé-xpntec [pl.] ‘Cretans in a strict
sense, original Cretans’ (t 176),’Ete-dvwp (Thera VII*), Etéf-avépoc (Cyprus VII"),
cf. Sommer 1948: 185 and 199; Eteo-KAfi¢ (Tegea, etc. probably rendered in Hitt.
Tayag(a)lauas; cf. Schwyzer: 79); also éted-xpi8oc [f.] ‘real barley’ (Thphr;
determinative compound formally adapted to a bahuvrihi; cf. Strémberg 1940: 28f.).
DER Beside it étvpo¢ ‘true, real’ (Il; prose has aAnO1\c¢) with étvud-dpus [f.] ‘real oak’
(Thphr.); to étupov ‘the true (original) meaning of a word, the etymology’ (Arist.);
as a first member in étvpo-Aoyéw “discover the true meaning’ with étvpodoyia,
-hoytkdg (Hell. formally after wevdo-Aoyéw et al.; cf. Schwyzer: 726); €tvpd-TI¢ = TO
ETI|TVLOG 475
étvpov (Str.). Reduplicated formation with lengthening of the original initial
syllable: étrytvpoc ‘true, real, authentic’ (Il; the form remains surprising, cf.
Schwyzer: 4477), together with étytvpia (Call. AP). Lengthened form étvpaviov:
adnOéc H.; cf. Chantraine 1933: 4af.
*ETYM When we compare the ending of xeve(F)dc ‘empty, idle’, éte(F)d¢ presupposes
an original u-stem, the zero grade of which is seen in enlarged étv-poc. Beside this u-
stem, we have étaCw and éta: dAnOf, ayaa (H.), which seem to point to an o-stem.
Further analysis is uncertain; see » €ta(w. De Lamberterie RPh. 71 (1997): 160 follows
Meillet in assuming *set-u- (also supposed in Arm. stoyg ‘real’); he further connects
the word with > dotoc from *sot-.
étepog [adj.] ‘one of two; the one (...) the other’ (Il.). <IE *sm-tero- ‘one of two’>
eVAR &tepoc (Dor. Aeol; also Att. in crasis atepoc, Oatepa, etc.); cf. Dor.
atponavmatc Bourguet 1927: 117; Meillet BSL 28 (1927-1928): 116f assumed a zero
grade as in dAAOTptoc and Lith. afitras.
eDIAL Myc. a,te-ro /ateros/.
eCOMP With negation ov6d-, ~nd-étepoc, -atepoc ‘none of both’ (Hes., IA, Dor.).
Very frequent as a first member in bahuvrihis with various meanings, eg. étep-
adxrjc ‘who helps one of two parties’ (Il; cf. on dAéEw), Etep-repos ‘living day by
day’ (A 303 of the Dioscuri; Ph.), €tepd-mtoAtc ‘coming from another town’ (Erinn.
5):
*DER étép-wOev, -w6l, -woe, -wta ‘from the other side’, etc. (Hom.); étepotog ‘of
another kind’ (IA; after totoc, dAAoioc et al.) with Etepordtis (PL, Ph.), Etepordopai,
-6w [v.] ‘to become different, change’ (Ion., etc.), -oiwotc ‘change’ (Hell.); Etepdtr¢
‘being different’ (Arist.).
*ETYM From IE *sm-tero-, the zero grade of *sem- in » gic ‘one’ (cf. further» anak),
with the same comparative suffix as in » dpiotepdc, etc.; cf. especially Skt. eka-tara-
‘alteruter’; the e-vowel in étepoc is rather after eic or after »#, & than by vowel
assimilation. An identical formation is probably represented by a Celtic word for
‘half: MW hanther, Co. Bret. hanter; see Gonda 1953: 33f. Gonda also tries to connect
the Gm. group of Go. sundro ‘on itself, av’ idiav,, OHG suntar ‘separated; however’,
etc. (cf. » dtep).
éty¢ [m.] ‘clansman’ (Hom. only plur.), ‘citizen, private person’ (El, Dor., also A. and
E.); on the meaning see DELG. <IE *sue-t- ‘own, relative’>
DIAL Dor. étac, El. rétac,
*ETYM Beside Fétac, Slavic has a word for ‘relative by marriage’, e.g. ORu. svato, QIE
*sudt-o-, and Baltic a word for ‘guest’, Lith. svécas, IE *suet-io-. These are derived
from the reflexive *sue (Gr. F(h)e, see > é, €), enlarged with a suffix -t-, thus IE *sue-
t-. On the Greek psilotic anlaut and loss of digamma, cf. Fraenkel 1912: 125 and
Chantraine 1942: 150 and 185. Therefore properly meaning “one’s own”, whence
‘belonging to the (own) clan’, ‘private person’. On the formation, see Schwyzer: 500,
Chantraine 1933: 312, and Bechtel 1914. See also » Etaipoc and » tédtoc.
ETHTVPOG >éTEdC.
476 éTl
étt [adv.] ‘still, also, further’, of time and grade (II.). <1£ *h,eti ‘(and) also’>
eETYM Old adverb, also preserved in Indo-Iranian, e.g. Skt. ati ‘id’, in Italic, Lat. and
U et ‘and’, and in Germanic, e.g. Go. ip ‘dé, kat’, all from IE *h,éti, which might be
the loc.sg. of a root noun from *h,et- seen in Skt. at- ‘to wander’.
étvog [n.] ‘soup of beans’ (Ar., Hp.). <?>
eCOMP As a first member in étv-1\pvotc ‘spoon for soup’ (Ar cf. on » dpbw 1), tvo-
d6voc ‘stirring the soup’ (of topbvn, AP).
DER étv-npds ‘like soup’ (Ath.; Chantraine 1933: 232f.), étv-itn¢ (G4ptoc; Ath.).
*ETYM Etymology unknown. On the connection with Celt. e.g. MIr. eitne ‘kernel’
(Pedersen 1909: 160), see the objections in Pok. 343. Arm. und ‘soup, corn’ can not be
connected phonetically with étvoc.
€toipog [adj.] ‘prepared, ready, certain’ (Il.). <?>
eVAR Younger ETOLLOG.
ecompP As a first member in étoyto-Oavatoc ‘prepared for death’ (Str.); as a second
member in av-étouytog ‘unprepared’ (Hes. Fr. 219, Hell.).
*DER étommotne ‘willingness, readiness’ (D., Plu.); étoudtw ‘prepare’ (Il.) together
with étoiacia (LXX, NT).
*ETYM No etymology. Acc. to Kuiper Glotta 21 (1933): 278ff., it is from a locative *étot
to *étdc = étdc, with a suffix -.0-; this is a mere guess.
ét0¢ 1 [adv.] only with negation ovdk étdc ‘not in vain’ (Att.); beside it étwotog [adj.]
‘useless, fruitless’ (II.). <?>
*ETYM Though the formation is unclear (cf. Chantraine 1933: 42, Schwyzer: 466, and
Mezger Word 2 (1946): 229), étwotocg for *fetwotoc is probably an adjectivizing
enlargement of étdc (cf. 1epiwotoc beside mept). The latter stands for *fetdéc, and
formally belongs to the adverbs in -tdc¢ (» évtds, etc.). Further unclear; semantically
close is Alb. hut ‘useless, empty, idle’, which was derived from IE *uto- (Jokl Wien.
Ak. Sb. 168: 1: 31). The connection of attw¢ in the meaning ‘idle, useless’ is formally
impossible. Others have connected Skt. svatd-, Av. x’ato “by itself, automatically’ (IE
*sue-td-), which seems possible in spite of the difference in meaning (‘of itself >
‘without an outside cause’?).
éto0¢ 2 [n.] ‘year’ (II.). <IE uet-os- ‘year’>
eVAR Dial. Fétoc.
eDIAL Myc. we-to [acc.], we-te-i [dat.].
«COMP Often as a second member, e.g. tpt-etr¢ (tpl-EtN¢) ‘three years old’ (1A) with
Tptetia ‘space of three years’ (Hell.), tpieti(w “be three years old’ (LXX); also tpt-ét-
npos ‘three years old’ (Call.) together with -npic [f.] ‘every third year (inclusive)’, i.e.
‘in alternate years’ (goptn; Pi., LA; after the nouns in -npdc, -npic; Chantraine 1933:
346); thence tptetnpixdc ‘belonging to a tptetnpi¢ (late).
*DER ételog ‘yearly, lasting the whole year, one year long’ (Pi., A.); by hypostasis
énétetos ‘id’ (IA, from én’ étoc); étrotoc ‘id.’ (Att.; after the adjectives in -trjo1oc;
Schwyzer: 466, Chantraine 1933: 42) with étnoiat [m.pl.] ‘periodic winds’ (IA, Arist.);
also éitetHotog ‘id.’ (1 118, Th.); » étnetavds, s.v.
evdeiedoc 477
*ETYM An old word for ‘year’, preserved in several languages. An exact agreement is
Alb. vit ‘year’, plur. (also sg.) vjet, from IE *uetes- (Mann Lang. 26 (1950): 383). As a
second member, the neutral s-stem is preserved in the zero grade in Skt. tri-vats-d-
‘of three years’; the full grade of the suffix is supposed in Messap. atavetes (perhaps =
avté-etec ‘in the same year’; Schwyzer: 5133) and is also found in Hitt. saudist- /
Sauitist- ‘nurseling’ (*"of this year”; details in Kloekhorst 2008 s.v.). Beside the latter,
Hitt. has a root noun yitt- < *uet- ‘year’. Thematicizations of the s-stem appear in
HLuw. usa/i-, CLuw. ussa/i- ‘year’ < *uet-s-o- (Kloekhorst 2008 s.v. yitt-). A
semantic problem is Lat. vetus ‘old’, which formally equals Fétoc; for an explanation,
cf. Beekes 1985: 59-61 (previously, Benveniste RPh. 74 (1948): 124ff.). Old
enlargements of the s-stem are found in words for (one-year-old) animals: Skt. vats-
d- ‘calf, Alb. vic‘ ‘calf (IE *uetes-o-), Celt., e.g. Ir. feis ‘swine’ (PCI. *wessi < *uet-s-i-,
Matasovic 2008). By itself stands a Balto-Slavic word for ‘old’, Lith. vétusas, OCS
vetochs, IE *uetus-o- (here also Lat. vetus?). A new name for ‘year’ in Greek is
> éviautoc. See also » Etadov, » véwTa, > oletéac, > 1épVOL, P OFTES.
ETTHMEVOS > diaTtTtdw.
EtUpOG —éTEdC.
ETWOLOG ETO 1.
eb >20c.
evayrs [adj.] ‘bright, clear, in full view’ (Parm., Pi., A.). <GR>
*ETYM For ev-avyri¢ (vl. Pi. Pae. Fr. 19, 25 et al.), from eb and avyn ‘beam of light’,
with transition to an s-stem and compositional lengthening. The second v was lost
through dissimilation. By decomposition arose ayéa (kbkAov Emp. 47, of the sun);
cf. Bjérck 1950: 148 A. 1. A poetical enlargement appears to be found in evayntov
(gtow Ar. Nu. 276 [lyr.], of the clouds which ¢ are visible from afar); see Bjérck 1950:
148 A.1.
edatw [v.] ‘to cry eva, evar (S. and E. [lyr.], AP). <ONOM>
*DER Together with evdopata [pl.] (E. [lyr.]), ebaoptd¢ (Hell.); edaotric, -thp with
eddotetpa, edactiKds (late).
eETYM From the interjection eva: émenpuopiog Anvaixds Kai prwotiKds ‘word
belonging to the Bacchanal rites and to the mysteries’ (H.), evai (-al) ‘cry at the
festival of Bacchus’ (Ar.); also, evav (E. et al.), evol, -oi (Ar. et al.). Additionally, with
intermediate aspiration, evai, edav, evoi (D. T., Hdn.). Borrowed as Lat. euhoe,
euhan. The same call also appears in Lat. ov6, -dre ‘to exult, jubilate’, which cannot
be a borrowing, as it reflects the PIt. change of *ey > *ou (De Vaan 2008). Cf.
Peidlw, > aidlw and Schwyzer: 303.
eddeiedos [adj.] epithet of places (since Od.), in the Od. almost only of Ithaca, also of
Kpion (h. Ap. 438), of the mountain Kpéwov (Pi. O. 1, 111), etc. <?>
eVAR Further etddethov (Alc. GI 2, POxy. 2165 I 2; unclear. The emendation [Ad@oc]
by Gallavotti is uncertain).
478 evdia
eETYM One previously posited metrical lengthening of *ed-d&eXoc ‘well-visible’, from
déehocg (K 466). However, see now on dsieAoc, deihn ‘evening’ which are mostly
connected with evdeieAoc, which would mean ‘with beautiful evenings’ vel sim.
evdia [f.] ‘bright weather, calm (of wind), quiet (of the sea) (Pi., trag., IA). <IE *diu-
‘day’>
eVAR Also -in.
*DER evdtavoc ‘calm, bringing rest’, of pappaxov (Pi. O. 9, 97); eddiatoc of the fish-
name tptyoAac (Sophr. 67), ‘caught in beautiful weather’(?) with evd.aitepog (X.); as
a msc. substantive ‘outlet in the bottom of a ship’ (Plu, Poll.); evétetvdc ‘bright, calm,
quiet’ (Hp. Aph. 3, 12 v.l. beside evdtoc, Pl. Lg. 919a, X. Cyn. 5, 9, Arist.; after paeivoc,
adeetvdc); etdtocg ‘id.’ (Hp., Hell. to eddia after ai€pia: ai8ptoc). Denominative verbs:
evdtdw “be quiet, calm’, of the sea and weather (A. R, Arat; only ptc. evdiowv);
evdiaw ‘calm down, be quiet’ ([P1.] Ax. 370d, Ph.).
*ETYM Compound (collective bahuvrihi) of eb and the zero grade of an old word for
‘day, heaven’ (see »Zevc), thus ev-dif-a. Cf. éxatou-B(F)-d, peod-Su-n for the
formation with zero grade. An old counterpart is Skt. su-div- ‘bringing a beautiful
day’ with su-div-d- [n.] ‘id.’
etdw [v.] ‘to sleep’ (I1.). <2
eVAR The simplex is only found as a present, except for ebvdrow [fut.] (A. Ag. 337).
*COMP With prefix év-, ovv-, especially ka8-evdw (IL), ipf. xa6-etdov, -nddov, Att.
also é-kdGevdov, fut. xa0-evdrjow (Att.), rare aor. xa0-evdfjoat (Ion.); also with
double prefix, eg. év-, éml-, mapa-, ovy- Kabetvdw, etc. As an aorist we find
(kata-)dap0eiv, (-)dpaeiv, see > SapSavw.
*ETYM Several unconvincing suggestions: 1) related to Go. sutis ‘quiet, calm’, and
further to Lat. sidus ‘soft’ (cf. Mayrhofer KZ 73: 116f.), but the latter is now
reconstructed as *suoid-o- by Nussbaum 1999: 381. 2) from IE *seu-d- beside *su-ep-
in Skt. svapiti ‘sleeps’, etc. (Benveniste 1935: 156f. cf. on »tmvoc), which is very
unlikely because of the Schwebeablaut involved; 3) related to OE swodrian ‘to sleep
tight’ (Grogelj Ziva Ant. 7 (1957): 42).
ebebos =éxw.
ednyevis [adj.] see below (A 427, ‘¥81 with-v.]. ebneviic, h. Ven. 229, Theoc. 27, 43, IG
14, 1389: 1; 29. <GR>
*ETYM The reading evnyevijc = evyevijc (mss. Aristarchus) is strongly suspected to
be a misreading for edngevijc in Hom. (as a PN in IG 12(8), 376: 14), a compound
from dgevocg which apparently was not transparent. Secondary evnyeviic was
supported by several forms in -yevij¢ with a preceding -n-, and taken over by post-
Homeric poets. On > evigevijc, see Bechtel 1914 s.v. and Leumann 1950: 117%. See on
> d@evoc and Masson RPA. 91 (1965): 239f.
evOevéw [v.] ‘to thrive, flourish’, of animals and plants, also metaph. of towns, peoples,
etc. (A., Arist.). <?>
ecomP As a first member in evOnvi-apyn¢ ‘commissioner of (corn) supplies’,
together with -apyéw, -ia, -1xd¢ (pap.; also evOew-).
ev0tc 479
*DER evOéveta, -ia (-in inscr. I*) ‘state of prosperity, fullness, supply’ (Arist. as a v.l.
beside evOnvia, pap. of Roman times) with evOewakdc (pap.).
Also ev€nvéw ‘id.’ (h.Hom. 30, 10, Hdt., Hp., LXX) together with evOnvia = ev0éveta,
-ia (Arist. as a v.l, LXX, late inscr. and pap.); rare and late adjectives: evOevijc:
evna8oboa, ioxvpd ‘enjoying herself, strong’ (H.) whence ev8evéotatoc (pap. VIP),
evOnvoc ‘thriving’ (Hdn. Epim. 175, Lyd. Ost. [VIP]).
*ETYM The explanation depends on the relation between these forms. If the forms
with -e- in the root are original, then ev@evéw is a denominative of ev@evijc, from
which the abstract evOéveia, -ia was made. We would have to start from a noun
*Oévoc beside » pdvoc in the hapax @dvov aiuatog (II 162), if this means ‘mass of
blood’ - but this is uncertain. This would give an analogy *Oévoc : evOevric : evBEveta
: e00evéw like pévoc : edpeviic : ebpéveta : edpevéew. However, evGevric is rare and late,
while e¥@evéw is older. Therefore, the agreement with Skt. d-hands- ‘thriving, full’, IE
*-ghenes- becomes doubtful. With the IE root *g”*en- supposed in d-hands- and ev-
Gevijc, one scholar further connected Skt. ghana- ‘solid, thick, full of (epic and class.;
very doubtful RV 1, 8, 3), MoP a-ganis ‘full’, a-gandan ‘fill on’; from Balto-Slavic,
Lith. gana ‘enough’, OCS gonéti ‘be enough’ have been adduced; finally, Alb. zané
‘solid, thick’ (Jokl 1937: 131) and Arm. y-ogn ‘multum, very, much’. The PNs in
-pdovtn like Kpeo-gdvtie (cf. on » Kpatoc), IloAv-dvtng are unclear, as is pavav:
é\etv ‘wish, want’ (H.). Unclear » dgevoc must be separated, as well as » map9évoc.
Secondary lengthening of -n- in evOnvéw, etc. cannot be excluded. If we assume
original -n- < *-eh,, however, ev8evéw could either be after oOévoc (Sommer 1905:
66) or a zero grade *-d'h,n-. A hypothetical Gr. *@fjvoc has been compared with Lat.
fénus ‘interest’ (related to fé-lix; see » OF\Avc and » OfjoBa1), root *d'eh,- ‘suck, be fed
with milk’, which could be phonetically and semantically identical if the connection
with Skt. d-hands-, etc. is given up.
ebOvc [adj.] ‘straight’, also metaph. ‘just’; ev@uvc, -b also adverbial (beside evOéwc)
‘straightaway, directly’, of place and time (Pi, Att.). <?>
eVAR Fem. -eia, ntr. -v.
eCOMP Very frequent as a first member, e.g. in » evOvwpia.
*DER evOUtn¢ ‘straightness’ (Arist.) and the denominative evOvvw ‘straighten, direct,
steer, chastise, punish’ (Pi. Att.) with several derivatives: etiOvvoic ‘straightening’
(Arist.), ebOvopdc ‘id’ (Ph.); ebOvvtrp “director, corrector’ (Thgn., A, Man.) with
evOuvtnptos ‘straightening, directing’ (A. Pers. 764), evOvvtnpia [f.] ‘the part of a
ship where the rudder was fixed’ (E. IT 1356), “base wall, base’ (inscr.), -taioc
(Didyma); ev8vvttic = evOvvoc (Pl. Lg. 945b, c), -txdc (Arist, D. H.). More common
are deverbal expressions like e¥@vvoc [m.] ‘revisor of the state’ (Pl, Arist., inscr.
since V*, etc.), also ‘judge, punisher’ in general (A. E.); evOvva [f.] ‘public
responsibility, revision’ (Att.).
*ETYM No correspondences outside Greek. It may have taken the place of i®v¢ ‘id.’.
Perhaps a cross of »ei8ap and »i8vc with assimilation et : v > ev : v (see Schwyzer:
256). The word » evptc is semantically farther. DELG suggests influence of ed ‘good’
(s.v. » 0c).
480 edO0@AOLOG
evOv@Aotog [m.] ‘straight-barked’, a kind of oak (Thphr. H.P. 3, 8, 2). <GR>
*ETYM From ev0v- and » pAotdc? Also GAipAotos, from > aAtc?
evOvupia [f.] ‘straightness, straight direction’ (Pl. Arist. Aetol., Cret., etc.), almost
only in adverbial expressions like (av’, kat’) edOvwpiav, evOvwpia ‘in straight line,
directly’; also ebO0bwpov [adv.] ‘id.’ (X.). <GR>
eVAR Heracl. -wpeia, Arc. -opfia, Epid. -opia; Ion. itvwpin (Hp.).
*ETYM Expression from the language of surveyors, from » edOtc (> i8tc) and » dpoc,
Spo ‘boundary’ as a bahuvrihi: ‘with straight boundaries, along straight lines’. The
long vowel may be due to compositional lengthening, or to Doric influence.
(development of -opf-). Incorrectly, Bechtel 1921, 1, 345: related to Av. auruua-
‘quick’, etc.; e}O6bwpoc would then properly mean ‘hurrying straight’.
evuiAog >éEKnAoc.
evKoAoc =SboKoA oc.
evbxpaies [adj.] ‘temperate’, epithet of td7to1 (Arist. Mete. 352a 7), of dip (Thphr. CP 1,
11, 6; 2, 3, 3), of pw (Opp. H. 4, 33); but also ‘blowing well’, of obpoc and dvettoc (A.
R. 2, 1228; 4, 891); also v.l. for axpanjc (E 299, Hes. Op. 594). <IE *kerh,- ‘mix’>
VAR Also &dKpajc.
*ETYM Reformed from ev«pac (related to » kepavvupt) after the s-stems, perhaps by
influence of dnt, which at any rate influenced the meaning in A. R. At the same
time, in opposition to axp-a1j¢ ‘sharp blowing’ (properly ‘blowing on the heights’), it
was analyzed as d-Kpaujc; cf. Marxer 1935: 46f. - On this basis, Svoxpdaj¢ (Opp.).
evAaKa =dXoF.
evAr [f.] ‘worm, maggot’ (IL). <?>
eVAR Mostly plur. -ai. Cf. evAdCer canpid, oxwAnKta ‘make rotten, be worm-eaten’
(H.). Sometimes, also baAn: oxwAng ‘worm’ (H.) is mentioned, supposedly standing
for bad1}; it is doubtful that this form is cognate.
*ETYM Taken by Frisk et al. as an old verbal noun from > gihéw 2, > iAAw ‘turn, wind’,
properly meaning ‘that which winds or coils’. However, a prothetic vowel *é-FA-1 is
no longer possible, unless one assumes *h,uel-; however, *h,ul- would give bA-. It is
improbable to assume metathesis from *feX-1} (cf. on » edptc). The word may well
be Pre-Greek. The recent attempt by Balles 2007: 15-24 is pure speculation. Cf.
> ENyltc.
evAnpa [n.pl.] ‘reins’ (¥ 481, Q. S.). <PG>
DIAL Dor. a’Anpa (Epich. 178, H.). z
*DER Unclear is evAnpwoiwv- mAnydv ‘strokes’ (H.; perhaps from *evdArjpwotc, t
*evANpooLal, -dw).
*ETYM One scholar has assumed *é-FAnp-o-, *d-fAnp-o- (Schwyzer: 224) with
prothetic vowel, combining Lat. /6rum ‘rein’, Arm. lar ‘strick, rope, band’, from IE
*ulér-, *ulér-, *ulHr-, supposed to be a derivation in -r- from a primary verb for
‘turn, wind, twine’ in » eiAéw 2. Given the variation, which cannot be explained in IE
evdvic, -(5)oc 481
terms, the words are probably Pre-Greek. For the interchange d-/ é-, cf. duv¢/éuve
and Fur. 347ff. See also » Apa.
evpapris [adj.] ‘light, without pain’ (Alc., Pi.). <IE?>
*DER evpdpeta, -(€)in, -ia ‘ease’ (IA), etjtapotng ‘id.’ (Callistr. Soph.), evtprapéw ‘have
easy access’ (B. 1, 175).
*ETYM Bahuvrihi of » ed and » udpn ‘hand’, which yielded a stem in -o- (Schwyzer
513). Blanc REGr. 105 (1992): 548-556 rejects this explanation and assumes a meaning
‘accordé en abondance’, from *smer- in »teipowat ‘accorder comme part’; this is
uncertain. His comparison with the reduced grade in ev-tpagrjc does not work, as
one would rather expect -eprjc¢ beside peipopat and pépoc.
evptaptc, -t50¢ [f.] name of an Asiatic shoe or slipper of deerskin (A. and E. [lyr.], AP
7, 413 [4], Poll.); evpapidac [acc.pl.] as attribute of doxépac, so probably adjectival
(Lyc. 855). <?>
eVAR ACC. -tv.
» eETYM Foreign word of unknown origin; cf. the foreign names for shoes in Schwyzer:
61, as well as Bjorck 1950: 68.
evvi] [f.] ‘lair, bed’ (of animals and soldiers), ‘bed, matrimonial bed’, metaph.
‘marriage’ and ‘tomb’, as a nautical expression in plur. ‘anchor stones’ (II.). <?>
eCcoMP As a first member in evvobyoc [m.] “protector of the bed”, ‘chamberlain,
eunuch’ (IA; on the mg. Maa RhM 74 (1925): 432ff.) with edvovyity, -iac, etc. As a
second member in yalat-evvng¢ et al. (on the formation Schwyzer 451), fem. -evvdc
‘having its bed on the earth’ (Hom.); also yaul-evvdc ‘id.’ (Lyc.), as a determinative
‘bed on the earth’ (Nil. Th. 23); in this mg. further yau-edvn, -a (trag.) with
xapevviov (PI.), -evvic (Theoc.), -evvia (Ph., Philostr.).
*DER evdvatoc ‘belonging to the evvn’ (trag.), edvia [pl] = edvi) (App.), edvétns
‘bedfellow, wife’ (E.), -étig [f] (Hp. A. R.), ebvatac ‘id’ (E. Med. 159, conjecture),
evvic [f.] (S, E). Denominatives: evvdopicu, ebvnOijvat, -dw ‘lie down, go to bed,
sleep’ especially “bring to rest’ (Il.) together with edviata [pl.] ‘marriage’ (E. Ion
304; cf. Chantraine 1933: 184ff.), ebvijtwp, -Atwp, -ntIp, -atrp = ebvétng (trag.), fem.
evviteipa, -dteipa, -1)tpia (trag.), ebvatiipiov ‘sleeping room’ (A.). edvva Copa,
evvacOrval, edvatw ‘id.’ together with 14 edvdoyta ‘sleeping places’ (X. Cyn. 8, 4;
after inmaoytog et al., cf. Arbenz 1933: 48), edbvaotiip = edvetng (Lyc.), edvaoteipa
NiBocg (Opp.), edvactiiptov = ebvatiiptov (S. E.). Details on the tragedians in
Fraenkel 1912: 17, Bjérck 1950: 139f.5 also Chantraine REGr. 59-60 (1946-1947): 227f.
*ETYM Unexplained. Lidén IF 19 (1906): 320f. compares Olr. (h)uam ‘hole’ and Av.
und [f.] ‘hole, slit (in the earth). Arm. unim ‘to have, own’ remains far.
Unconvincing recent attempts are Balles 2007: 15-24 and Ziegler KZ 117 (2004): 1-12.
ebvic, -t(5)o¢ [adj.] ‘robbed, lacking’ (II). <?>
eVAR ACC. -Lv.
*ETYM The word has been compared with adjectives starting in *u(H)- or *ud-: Skt.
iind-, Av. una- ‘deficient, lacking’, Arm. unayn ‘empty’ (anlaut uncertain; IE *eu- is
482 EVVODXOG
also possible), Lat. vanus ‘empty, idle’, Go. wans ‘defective, missing’, etc. However,
*h,euh,-n- would have given *&(f)av-.
edvovxog =edvI}.
evox8oc [adj.] epithet of Saitec (B. Fr. 18, 4), Bopa (E. Ion 1169), yf| (Hom. Epigr. 7, 2),
perhaps ‘rich, luxuriant, fruitful’. <PG>
*DER Denominative verb edvoxQéw ‘to be rich, luxuriant’, of people (Hes. Op. 477, -
Rhian. 1, 9).
eETYM Connection with dy6oc, »dy8n ‘height, steep shore’ is semantically
unsatisfactory. Either etoy8oc must be separated, or dy80c¢ had an additional,
unknown, meaning. Fur: 127 connects » aktr ‘corn’ with 6x80c, which is quite
acceptable (cf. dxtr / 5x8n ‘cliff, etc.).
ebnéumedos [adj.] ‘easily dismissed’, of the poipa of the Eumenides (A. Eu. 476: odK
evitéuTtehov). <GRP
*ETYM The second member is derived from » néunw with a suffix -eho-.
evmetis =nintw.
evpag [adv.] mg. uncertain, in otf & evpdk (A 251, O 541), perhaps ‘near, at the side’;
further Lyc. 920 Adaiov Tlatapéwe avaxtépwv ‘near the temple of A. P.’; as an interj.
in Ar. Av. 1258 evpdé, matak. <?>
eETYM Uncertain. For the formation, cf. AGE, d54%, povvaé, Stapndé, etc. (Schwyzer:
620). It has been connected with evptc and explained as éx mAayiov, i.e. ‘from the
side’ (e.g. by H.). Acc. to Bq, it is to be read as 6& fpak, and to be understood as ‘en
heurtant’, from pattetv, paocetv, prjooetv ‘nudge, bump’; on the meaning, cf. » iktap
‘near’ and the parallels mentioned there.
Edptnoc [m.] ‘straits, narrows’ (X., Arist.); especially the straits between Euboea and
Boeotia (h. Ap. 222, Hdt.); later also ‘canal’ in general (D. H.); ‘ventilator, fan’ (Gal.
10, 649) is probably a homonym, derived from pum) in the sense ‘blow’. <PG(S)>
eDIAL Myc. TN E-wi-ri- po.
DER evpinw6dr¢ ‘like straits, like the Euripos’, etc. (Arist.); evptnidn¢ name of a wind,
blowing from the Euripos (E. Maaf& KZ 41, 204); also PN; evpimixr) (cxolvoc Dsc.,
Plin.); Evpimtoc: Tlooetéav (H.).
*ETYM The etymology ‘with strong current’, from ed and pirh (since Fick) must be
rejected, even if the straits between Euboea and Boeotia are well known for their
strong currents of water and wind.
Forssman MSS 49 (1988): 5-12, explains the form from *euru-h,p-o- ‘breite
Wasser(laufe) habend’. The assumed dissimilation of the second u in *eurt-po- does
not convince; neither does the meaning fit for a narrow strait. The word may well be
Pre-Greek, cf. already Ruijgh 1967a: 17234. Note that the long t in this position is
typical for Pre-Greek forms, cf. Pre-Greek s.v. -iB-, -iy-, 16-, -10-, -iv-).
ebpiokw [v.] ‘to find, uncover’ (t 158). <?>
eVAR Aor. evpeiv, ind. ebpov (Il; later also nbpov), fut. ebpfow (h. Merc. 302, 1A),
perf. etjpryka, -rnj.at (np-), aor. pass. evbpe8fvat with fut. edpeOrcopat (IA).
evpvc 483
*COMP Often with prefix, e.g. av-, e&-, é@-. As a first member edprot- (later ebpect-)
in ebprot-emjs ‘who finds émn, epic poet’ (Pi.), ebprot-Aoyéw ‘find reasons, find
excuses’ and -Aoyia ‘ability to find reasons, eristics, creation of empty words’ (Hell;
after the compounds in -Aoyéu, -Aoyia); with ebprjoi-Aoyoc (Corn. et al.).
*DER Derivatives, also from the prefixed verbs (not indicated): etprua, later etpena
(Schwyzer 523) ‘invention’ (IA), etpeotc ‘discovery’ (1A; etprjotg Apollod.); etpetpa
[pl.] ‘finder’s reward’ (Ulp.); ebpetiic ‘discoverer’ (Att.) with fem. evpetic, -étic (S.
Fr. 101 [uncertain], D. S.); also ebpétpia (D. S., pap Chantraine 1933: 104ff.);
Ebpéotog epithet of Zevc = Iupiter Inventor (D. H, after Ikéotoc et al.); ebpetixdc
‘ingenious, inventive’ (Pl.), ebpetdc ‘which can be found’ (Hp., S.).
*ETYM Given the perfective meaning of edpioxw, the aorist ebpov is probably old. An
old perfect seen in etpry-Ka probably existed next to it. After this, ebprjow arose, and
the latest member of the paradigm (beside evpeOijvat) was the present ebpicxw
(quantity of the t unknown). The aorist ebpov may be a thematic root formation
standing for the augmented ind. *é-fp-ov; on this form, see Vara Emerita 61 (1993):
177-9. The aspiration is perhaps secondary after é\etv etc. Alternatively, was it a
reduplicated aorist *ye-yr-e/o- from *ue-urh,-e/o-, with dissimilatory loss of the
anlauting F- and secondary aspiration, in which case, according to Beckwith Glotta
72 (1994): 24-30, the root-final laryngeal was lost in a reduplicated formation? _
A reduplicated formation is also found in the Olr. preterite -fuiar ‘I found’ < IE *ue-
ur- (pres. fo-gabim); the pass. -frith ‘inventum est’ agrees with *Fp17- in -Fé-Fpr-Ka (>
etipryka) as IE *urh,-to-. IE *ureh,-t- has also been supposed in OCS ob-réto ‘I found’.
A full grade *uer- is seen in Arm. gerem (with secondary aorist gerec‘i) ‘take
prisoner’. Taillardat RPh. 34 (1960): 232-235 assumes *suer-, with *sesure > evdpe.
evpvayuta >cyvia.
evpvddeta [adj.] only in d710 y8ovdc edpvodeing (Hom., always verse-finally). < IE *sed-
‘sit > ;
*ETYM Schulze 1892: 487f. (followed by Bechtel 1914 s.v.) reads edpvu-edeing ‘with
broad seats’ (i.e. places for settling, %50c), recalling Simon. 5, 17 evpvedotc ...
x8ov6c. Thus also R. Schmitt 1967: 246ff.
ebvpvona [acc.] = [voc.] epithet of Ziv (Kpovidiyv), also in nom. and voc. evpvoma
Zevc, Zed (IL), later of xijpvk, xéAados, iAtoc; bahuvrihi of é1-a- ‘with far-reaching
sight, far-seeing’. <1E *h,ek”- ‘see’>
*ETYM The formula was adapted to formulae like kvavoxaita, with a vocative in -a <
*-h,. In the case of ebpboma, we are probably dealing with an old accusative. Thus
Brugmann-Delbriick 1897-1916 2:1, 416f. and Beekes 1969: 148-150.
evpte [adj.] ‘broad, wide’ (II.). «IE *h,urH-u- (?) ‘broad’>
eVAR Epic also acc. -éa (under formulaic pressure).
*COMP Very often as a first member.
*DER evpvtij¢ ‘broadness, width’ (Hp.) and denominative ebpivw ‘broaden, widen’ (8
260; on the formation Schwyzer: 733). Also ebpog [n.] ‘breadth, width’ (A 312), as a
second member in ico-evpric ‘with the same breadth’ (Phot.).
484 EVPWG, -WTOG
eETYM Indo-Iranian has Skt. urti-, Av. vouru- ‘broad’, and Skt. vdras- [n.] ‘breadth’,
from which evpvc and etpoc differ only regarding their anlaut. We have to start
from IE *urH-u- and *uérH-os-, which should have given Gr. *faptc, *Fépoc; cf.
Baptc = Skt. guru-. It has been assumed that evpuc has a prothetic vowel from *h,-,
*é-rpv-c, but then one would rather expect *éF(a)puc < *h,ur(H)us. Alternatively, it
has been supposed that it stands with metathesis for a secondary full grade *feptc
(after the primary comparative, Skt. vdri-ydn ‘broader’); edpoc, beside Skt. varas-,
could also be explained in this way, if not secondary after evpuc (cf. Bapoc, BaBoc,
taxoc, etc.). ToA warts, ToB wartse ‘broad’ contain a suffix -ts, -tse and reflect a
preform *war(a)-. The reconstruction remains problematic.
ebpwc, -@tog [m.] ‘mould, dank decay’, also ‘rust’? (Thgn., Simon.); on the mg. Aly
Glotta 5 (1915): 63ff. <PG?>
*VAR EpBwe: edpwe ‘fair-flowing’ (H.).
*DER evpwetc ‘mouldy, musty’ epithet of the underworld (Hom., Hes.), also of mmAdc¢
(Opp.); ebpwttdw ‘to be mouldy’ (Ar., Thphr.).
*ETYM evpweic (see Schwyzer: 527 and Chantraine 1933: 274) should not be changed
into nepdetc; see the remarks by Solmsen 1901: 121f. Based on comparison with idpwe,
yéAws, Epwe, etc., an original s-stem has been concluded (Schwyzer: 514). No
convincing etymology. Etymologies assuming a prothetic vowel (see Frisk) must be
discarded. Fur.: 242 refers to the form given by H. and thinks the form is Pre-Greek,
which seems quite plausible.
éuc [adj.] ‘good, brave, strong (in war)’ (epic since II.), only of men, never in fem,; ntr.
év, ed ‘good’ (A. E.), mostly as an adverb ‘well’ (IL). <IE *uesu- ‘good’, and/or
*he)su- ‘good’>
*VAR Also fic, Hb (see below), gen.sg. éfjoc, &-, gen.pl.n. gawv (verse-final, eg.
Swtijpes Edwv O 325).
*DIAL Myc. names with e-u-, e.g. e-u-me-ne /Eumenés/.
*COMP Very often as a first member, both adjectical and adverbial.
DER Evtij¢ (cod. é1yt1¢)- Aya8dtn¢ ‘goodness’ (H.); on the accent see Wackernagel
and Debrunner Phil. 95 (1942): 177. Note further néa- aya0d (H.).
*ETYM The Greek forms present several problems. As for nic beside gic, old ablaut is
highly improbable, and a metrical solution has been sought (nic occurs mostly in
verse-final expressions). In combination with the analogical introduction of the
length from compounds where metrical lengthening was necessary (e.g. 1-KoLLO<),
this is certainly possible. Metrical lengthening could also be assumed in éjjo<s, if this
stands for *ééoc; often, éfjoc (thus most mss.) seems to represent *éfjo = *éelo, *ééo
‘sui’, from »é&, & ‘se’; cf. gueio = euéo from éé. The comparison of év- with Skt. su-
points to *h,su-, with which Hitt. assu- ‘good, useful, pleasant’, ntr. ‘goods,
possession, prosperity’ is also ultimately connected. On the other hand, there is also
Skt. vasu-, Av. vohu- ‘good’, to which further Gaulish PNs like Bello-vésus and Ir. feb
[f.] ‘eminence’ belong, as well as Illyr. Ves-cleveses [gen.] (cf. Eb-«Aénc, Skt. vdsu-
Sravas-). Further, there is the expression dwtipec (S@top) éawv, which may have a
pendant in Skt. data vdsinam (beside data vdsu [acc.]). Unambiguous traces of the
eVXOLLAL 485
digamma fail, as Etepog d6& é4wv N 528 is young. We must also reckon with the
merger of IE *esu- and *uesu-. See Chantraine 1942: 201; 254; 274. Not related to
> byujc, which is rather from *h,iu-. Hoffmann 1975-6: 593-604 suggests that éfjoc
continues hysterodynamic *h,yesu-os. On the ablaut of the compounds, see Zimmer
MSS 55 (1994): 157-171.
evownia ~olwnmdaw.
evte [conj.] (as soon) as’, rarely causal ‘because’ (Il.); also as a compar. adverb ‘like’,
see m Tite. <?>
eETYM Debrunner IF 45 (1927-1928): 185ff. suggested it was in origin a paratactic
exclamation eb te ‘and rightly”. Acc. to Brugmann-Delbriick 1897-1916 2:2, 731f, it is
from 7 or ei and *vte; see > Hite. Cf. Monteil 1963: 286-290.
edtpamedos > TpémtWw.
edtpdxahog =TpéXw.
evoppovn [f.] ‘night’ (Hes. Op. 560, Pi., A.). <IE *g”"ren- ‘diaphragm’>
*DER Patronymic Evpovidng (Epigr. Gr. 1029, 6, Cios).
*ETYM Properly ‘the benevolent’, a substantivation of etqpwv; cf."Hyetdvn epithet of
Artemis (Call.) and PNs like Hptyévn, "Hmtovn; also, Mvapova (Ar. Lys. 1248) for
Mvinpootvn; and dvogpovéwv [gen.pl.] v.l. for -oovvéwv Hes. Th. 102. See further
> Opry.
edxepiis ~Sv0yepric.
edxoptat [v.] 1. ‘proclaim, boast’ (Il.); 2. ‘promise solemnly’ (I1; also e.g. Pl. Ph. 58b); 3.
‘pray’ (IL). <1E *h,ueg’"- ‘speak solemnly’>
VAR Aor. evEao8at, pret. ebkto (see below).
DIAL Myc. e-u-ke-to (= edyetat) ‘declares’.
eCOMP Often with prefixes like az-, é1-, KaT-, Mpo0-, ovv- et al.
*DER evdxoc ‘glory’ (cf. xAgoc), rarely and secondarily ‘fulfilment of a prayer’ (II.);
edxwAr ‘proclamation, cry of joy, boast, vow, prayer’ (II; also Arc.-Cypr., see Bechtel
1921, 1: 391 and 447) with edywAytatoc ‘bound by a vow’ (Hdt. 2, 63; cf. Chantraine
1933: 49); ebyr) ‘vow, prayer’ (kK 526); evypata [pl.] ‘boasts’ (x 249), ‘vows, prayers’
(trag., Call.); cf. phywata; mpdo-evetc ‘prayer’ (Orph.). Verbal adjective evxtdc ‘asked
for’ (E 98 ev« ra [n.pl.]), ‘desired’ (Att.); together with an-evxtéc, moAV-EvKTos (A.);
also an-, MoAv-evyeTos (A., h. Cer., etc.); edxtaiog ‘containing a prayer’ (trag., etc.);
edKTIKOG ‘belonging to a prayer’, ebxtikh (EyKAtotc) = (modus) optativus (Hell.);
edKtnptoc ‘belonging to a prayer’, -tov [n.] ‘house of prayer’ (Just.); on -tuxd¢ :
-Thptoc Chantraine 1933: 13. Multi-interpretable is the first member in Edy-rvwp (N
663), see Sommer 1948: 175. Lengthened forms of the present stem evxetéwvto,
-Taac8ai = edxovto, -eoBat (Il.); explanation uncertain, see Leumann 1950: 182ff.,
Chantraine 1942: 358. On ebyoc, evdyi], edxywAr, etc. see Porzig 1942: 231f. 235,
Chantraine 1933: 183, 418f ; also Steinkopf 1937, Greind] 1938, Benveniste 1969:2: 237-
243.
486 ebw
*ETYM Greek evdxoysat is identical with Av. aojaite ‘proclaim solemnly, invoke’, Skt.
dhate ‘boast, praise’, from reduplicated IE *h,é-h,ug”"-e-toi (with *g”" > y after v). It is
an old term of the religious language. Beside it stands the athematic preterite 3s¢.
evxto (Thebais Fr. 3), which corresponds to OAv. aogadd, LAv. aoxta, and perhaps
also the isg. ebyunv (S. Tr. 610). Lat. voved ‘to promise solemnly, implore’, Skt.
vaghdt- ‘the vower, who prays’, Arm. gog [impv.] ‘say! show an unreduplicated
formation, so the regular full-grade was IE *h,ueg’'- (cf. LIV? s.v. *h,yeg’"-). Arm.
uzem ‘I will’, y-uzem ‘I search’ is semantically divergent.
evo [v.] ‘to singe’ (Il.). <1£ *h,eus- “burn’>
VAR Aor. ebdoat.
eCOMP Also with prefix aq-, éq-.
*DEREvotpa (evo-) [f.] ‘place for singeing’ (Ar. Eq. 1236), ‘roasted barley’ (PTeb. III*),
‘id’ (Paus. Gr.); evotdv (ebo-) [n.] ‘singed sacrifice’ (Miletus IV-III*); etoava =
éyKkavpiata ‘sores from burning’ (Poll. H.). Very unclear » Evpos, s.v.
eETYM An old verb which was ousted by xaiw. Like other verbs with a diphthong -ev-
(see > yeVouat), it lost its ablaut. Gr. ebw is identical with Lat. aro ‘burn’, Skt. dsati
‘jd’, so it may have metathesis of aspiration from older *etdhw < IE *h,éus-e/o-. The
-o- returns in evo-tdv (with secondary full grade against Skt. us-td- = Lat. us-tus
‘burned’) and in eto-tpa (with analogical aspiration; on tpa-, cf. Schwyzer: 532 and
Chantraine 1933: 333), and was introduced in evo-ava based on these forms. On the
aspiration, see DELG s.v. The root occurs elsewhere, too, e.g. in the Gm. zero grade
I-derivative ON usli [m.], MHG uselce) [f.] ‘glowing ashes’.
evwvuptos [adj.] ‘of good name, of good reputation, renowned’ (Hes. Th. 409, Pi.); ‘left’
(Ephesus VI-V*); t6 evavujtov (Képac) = ‘the left wing’ (Hdt., Th.). <GR>
eETYM Euphemistic replacement of older oxatdc, Aatdc, as well as dptotepdc. Cf.
> OVOLLA.
ebwxéw, -Eouat [v.] ‘to treat, regale’, med.-pass. ‘to get satisfied, feast, be treated’ with
evwxia ‘entertainment, feasting’ (IA); ovvevwyéouiat ‘to feast together’ (Arist.). <IE
*seg"- ‘hold, have’>
VAR Aor. -Foat, -nBFjvat, -MoaoBar.
DER Suvowyeiv: Svoxepaivetv ‘be unable to endure’ (H.).
*ETYM Long grade deverbative of intransitive eb éyw ‘I am in a good state’ with
causative meaning (cf. Schwyzer: 720), an expression which was perceived as a unity,
whence it became univerbated, perhaps under the influence of expressions like
edmopéw (from evmopoc).
EqeAwpevos [adj.] epithet of oxen, of unknown mg. (Mitylene I*). <?>
eVAR -@- in DELG.
eETYM DELG suggests MoFr. ‘tacheté’ as a meaning. Perhaps related to » &pnAtc,
withe instead of n?
égétat [m.pl.] 1. ‘commander’ (A. Pers. 79 [lyr.]); mostly 2. name of a board of judges
in Athens (Att.). <1E *(H)ieh,- ‘throw’>
DER Eger}, mostly in plur. ‘command, order’ (Il.); cf. pétng : Epetpov.
EMLAATNG, -OV 487
*ETYM In the meaning ‘commander’, it was derived from éqie,tat ‘order, command;
in the juridical meaning, probably from éqginut = ‘decide something (about
somebody)’. See DELG.
€erc, -t50¢ [f.] technical term of uncertain mg., ‘rivet, clinch’ vel sim.? Acc. to H.
éorAtdec: Tepovar ‘pins’, EmnAtc: TO MHpLa THs Adpvaxos ‘the lid of a coffer’ (S. Fr.
1046, Hell.); usually metaph. as the name of a rash (Nic.), in this mg. mostly in plur.
(Hp., Thphr.), also explained as ‘freckles’ and connected with ijAtog, cf. ai tod nAtov
émikavoetc ‘burns from the sun’ (H.). <?>
VAR Also oxytone -ic, -idoc, plur. also -etc.
eDIAL Jon. émmAc, -t50¢ [f.] (barytone acc. to Hdn. Gr. 1, 91).
*ETYM On the stem in -t(6)-, see Schwyzer: 450, 464f. and Chantraine 1933: 1136.
Morphologically uncertain because of the unclear meaning. Proposals: 1. as a
hypostasis of éq’ ijAov (dv): a) ‘what is upon a Mog (‘pin’); b) ‘upper (part of a)
Toc’. 2. as a bahuvrihi: ‘equipped with a fhAoc’. 3. deverbal of épnAodv ‘pin down,
fix’: ‘what has been pinned down’; cf. pndAoc: 6 nAwpévoc ‘sharpened’ or ‘callous
person’ (Suid.). See also » pnAoc.
Eerpog [adj.] (equipped) with a hAoc’, of people (and eyes?) that have a certain eye
disease (LXX, Call. Fr. anon. 106, Ael.). <GR>
*DER €—~nAtn¢ [f.] name of that disease (S. E.).
*ETYM From fog in the meaning ‘wart, callus’; see Strémberg 1944: 93 and Forster
1950: 44. Cf. also H. épnAoc: (...) egrAtdac we HAovc éxwv eic tiv Swwv (the gloss
may be partly corrupt). Cf. » pnAic.
EPiaAT1]¢, -ov [m.] ‘nightmare, phantom’ (Phryn. Com., Dsc.). <PG?>
eVAR Also émdAtng (Alc. in Eust. 1687, 52); in the same mg. also fymtdAng, acc. -nta
(Sophr.), i6Anc (Hdn. Gr.). As a PN: 1."EgidAtng (Em-), a mythical figure, son of
Aloeus (or of Poseidon) and Iphimedeia, famous for his unusual size and strength (E
385, A 308, Pi. P. 4, 89); 2. regular PN (Hdt., etc:).
*DIALMyc. E- pi-ja-ta (2).
*DER égiadtikdc ‘suffering from nightmare’ (medic.), plant name é@idAtuov, -tia
(Ps.-Dsc., Aét., because of its prophylactic use, Strémberg 1940: 90).
*ETYM No etymology. The name of the ‘nightmare’, originally being the name of a
demon, is clearly identical with the mythical name (cf. Nilsson 1941(1): 226). In
antiquity the name was connected with épaAAopat ‘throw oneself onto sbd’;; cf.
egiaAtnc 6 émimnda@v ‘assaulting’ (H.). This explanation is not without problems
phonetically and must therefore be considered to be folk-etymological. Leumann
1950: 80 defended the suggestion that égidAtynsg came from naiadoc, name of a
fever, which was reshaped via émiadoc, whence émdAtnyc, to égidrtnc, by folk-
etymology after épdAAoptat. Acc. to Frisk, this is not very probable because of the
difference in meaning. Leumann separates the PN’EgidAtng from that of the demon
and connects it with é7-tAAev (but this does not explain the -g-). The forms
HytdAng, -dAng are based on crossing with m1ymiaAoc. Other folk-etymological
reshapings (2géAng, énweéAng, etc.) in H. s.v. éméAne. If the name is identical with
488 exevnic éxvpdc 489
denominative of éy8péc¢ (Schwyzer: 725). Also, am-ex8avouat could be related to
€x8pdc with interchange -r/n- (Benveniste 1935: 16), although it could just as well be
a nasal enlargement of &yOouai, dn-ex8éo8o1 (Schwyzer: 700, Chantraine 1942: 315f.).
Acc. to Schwyzer: 725, y8opat is a back-formation from éy8aipw, but it is better
taken with éyQoc, like c8évw to o8évoc (Schwyzer: 723). More difficult is the
interpretation of €y80c and éy8pdc, for which we may compare aicxoc: aicypdc,
kddoc: kvdpdc. If we start from éyOpdc and consider éx8o¢ (together with éyOonat,
éx8iwv, ~xPiotoc) to be an innovation, perhaps modelled on xKvédpdc, Kvdiwv,
KbdtoTOG, TO Kbd0c, we can connect éy8pdc with Lat. extra ‘outside’, exterus ‘being
outside’, and so also with £x8d6c¢ = éxtdc ‘outside’; €x8pdc would then properly mean
‘located outside, being in foreign territory, foreigner, enemy’ (cf. Lat. hostis).
the noun nriadoc, as Leumann 1950: 804° and Fur.: 159, 258, 342 assume, it is Pre-
Greek, which is what one might expect for such words.
éxevnic [adj.] ‘detaining or holding back ships’ (A., Arist.); a fish, Lat. nemmora. <GR>
*ETYM See Keller 1913: 378f., Thompson 1947 s.v.
éxenevkiis [adj.] epithet of BéAoc (A 51, A 129), of opdpva or pila (Nic. Th. 600 and
866), of ddtur (Orph. L. 475). <1 *peuk- ‘sting’>
*DER Beside it mepimevkrc (A 845), also of BéAoc, and éunevKtis (Nic. Al. 202), of
OmtOG. ‘
*ETYM Compound (Schwyzer: 441) of éyetv and a noun *medKoc vel sim. In any case,
it has close relatives in » nevKn, mevKedavec, and mevKddyioc. The meaning ‘bitter’
(Eust.), also found in Nic., clearly derives from ‘sharp, stinging’. The proper meaning
of éye-mevKrj¢ therefore is probably ‘having a point’. For cognates outside Greek, see
> TEVKI}.
éxtdva éxIc.
éxivog [m.] ‘hedgehog’, also ‘sea urchin’, and metaph. as a technical term in several
professions, e.g. ‘vessel’, especially ‘vessel to keep juridical documents’, ‘the third
stomach of ruminants’, ‘the rounded part of the Doric capital (IA). «IE *h,eg'i-
‘hedgehog’>
*DIAL Myc. e-ki-no /Ek*inos/.
éxétAn >Exw.
Ex0Ec =x 0Ec.
éx8o0d5oréw [v.] ‘to make oneself hated (to somebody), become enemies’. IE *h,eg's
‘out’>
VAR Only aor. £x8odorijoat (A 518).
*DER £x805or6c ‘hated, inimical’ (S.).
*ETYM For the formation, cf. oivoyoéw (Schwyzer: 726); €y8odonéw presupposes a
noun éx8odondc, which indeed exists, but the form may be rather deverbal because
of its late appearence. If it stands for éyOodandéc (Pergam. II’; here probably an
innovation for éy8odondc), it must be compared with modamdc, adAodartdc, and
should then be from éyQdc¢ ‘outside’, €y80-domdc properly meaning ‘located outside,
foreign’, and éx8odoméw ‘to become a foreigner to sbd.’. Bechtel 1914 s.v. compares
kvdoidonav (Ar. Pax 1152, Nu. 616) ‘make a hubbub’ and assumes an unknown verb
*depo, which is not very convincing. See » €80c.
%x@0¢ [n.] ‘hatred, enmity’ (II). <1E *h,eg"s-to- ‘outsider’>
*COMP As a second member in «pih-ex6r\¢ ‘who is inclined to hatred’ (Theoc. 5, 137).
*DER &x9pdc [adj.] ‘hated’ (thus always in Hom.), ‘hateful’, substantivized [m.]
‘enemy’ (Hes., Pi.); grades of comparison éyGiwv (A.), éx8totTo¢ (Il.); €xOpa, Ion. -pny
[f.] ‘hate, enmity’ (IA, Pi; on the formation Chantraine 1933: 226). Verbs: ySopat
(only present stem) ‘to be hated’ (Od.), act. yw ‘to hate’ (trag.); am-exBavonat (B
202), aor. an-exOéo8ar (Il.), fut. an-exOjoouat (Hdt.), late present am-éx8ouat
(Theoc., Lyc.) ‘to make oneself hated’ with aneyO1¢ ‘hated’ (S., D.), améyBeta ‘to be
hated, hate’ (Att.), améyOnwa ‘object of hate’ (E. Tr. 425; cf. Chantraine 1933: 177f.);
éx8aipw, aor. éx8ijpat (also with dm-, bmep-, ovv-) ‘to hate’ (Il.); éy8paivw, aor.
éx8pavat (X.) ‘to be an enemy, hate’ with éyOpaopa: éyOpa (H.); éyOpevw ‘to be an
enemy’ (LXX, Phld.).
*ETYM The relation of the words cited is not always clear. Clearly, éy8paivw and
éxOpebw are late derivations of éy@pdc; éx8aipw is much older and also a
eCOMP As a first member in éxtvourytpa ‘the greatest kind of sea urchin, Echinus
melo’ (Arist; cf. Strémberg 1944: 23).
eDER Diminutives: éytvic ‘vessel’ (Hp.), -ioxog ‘id.’, also ‘hollow of the ear’ (Poll.);
éxiviov plant-name (Dsc.); éyivéa, -i) ‘skin of the hedgehog’ (Hdn.), also a vessel
(Delos III*); xivéec [m.pl.] a kind of Libyan spinous mouse (Hdt.);’Eytvat or -ddec
[f.pl.] name of a group of islands in the Ionian Sea (B 635). éxivwdng ‘rugged’ (Arist.,
Str.).
*ETYM Probably derived from éytc ‘snake’ with suffixal -ivo- (i.e. -iHno-), so properly
“snake-animal” = “snake-eater”, as a taboo word for » yp. A suffix -n- is also found
in Arm. ozni ‘hedgehog’ (IE *h,og'-i(H)-n-), with o-grade; beside it, we find Gm.
words with -l-, eg. OHG igil < PGm. *egila-, which could replace older *egina-.
Balto-Slavic has a derivative in -io-, e.g. Lith. ezjs, SCr.CS jezv, IE *h,eg"-io-. The
interpretation of Phr. e&tc (= etc?) remains uncertain.
Ext¢, -ews [m.] ([f]) ‘viper’ (Att.). <I *h,eg"i- ‘snake’>
*DER Diminutive éyidtov (Arist.) and the plant name éytov (Dsc.; because of the
resemblance of the fruit to the head of a snake, Strémberg 1940: 54), éxietov (Nic.);
further éytje¢ [pl.] = Exetc (Nic. Th. 133, only a metrical variant?); éyittc [f.] name of
a stone (Plin., after the color; cf. Redard 1949: 54). Fem. éi6vé ‘viper’ (IA, Hes. Th.
297), mostly considered to be a derivative in -ta- from *éyt6vdc (Schwyzer: 475),
together with éyi6v-aioc and -retc (Hell.); but this is not very probable, as -6va is a
typical Pre-Greek suffix; éy.16va must have been a loan from Pre-Greek.
*ETYM If the interpretation of »éxivoc is correct, €i¢ must contain a palatal ¢”.
Similar words for ‘snake’, Skt. dhi- = Av. azi- and Arm. iz, should rather be
connected with dgtc (*h,eg""i-), since Av. and Arm. exclude a palatovelar.
éxvpdc [adj.] ‘strong, tenable, secure’ (Th, X.). <IE *seg"- ‘hold, have’>
490 EXW 1
*COMP év-éxvpov [n.] ‘pledge, security’ (IA), hypostasis of év éyupa@; besides
évexvpatw [v.] ‘to take a pledge’ with évexvp-aoia, -aopta, -aotrc et al; also
évexvpow [v.], -wpa [n.].
*DER éxvportng ‘tenability, etc’ (Ph.), éxyvpdw [v.] ‘to fasten’ (Phot. Suid.). oyupdc¢
‘id’ (Hes., A., E.), av-wxupog ‘not fortified’ (X. Ages. 6, 6, SIG 569, 7 [III*]) with
compositional lengthening, beside 6yupdtng¢ (Plb.), oxupdw (X,, Arist.) together with
OXDP-WUA, -WLLATLOV, -WOLG, -WTLKOS.
*ETYM Skt. sdhuri- ‘victorious, strong’ (RV) seems to be comparable; an old stem in
-u(s)- is found in Gm, eg. OHG sigu [m.] ‘victory’. Beside the rebuilt u-stem in
Oxv-, €xv-p-dc, there is the neutral s-stem in Skt. sdhas- ‘power, might, victory’, Go.
sigis ‘victory’, IE *ség’os- (would be Gr. *éxoc). The adverb dy-a ‘widely, by far’
belongs here as well (cf. tayucg : taxa et al Schwyzer: 622f.). The interchange oy- :
éx- may be due to old ablaut, but secondary influence of éxw is also possible. See
> Ew.
éxw 1 [v.] ‘to possess, retain, have’, aor. ‘to conquer, take (into possession)’, frequently
also intr. ‘to hold oneself, med. ‘id.’. <1E *seg'- ‘hold, have’>
VAR Also pres. tow, aor. oxetv, Eoxov, fut. Ew, oxnjow (IL), perf. act. oyna (Pl. Leg.
765a), med. éoxn Lal, aor. pass. oxéOnv (late).
eDIAL Myc. e-ke /*ek*ei/.
*COMP Very often with prefix in various mgs. eg. dv-, an-, &-, ém-, KaT-, [ET-,
mpoo-, ovv-. As a first member in e.g. éyé-ppwv, éx-Eyyvoc, > ExETIEvKTIC, » EkExELpia;
also ioyé-Ovpov et al. (Hell.); cf. Schwyzer: 441; as a second member e.g. in mpoo-,
OVvV-EXT\¢ with mpo0-, ovv-éxela.
*DER With e-grade (= present-stem): éx,ta ‘obstacle, support, defence’ (Il.) with
éxpatw (H., sch; cf. dypatw below); Myc. e-ka-ma? é£c ‘attitude, state, situation,
etc., often in derivatives of the prefixed compounds, eg. mpdo-, Kd6-eftc from
mpoo-, Kat-éxelv (IA); together with (mpoo-, Ka0-)méxtikdc; ebfic s.v5 exé-TAN,
-ttov ‘plough handle’, cf. the explanations kai 9 abAak, Kai 1 ond6n tod dpdtpov
‘furrow; the blade of a plough’ and éyeAevelv: dpotpiav ‘to plough’ in H; éktwp
‘holder’ (Lyc. 100; also Pl. Cra. 393a as an explanation of the PN [s.v.]; Sapph. 157 as
an epithet of Zeus); » éyupdc. From ed éxewv: evetia ‘good coridition’ (1A; opposite
Kaxetia from Kakw>o éyetv) with evéx-tno, -tiKdc, -téw, also -tia (Archyt.);
retrograde formation evefoc: edpurjc ‘well-grown’ (H.). From the reduplicated
present (see below): ioxdc [f.] ‘anchor’ (S. Fr. 761, Luc. Lex. 15); lengthened forms
ioxdvw, -vdaw (Il.). From the zero grade (= aorist stem): oxéotc ‘situation, character,
relation, restraint’ (IA), often in derivatives from prefixed compounds, e.g. dva-,
émi-, bm6-, KaTd-oxeotg from dva-oxelv, -EoBal, etc; oxFLLa (cf. cx-how) ‘attitude,
form, appearance’ (IA; Schwyzer: 523); secondarily oyéuta (H.), Lat. schéma [f.]
(Leumann Sprache 1 (1949): 206); besides oxnpiatilw, with oxnpdt-totc, -topdc, etc.;
verbal adjective &-oyetoc ‘uncontainable, irresistable’ (Il.); abstract formations like
émioxecin ‘attitude, pretext’ (@ 71), bnooyeoin ‘promise’ (N 369, A. R.) also derive
from virtual verbal adjectives, cf. Schwyzer: 469, Holt 1941: 86f. here also belong
*axEpdc (see » EmOoXEPw), » CxESOV, P OXETALOG, P GXOAT, » oKEOpdc; further > ioxic.
From the o-grade: dyot [m.pl.] ‘keeper, container’ (Atévec vy@v Sxot € 404); Oxdc
éyia 491
‘firm, certain’ (Ph. Byz.), further in verbal adjectives to prefixed compounds like -,
Kdt-, tétoXog (from é-€yetv, etc.); oxr) [f.] ‘holding, support’ (Call., Lyc., Ath.); to
the prefixed compounds ovv-, jlet-, &-, én-oy1, etc. (from ovv-éxety, etc.); dxevs
“holder”, ‘strap of a helmet, clasp, bolt of a door, etc.’ (Il; cf. » dxebw ‘to mount’,
etc.); 6yavov ‘holder of a shield’ (Anacr., Hdt.), also éyavn (Plu, cf. Chantraine 1933:
198); OxUPdG, see » ExUPG; Sytoc ‘fortress’ (Lyc.), Sxj1a- MdpmN}a “garment fastened
with a buckle-pin’ (H.) with oy,td@w ‘hold fast’ (A., E.); adverb éya ‘widely, by far’
(6x dptotoc Il), &oxa ‘in front of (& mdavtwv IL). Reduplicated formation:
Pr avoKwxr, also (€v) ovveoxpi@? With compositional lengthening > evwyéw. See
further > ovvoxwy ote (B 218).
*ETYM The present yw, reduplicated t-ox-w (< *i-ox-w < *(o)i-ox-w), has an exact
agreement in Skt. séhate [pres.3sg.med.] ‘overpower, conquer’ < *sé¢"-e-). The zero
grade aorist and the other verbal forms are isolated, however (cf. LIV? s.v. *seg"-
‘tiberwaltigen, in den Griff bekommen’). In Greek, the word group underwent a
strong development of meaning; cf. Porzig 1954a: 115f. Moreover, the neutral s-stem
of Skt. sdhas- ‘force, strength, victory’, Av. hazah- ‘id.’, Go. sigis (cf. on » éyvpdc) is
missing in Greek. The root is also represented in Celtic, e.g. in the Gaulish names
Zeyo-dovvov, Sego-vellauni.
éxw 2 [v.] ‘to transport’. <IE *ueg"- ‘transport, drive’>
eVAR Pamph. fexetw, Cypr. aor. efete (also Pamph. io-feké?).
*DER From there éyeogiv: Gpytactv ‘with chariots’ (H.), also dxo¢ ‘chariot, cart’,
> dxAoc, » OXETOG, & OXEW.
eETYM An old verb, represented in several IE languages, of which Greek preserves
only traces. Several parallel forms exist: Feyétw = Lat. vehit6; Skt. vahati = Av. vazaiti
= Lat. vehit ‘carries, rides’ (IE *uég"-e-ti), Lith. vezi: = OCS vezo = Lat. vehd; Cypr.
efete corresponds with the old s-aorists Lat. véxi, OCS véso, Skt. dvaksam. Some Gm.
words are also connected, e.g. ON vega ‘move, weigh’, Go. ga-wigan ‘move’, etc.; less
certain are ToB wask- ‘stir’ and Alb. vjedh ‘to steal’, as alternative derivations can be
given. See » Syoc for further formal correspondences. LIV? follows Schlerath SI 20
(1996): 379-87 in assuming an original meaning ‘float, be suspended’, whence ‘be
carried (on a vehicle, boat, etc.)’, which I find doubtful.
éwia [f.] ‘joy, play’ (S. Fr. 3, Nic. Th. 880). <PG(V)>
eVAR Ion. -in. Also éyta (EM 406, 8), dywiat- Eoptai. Adxwvec ‘festivals (Lacon.)’ (H.);
wid (H.), wraddetv = maiferv (Ar.). Perhaps wivOoc: tépytc ‘enjoyment’ (H.).
*COMP As a second member in giA-Eytoc (com.), dtt-Ewtoc (AP). Also éyeta: maiyvia
‘playthings’ (H.) [n.pl.], yia (EM). Deverbal from éyidoztat, -aoac68a [v.] (also with
ag-, €9-, ka8-) ‘to enjoy, play’ (Od.).
*DER Without anlauting vowel: widddew = naifetv (Ar. Lys. 1302 [lyr.], H.), wid:
xapa, yeAoiacpa, maiywa ‘joy, laughter, plaything’, also (see DELG s.v. yiaddovtt):
wins: [aKapoc, evdaitiwv ‘blissful, happy’; wieooa: eddaipwv, paxapia; wievta: Ta
avté ‘id’ (H.).
*ETYM Formation like the “verbs of disease” in -14w (Schwyzer: 732). Note the
variations: é-, €-, 4, the varying accentuation and yd (H.), yiaddetv. For these
492 éyo
reasons, the word must be Pre-Greek (Fur.: 139, 352; 376). Meier-Briigger MSS 50
(1989): 91-96 assumes a noun *seng”"-ti- ‘singing’, with *éyic from *éyic, but one
must wonder why *étyic was not retained. This view does not explain the attested
variations, and there is no reason to assume that the word primarily referred to
music. Acc. to Dettori Glotta 74 (1996): 159-163, the gloss mpooeyid: mpooaydpevotc,
kal 1 mpdc Ttiva OpuAia ‘greeting, also a gathering with sbd.’ (H.) belongs here as well.
Dettori stresses the oxytone accent and the gloss dutAia, so that the word does not
belong to év(v)énw. The word would belong to the informal language; Scheller 1951
assumes that the initial vowel was lost due to the final accent, but the variation
would be better explained under the assumption that the word is Pre-Greek. The
forms yieooa, yievta (with a beside e) may be explained if we assume a palatalized
cluster *ps’-.
éyo [v.] ‘to boil, seethe’ (IA). <PG(v)>
eVAR Aor. éyijoa, fut. éyrow (IA), perf. tryna (Ph.); new presents éyéw, -dw.
eCOMP Also with prefix, eg. a@-, ovv-.
*DER éynua ‘what has been boiled, meal, soup’ (IA) with éynpatwdn¢ (Dsc.), Hell.
éwetta (LXX; cf. Schwyzer 523), Zynotc ‘cooking’ (IA); €wntip, -tTIpLov, -tTI\¢, -TUKd¢
(Hell.); £0dc ‘boiled’ (IA; with an-e@8oc et al.), Eyntds ‘id’, also name of a fish (Ar.
X, cf. Strémberg 1943: 89), éwavodc ‘boiled, to be boiled’ (Hp.), éwadéog ‘id. (Nic,
after ontahéoc [Hom] et al.); also éwéiva [n.pl.] of unclear mg. (PLond. 3, 1177, 217;
II?). From dmep8oc¢ MoGr. anoxtt (via dmd@Ot(ov)) ‘dried food’ (Crete), ‘salted meat’
(Cyprus), see Hatzidakis Glotta 3 (1910-1912): 72f. from éwavog MoGr. wavdc ‘which
is roasted’, yavn ‘wheat’, see Georgacas ByzZ 41 (1941): 380f.
eETYM Cannot be separated from Arm. ep‘em ‘cook’. However, as Arm. p‘ can hardly
represent IE *ps (Pedersen KZ 39 (1906): 428), a pre-form IE *sep"- has been posited,
which would have had an s-enlargement in Greek (Schwyzer: 706). Yet PIE did not
have a phoneme *p". This means that the word is from a substrate, probably Pre-
Greek (cf. Fur.: 327, who compares déqw / déyw “soften’).
This Greco-Armenian isogloss ousted old » méo0etv. Cf. Porzig 1954a: 156. Another
expression for ‘boil, seethe’ is » Céw.
éwe 1 [f.] ‘dawn, break of day’ (II.). <1E *h,eus-0s ‘dawn’>
eVAR Acc. -w; Ion. (also Hell.) hae, -od¢, Dor. aac, afwp, gen. aFa, Aeol. atwe.
°COMP As a first member in €wo-@dpoc, Dor. dwo-pdpog ‘bringer of dawn, morning
star’ (Y 226, Pi. I. 4 (3), 24); see Wackernagel 1916: 100ff., where Hom. éwo-dpoc is
considered to be an epic Atticism; see also Chantraine 1942: 72 and (with improbable
hypothesis) Schwyzer: 440°.
*DER EWloc, EWoG, NOtoc, oc (see Wackernagel 1916: 106f.) ‘of the morning, eastern’
(Il.), €wAocg ‘belonging to dawn, a night long’, of food, etc. (Att., etc; on the
pejorative suffix -A- Chantraine 1933: 239); adverb éwOev, epic n@Bev, Dor. dw0ev
‘from the morning on, early in the morning’ (l.) with éw®vdc ‘of the morning’
(Hdt., Hp cf. Wackernagel 1916: 104, Schwyzer: 490); Hom. 110 in H@Ot mp6 ‘early
in the morning’; explanation uncertain, cf. Schwyzer: 628°, Chantraine 1942: 246.
Ewe 2 493
*ETYM Wackernagel 1955(2): 1151ff. thinks that the barytonesis in wc (as opposed to
yw) can be explained from frequent éw8ev, where it is regular (Schwyzer: 383). The
initial aspiration would be due to metathesis, as in » sbw (Schwyzer: 219; however,
acc. to Sommer 1905: uf, it was taken from éonépa). PGr. **dvhdc < IE *h,eusés is
identical with Lat. aur6r-a (except for the added -a; cf. flos : Flor-a). With zero grade,
we find Skt. usds- [f.] ‘dawn’. A corresponding r-stem, IE *h,eus-r-, h,us-r-, is seen in
> aviptov, together with a&yx-aupoc ‘near the morning’ (A. R. 4, 111), in Lith. ausr-a
‘dawn’, Skt. usr-d- “of the morning’, usar-buidh- ‘waking at dawn’. Of the other
cognates, OCS za ustra ‘at dawn’, Gm., e.g. OHG Ost(a)ra, -iin ‘Easter’ should be
mentioned. A full grade *h,ues-r- with Schwebeablaut is found in e.g. Skt. vasar-ha
(RV 1, 122, 3) epithet of the wind, meaning uncertain, vasar-d- ‘of the morning’, and
in Celt. eg. MIr. fdir ‘sunrise’, IE *h,u6s-r-i-. There is a verbal root in Indo-Iranian
with sk-present: Skt. ucchdti = Av. usaiti ‘lights up (of the morning), appears’, from
IE *h,us-sk-é-ti, and a full-grade athematic root aorist a-vas-ran. LIV? s.v. *h.ues-
‘(morgens) hell werden’ connects Lith. aiista, aiisti ‘to dawn, break (of day)’. Cf.
> Hikavoc.
éwe 2 [pcl., prep.] ‘until, as long as’ (I.); prep. with gen. (rarely acc.) ‘till’ (Hell.). «IE
*ieh,uot ‘as long as, until’> .
°VAR Epic foc (written eiwc, wc, see Chantraine 1942: 11, but also West Glotta 44
(1967): 135), Aeol. doc, Dor. ac, Hom. also demonstr. ‘for some time’.
*ETYM From PGr. *d&foc and identical with the Skt. relative yavat ‘as long as’, except
for the final consonant (adverbial -c, which was added in Greek, but not always in
Doric; see on » We 1). See » TEws, & Oc 1.
Z
(a- ‘very’, mostly strengthening in epic compounds like » Carjc, (4-Beoc ‘very godlike’,
(a-Kotos ‘very angry’, Za-AevKkocg PN. <GR>
eETYM Aeolic form of 614. Under unclear conditions, we find d5a- for Ca-, but
conversely we also find (with inverse spelling?) Ca- for expected 6a-, like in (4-ned0v
for 5a-meSov, Ca-Kdpoc for *5a-Kdpoc, and probably also in » Caxpvdeic.
(ayKAn [f.] ‘sickle’ (Nic. Al. 180). <?>
VAR CayKAov [n.] (Th. 6, 4, Call. Aet. Oxy. 2080, 73); daykAov Spémavov ‘id.’ (H.).
°DER CaykAtov = oKoAtdv acc. to Str. 6, 2, 3. ZayKAn is also the name of a town in
Sicily (later Meoonvn), after the sickle-like shape of its harbour (Th. 6, 4); ZaykAaton
‘inhabitants of the town’ (Hdt.).
*ETYM A Sicilian word (Th. l.c.) without etymology. According to Niedermann (see
WH and E-M s.v. falx), it is a Ligurian word, from which Lat. falx would be a loan as
» well (doubted by De Vaan 2008 s.v. falx).
(ad5nroc adjunct of Aaigos ‘garment, rug’ (Alc. 18, 7), perhaps ‘transparent’. < GR>
*ETYM Probably = é1d-dmAog; ‘transparent’ = ‘perforated’, as per Wackernagel Glotta
14 (1925): 52, who pleads against connection with » dnAéoptau. See » dijAoc.
Caer [v.] - Bivet. cai mvet. Konptot ‘has intercourse, breathes (Cypr.) (H.). IE *g”eiH-
‘force’>
*ETYM In its first meaning, explained from *g”id-iei (Kretschmer KZ 31 (1892): 383), a
denominative of *g”ia (Skt. jya@) beside Bia < *g’fid ‘force’ (see » Bivéw), but this
requires a high age for the separation from fia. In the meaning mvei, the gloss is
supposed to stand for Can = *61-4(F)n, from &(fynt with thematic inflection (litt. in
Frisk).
Cans [adj] ‘blowing strongly’ (I].). <1 *h,ueh,- ‘blow’>
VAR Also acc. -ijv (see Chantraine 1942: 209), gen. -otc (AP 9, 290).
eETYM From *é1a-arjc, with contraction of dia and the root of »duL, or with
compositional lengthening of the a after » Svo-arjc.
CaneAtic = CexeAtic.
Caxdpoc [m., f.] ‘temple servant’ (Att. inscr. V’*, Hyp., Men., etc.); bio-Cakdpog [f.]
‘subaltern temple-servant’ (Hdt.), apyt-Caxdpog ‘higher temple-servant’ (Laodiceia).
<°>
eVAR The accentuation is probably more correct than Cakoposg; see below.
496 Caxpudeic
eDIAL Myc. da-ko-ro.
*DER Caxopety, dm0- ‘be a temple servant’ (Delos, Thebes).
*ETYM Hieratic professional term. Semantically related and formally comparable is
vew-Kopog ‘temple-guardian’, which makes the analysis in Ca-kdpoc very probable.
Here, Ca- may stand for da- (cf. on » Cd), as in Ca-nedov for 6a-med0v; then Ca-Kdpoc
would properly mean “cleaner of the house” (related to »kopéw; Solmsen IF 31
(1912/13): 453ff.)? This seems rather doubtful. In antiquity, the word was analyzed as
*S5ia-Kkopog; cf. the prefix in 614-Kovoc. The word must in any case be Aeolic; cf.
Solmsen IF 31 (1912/13): 453ff.
Caxpvoete [adj.] adjunct of Oavatoc (Alc. Supp. 12, 8 = LP B 2a 8), probably replacing
Saxpvdeic ‘with many tears’ (influence of kpudetc ‘horrible’). <GR>
*ETYM See on > (a and Risch Mus. Helv. 3 (1946): 253ff.
(aAn [f.] ‘whirlwind, whirlpool, downpour’ (Pi. trag., Pl.). <2>
VAR CaAos ‘whirlpool’ (Nic. Th. 568).
*DER Denominative ptc. Cakdwoa (xddala, Nic. Th. 252). Here also CaAaxec: éxivot
‘sea urchin; a vessel’ (H.)?
*ETYM Poetic word without etymology. Bq connected it with »divn, etc; this is
formally difficult. In MoGr., it merged with odAog; cf. Hatzidakis IF 36 (1916): 301.
Canedov [n.] = Sanedov (Xenoph., Paros). <GR> Cd and Caxdpoc.
Caxpnis [adj.] ‘rushing violently, furious’ (Il.); verse-initially always plur. <IE?
*g'reh,u- ‘oppress >
VAR Also written -ypet-. Verse-initial Caypnés (Nic. Th. 290), -drj¢ (Epic. in Arch.
Pap. 7, 6 Fr. 3, 1).
eETYM From intensifying Ca- < dta- and a second member belonging to the aor.
€xpa(F)ov ‘to assault, oppress’. If -neic, -n@v are replaced by Caypéiéec, -aéwv (cf.
Caxpdoetc: eEaitvaiovg ‘sudden’ [H.] which may stand for -aéac), immediate
connection with the zero grade aorist may be obtained. Otherwise, it is necessary to
assume a full grade noun *ypijfog (*xpafoc) or a full grade verbal form. See Bechtel
1914 s.v. and Chantraine 1942: 41.
Cay [f.] ‘surf (Hell. poetry). <PG?>
*ETYM Expressive word. The supposed contamination of (a4An and AatAay is an
improbable guess. Cf. Fur.: 176: Pre-Greek?
Caw > Cow.
etait [f:pl.] ‘one-seeded wheat, spelt, Triticum monococcum’ (Od., Hdt.), Hell. and
late also sing. Cea (Thphr.), Cea (Céa), -n (pap. III?, D. H; Dsc. and Gal. asa vl). <1E
*ieuh,- ‘wheat, spelt’>
eCOMP As a first member in Cei-Swpog ‘giving spelt (wheat)’ (Il; of Gpoupa), Ced-
mupov n. ‘kind of Triticum’ (Gal.); as 2. member in @voi-Cooc ‘producing wheat’
(Hom., Orac. apud Hadt. 1, 67; of aia), Oice-Céa PN (Lesb.). Both as a first and a
second member (et-, -Goog were early (Emp. A.) associated with Civ, Cw and
understood as ‘lifegiving’.
Cebyvopt 497
*DER Cijvog = Civos ‘of spelt’ (pap. II*)?
*ETYM Related to Skt. ydva-, Av. yauua- [m.] ‘wheat, etc.’, Lith. plur. javai ‘wheat’,
sing. javas. If the diphthong in Cetai is real, we have to start from PGr. *Cef-1a, so a
\a-derivative of IE *ieuo- found in Skt. ydva-, etc. The monophthongal forms would
be secondary. However, if Cetot has metrical lengthening for Ce(F)ai (and if the epic
orthography was retained in this word, which was rare and probably exclusively
literary), then the Greek word agrees with the Indo-Iranian and Lithuanian forms.
The second member -Co(F)oc (with regular o-grade of the root) contradicts a 1a-
derivative. The first member Cet- may stand for Ce(F)e- (from *iewh,-). See Bechtel
1914 s.v. CeiSwpoc and Chantraine 1942: 31. Cf. also Mayrhofer EWAia 2: 404; DELG
s.v. is unclear. Cf. » Syai.
Getyapn [f.] - 6 tét TE mapa Didyratc ‘cicala (Sid. (H.). <PG?, Lw>
eETYM Pamphylian? See Gil Fernandez 1959: 126. Onomatopoeic, acc. ‘to
Brandenstein Kratylos 6 (1961): 169f. Not related to cicada (Dressler Arch. Orbis 33
(1965): 185) as a Mediterranean word. Neumann 1961: 42 connects it with » otyaAqoi.
Cf. Fur. index.
Getpa [f.] ‘long robe kept by a belt’, worn by Arabs and Thracians’ (Hdt. 7, 69, 75).
<LW>
*DER Cf. Cetpo@dpoc (Antim. 98, Wyss).
*ETYM Probably a loan. Latte refers to Crepaiov [sic] AGmog in an Arcadian
inscription, SEG 11, 1112.
Cetpatic [m./f.] - ipatidv tt DUpiwv ‘Syrian garment’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
GexeAtides [m./f.] Aeol. for yoyyvAides ‘turnips’ or koAoKbvtat ‘gourds’ (Nic. apud
Ath. 369 a). <PG>
eETYM Unknown. Cf. GaxeAtidec = CexeAtidec (Amerias and Timachidas apud Ath. 9,
369 a), CaxeAtides KoAOKOVTAL, fy yoyyvAtdes (H.) and CaxvvOidec: koAoKbvTat (H.).
Fur.: 256 compares O1xéAtov: tiv yoyyvAida. Adxwvec (H.), and believes the word is
Pre-Greek. Is Ce- from *d’a- (with influence of the palatal on the vocalism)?
Cevyvuut [v.] ‘to bring under the yoke, harness; to join, unite’ (Il.). <IE *ieug- ‘yoke,
connect’>
eVAR Also them. -bw; aor. Cet&au, pass. Cvyivat, Cevy@fjvat, fut. Cev&w, perf. pass.
éCevypat (I1.), perf. act. eva (Philostr.).
*COMP Often with prefix, like dva-, dmto-, dia-, éml-, KaTa-, ov-, dTt0- et al.
*DER 1. Cebdtic ‘yoking, bridging’ (Hdt.), often with prefix, e.g. o-, di4-, éni-Cevtic
(IA). 2. b7t0-, dva-, mapa-, ano-Cvyn, etc. (since V*), as a simplex only pap. (IV-VIP)
meaning ‘pair’. 3. Cevypa ‘what is used for joining, bridge of boats, canal lock, etc.’
(Th., E., Plb.) with Cevypatixdév ‘payment for passing through a canal-lock with a
ship’ (pap.). 4. GevyAn part of the yoke (‘yoke-cushion, collar’, cf. Delebecque 1951: 60
and 179), etc. (Il; see below). 5. »Cetyos, s.v. 6. » Cvydv, s.v. 7. -Cut see » Cvyov. 8.
Cevxtrptos ‘fit for yoking, connecting’, ntr. ‘yoke’ (A.), Gevxtnpiat [pl.] ‘ropes for
strapping up a rudder’ (Aet. Ap. 27, 40); later 9. Cevktip ‘connector’ (J.), fem. -eipa
498 Cebyoc
(Orph.); cf. Chantraine 1933: 45, 62f. and below. 10. (dta-, etc.) Cevxtixds (Hell.). 11.
Cevktdc (Str., Plu; see below).
eETYM Beside the athematic vu-present Cevyvuut (with full grade, for which cf.
> deikvupit), the other languages have forms with nasal infix, e.g. Skt. yundk-ti ‘yokes,
connects’ (athem.), Lat. iungo (them.), Lith. jung-iu (yod-present) ‘id.’, or forms
without nasal, like Av. yaog-at [3sg.pret.] (athem.), yuj-yeite [3sg.pres.] (zero grade
yod-present). Most other Greek forms also show a full grade: the future and the o-
aorist, in addition to the late agent noun Cev«trip (cf. Skt. yoktdr-), the t1-derivative
Cedkc, and the late verbal adj. Cevktdc (as against Skt. (prd-)yukti-, yuktd-). The only
exceptions are the pass. aorist €C¥ynv and the nouns in -Cvyn. The A-derivative Cevy-
An is unconnected with Lat. iugulum ‘throat’ and Skt. yugalam ‘pair’.
Gedyog [n.] ‘yoke, team, pair’ (II.). <1E *ieug- ‘yoke, unite’>
DIAL Myc. ze-u-ke-u-si [dat.pl.] ‘men who look after the span’.
eCOMP As a first member e.g. in Cevyo-tpdgoc ‘who keeps a pair’ (Att. inscr. IV4,
etc.), Cevy-nAatng ‘driver of a span’ (S., X.).
DER Cevyitne, fem. -tic ‘owner of a span’, name of one of the Solonic classes (Arist.),
also ‘walking in a span’, etc. (Hell.); thence Cevyiotov ‘tax of the Cevyita’ (Arist.).
Cevylov ‘door panel’ (Hell. inscr.); Cevyic [f.] ‘knot’ (pap.). Denominative verb
CevyiCw ‘yoke together, unite’ (LXX, pap.).
eETYM The plur. Cevyea, -y1 is formally identical with Lat. iigera, -um (secondary
sing. iigerum) and MHG jiuch ‘a land measure’. For the meaning, cf. MoHG Joch,
Juchert as a measure of land; properly ‘the amount of land a span can plough in one
day’. Beside the s-stem IE *iéug-os- (whence also OLat. plur. iouxmenta > iimenta,
sing. -um ‘span’), there is also an /-stem in Cevy-An (see’> Cevyvupit); cf. on »Etakov
for the change of suffix. See further » Cvydv.
Zevg [m.] Zeus (Il.). <IE *dieu- ‘heaven’>
eVAR Boeot. Lac., etc. Aevc, voc. Zed, gen. At(F)dc, dat. (loc.) At(fyi, dat. also Aire
(e.g. Atfei-pitoc), Myc. di-we, acc. Ziv, since Hom. also Ai-a and Zijv-a (whence
Znv-6c, -); nom. Zrjv (A. Supp. 162 [lyr.]; or perhaps voc.), Zav (Pythag., Ar.), Zac
(Pherec. Syr.), gen. Zavoc (inscr. Chios IV? [?] etc.); note Adv (Theocr..4, 17); more
forms in Schwyzer: 576f., Leumann 1950: 288ff.
DIAL Myc. dat. di-we /diwei/.
eCOMP As a first member in univerbations: with gen. Aldo-xovpot, also Ateo-
koupidov (Priene etc.), with dat. Aifei-giAoc, with various stem forms e.g. in d10-
yevijc; also Znvd-Sotog (for Atdo-dotoc), etc. As a second member in »évétoc,
> evdia, etc., see also > abtddtov.
DER See on > Sioc.
*ETYM The old Indo-European word for ‘heaven’ and name of the god of heaven and
of daylight, preserved especially in Anatolian, Indo-Aryan, Greek and Italic: Zev =
Skt. dyduh ‘(god of) heaven, day’, Lat. Iovis, from IE *diéus. Also related is Hitt. siu-,
stuna- ‘god’ (on which see Kloekhorst 2008 s.v.), with cognates Pal. tiuna- ‘god’, Lyd.
ciw- ‘id.’.
=,
Céw 499
Other old correspondences are Zed 114tep = Lat. Iupiter, Ziv = Skt. dyam, Lat. diem
(whence a new nom. diés, Diéspiter). The other oblique cases Atf-dc, -ei, -i, and Aia
agree with Skt. divdh, divé, divi, divam, of which Ata and divam are parallel
innovations.
Recent formations in Greek are Zijva (after Aia), whence Znvéc, -i, which continues
the old acc. *dié(u)m with early loss of the *u, which is also seen in Skt. Dyam. The a
in Zac, Zav, Zavdéc spread from Elean Olympia, where n became a, see Leumann
1950: 288ff. (following Kretschmer Glotta 17 (1929): 197).
It is has been assumed that IE *dieu- is an agent noun of the verb seen in Skt. dideti
‘shine’, Gr. » déato ‘shone’. However, this is doubtful as the verb’ was *deih,-, with
final laryngeal, which is absent from *dieu-. Beside *dieu-, there is an old appellative
for ‘god’ in Skt. devd-, Lat. deus, Lith. diévas, etc., all from thematic IE *deiuo-, which
probably meant ‘the heavenly one’, as a derivative from the noun for ‘heaven’. It is
probable that this thematization started from an older nominative *dei-u- (see
Beekes 1985: 85); we are dealing with an original hysterodynamic u-stem. After
separating the suffix, it is possible to compare IE *di-n- ‘day’ as well, as found e.g. in
Proto-BSl. *d(e)in- ‘day’, Lat. ntin-dinae ‘market-day’, Skt. madhydm-dinam ‘mid-
day’, etc.
Cépupos [m.] ‘west wind’, also personified (II.). <1E? *h,ieb’- ‘futuere’>
@up P 3
DIAL Myc. ze-pu.-ro; uncertain is the interpretation of ze-pu.-ra; (see Aura Jorro).
eCOMP As a second member in Emepvpiot Aokpoi name of the western (Italic)
Locrians (Hdt.), also émt-Cépupoc ‘lying towards the west, western’ (Hell.); both
hypostases from én Cépupov; ptro-Cépupos ‘loving the west wind’ (AP).
*DER Ceuptog ‘belonging to the west wind’ (Od., Arist.); with the same meaning
Cepup-ikdg (Arist., Thphr.), -1ioc, fem. -ntc (Nonn.), -itns, -itic, also epithet of
Aphrodite as the goddess of cape Zeptpiov dxpov in Lower Egypt (Call.);
patronymic Ze@upidng (Thasos; Bechtel 1921(3): 140).
eETYM Perhaps, as per Buttmann 1925: 1144; related to (dog ‘dark, west’, which
DELG calls ‘certain’; see » Céqoc. Likewise, Risch Mus. Helv. 25 (1968): 205-213, with
a suggestion for the formation. Peters 1980a: 96f. counters that Schwebeablaut
*h,eib'- beside *h,ieb'- has no motivation, but Cheung 2007 now suggests a
reduplicated present *h,e-h,ib'-. However, a development -*Hi- > (- is unlikely, as
most evidence rather points to the contrary (note » byuj¢ < *h,iu-g"ih,-). The root
*h,ieb"- is found in Skt. ydbhati ‘copulate’, Ru. jebu ‘id’, ToB ydp- ‘enter’, etc.
Alternatively, is the word Pre-Greek, with PG *a turning up as ¢ after the palatal *@’?
¢éw [v.] ‘to boil, seethe’ (mostly intrans., see Brunel 1939: 198f.). <1E *ies- ‘boil, foam’>
eVAR Aor. Cé(o)oau (II.), late forms Cévvyju (to Céoat after oPécat : oBévvumt et al.),
ECeopat, eléoOryv.
eCOMP Also with prefix, e.g. dva-, amo-, éx-, é7l-, bmep-.
DER (Gva-, &x-, bitép-)CEéatc ‘seething, boiling’ (PIL. Arist.); (émi-, a76-)Céua ‘boiling,
decoction’ (LXX, medic.), also amd-Ceopa ‘id’? (PHolm.); &x-Ce(o)a ‘eczema’
(medic.); ava-Ceopoc ‘boiling up’ (Aét.); verbal adj. (éx-, bmép-)Ceotdc¢ ‘boiled,
seething, hot’ (Arist., Str.) with Ceotétn¢ ‘heat’ (Paus.). With ablaut, but nevertheless
500 CijAoc
probably late: Cdr; TO éndvw tod péAttog H., according to Eust. 906, 52 ‘foam on the
milk’.
*ETYM The thematic root present (éw, from PIE *ies-oH (cf. Ceo-tdc, Céo-ua), is
identical with Skt. yasati (gramm.) ‘seethe, boil’ and Gm. verbs like OHG jesan
‘ferment, foam’. In Skt., a yod-present yds-ya-ti and a reduplicated yésati < *ia-is- are
found; Av. yaés-iia- (in yaéSiiantim [ptc. acc.sg.f.]) ‘boil’ seems to be a mix of these
formations. The verb is also found in ToA ydas- ‘boil’, 3sg.pres. ysds, ToB yaydsau
[ptc.pret.]; further, in Alb. ziej < IE *ies-eie/o-), according to Mann Lang. 28 (1952):
38. Celtic has nominal formations, e.g. Gallo-Rom. *iesta ‘foam’, MW ias ‘boil, foam’.
CiAo¢ [m_] ‘zeal, emulation, jealousy’ (Hes. Op. 195). <IE? *ieh,- ‘pursue, avenge’>
eVAR Dor. CaXog (late also ntr.; cf. dvetdoc, pioog et al; see Schwyzer: 521, Schwyzer
1950: 38).
eCOMP Asa first member in (nAd-tuTI0¢ ‘formed by zeal, jealous’ with -tuméw, -tumia
(Att.); often as a second member, e.g. d-, Kakd-CjAoc, Dor. ToAv-Cadoc PN.
DER (ATW ‘jealous’ (e 118, Call, Opp.; after the adj. in -huwv, see Chantraine 1933:
173), together with (nAnsoobvn (Q. S.); UyAatog ‘id? (AP); CnAoobvn = GiAos (h. Ap.
100; cf. Porzig 1942: 227); Cyn [f.] ‘female rival (X. Eph. 2, 112, Aristaenet. 1, 25
codd.). Denominative verbs: 1. (nAdw ‘vie with, emulate; admire, praise’ (IA since
Hes. Op. 23) with CrAwotc ‘emulation, zealous pursuit, jealousy’ (Th.), CyAwpa
‘emulation, object of ambition’ (E. D.), CrnAwtrc¢ ‘emulator, zealous admirer’,
“zealot” (Att. Hell.), -wtxdc ‘emulating’ (Arist.); 2. (aAéw “be zealous for’ (Delphi
I*); 3. GyAebw = CAdw (Democr. 55 [v.l.], Simp. in Epict. [VI?]), -evtyc (Eust.).
*ETYM Belongs to > (i téw, > diCnpai, etc; see » Zntijp for an etymology.
Cnuia [f.] ‘loss, damage, penalty’ (IA). <?>
DIAL Dor. Cauia.
*COMP As a second member in 4-, é7t1-Cryptog (-a-) et al.
*DER Cryuwdrc ‘damaging’ (Pl, X.) and the denominative Cnutdw ‘damage, punish’
(IA) together with (npiwpa ‘penalty, fine, loss’ (Pl. X.), -wotc ‘punishment’ (Arist.),
-wT1¢ ‘executioner’ (Eust., Sch.), -wttkdc ‘subject to a ¢.’ (Vett. Val.).
eETYM Sommer 1905: 157f. analyzed it as (n-yia and connected it with »CiAozs,
> Citéw, » Sitar; for the semantics ‘zeal’, ‘fine’, cf. OE anda ‘zeal’ with OHG anton
‘punish’. Connection with Skt. dind-, Gr. » det\Adc from IE *deiH- (Kuiper Glotta 21
(1933): 281f.) is quite uncertain. See also » Z1yt1)p.
Cita [n.] the sixth letter of the Greek alphabet (PI.). «<Lw Sem.>
eETYM From Semitic, cf. Hebr. zajit, Aram. zéta (Lewy 1895: 169f. see Schwyzer:
140‘). The idea that Cijta continues Hebr. zajin and was subsequently reshaped after
Bijta, Tra, Ofjta is unnecessary.
(ntéw [v.] ‘to search, research, inquire, investigate’ (E 258). <?>
eVAR Aor. Crytijoat, Cyt Bivar (1A), perf. eCiytKa (Din.); Dor. ptc. Cateica (Theoc. 1,
85).
eCOMP Often with prefix, e.g. dva-, émt-, ov-Crytéw.
CiGaviov 501
*DER Also (ntebw (Hes., h. Hom.), Catetw. (Alcm.). Derivatives: (dva-, éx-, émt-,
ov-)(ytio1c ‘search, query, inquiry, consideration’ (IA) with Cytiomoc (X.);
(ém)Cr7ta “(object of) inquiry’ (IA) together with Cytnudtiov (Arr. Lib.),
Cytmpaticds (sch.); (ék-, ov-)GytT1¢ ‘researcher’, in plur. the name of a juridical
official in Athens (Att.), together with (é7u-, ov-)(rytitikds ‘leaning towards inquiry’
(Att.). Cf. further » Zntrp.
*ETYM Formation like aitéw, datéopat, dptaw, etc. (Schwyzer: 7o05f.), thus derived
from a nominal form in -to-; cf. especially Arc. Catdéc (IG 5(2), 4: 22). The primary
verb is found in reduplicated » SiC, and the root left traces in » GijAoc, » Crpia.
For the etymology (from the IE root *ieh,-, as established by Garcia Ramon, in:
Isebaert 1993: 71-84), see » ZnTIIp.
Zytip [m.] - Zev<c> év Kimpw (H.). <I *ieh,- ‘search, inquire’>
eVAR Zatip; further Crtwp in Cntédpwv- Cytobvtwv. ypagovor Sé Eviot Cyt TOpwv
(H., Phot.); (ntpéov: tov SrpLdKotvov ‘executioner’ (H.) with Catpevw: év pvdAd@ve
Bacavivw ‘to labor in a treadmill? EM 408, 12 and (ntpeiov- 16 tv SovAwV
koAaotrptov ‘instrument for correcting slaves’ (H., Phot. com., Herod; Cr\tpetov
acc. to Hdn. Gr. 1, 372, 7; 515, 24); details in Fraenkel 1910: 144f.
*ETYM The gloss is interpreted admirably by Garcia Ramon 1999c: 77-96, who shows
that Citrp means ‘avenger’, just like Ved. yatdr- (I 32, 14ab). The latter is derived
from ya- 2 ‘to ask, pray, require, desire’. This meaning agrees well with that of (itéw,
and further GijAoc and Cnyia ‘punishment’. The PIE root was *ieh,-. See > ditnpat,
> CijAoc, » Crpia, > Cntéw.
yyiBepr [n.] ‘Arabian spice-plant, ginger’ (Dsc., Gal.). <LW Ind.>
eVAR Also -tc [m., f.] (Edict. Diocl.).
*ETYM From Mind. (Pali) sirigivera- ‘id.’, Skt. srigavera- [n.], in turn from Tamil; see
Turner 1966 n°. 12588. From Lat. zingiberi came French gingembre, whence MoE
ginger.
Ciyyos [noun] - 6 Tdv pEAtco@v TxOG, | THV Ouoiwv ‘the sound of bees, or of like
animals’ (H.). <ONOM>
eETYM Onomatopoeic; see Schwyzer: 331. It is probable that Ctyyéw ‘to drink
(Nicostr. Com. 38; Cilician) belongs here as well. D’Arcy W. Thompson Class.
Quart. 40 (1946): 44 reads puidv for 6poiwv, and refers to Lat. zinzala ‘gnat’.
tyvic, -i50¢ [f.] a kind of lizard (Arist. HA 604b 24). <PG(V)>
eVAR VIII. Ciyvne, Gryvuc, Styvic; Setuvic may be a simple mistake; see below.
eETYM Unknown. The variants with -vc, -1¢ may be unimportant, but the form with
6 may be a (real, spoken) simplification of original *d’ign-. Clearly a Pre-Greek
word. Is detuvic a mistake for *5ivuc or dtyvuc?
@avov [n.] ‘darnel, Lolium temulentum’ (Ev. Matt. 13, 25, Gp., EM). <Lw Orient.
(Sum.)>
eETYM A loanword; cf. Lewy 1895: 52. Stromberg 1944: 43f. recalls the plant name
(avn (Lapdiavij; Hippiatr.) and ayalavidec: ai pnAéau ‘apple trees’ (H.). DELG states
502 CiGv@ov
that the word entered Greek from the Jews and Christians, and thus ultimately goes
back to Sum. zizdn ‘wheat’ (as the plant resembles wheat).
iSv@ov [n.] ‘a tree of which the fruit is the jujube, Rhamnus jujuba’ (Colum., Edict.
Diocl., Gp.). <Lw Orient.>
eETYM Of unknown origin. MoFr. jujube (from MLat. jujuba) derives from Greek, as
well as perhaps Syr. ziizfa; see Sommer 1905: 154, WH s.v. jujuba. I see no reason for
Szemerényi’s suggestion (from Durante AION-L 8 (1968): 25f) of original *Cvfugov.
Acc. to Barnhart 1988, it is from MoP zayzafin. It could be Pre-Greek (cf. céovgos,
Liovgos). ,
(ops = SopKdc.
(d@og [m.] ‘darkness, west’ (II.). <?>
°comMpP As a first member e.g. in Copo-etdrjc¢ ‘dark-colored’ (Hp.).
*DER Cogepdc ‘dark’ (Hes., Hp., Arist.), Copwdng¢ ‘id. (Hp., Arist.), also Cé@tog (AP),
Cogeog (vl. Nic. Al. 501). Denominative verb Copdopat, -dw ‘to get, make dark’ (AP,
Hld.) with Co@wotg (sch.). Cf » Cé@upog; cf. yvoqoc, » Svdgos, etc.
*ETYM Improbable hypotheses from Vendryes REGr. 23 (1910): 74 and Petersen
AmJPh. 56: 59. There is no IE etymology. It is often connected (DELG) with Cé@upoc,
which seems possible but is not certain; Svéqoc has also been compared.
tvyov [n.] ‘yoke’ (Il), also metaph., eg. of a crossbeam, of the rowing benches
connecting the two ship sides, of the tongue of a balance, of a pair, of a row or a rank
of soldiers (oppos. otoixoc), as a land measure. In western Eurasia, from antiquity
until quite recently, a single pole was used with a crossbeam at the end, i.e. the yoke,
which originally “joined” two draught animals. The oldest use of yokes was for
“paired draught” of oxen. <IE *ieug- ‘connect’>
eVAR Hell. mostly -dc [m.], rarely earlier, see Schwyzer 1950: 37.
*COMP Often in compounds, e.g. moAv-Gvyog ‘with many rowing benches’, Cvy0-
deoptov ‘yoke-strap’ (II.), also Gvuyn-@dposg ‘carrying a yoke’ (A., metrical beside Cvyo-
dpoc; Schwyzer: 439’).
*DER Several derivatives: 1. (bytov ‘rowing bench’ (Hell.). 2. Gvyioxov (IG 2, 1549: 9
[Eleusis approx. 300°], meaning unclear). 3. (vyatva the hammer-headed shark
(Epich., Arist; after the shape of the skull, Strémberg 1943: 35). 4. Cvyic ‘thyme’ (Dsc.;
naming motive unknown, Stromberg 1940: 56). 5. Cobywvep (= *Cbywvec) Bdec
épyatat. Adkwvec ‘working oxes (Lacon.)’ (H.). 6. Gvyitn¢g name of a rower (sch.),
fem. Cvyittc Hera as goddess of marriage (Nicom. apud Phot.). 7. Cvyia ‘maple’
(Thphr.) properly “yoke-wood” (see Str6mberg 1937: 114), because the hard maple
was mainly used to make yokes (even in southern Italy to our day), see the refs. in
Frisk; different Strémberg 1940: 56 (after the fruits attached in pairs). 8. (byaotpov
‘wooden cist, chest’ s.v. » oiytotpov. Adjectives: 9. Cbytoc ‘of the yoke, etc.’ (Att., etc;
also as a nautical expression, Morrison Class. Quart. 41 (1947): 128ff.). 10. Cbyutog ‘id,’
(Plb.). 11. Cvyucds ‘of the tongue of a balance’ (Nicom. Harm.). Adverbs: Cvy-a6nv
(Ph.), Cvy-nddv (Hld.) ‘pairwise’. Denominative verbs: 1. (vyéw ‘to yoke, connect (by
a crossbeam); to shut, hold the balance’ (A., Hell.) with Gbywpta ‘bar, crossbeam’
Cwdypia 503
(Plb.), Gbywotg ‘balancing’ (Hell.), *¢byw8pov in the denominative aor. ipv.
Cvy@Opicov (Ar. Nu. 745; meaning uncertain, ‘weigh’ or ‘shut’?). 2. Cvyéw ‘to form a
row or rank’ (Plb.). Beside Cvy6v, as a second member, the root noun -CvE, eg. d-Cve
‘unconnected, unmarried’, 6116-, o-Cv& ‘yoked together, connected’ (also d-, dttd-,
ov-Cvyoc), see Chantraine REGr. 59-60 (1946-1947): 2311.
eETYM Old name of a device, retained in most IE languages, eg. Hitt. iugan, Skt.
yugdm, Lat. iugum, Germ., e.g. Go. juk, IE *iugom; more forms in Pok. 509f. and WH
and E-M s.v. iugum. The root noun ~{vé also in Lat. con-iux ‘spouse’, Skt. a-yiij- ‘not
forming a pair, uneven’ (formally = d&-Cv& except for the accent), sa-y1jj- ‘connected,
companion’, etc. Cf. »Cevyvupu and » Cedyoc. Rix 1976: 60, 70 suggests Hi-, but more
likely seems plain *j- on account of the reflex of *Hi- in » byu¢.
(80g [m., n.] ‘Egyptian or northern [LSJ] beer’ (Thphr., Str. the Egyptians did not
know wine acc. to Hdt. 2, 77, A. Supp. 952f., but this is wrong, see Masson RPh. 88
(1962): 50). <LW? Egypt.>
VAR Pap. almost only Citos (-v-; see LSJ); the v is long in verse, LSJ.
eCOMP As a first member e.g. in Cvto-motdc, -éw, -ia ‘beer-brewer, brew, brewing’
(pap-).
*DER CUOtov: GAgitov mdotg ‘drink from barley’ (H.), Gutac ‘brewer’, Cutnpa ‘beer-
tax’, Cutikds, ntr. -dv ‘id’ (pap.). i
eETYM The meaning suggests Egyptian origin (Sommer 1905: 153, Peruzzi Humanitas
1 (1947): 138f., Nencioni Stud. ital. fil. class. 16 (1939): 21°). The comparison with Coun
might point to IE origin (Schrader-Nehring 1917(1): 143). The variation 0/t seems to
point to Pre-Greek, but there is no confirmation. A Greek suffix -80c is doubtful; cf.
Chantraine 1933: 365-8. Henning (Henning BSOAS 1 (1943-1946): 720 and Henning
BSOAS 28 (1965): 245) thinks that the word was taken from Scythian; cf. Sogd. zwtk
(read: zute) ‘alcoholic drink, beer’, as in the case of » akivakne.
opm [f.] ‘leaven, beer-yeast’ (Arist.). <1E *iuHs- ‘mix, bring in movement’ ?>
*COMP Compounds like Cujt-ovpydc¢ ‘who prepares leaven’ (pap.), &-Cuptoc
‘unleavened’ (Pl., Hp.).
DER Cuptitng (Gptoc) ‘leavened bread’ (Cratin. 99 [?], Hp., X.); Gupwdn¢ ‘like leaven’
(Arist.). Denominative verbs: 1. Cupidojtau, -dw ‘to be leavened; ferment’ (Hp., Plu.)
with Cvpwots ‘fermentation’ (Pl. Ti. 66b usw.), Coppa ‘fermented mass’ (PI. Ti. 74,
Nic.); Cupt-wtdc ‘fermented’, -wttkdc ‘inducing fermentation’ (Diocl. Med.). 2. Gupitw
‘be like leaven’ (Dsc.).
*ETYM Like GA-{tn ‘salt water’ et al. (Chantraine 1933: 148), (btn may be derived from
a noun: an IE word for ‘fermentation, soup’, Skt. yis-, Lat. ids [n.]. Thus, Greek
would. continue QIE *iuHs-meh, (on the phonetics, see Schwyzer: 333). Other
derivatives (or reshapings) of this s-stem are Skt. yits-dn-, yis-d- ‘id.’, Lith. jus-é ‘fish
soup, bad soup’, SCr. juha ‘soup’, Finn. juusto, ON ostr ‘cheese’ (PGm. *jus-ta-), etc.
At the basis is probably a verb with the meaning ‘mix’, Skt. yduti, Lith. jauju, jduti
(jautti). See also » Cwsdc.
(waypta [n.pl.] ‘ransom for a living person’ (I].). <GR>
*DER (wa yptog ‘pertaining to a ransom’ (Babr.).
504 Cwpds
*ETYM Formed like dvdp-dypta ‘what is taken upon the capture of a man, exuviae’ (E
509), Loly-dypta ‘fine for a caught adulterer’ (0 332), et al.; see Wackernagel KZ 33
(1895): 47. Univerbation from Cwov daypeiv with the suffix -to-. Thence also the verb
Cwypéw ‘take somebody prisoner, grant a prisoner his life’, in Hom. (II.) only pres.
Cwypel, -ette, aor. éCwypnoa, -nOnv (IA; Hom. has Gwodc éAov, Cwov éAe). From
Cwypéw: 1. Cwypia, -in ‘take sbd. prisoner alive’ (Hdt., Plb., Str.) with Cwypiac [m.]
‘who was taken prisoner alive’ (Ctes.); 2. Cwypeiov ‘cage, especially for fishes’ (Aq.
Str., Plu.). Here also Caypn ‘pit to catch animals’? See » Zaypevc. Cf. Chantraine
1956a: 51 and Janni Quaderni Urbinati di Cultura Classica 4 (1967): 3, 20:
Gwptdc [m.] ‘sauce, soup’ (Asios, Ar., Arist.). <?>
ecoMP Rarely in compounds, eg. et-Cwpov [n.] ‘Eruca sativa’ (Thphr; properly
‘making good sauce’; cf. Strémberg 1940: 107).
*DER Diminutives Cwyiov (pap. II*), -iétov (Ar.), -dptov (med.); CwpiiAn: dvnBov ‘dill’
(H,, Phot; on the formation Chantraine 1933: 249). Denominative verb Cwpetw ‘boil
into soup’ (Ar., Hp.) with Cwpevpata [pl.] ‘soups’ (Ar. Eq. 279; cf. Chantraine 1933:
188).
eETYM Generally connected with Ciun, but ablaut d(u) : a (Schwyzer 346) is
improbable. On the suffix -o-, see Schwyzer: 492 and Chantraine 1933: 132ff.
Differently, Bréal MSL 12 (1903): 314f. (to Céw). See discussion on » (ijn. Connection
with Céw presupposes that *ios-mo- developed into Cwydc regularly.
Covvouput, -jeot [v.] ‘to gird’ (IL.). <IE *ieh,s- ‘gird’>
eVAR Aor. C@oat, -ac8at (I.), fut. C@ow, perf. med. ete) aor. pass. Cwo8ijvat,
perf. act. &(wka; -bw (Hp.).
eCOMP Often with prefix: dia-, b70-, mept- et al.
*DER 1. (6ta-, Tepi-, b16-, ob-)C@p1a (Hell. also CWopa; see below and Schwyzer: 523)
‘girdle, loincloth’ (I1.) with mepiCwpdtiov ‘id? (Hell.) and nepiCwpatiac ‘forming a
girdle’ (of erysipelas; Orib.). 2. wvn ‘girdle’, also ‘waist’ (Il.) with the diminutive
Covov (Ar, Arist.), -aptov (comm. Arist.); (wv-taiog ‘with the size of a girdle’ (Ath.
Mech, on the formation Chantraine 1933: 49), Cwvitic ‘striped’ (kadpeia; Dsc.);
mteptCwviov, -idtov ‘dagger worn on the girdle’ (Hell.). 3. (wotrp ‘warrior’s belt’ (IL;
see von Wilamowitz 1889 313, Triimpy 1950: 89), often metaph., also as a name of a
promontory on the west side of Attica (Hdt.) with Zwortrptoc, -ta epithet of Apollo
and Athena (inscr. V*? [Athens, Delphil], etc.). 4. (@otpa [pl.] ‘girdle’ (¢ 38), (dta-,
mept-)Gwotpa [f.] ‘loincloth, headband’ (Hell.). 5. Cwttc (or Gwybc) Owpag ‘armour’
(H.). 6. (a-, eb-, etc. (words ‘-girded’ (Hes.).
eETYM The verbal adjective Gwotdc has an exact parallel in Av. ydsta-, Lith. juostas,
all from IE *ieh,s-to-. In Balto-Slavic, we find yod-presents Lith. juosiu (inf. juosti),
OCS po-jaso (inf. -jasati) ‘gird’; in Iranian, a secondary formation aifi-idyhaiiante
[3pl_pres.med.] ‘id’ (IE *ieh,s-eie-). A relic of the athematic root present is perhaps
found in Coto8w- Cwvvic8w (Thess.) (H.); it agrees with OLith. juos-ti [3sg.pres.].
The Greek nasal present (wvvuut is a recent formation after the aor. stem. Further
close correspondences are (apa (< IE *ieh,s-my) and Lith. juosmuo ‘girdle’ < IE
Cow 505
ieh,s-mo[n], (avn < *ieh,s-neh, and Ru.CS po-jasne ‘id’ < ieh,s-ni-); cf. further Skt.
rasna- ‘girdle’ for *yasna- after rasana- ‘knot, gird’.
Cwpdc [adj.] “vehement, strong, unmixed’, of wine (I 203). <IE *ieh,-ro- (or *ioH-ro-)
‘strong’>
*COMP Eg. Cwpo-ndty¢ ‘drinker of unmixed wine’ (late), et-Cwpoc ‘completely
unmixed’ (IA).
*ETYM Solmsen IF 14 (1903): 426 compared it with OCS jars ‘strong, hard, serious’,
which seems unobjectionable. See also »émCapéw.
Gwpvai [pl.] (IG 4, 823: 46 [Troezen]) = dtwpvyai. <GR>
*ETYM See von Blumenthal Glotta 18 (1930): 1547. Cf. C@pv—& = di@pv& (pap.). So is it
simply a dialectal form?
(ww [v.] ‘to live’ (I). <IE *g”eih,-, *g”ieh,- ‘live’>
eVAR Homer has only uncontracted forms: (ww, Cwetc, ee inf. Gwéuev, Cwovt-
*(dw is a grammarians’ construction.
*DIAL Myc. PN zo-wo, zo-wi-jo, probably /zGwos, zowios/. Cret. dw-w, Att. C@, ic,
Ct Cape, etc., ipf. wv (Env), ene, -n, inf. Civ, fut. Crow, -opat (beside Biwcopan),
aor. Cijoat, C@oat, Bidoat), perf. &nKa on ptc. €(wkdta (Kyzikos) for Bebiwxa
(Att.).
*COMP Sometimes with dva-, dta-, é7t-. From Cwoc: ZwFd-Geutc (Cyprus V*; Masson
Beitr. z. Namenforsch. 8 (1957): 161ff.); Cwypd@os ‘painter’.
DER Cwr} (Od.), also (én, Dor. (wa, Coa, Aeol. Coia (Theoc.) ‘life’. 2. Gwdg (Codc, Gwe)
‘alive’ (Il.). Gwiov, G@ov (from (wc; Leumann Mus. Helv. 2 (1945): 7) ‘living being,
animal’; Cwoytoc ‘viable’ (late); (ava-)Cijotc ‘reviving’ (Theol. Ar, Dam.). ACnota (S.
Fr. 981), ACooia (Epid.) epithet of Demeter (?), Fraenkel Lexis 3: (1952): 5of.
*ETYM Derived from the root *g”eih;- / *g’ieh;- (see the reflexes under »Biw-).
Homer has only uncontracted forms Corie: Attic, etc. Ca, Chic, E{noa must be
innovations; cf. DELG on é{noa.
H
W 1 [pcl.] ‘certainly, really’ emphasizing and interrogative particle (Il), mostly
combined with other particles and adverbs, eg. i) dpa, f yap, mov, F why,
sometimes in second position: émel f, ti (GtL) i, (6) TU}, etc. <IE? *he ?’>
eETYM Origin unclear; perhaps identical in origin with the interjection fj».
Brugmann-Delbriick 1897-1916 2:3, 983 connects it with Skt. a (affirmative, after
nouns and adverbs), OHG ihh-ad T, nein-d ‘no’, et al. as the instrsg. of the
demonstratives *h,e-, h,o- (cf. » ei).
12 [v.] ‘said he’. = Hpi.
}{ 3 [pcl.] interjection expressing dissatisfaction and impatience (Ar. Nu. 105, Ra. 271,
E. HF 906 [lyr.]). <1E? *h,€ vocative pcl.>
*ETYM It has been compared with Lat. é- in écastor ‘by Castor’. Cf. Schwyzer 1950
6004 and WH s.v. écastor.
ij 4 [pcl.] disjunctive and comparative particle: ‘or’, also ‘as’, 4 .... fj ‘either .... or’ (IL),
contracted from né, tye (epic). <IE *h,é-ue>
*ETYM For *1-Fé, *-Fe, univerbation of deictic r (see »1) 1) and a disjunctive particle
found in Lat. -ve and (with long vowel) Skt. va, Olr. vd ‘or’ grown together. Skt. iva
‘like, as if’, etc. diverges semantically (see Mayrhofer EWAia s.v.).
15 ‘if (Cypr. Dor.). = ei.
HPatdc [adj.] ‘little, small’, in the Il. only with the negation ov’ nBatdv ‘not even a
little’ (5 times), o08 HPatai (E 141), later also without negation (1 462, Opp.). <GR?>
eETYM According to Leumann 1950: 50, it arose by false split from ob df Patdv
(perhaps ov¥6é Batdv). A prefix n- is improbable.
iBn [f.] ‘youth, prime, vigour of youth, sexual maturity’, also as a PN ‘Hebe’, daughter
of Zeus and Hera (Il.). <1E? *(H)iég’-eh,- ‘youth, (youthful) vigour’>
VAR Dor. ii6a, hyperaeolism (?) dpa.
*COmP As a second member eg. in ép-nfoc (IA, Dor. hyperdorism (?) ég-aBoc)
‘fullgrown youth’, hypostasis from éq’ ijBn¢ (dv) or a bahuvrihi (‘on whom is ijb1),
with égnb-dw (after ABdw), -evw, -ucdc, -Etog, etc.
DER 1. NByTIH¢ (h. Merc. 56), nBatac (Locr. V*), eiBatac (Thess.), aBatdc (Call. Lav.
Pall. 109) ‘being a youth, youth’ with nBrntiucdg (X.); Hell. poets have HBytrp, HBr twp
(cf. Fraenkel 1910: 121) as if from Nbdw. 2. Bnddv [adv.] ‘being fullgrown’ (Heraclit.,
Hdt,; see Benveniste RPh. 81 (1955): 9). 3. Bota ‘youth’ (Pamphyl., after Biot}
508 HBodoc
according to Fraenkel KZ 43 (1910): 207ff.). Denominative verbs: 1. jhdw (l.), epic
also jBww (with metrical lengthening according to Chantraine 1942: 76 after
Wackernagel; different Schwyzer: 730), Cret. nBiw (< -éw) ‘be in one’s prime, be full-
grown’, also with prefixes like av-, év-, é@-; thence dvnBntiptoc ‘rejuvenating’ (E.
Andr. 552), évnbrtrptov ‘place of amusement’ (Hdt. 2, 133), nBrtyptov ‘id.’ (Plu.); on
Bntrp, -twp see above. 2. HBdokw ‘become mature, become a man’ (Hp., X5 after
ynpaoke, cf. sv. and Schwyzer: 708). 3. BvAALaw in NBvAALWoal (OpynoTpidec, Ar.
Ra. 516; «épai, Pherecr. 108, 29) ‘(female dancers) in the prime of youth’,
hypocoristic formation of the language of comedians after the diminutives in
-vAMOov (LLelpaKvAALov et al.); hypothesis in Leumann Glotta 32 (1953): 215.
*ETYM One usually reconstructs a preform JE *iég’-eh, vel sim. on account of Lith.
jéga ‘power, stength’, Latv. jéga ‘power, sense’. However, one may doubt the
connection with Baltic (cf. Derksen 1996: 136-7) on account of the Greek forms with
initial d-. On the other hand, there are also Doric and Aeolic forms with 1 and et-.
Lat. Jegius = Osc. Ieiis are unclear (see WH s.v.). The word » aBpdc is not related.
HBoAog [adj.] in fPoAov hap: Ka8d anavtw@otv sic tadtdv, i} edKalpov, iepdv
‘opportune (of time or place), hallowed’ (H. = Call. Fr. anon. 170). <GR>
*ETYM Probably an archaizing shortening of énnPodoc. Differently, Prellwitz Glotta
19 (1931): 126 (see on » dBohéw).
hyaBe0¢ [adj.] ‘most holy’ (I1.). <GR>
*VAR &ydBeoc (Pi. P. 9, 71).
*ETYM From dayd-Oeo¢ with metrical lengthening; cf. tveudetc from dveyoc
(Schwyzer: 104 fn.1, Bechtel 1914 s.v., Chantraine 1942: 98).
hyavés [adj.] - xaBapdv, véov ‘pure, young’ (H.).
eVAR Tyav<e>oc: veavioxos ‘little boy’ (H.).
*ETYM Shortened from > dtnyavéc.
tyyavov [n.] ‘casserole’ (Anacr. 26). <GR>
eDER Thence nhydvea- néupata Ta ad tyyavov “dressed food from a pan’ (H.).
*ETYM From tryavov by false split (taken as 1’ Hyavov); see Schwyzer: 413.
Hyyéouat [v.] ‘to lead, direct’, post-Hom. also ‘to suppose, believe’. <IE *seh,g- ‘trace,
search’>
eVAR Dor. ay-, aor. yjoaoGa, fut. Yyjoouai (IL), perf. itynuou, ay- (Hdt., Pi.), aor.
pass. ryr8nv (PL Lg. 770b).
*COMP Very frequently with prefixes, in various meanings: 61-, eio-, &&-, ka0-, mept-,
bqg-, etc. As a first member in governing compounds like ‘Hynoi-Aewc, Aynoi-Aaog
(Hdt, also as an appellative). Also as a second member in formations in -tng, eg.
kvv-nyétng “leader of dogs”, ‘hunter’ (Od.), apy-nyétn¢, fem. -ttc ‘who is in charge,
originator’ (Hdt.), partly beside -nyd¢ and connected with dyw, see Chantraine
1956a: 88ff., Sommer 1948: 12’. Another compound with s-stem is mept-nyrjs ‘forming
a circle’ (Emp., A. R.).
eDER Many derivatives, also from the compounds (Dor. forms are not given
separately). Action nouns: 1.f;ynotc ‘guidance, direction’ (LXX), older and more
7Souat 509
usual gio=, é&-, dt-, mept-, b~-tynote, etc. (cf. Holt 1941: index); 2. iyynua ‘guidance,
opinion’ (LXX, Pergamon), older and more usual aq-, eio-rynua, etc. together with
-NYNLATLOV, -1ynLatiKdéc. Agent nouns: 3. tyyett@v, -dvoc [m.] ‘leader’ (IL; on the
formation Schwyzer: 522, Fraenkel Glotta 32 (1953): 25f5; also from compounds, e.g.
KkaOnyepwv) together with tyyeyovebw ‘lead, rule’ (I; like BactAetw), rarely -éw (Pl,
cf. Fraenkel 1906: 184f., Schwyzer: 732), yyevov-ia, TyewOvev-La, Tyyewov-tkdc, etc.;
fem. tyyeLOvn epithet of Artemis, etc. (Call.; Schwyzer: 4904, Sommer 1948: 145). 4.
‘Hyrptwv Att. PN (cf. iyynpa). 5. yyttwp, -opoc [m.] ‘id.’ (IL), Ayrtwp epithet of Zeus
in Sparta (X.), also name of the priests of Aphrodite in Cyprus (Kretschmer Glotta 18
(1930): 87). 6. yntHp, -fpos [m.] ‘id’ (Pi, S; also b@-, mpo-, Ka8-nyntip [trag.])
with (mpo-)ryr\telpa (A. R.), -trhptoc (Ath.). 7. fyyntis ‘id. (A. Supp. 239), usually
eio-, €&-, dt-, KaO-, mpo-nyntijs (IA); on semantic differentiation of ry{twp, -nTP
see Benveniste 1948: 46; on tyyntIH\¢ Fraenkel 1912: 13. Adjective: 8. (&&-, d1-, etc.)
Hynttkdc (Hell.). On > hynddlw, see s.v.
*ETYM An iterative present fyygouat, ayéouat, from which all other forms were
derived. It has a close correspondence in the yod-presents Lat. sagi6 ‘to trace, track
down’ = Gm. *sagie/o- in Go. sokjan ‘search, attack’, etc., as well as in Olr. saigim, -id
‘trace something, search’, probably a yod-present (from *sh.g-), on which see
Thurneysen 1946: 354; for the vowel, cf. Lat. ségax. Hitt. sagai- / Saki- ‘sign, omen’ <
*seh.g- belongs here as well, but sakk-' ‘know’ is from *sekh,- (Lat. secare); see
Kloekhorst 2008: s.vv. The root may derive from the language of hunters, and
properly mean ‘search, track down’. See » hynAdtw.
TryepéBovto eVAR HyepéSovta, -BeoBa. = ayeipw
HynAdtw [v.] ‘to lead, drag’ (kaxdv pdpov ‘bad fate’, Biotov Baptv ‘heavy life’, etc; r
618, p 217, A. R. 1, 272, Arat. 893, Orac. apud Zos. 1, 57). <GR>
*ETYM An enlargement of ryyéouat. Perhaps (thus Bechtel 1914 s.v.) by univerbation
with é\dw, with productive -d(w, rather than via a noun *tyynAdc, *yhAn (thus
Chantraine 1942: 338 et al.). However, compare ayéAn to > dyw.
15é [pcl.] ‘and’ (IL.), with or without preceding fev. <GR>
eVAR Also n6é kai, T5é, etc. (II.).
*ETYM From p> 7 1 ‘really’ and » dé. See Ruijgh 1957: 55-57.
{5n [adv.] ‘already, immediately, (precisely) now’ (Il.). <GR>
eETYM From p71 ‘really’ and » 61 ‘even’.
HSouat [v.] ‘to rejoice’. < IE *sueh,d- ‘sweet’>
*VAR Dor. &6-, Boeot. (Corinn.) Fad- (yadetat- HSetat H.), aor. hoOrvat (1A), fut.
Ho8rooua (S., Pl.), aor.med. fjoato (1 353).
ecOMP Also with prefix, especially ovv-; rarely active ij5w, foal, How ‘gratify’
(Antipho Soph., Hell; after tépmw, etc. acc. to Schwyzer 1950 228). As a second
member, -ndry¢ may be connected either with fdvc or with Sopa: a-ndrc
‘unpleasant’ (IA), peAt-ndrjc ‘as sweet as honey’, Ovp-ndnje ‘pleasing the heart’, etc.
*DER 1. 150¢ [n.] ‘pleasure’ (Il; on the absence of aspiration and the doubtful traces
of the digamma Chantraine 1942: 184 and 151); in the meaning ‘vinegar’ a back-
510 1Sv¢
formation from > 1)dv<¢, s.v.; 2. hdovn, Dor. ddova ‘pleasure’ (IA, Dor.) with ndovic =
apddiov (Cyran. 18), fdoviKdg (Arist.). 3. adoobvva: Hdovr (H.). 4. ona ‘id’?
(Eup.). 5. NottKkdc ‘pleasant’ (S. E.).
eETYM An exact formal counterpart is the Skt. hapax svadate ‘becomes tasteful’ (RV
9.68.2; of soma); much more usual however is svadate ‘enjoy, taste well’, svadati
‘make savory, sweeten’. On the -a-, see Lubotsky MSS 40 (1981): 133-8. The second
member -ndij¢ agrees with Skt. prd-svadas- ‘pleasant’; the nasal suffix in 45-ovi is
seen in Skt. svad-ana- ‘making tasteful’. See » [6Uc and » avSdava, also » dSmpovéew.
duc [adj.] ‘sweet, tasteful, pleasant, pleasing’ (II.). <IE *sueh,d-ti-‘sweet’>
eVAR Dor. adic, EL, etc. Faduc.
*COMP Very frequent as a first member, e.g. Sv-emjc ‘with sweet words, sounding
nice’ (IL); as a second member -nédrjc, see > ijSopat. On Adiwv (rare and late
10 tepoc), Stato see Seiler 1950: 57f.
DER f5upos ‘sweet, comforting’, dactylic variant of HSuvc, said of brvog (IL; in Hom.
always incorrectly vidupoc, see Bechtel 1914 s.v. Leumann 1950: 44f.), also ‘ASvpoc
as a PN; cf. €tvupoc and Schwyzer: 494, Chantraine 1933: 151f; mdvAoc ‘id’,
hypocoristic enlargement (A. D., EM) with 1SvAiCw ‘flatter, tempt’ (Men.), ndvAicar
ovvovoidoat, dvAtoudc¢: cvvovoia H; also as a PN with ‘HévAivn (Attica IV*),
‘HébAetog (Delos III*); further ‘Héutw (Attica V%; after Epatw et al.), “Hddpiov
(Rhodes; after the diminutives in -dpiov). Backformation fdoc ‘vinegar’ (Ath.), cf.
yadoc (= F-): yada, ddAot GEoc ‘milk, others: vinegar’ (H.), cf. Pisani KZ 68 (1944):
176f. (where unclear Arm. k‘ac‘ax ‘vinegar’ is discussed). Denominative verb ndbvw
‘sweeten, make tasteful, savour’ (IA) with fdSvopa, -pwatiov ‘spice’ (IA), fdvopdc,
i[Svv-Td¢, -TLKdG, -THp ‘spiced, etc.’ (also of salt).
eETYM Old word for ‘sweet’, identical with Skt. svadu-, Gaul. Suadu-rix, -genus, IE
*sueh,d-u-; reshaped in Lat. sudvis, Gm., e.g. OHG suozi, OE swéte ‘sweet’. The full
grade perhaps comes from the comparative fdiwv, Skt. svadiyas- (cf. also HStoto¢ =
svadistha-). The zero grade occurs in Lith. siidyti ‘to spice, salt’, Skt. siddyati, perf.pl.
su-siid-imd ‘make tasteful’. See > f}Sopai, » dvddavw.
Hé ‘or’. +1) 4.
nepeSovrat [3sg.pres.med.] ‘they float in the air’ (II.). <1E *h.wer- ‘bind, hang’>
eVAR Ipf. -vto.
eETYM Related to » defpw ‘raise’ like yepéBovto, -tat to » ayeipw.
Héptos [adj.] 1. ‘early, of the morning’, connected with fpt ‘early, in the morning’ (e.g.
A. R. 3, 417: opposed to deiekov dpryv); 2. ‘misty’ = hepdetc, ‘in the air, airy’ (Simon.
114, Hp. Vict. 1, 10, A. R., Arat., Opp.). <IE *h,euser- ‘morning’>
*ETYM An etymological distinction used to be drawn between » dijp ‘air’ and Apt
‘early’ (e.g. Frisk). However, Kiparsky Lang. 43 (1967): 619-635 has shown that both
words derive from the root for ‘dawn’, dnp < *h,eus-ér still meaning ‘mist, haze’ in
Homer. He convincingly shows that avpr ‘breeze’ still means ‘morning mist’ in ¢
469. Therefore, we have to start from an adverb *jept (cf. Hepi-Bota E 389); see > pl.
See further > atpa.
fa 2 su
Hepdetc ‘misty, cloudy’. «VAR Hepoeidrjc. = arp.
HEpogwvog [adj.] X 505 kpvKwv ... Hepopwvwv, after this Opp. H.1, 621 yepavwv ...
1)., properly ‘whose voice(s) sound(s) through the mist (in the air), loud crying’, =
Leyakopwvwv, TANPOVVTWV Pwviis Tiv dépa (H.). <GR>
*ETYM Ahrens Phil. 27 (1868): 590 proposes (after Alcm. 26, 1) to write iepopwvwv.
0éw [v.] ‘to sift, strain’ (IA). <IE *seh,- ‘strain’>
eVAR Aor. fOijoat (ptc. toac Hp. apud Gal. 19, 103), perf. pass. AOmpLaL.
*COMP very often 6t-18éw (k-, Mpoo-du7PEw, etc.), also dt-, €E-BEw.
*DER 1Oud¢ (heBpoc Sigeion VI’, Hdn.) ‘filter, strainer’ (Att.) with nOpudpiov:
SwAtotipiov ‘filter’ H., dSinPpevovtec s.v. » diwAilovtec; (t-)iOnots ‘straining’
(Arist.), (a7-, dt-, map-)Onpa ‘what has been strained’ (medic.), HOrviov- H8avov,
TOudc H.; HOntHp (Marc. Sid.), -trHpiov (Str.) ‘strain’; yO1Td¢ ‘strained’ (pap. III’),
1Orytik6c ‘fit for straining’ (Thphr.).
*ETYM Starting from the aor.ptc. fjoac and the noun MOpudc, one may suppose an
older present *i)9w. Then we have r8€w beside *8u, just as otepéw beside otépopat,
etc. (Schwyzer 721). If we separate the -0- (as in aArj-Ow : dA€-w, TtAT-Ow : mAf}-TO et
al., on which see Schwyzer: 703; also t}-816¢, like pv-O,16c, etc.?), we may connect the
OCS yod-present pro-séjo, inf. -séjati ‘strain’, from which Lith. sij6ju, -ti ‘id’ cannot
be separated. These presuppose a present *seh,i-. Cf. also »orOw with the same
meaning.
90¢ [n.] ‘custom, usage’ (Hes., Pi.), plur. 7)8ea ‘accustomed place, haunts’ (Il). <1E?
*sued"- ‘custom, use’>
eCOMP As a first member, with analogical compositional vowel, e.g. in 80-7016
‘edifying’ (Arist.), as a second member e.g. in kako-nOn¢ ‘with bad habits’ (IA).
*DER 1)0etoc ‘reliable, beloved’ (Hom., Hes.), also "Batog (Pi. Antim.), after yevvatoc
et al; 8dc, -450¢ [m., f.] ‘usual, reliable’ (Hp. S.) with nOdadto¢ ‘id? (Opp.); HOiKdc
‘ptng. to the character’ (Arist.); 48aAéoc ‘usual’ (Opp., Epigr.).
*ETYM Differs from » €80c only by its long vowel; the 6-grade appears in » eiw8a (s.v.
for further etymology). See Petit RPh. 73 (1999): 87, who refers to Schindler 1975: 259-
267. For traces of the digamma, see Chantraine 1942: 150.
ijia 1 [n.pl.] ‘provisions for a journey’ (N 103, Od.); = Bpwyata, dyvpa ‘food, chaff, see
> ijia 2, €pddia ‘travelling supplies’ (H.). <?>
eVAR Also fa.
*ETYM Uncertain. Acc. to Thumb KZ 36 (1900): 179ff., it belongs with floc:
mopevoutog ‘passable; able to travel’ (H.). Vendryes REGr. 23 (1910): 74 compared
Skt. sasyd- [n.] ‘produce of the fields’, which is formally unconvincing. Froehde’s
comparison (see Bechtel 1914) with Skt. avasd- [n.] ‘food’ is mistaken (as it rather
belongs to dvati ‘protect, refresh, etc.’; see Mayrhofer EWAia s.v.).
ha 2 [n.pl.] ‘heap of husks or chaff (e 368, Pherecr. 161), = dyvpa H:; cf. eiai- tov
donpiwv ta dntoka8dpyata ‘what has been cleansed off the pulse’; cio dompiwv ta
kaQdpo.a (H.). Here also tia kpiOawv = dAevpa ‘flour’ (Nic. Al. 412), but “le sens ne
s impose pas”, as DELG rightly remarks. <?>
512 ijie
eETYM Unexplained.
tiie [voc.] epithet of Poife of unknown meaning or origin (O 365, Y 152, h. Ap. 120).
<>
*ETYM Several hypotheses (see Frisk). From the interjection 7, like ijfioc from inj
(LSJ); cf. Hiocg: matavioti¢ ‘chanter of paeans’ (H.) beside mopevdoutog (see > fia 1).
Not from we (cf. Hi-Kavéc) as ‘shining in the morning’ (Ehrlich KZ 40 (1907): 364).
Nikolaev 2005 now connects the root *h,ns- (Skt. dsu-ra-, ON dss, etc.), claiming that
Lex Rix did not operate before nasals. If this is correct (which seems implausible), we
would have an old vocative of the word for ‘god’.
Wi®eoc [m.] ‘unmarried youth’ (Il; see Leumann 1950: 305 and 316f.), rarely also
‘unmarried young woman’ (Eup. 332), in this meaning also Mi0én (Nic. AP). <1E
*h,uid'eu- ‘unmarried’>
eVAR Also f8eoc (or HiBeoc?; B. 16, E. Ph. 945; 40e0¢ Cerc. 9, 11, see below).
eETYM An old and poetic word, connected with Skt. vidhdva, Ru. vdovd, etc. Go.
widuwo, etc. Lat. vidua, from a pre-form *huid"eu-. A masculine expression for
‘widowed, unmarried’ was made from this pre-form, like in Lat. viduus, Ru., etc.
vdovyi, but perhaps only in the separate languages. Greek ri8eoc presupposes an
earlier feminine, which was replaced by yrpa in prehistoric times. Anlauting 1- is
easily explained as a metrical lengthening of a prothetic é- from *h,-; the a- in Cerc.
is a hyperdorism (cf. ri8eoc Sapph. 44, 18). See recently Beekes KZ 105 (1992): 171-6.
Hixavds [m.] - 6 GAeKtpvwv ‘rooster’ (H.). <IE *h,ues- ‘lighten’ + *kh,n- ‘sing’>
*ETYM Properly ‘early-singer’, a compound from n- (from PGr. *awhi-, an old loc. of
*h,eus- ‘dawn’; cf. » wc) and a verb ‘to sing’, found in Lat. cand, MoHG Hahn, etc.
On the accent, see Wackernagel Phil. 95 (1943): 182f. Synonymous formations with
cognate elements are found in Skt. (Lex.) usa-kala- and ON 4r-gali [m.] ‘cock’.
Hidetc [adj.] in én’ Hidevtt Xkapavdpw E 36 (verse end); after this as an adjunct of
Ilavoppos, of mediov (Q. S. 1, 283; 5, 299), and of K6AAoupoc (name of a fish, Marc.
Sid. 22). <?>
*ETYM In later antiquity, the word was connected with fiwv ‘shore’ and interpreted
as ‘with (high) shores, on the shore’; cf. rjidevtt- "i6vac €xovt ‘having shores’ (H.).
This is formally impossible, as there is no trace of the -v-. Others take it as ‘with reed’
and arbitrarily connect it with » fa 2, or even as ‘fertile (and suppose connection
with > fia).
hAakaty 513
*DER Derived from Ka: fKaAocg = akaddc (Call.), hKargov yeddwoa-: mpdwe, odK
éoxv0pwrakvia ‘mild, not looking angry’; jKatov- doBevés ‘weak’ (H.). From fjoowv,
iTtwv: Hoodopat, Httaouat [v.] ‘to be less, be weaker’ (after vikdouat), with the
back-formation fjooa, rtta [f.] ‘defeat’ (trag., Th. IA); Ion. (Hdt. Herod.) has
éoodopat, from *oowv, an innovation after Kpécowv.
*ETYM With tka (with epic psilosis like ijxtoto¢; cf. Chantraine 1942: 187), we may
compare @ka and other adverbs in -& (cf. Schwyzer: 622). It has been connected with
Lat. ségnis ‘slow’ < *séc-ni-, but see the doubts in De Vaan 2008 s.v. Frisk compares
the alternation in mbx-a : muK-vdc, as does Benveniste 1935: 89f. Discussed in Seiler
1950: 65ff.
fikeotos [adj.] only in iyvic HKéotac (Bods, Z 94 = 275 = 309), meaning uncertain. <?>
*ETYM Based on comparison with nhkéotnc¢: addpaotog (Suid.), fKeotoc is mostly
taken as ‘undomited, uncontrolled’, from xevtéw, xévoat (““unincited”) with metrical
lengthening for *d-xeotoc. This explanation should be rejected; instead, Schwyzer
RhM 80 (1931): 213 assumes original (Bodv) wiv vnKéotnv (like vr-Kepdijg, etc.), with
single writing of the v and false split. Others translate ‘full grown’, connecting it with
akuatoc, > KI). Improbable suggestion by Szemerényi Sprache 1 (1965): 6-12.
nKH [f.] « akwkn, emdopatic, dx ‘arrowhead, point’ (H.); 7 o€bty¢ tod otdypov
‘sharpness of iron’ (EM 424, 18 following Archil. 43: fotn Kat’ AK KbuaTds TE
Kavéov). <IE? *h,ek- ‘sharp’>
eCOMP As a second member in the epic epithets du@-ikne¢ ‘cutting on both sides’,
Tavu-nknc ‘with a thin edge’: perhaps a secondary s-stem, and the -n- can be due to
compositional lengthening. Backformation from the compounds: rKéc- 6&0 (H.), see
Leumann 1950: 111f.
*DER 1Kdda- HYvSpwuévnv yvvaika ‘mature woman’ (H.); on the formation
Chantraine 1933: 351f., on the meaning cf. dxpatoc.
eETYM Appears to be a form with lengthened grade beside » dx1), » GKpos, etc.; an o-
grade is found in reduplicated » dkwkn.
iw [v.] ‘to have come, be present’ (IA, also Dor.; Hom. only E 478, v 325; elsewhere
ikw). <?2>
eVAR Hell. also with perfect inflexion: ha, YKévat; fut.j—w (A.), Dor. n&@ (Theoc.),
aor. nGau (late).
eCOMP Often with prefix, e.g. xaO- (kat-), mpoo- (m00-), av-, Mpo-, Map-1]Kw.
*ETYM Beside fikw with perfective meaning stands > ixw with present meaning (epic,
tioc = He. Dor., Arc.). It is difficult to connect the two, however, since the é-vocalism cannot be
easily accounted for (IE *séik- is impossible), nor can the aspectual difference. Ample
discussion in Johansson 1890: 62ff. No cognates (incorrectly, Pok. 893). LIV’ posits
*seh,k-, but disassociates ix-.
itwv [f.] ‘shore’ (B 561). <?>
eVAR Vv E. Or. 994; Dor. diwv, -dvoc.
*ETYM Names in -wv may refer to features of the landscape (see Chantraine 1933:
164). Of unknown origin. See also » yidelc. HAakatn [f.] ‘(wool on the) distaff, also metaph. of comparable objects (Z 491). <PG?>
VAR TAekatn (Delos, Cyrene, etc.), Aeol. dAaxdta (Theoc. 28, 1; but fAaKkdta E. Or.
-1431 [lyr.]) and ypvodAax. (Pi, three times), evaddkatog (Theoc. 22).
eDIAL Myk. a-ra-ka-te-ja [nom.plL-f.] ‘spinsters’.
Ka [adv.] ‘slowly, quietly, a little’ (Il.). «IE? *seh,k- (or *s€k-?) ‘slow’ ?>
VAR Grades of comparison: ijttwv, Ion. fjoowv ‘smaller, weaker’ (II.), sup. fktoto¢
‘slowest’ (‘¥ 531), fjxtota [adv.] ‘not at all’ (1A), fixtotoc ‘weakest, worst’ (Ael.).
514 TAdoKkw
ecomP As a second member eg. in ypvo-mAdKatog (-aA- Pi.) ‘with golden distaff
CIL.).
eETYM Unknown. Solmsen 1909: 121f. assumed an Anatolian loan, but it is probably
just Pre-Greek.
MAdoxw [v.] ‘to wander, stray, roam’ (B 470, N 104, Emp.). <?>
DER By a cross with dAaivw arose fAaivw ‘id’ (Theoc., Call.).
*ETYM fAdoxw (called expressive by Frisk) differs from » dAdopat by the length of
the initial vowel, something which cannot be explained within Greek or Indo-
European. The etymology is therefore unclear. Connection with » fede, HAiBtos, etc.
is not very likely.
MAéktwp [m.] name of the sun and adjunct of Ynepiwv (Z 513, T 398, h. Ap. 369; and
Emp. 22, 2). <PG?>
eVAR Acc. -topa (Euph. 110), dat. -twpt (Epic. in Arch. Pap. 7, 4), gen. -twpoc
(Choerob.).
*DER Mex tpic [f.] adjunct of the moon (Orph. H. 9, 6); tAeKtpov [n.], -og [m., f.] (on
the gender cf. LSJ and Schwyzer 1950: 34*) ‘gold mixed with silver, amber’ (Od.) with
"HAextpidec vijoot ‘the amber islands’ (Str., Plin.), nAektpwdng ‘like amber’ (Hp.,
Philostr.), hA€Ktpivoc (Dor. daA-) “of amber’ (Call., Luc., H1d.), jAextpdoptat ‘become
t. (Zos. Alch.); nAEKtpal- Ta Ev ToIc KALVSTIOGL TMV C@LyyOv Sujata (Phot.). Several
PNs: HAéxtpa, AAextpwva (Rhodos), HAextptwv (after Augitptwv; cf. Bechtel 1921,
2: 656).
eETYM Unexplained. von Wilamowitz 1931: 255 assumed Carian origin, but without
sufficient grounds. Improbable IE etymologies in Bq.. There seems no basis for
DELG’s statement that the word is IE. Leroy and Halleux Glotta 52 (1974): 36-52
stress that fjAextpov has two meanings: ‘white gold’, i.e. gold with a high percentage
of silver, like the Lydian gold from which the first coins were made, and ‘amber’.
However, HAéKtwp cannot mean ‘brilliant’, as amber is not brilliant, and the
meaning and etymology of this word are unknown. They then derive the word
tAextpov from the verb »dAéyw, which they interpret as Aéyw ‘count’ plus
copulative a-. This is wrong: see there. The word has nothing to do with the verb, as
its meaning does not fit. Thus, the word remains without etymology. On the words,
see also Ruipérez 1972: 231ff.
AAG 515
GA-) ‘idle; vain, foolish’ (Pi, IA), hedQov [adv.] UG 1’, 975 [VI*]), nAvot-wdrj¢
(Philostr.), -dtn¢ (Att.), -6w (A.), -aGw (Ar.). Here probably also nAgpatoc (Aeol.
Dor. &A-) ‘idle, foolish’ (Sapph., Alc., Theoc.), of unclear formation, but improbable
is haplology for *nAgudptatog (Bechtel 1921, 1: 44). Difficult to analyze are the verbs
adho-ppovéw ‘to be senseless’ (Hom., Hdt.) and dAdo0-pacow ‘to be delirious’ (Hp.).
Acc. to Fick (see Bechtel 1914 s.v. dAAogpovéw, iAedc and Leumann 1950: 116%), the
first member contains an Aeolic variant of Aedes, ie. *adXOG < *&ALoc (whence voc.
*dAXde = nAé O 128); cf. dded-ppwv above. Later it was construed as derived from
dAAog (thus Hdt. 7, 205). As the medical expression 44Ao@aoow cannot be Aeolic, it
must have been formed after dAAo@povéw or contain the pronoun dAAog; see
Leumann 1950: 309°.
eETYM Formed like évedc, kevedc, étedc, etc. HAedc recalls > HAdoKw, » dAdopiat, but
has no further cognates. Lat. dlea ‘game of dice’ does not continue Dor. *&4\ed. The
variants nAedc, aAaldc (H.) point to a noun with PG suffix *-ay-(os), with *ay > *ey >
*e; see Pre-Greek: suffixes (6. at/et). Moreover, the suffix ~0- is Pre-Greek. The form
aAX(o)- seems to have been derived from *aP(o)- with palatalized -P-, which resulted
in -\A-; however, the relation between dlay- and al’- remains unclear. Does it derive
from *alyo-, a reduced form of *alayo-?
tAtaia [f.] ‘supreme court at Athens’. = aAr<.
HAiBatos [adj.] Meaning unknown (lIl.), in Hom. always (and later frequently) of
métpn (-a) ‘rock’, but also of several other objects, e.g. dpvec, dvtpov, Taptapoc,
kbp.a; interpreted as ‘steep, high, deep’, later also as ‘enormous, big’, see Buttmann
1825:2: 176ff. (‘steep’ or ‘slippery’), which may all easily be later guesses. <?>
eVAR Dor. dad-.
*DER Beside it HAiBatas (tpayoc, Antiph. 133, 3).
eETYM Unexplained. Another unclear epithet of métp17 is PaiyiAuy. Cf. also nALtEeviic
métpa: bymAn ‘high’ (Suid.). Acc. to Buttmann 1825:2: 176ff., it is from *fAtt6-Batoc,
meaning &Batoc, SvoBatocg vel sim. (by comparison with 1Atté-"NVvoc), with
“Silbendissimilation”.
FAwWa eVAR HAiBtoc. = 1AEdc.
iAikog [adj.] ‘as old, as large’, relative and indirect interrogative pronoun (IA). <IE
*k”eh.-li- ‘how (big)?’>
*VAR Dor. ad- (Theoc.).
*DER Beside it the demonstrative trAixoc, Dor. taA- ‘thus old, thus large’ (Il.) with
TAgmatos = rAEdc.
td¢ [adj.] “distraught, crazed’ (Il.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Also MAé [voc.] (Il.); dAedg (-at- cod.) 6 wdtatoc, dgpwv. AicybAog ‘foolish’
(H.), dAedppwv- Tapdagpwv (H.).
*DER Denominative verb dAewooetv- |wpaivetv “be foolish’ (H.). Abstract jAootvn
(Nic., late Epic; Pfeiffer Phil. 92 (1937): iff. and 8), Aeol. dAootva (Theoc. 30, 12),
probably metrical for nAgo-, dAeo-. Further 7Av8a [adv.] 1. ‘very much, exceedingly’
(Hom. always Awa moAAn(v); A. R.), 2. ‘in vain, to no avail’ (Call., A. R.); the
formation has a parallel, be it incomplete, in the local and temporal adverbs in -6a
(évOa, 68a, pivvv8a) and in the numeral adverb diy, etc. Thence HAi®toc (Dor.
TIAKdode, TIALKobTOs (Att.) and the interrogative mAixocg ‘how old?, how large?’
(1A).
*ETYM From the relative stem 6-, d- (see m 6c 1), after » mAikoc and » tnAikoc. A
parallel formation is OCS je-like ‘(tantus) quantus’. See also on » nALe.
MAE [m., f.] ‘of the same age, as old’ (0 373). <IE *sueh,-lik- ‘as old’>
eVAR Dor. GALE.
eCOMP As a second member in mav-ag-fAt§ ‘without any companions of his own
age’ (X 490). Mostly only as an indication of age, e.g. ou-jALg ‘of the same age’ (II;
516 HAtog
with Oundtk-in ‘age group, generation’ (II.), dp-FALE, Ion. an- ‘beyond youth, elderly’
(h. Cer. 140), but also ‘youthly’ (Phryn. Com.).
*DER Abstract fAikia, -in ‘group of the same age’ (II 808), ‘manhood’; hAiumiwtigs,
fem. -ttc ‘of the same age’ (IA), Cret. fadixiwtac (B-tn¢ cod.)- ovvégios ‘id. (H.).
On mL, tAukia see especially Chantraine 1956a: 155ff.
*ETYM Cret. fadtkiwtac points to original *ofaAuk, from the IE reflexive *sue (in Fhe;
see »é, €) with the same suffix as in »MAikoc, > tINAiKkoc, > 1AiKoc. Thus it is
properly “who is of the same kind”. For the semantics, cf. Skt. sva-ka- ‘relative,
friend’ and » étng¢, as well as » déALot.
HALog [m.] ‘sun’ (II.). <1E *seh,u-el- ‘sun’>
eVAR Epic héAtoc, Dor. Aeol. Arc. aéAtoc, Dor. (trag.) also dAtoc.
eCOMP Several compounds, e.g. in plant- and animal names like nAto-tpdmtov,
-KkavOapoc (Strémberg 1940: 48 and 75, Strémberg 1944: 11).
*DER TAlwtn¢ (HeA-), fem. -ti¢ ‘belonging to the sun’ (S. AP), fAtaKkdc (aA-) ‘id,’
(Hell. cf. Chantraine 1933: 393f.); HAtddec [f.pl.] ‘daughters of the sun’ (Parm., A. R. ;
also sing. as an adj. [Luc.]) with masc. ‘HAtddn¢ ‘son of the sun’ (Str. D. S.); see
Chantraine 1933: 356 and 362f.; mAtwdn¢ ‘sunlike’ (Chaerem.), ‘HAiwv [m.] month
name (Termessos), fAitry¢ (Ai80¢g Dam. Isid. 233). Denominative verbs: 1. Atopic
‘be in the sun, be sun-struck’ (IA) with fAiwoig (Hp., Thphr.), -6w ‘to expose to the
sun’ (Aét.). 2. HALaCopat “bake in the sun’ (Arist.), -d¢w ‘id’ (Str.) with MAlaotc
‘exposure to the sun’ (Gal. D. C.), jAtaotiptov ‘place in the sun’ (Str., pap.). 3. HAtaw
‘expose to the sun, be like the sun’ (Arist.).
*ETYM Cretan &BéAtoc in H. (Pamphyl., acc. to Heraclid. Mil; cf. Bechtel 1923, 2:
667), i.e. AFEALOG, points to an original *oaféAtoc, differing only in ablaut from Skt.
surya- ‘sun’ (beside sira-). Both languages have an I-stem, IE *seh,u-el-, *sh,u-l- (cf.
Skt. svar [n.] < *suHl < *sHul) with a personifying suffix *-io-. The full grade is also
found in Lith. sdulé, MW haul; the zero grade, e.g. in Olr. sil ‘eye’. The basis is a
neuter //n-heteroclitic, still seen in Av. huuara, gen. x’ang (< PIlr. *suHan-s), as well
as in Germanic in the interchange between Go. sauil, ON sdl, OE sol, and Go. sunno,
OE sunne ‘id.’. Connection with IE *suel- ‘burn’ (see » eiAn) is formally impossible.
HAttépunvos [adj.] properly “missing the right month” (Schwyzer: 442; thus Vos Glotta
34 (1955): 290ff.), i.e. ‘born prematurely’ (T 118; after this AP, Plu.). <IE *h,leit- ‘make
a mistake, miss’>
*COMP Late analogical formations are nAtto-epydc (AP), HAltounvic: 6 patHV
éykah@v ‘who brings in a charge in vain’ (H.), -unytiv (Epic. in Arch. Pap. 7, 5, Fr.1R.
49; see ad loc.).
*ETYM Verbal governing compound from the aorist dAttetv (see » dAeityc) and ry,
with metrical lengthening of d- to H- (GAtdEevoc Pi. O. 10, 6).
Nov [n.] plant-name, = BpdBvAov or koxKvprpov (Seleuc. apud Ath. 2, 50a). <?>
eETYM Unexplained.
Huo 517
*COMP E.g. dpyvpd-ndog ‘adorned with silver nails’ (Hom.), fAo-Kdm0¢ ‘nailsmith’
(pap.).
*DER Diminutive nAdpiov (pap.); nAitic adjunct of Aeric (Dsc., Aét.); denominative
verb 1Adw, mostly with prefix, e.g mpoo-, ég-, Ka8-1Adw ‘nail on’ (IA, Hell.) together
with kaOnAw-otc, -pa.
eETYM Because of ydAAot fAot, which may stand for Aeolic FaAAoL, HAog may be
derived from *fdAvoc, *FaAGoc, vel sim. (cf. on »’HAtc), and could be equated with
Lat. vallus ‘pole, stake of a palisade’ (Wackernagel KZ 25 (1881): 261; thus still
Schrijver 1991: 170). There are no certain traces of the digamma in Hom., as apyup6-
noc can be metrically conditioned; see Chantraine 1942: 155f.
Mbvyn [f.] ‘shadow, darkness’ (Ar. Ach. 684, H., Erot. s.v. émmAvydCovtat). < PG?>
VAR Also HAvé (Choerob.); note Avyaios (S., E.).
*DER TAvyatog ‘shadowy, dark’ (Suid.), HAvylopévoc: Kexpvpevoc, ETtecKLAoLevoG
‘hidden, overshadowed’ (H.). More usual is émndAvydCoua, -iCopar (-Cw) ‘to
overshadow, cover up’ (Hp. Th., Pl.), whence émnAvytouds (H. s.v. Avy); further
émmAvya [acc.] ‘overshadowing’ (of métpav, E. Cyc. 680; deverbal?), émmAvyatocg
‘shadowy, dark’ (AB, H.).
*ETYM To nAvyn belongs the poetic adjective AVyaiog ‘dark’ (S., E.), which differs in
anlaut; an explanation remains to be found. As fAvyn is much rarer than
émmAvyatouat, perhaps we should start from the verb. In this case, the -1)- could be
secondary, like in » émPoAos, » énnetavds, etc. There is no convincing etymology.
Fur.: 378 assumes a prothetic vowel 7-, for which, however, there is little or no
evidence. Nevertheless, the co-occurrence of Avyatog and nAvyatog is remarkable
(was it *alug-? with lengthened prothetic vowel a-?). The word might be Pre-Greek.
"HA votov [adj.] epithet of mediov (6 563, A. R. 4, 811, Str., Plu.), also without a head
substantive (IG 14, 1750); rarely'HAtvotoc Aeywv, yWpoc (Luc., late inscr.), the abode
of the Blessed after death. < PG>
*DER HAvotog ‘Elysian’ (abpat, etc. IG 14, 1389). Also év-rnAvotoc: guBpdvtntos,
KepavvoBAntog ‘struck by lightning’ (H.), évnAvota (A. Fr. 17): Ta KataoKnpbévta
xwpia (H.)? taken as “being in Elysion”, as those hit by lightning acc. to folk belief
would come in a higher form of life (thus Cocco, see below). In the same mg. also
the simplex jAvota [n.pl.] (Polem. Hist. 93).
*ETYM Traditionally analyzed as Pre-Greek (on Elysion as a Pre-Greek conception
see Nilsson 1941(1): 324ff.). However, it was often connected with éXevooua, HAvOov
too (e.g. Campanile 1969: 30ff.), but against this view was argued by Wackernagel
1889: 5, Giintert 1919: 383. Explanations from Semitic (eg. Lewy 1895: 219ff., Cocco
Biblos 31 (1955): 401ff.) are also to be considered wrong. Beekes 1998: 19-23 argued
against the idea that somebody struck by lightning would go to Elysion (against
Burkert Glotta 39 (1961): 208-213). The word is a derivative in ~o- from a
geographical name *Alut- or *Elut-, with a long initial vowel which may be
metrically conditioned.
Mog [m.] ‘nailhead; wart, callus’ (II.). <?>
VAR Dor. GAoc. Twa ‘dart’. >in.
518 pat
Hpwat [v.] ‘to sit’ (epic, Hdt.). IE *h,eh,s- ‘sit’>
VAR 388. Total, 3pl. eiatou (for fata), atau, ipf. fry (IL); IA has xd6- npc (kat-),
KdOntat, 3pl. ka8nvtat, Kat-Eatat, ipf. (é-)KaOhnv.
ecomP With prefix éq-, rarely dg-, v-, é0-, bp-npat (IL, Od.). A second prefix was
frequently added to xdOnpat, because it was seen as a simplex: eg. éy-, émt-, Mpo-,
ovy-KdOnuat (IA).
*ETYM Old verb for ‘to sit’, also found in Indo-Iranian and Anatolian: Skt. dste, Av.
dste = fotai < IE *h,eh,s-toi, Skt. dsate = fata < IE *h,eh,s-ntoi (Av. ayhante is a
secondary thematization); with (probably more original) stative inflexion, Hitt. 3sg.
eSa(ri), 3pl. eSanta(ri); for the other Anat. languages, see Kloekhorst 2008 s.v. e5-% /
as-. Anatolian also has an active in the meaning ‘to sit’, e.g. Hitt. eszi. This suggests
that the root is identical to *h,es- ‘to be (present)’. The aspiration comes from éopat,
Cw.
FwaBov [n.] Name of a coin, acc. to H. = futwPéAtov. StwaPorAov mapa Kvliknvoic
(Herod., Phoen., Rhodes, etc., Bechtel 1921(2) : 654 and 1921(3): 301). <?>
*ETYM Related to (or connected with) fut-, with remarkable elision of the t- (cf.
Schwyzer: 434); further unclear.
Tap [n.] ‘day’ (II.). <1E *Heh,mer ‘day’>
eVAR Cypr. cpati-auatt ‘day after day’ (cf. Myc. we-te-i-we-te-i).
*DIAL Dor., Arc. duap, -atoc; note Arc. duata mavta ‘all days’. Myc. a-mo-ra-ma
/amor-amar/ ‘day after day’, di-wi-ja-me-ro perhaps /dwi-ameron/ ‘period of two
days’, see De Lamberterie BSL 94 (1999): 264.
*COMP As a second member e.g. in éwv-, &&-, abt-, mav-, Mpo-fap ‘nine days long’,
etc. (Hom.); on this type of compound see Leumann 1950: 1oof. (against
Wackernagel Glotta 2 (1910): iff.). As a first member e.g. hpepd-Kottog ‘sleeping by
day’ (Hes.); as a second member e.g. in £@-rpepoc (Pi., IA; -Eptog Od.) ‘living only a
day, transient, daily’ together with éerpepic, -fa, -ebw, -evtiiplov.
DER Tpctiog “daily, at day’ (Hom., Hes.).
Lengthened form mpépa, Ion. -p1, Dor., etc. dgpa, Locr. dpdpa ‘id.’ (II.). See also on
> tiLEpov, > LeonuBpia. Thence: rpéptoc (al-) ‘living only one day, daily’ (trag.),
TpEptvdc ‘belonging to the day’ (IA; Chantraine 1933: 201), f|weprioloc (or -iotoc? See
Debrunner Glotta 13 (1924): 169) ‘lasting one day, belonging to the day, daily’ (IA),
TuEpatos ‘id.’ (pap.), tuepovotog [adv.] ‘daily’ (pap. IV?; after émiovotoc; Debrunner
Glotta 13 (1924): 169). Denominative verb mpepevw ‘to spend the day’, also with
prefixes 61-, mav- (IA); thence fpépevotc ‘spending the day’ (Aq.).
*ETYM A cognate of jap is Arm. awr ‘day’ < *amor. The ending -wp, like in téxpap :
-wp, is also supposed for the first member of Myc. a-mo-ra-ma. The word is not
found in any other branch. The extension nuépa, on which see Chantraine 1933: 228,
may have its aspiration from éomépa (Schwyzer: 305, Wackernagel 1916: 45). On
wap and muépn in Homer, see Debrunner Mus. Helv. 3 (1946): 4off.; on muap used
as a plural, Leumann 1950: 100, who considers it to be an innovation. See further
Clackson 1994: 96f. ;
twedardc [adj.] ‘of our land, native’ (Att.). <IE *nsme- ‘we’>
Heév [pcl.] in quév ... HOe..., ‘both ...
Ht 519
*ETYM The synonymous form Skt. asmad-iya- ‘our’ points to a suffix -anoc (cf. on
aAAodamtdc). On the stem of fed- = asmad-, cf. » tpeic. Szemerényi KZ 73 (1956):
sof. assumes old ablaut.
Tueic [pron.pers.] ‘we, us’ (IL). <IE *“ne/os ‘we’>
*VAR Accus. tide, Ion. fuéac, Dor. aués, acc. Gué, Aeol. dupes, acc. dupe.
*DER Possessive fhé-tepos, Dor. ayé-tepos, adc, Aeol. apé-tepos, dos ‘our’.
*ETYM The accusatives aué, dupe go back to *nsme (see below) and, by adopting
nominal inflexion, they resulted in the paradigm nom. auéc, dec, later also feic <
-éec, with a new accus. Teac, and with irregular contraction judc. Then came the
genitives Nu@v, Néwv, auéwv, dupéwv. On the datives tiv, etc. see below.
The archaic forms aué, dupe < *doue agree exactly with Av. ahma ‘us’; in Skt. asman
‘id’, it received the nominal ending. Other forms like Skt. nas (enclitic), Lat. nds, Go.
uns (< IE *nds, *ns) show for *aope = Av. ahma IE basis with added element -(s)me:
*nsme < *ys-sme. The spiritus in Gu-, H- could be analogical after dp-. The dative
fuiv, Dor. Gpiv, Aeol. ayu(v), from *dopi(v), recalls the Indo-Iranian
demonstratives and interrogatives Av. ahmi, dsmin ‘in eo’, Av. kahmi, Skt. kdsmin ‘in
quo?; cf. Cret. Sti-t, pdt-ut. The long -iv is an innovation (after the long-vocalic
endings in fU-@v, -eic, etc.?).
Like Latin and Celtic, Greek lost the specific nominative for ‘we’, Go. weis, Hitt. ués,
Skt. vay-dm, etc., and used the accusative.
and also...’
eETYM From Pf ‘really and pév. Cf. on » 168.
(IL.). <1E *h,e ?>
iepos [adj.] ‘tame, civilized, cultivated’ (0 162, also Tab. Heracl. 1, 172; codd. Pi. and
A. wrongly Gu-). <?>
*COMP Negated dv-mpepos ‘uncultivated, rough, wild’ (A., Hell.). As a first member
in Nuepd-pvAdAog “with improved leaves”, ‘improved’ (éA aia; Isyll. 20).
DER MH Epic (sc. Gpmtedoc) ‘improved vine’ (€ 69) with npepiéng ‘regarding the huepic’
(oivoc, Atévucog; Plu.); nwepdtng ‘tameness, gentleness, cultivation’ (IA), tpepia ‘id,
(pap.); denominative verb fuEpdw ‘tame, cultivate, improve’ (IA) together with
tuép-woig ‘improvement, cultivation’ (Thphr, D. S.), -wya ‘cultivated plant’
(Thphr.; cf. Chantraine 1933: 186f.), -wttj¢ ‘tamer’ (Max. Tyr.). On the accent cf.
éhevOepog; like this (: dyptoc) expressing an opposition.
*ETYM Unclear. Several hypotheses (litt. in Frisk): (1) related to Skt. ydmati ‘tame,
subdue’; (2) to Skt. santva- [n.] ‘gentleness’, MoHG sanft, etc; (3) to a WGm. word
for ‘sad, sorrowful’: OHG jdmar, etc. The form depos is a hyperdorism (Forssman
1966: 41ff; Bonfante Riv. fil. class. 99 (1971): 68 denies this).
Huei [v.] ‘to speak’ (IL). <IE *h,eh,g- ‘say’>
VAR 38g. Not, Dor. titi, almost only in ipf., especially 3sg. 1 ‘he said’ (to 1sg. fv).
*ETYM New forms were built in Greek on the petrified form h < *HK-t < IE *h,eh,g-t,
after pnui, prot, pny. Cf. also ablauting » Gvwya ‘command, order’.
Fuut- comp. element ‘half (l.). <1£ *sémi- ‘half>
”
520 THopos
*COMP In compounds, e.g. nptov-tpttov [n.] ‘the third half = one and a half (Archil.
167), Tytvekto [gen.] ‘half a éxtet¢ (Cret.).
*DER 1. fipovc (-tvc) ‘half, properly substantival [m.] (6 fptovg tod apiOu0d; plur.
Hpicetc D 7), TO Hpuov (IL; after 16 dAOV), adjective fem. fpicea, Epid., Ther. hpitera
(Brugmann-Delbriick 1897-1916 2:1, 447). With regressive assimilation fuvovc
(Erythrae V*, etc.). Lesb. ayucewv is a reverse spelling for 1yyl-, see Hodot 1990: 71.
An o-stem fjptooov [n.] ‘half < -tf-ov, found in Dor. and Arc. Denominative verbs
Tptcebw ‘halve, cut in half with nuioevpa ‘half (LXX), with aphairesis picevpa ‘id’
(Perga); futo1dw [v.] ‘to halve, cut in half (Hero; cf. the verbs in -ta¢w in Schwyzer:
735). 2. Hive [f.] ‘half (Cret., Cypr.; Bechtel 1921, 1: 448), also as a measure (Sicily;
thence borrowed into Lat. hémina); for the formation cf. Swttvy and Chantraine
1933: 205. 3. Nixa: NuLotathpa (H.), cf. » dixa.
eETYM Old expression for ‘half, also in Skt. sami-, Lat. sémi-, Gm., e.g. OHG sdmi-
‘id... The functional identity is reflected in parallel compounds (that need not be
inherited, however): Skt. sami-jiva- = Lat. sémi-vivus, cf. nui-Bioc and OHG sami-
queck “half-living”, ‘half-dead’. An old locative of the root *sem- ‘one’ (see » gic),
thus properly meaning ‘in one half (of two)’.
Hwopos [adj.] - dpotpoc ‘bereft’ (H.). <IE *smer- ‘receive as a share’>
eVAR Thence rpopic: kevr, éotepnuévn ‘empty, bereft’. AicybAocg Nidbn (Fr. 165);
Hudpitev: duoipov émoinoev ‘made possessionless’ (H.).
eETYM The regular Ionic-Attic outcome of *t-opopoc, and identical with Hom.
(Aeol.) &-pL0poc; see > Leipopat (Udpoc, > Loipa) and >» KapLopoc.
Twos ‘when, while’. > thpLo0«.
Tubw [v.] ‘to bow down, perish’ (I.); rarely transitive ‘sink, ruin’ (A. R., Musae.). <?>
eVAR Aor. hpdoat.
eCOMP Also with kat-, én-, D1-.
*DER Also Gutw ‘id.’ (Hes. Fr. 216). Here probably also the perfect bmeuviydKe (X
491) for *bm-eppdxe (with metr. length.), see Bechtel 1914 sv. hubw.
eETYM Unexplained.
iv [interj.] interjection calling attention: ‘hey!, look over there’, also hvide (iv ide), iv
idov (Ar. Herod., Hell.). Added in Argiv. tad-év, tovdedv-év. <IE? *h,én ‘see there’>
*ETYM Acc. to Frisk, the formally identical Lat. én is a Greek loan, at least in part.
Tens = durvexne.
fia [n.pl.] ‘reins, bridles’ (Hom., Hes., Pi.). <1£ *h,ensieh, ‘rein’>
VAR rviau [f.p].], also -ia [sg.] (post-Hom.), Dor. dv- (dv-).
eDIAL Myc. a-ni-ja /anbiai/, anijapi /an*iap*i/ [dat.pLf.]. Is the Homeric neuter
secondary?
eCOMP As a first member e.g. in tvi-oyoc “driver”, ‘charioteer’ (IL; epic also -fja,
-fec, metrically conditioned) with tjvioy-Kdc, -éw (epic -evw), -ij0tc, -ela. As a
second member e.g. in ypvo-rvioc ‘with golden reins’.
rave 521
*ETYM As~Lacon. dwoyidv = hwioyéwv (IG 5(1), 213) seems to point to original
psilosis (the origin of the aspiration is unknown), dvia may go back to *avoia and be
identical with a Celtic word for ‘rein’, MIr. éis(s)i [m.pl.] < *ansio-. It has further
been connected with Lat. Balt. and Gm. expressions for ‘grip, handle’: Lat. dnsa =
Lith. gsa; semantically more doubtful is ON @s [f.] < *ansia ‘hole for shoe-strings’.
Hvika [conj.] ‘when, at the time when’ (x 198). 4IE *io- relative pron.>
eVAR Dor. Aeol. (Pi., Theoc.) avika, also av-. A form without -ka in koiné-Cypr. a-ni
/hani/ (Kafizin 267).
DER Beside it thvika, myvika; cf. on » HAikos.
*ETYM From the relative 6-, a4- (see » 6c 1) with the same adverbial ending as in abti-
ka, 6-ka. The element -vi- is found in the Arc. dem. 6-vi. For the *-eh,-, cf. » HALE.
ivic [acc.pl.] epithet of Bodc, Bobv (Hom.). <?>
eVAR Iyviv (tiv?) [acc.sg.] Hom., tiviog [gen.sg.] A. R. 4, 174.
*ETYM Probably with sch. A 1 ‘yearling, one-year-old’, for which Wackernagel
1955(2): 1171' suggested a lengthened grade formation of a word for ‘year’ also seen in
> éviavtdc, with criticism of other ideas. Not very probable; criticism by Szemerényi
Sprache 11 (1965): 6-12.
Tyvopéen = avijp.
Hoy, -orog [adj.] of xadkdc (II 408, 2 349 = k 360), of odpavdc and mupdc (Call. Fr.
anon. 24, 28); also PN (Il.). Meaning debated, already in antiquity, cf. tvora-
AauTIPOv, 1avv Evijyov, Stapavi (H.). <?>
*ETYM Formation in -ow, but further unclear; originally *frv-ow (Chantraine 1942:
152). Cf. v@p-ow, ai€-ow, which are also said of yadkoc, but remain without clear
interpretation. Older literature in Frisk.
ijwvotpov [n.] ‘the fourth stomach of ruminants, rennet stomach’; also a dish (Ar,
Arist.). <PG?>
eVAR Ev- (LXX).
*ETYM The form with év- perhaps arose under the influence of évtepa, éyKoiAta (but
it is late in any case). Assuming *fryvvotpov, rvvotpov is traditionally connected
with a NGm. word for ‘rennet stomach’, e.g. MoNw. dial. vinstr [f.], but it differs
regarding the quantity of the first syllable and the color of the intermediate vowel
(although Gr. -v- might be analogical after botépa). As a pre-form, IE *yénes-tro-,
-trd- has been assumed. Further, with a different suffix, there is OHG wanast ‘belly’,
also ‘the first stomach of ruminants’, Skt. vanisthu- [m.] ‘entrails’ vel sim. (used as an
offering). However, a digamma is uncertain, and the connection with the Germanic
and Sanskrit words seems most improbable, as the forms are not well comparable. I
think the ending in -otpov is Pre-Greek (Pre-Greek: suffixes s.v. -otp-). Fur: 258%
points to the variation ¢/ 1, for which he gives parallels.
Hnava [v.] and hravet: anopei, onavitel, apnxavet ‘is at loss, is in need of (H.). <?>
eDER Further fytavia: dmopia, ondvic, dunxavia H., EM 433,17; conj. in AP 5, 238.
522 Tndopat
*ETYM Reminiscent of mavia ‘ntAnopovi, so metrical lengthening for *a-mavia (WP
2, 8) has been suggested. However, cf. omavia ‘lack, shortage’. DELG wonders how 1-
can reflect an d- privative.
Htdouat [v.] ‘to mend, repair’ (Hes. Fr. 172, Ar. Fr. 227, Gal. Aristid.). <?>
eVAR Aor. fnroao8al, perf.ptc.pass. ryt) HEvos.
eDER rMItH¢ ‘mender, repairer’ (X. Cyr. 1, 6, 16 [worse v.l. dxeotai], Batr., pap.;
rejected by Atticists, cf. Fraenkel 1912: 15), fem. r1ytpla (pap.); antpa [pl.]
“‘mender’s wages’ (pap.), N1)THplov ‘mender’s instrument, needle’ (Ael. Dion.).
*ETYM For the formation, cf. nmSdaw and other deverbatives with lengthened é-vowel
(Schwyzer: 719); further unclear. The root shape is reminiscent of Hitt. happ-* ‘to
join, attach’ (connected with Lat. aptus by Puhvel).
nap, -atog [n.] ‘liver’ (Il.). «IE *(H)iek”-r ‘liver’>
eCOMP As a first member eg. in ymatooKoméw ‘inspect the liver’ (to predict the
future)’ (LXX).
*DER rymatiov name of a dish (Ar.); Yatitic [f.] ‘belonging to the liver’ (Hp.), also
name of a stone and a plant (Plin., Ps.-Dsc., Strémberg 1940: 41); fytat-tKdc, -tatoc,
-iac, -npdc ‘ptng. to the liver’ (Hp.); fitatocg [m.] name of a fish (com., Arist;
Stromberg 1943: 45f.5 acc. to Thompson 1947 s.v. Egyptian [?]).
*ETYM The IE word for ‘liver’, *iek”-r, gen. *iek”-n-és (-ds), is also retained in Skt.
yadky-t, yakn-ds and indirectly in Lat. iecur, iecin-or-is. In other languages the r/n-
stem led to a paradigm split: e.g., OAv. yakara, MP jakar, MoP jigar (but Pashto
yina, and perhaps Old Iran. huydayna-, for *ha- yakana-, properly “of common liver”,
acc. to Krause KZ 56, 304ff.), or Lith. (j)éknos ‘fish egg; calf; (plur.) spawn’, Ru. ikrd
‘id’ < *(H)ik’-r-. In some branches, we find initial */-, which may have been taken
from the word for ‘fat’ (cf. on » Aimoc): Gm., e.g. OHG lebara, Arm. leard (with the
ending of *iek”’r); attempts to connect the /-forms with *iek”r by assuming an anlaut
*li- have failed (Schmidt 1889: 198f., Benveniste 1935: 132). Hitt. li-i-si is probably a
loan (Kloekhorst 2008 s.v.). Szemerényi KZ 73 (1956): 191 suggested that the Greek
long vowel must be secondary, e.g. from 1Top; this is also advocated by Kortlandt.
Hredavoc [adj.] ‘weak, light, slight, halting’ (II.). <?>
*ETYM Formation like ptyedavdc, mevkedavdc (Chantraine 1933: 362, Schwyzer: 530,
Risch 1937: 106), but further unclear, like several emotional adjectives. An Ionic
word, acc. to DELG. Pokorny maintains the uncertain comparison with Lith. opis
‘soft, receptive, invalid’ (beside which *tn0¢ [n.] has been assumed, like piyoc to
ptyedavéc); it has also been compared with Skt. ap,va- ‘mortal fear’ (see Hoffmann
1955: 80ff., who also connects it with OP afuva and *h,ep- ‘to seize’).
ietpos [f.] continent’ as opposed to the sea and the islands, ‘coast’, also in opposition
to the inland (Il.), as a TN Epeiros. «IE? *Heh,per- ‘shore’>
eVAR Dor. dimeipoc, Aeol. dmeppoc.
eCOMP As a first member in tetpo-yevijc ‘born on the mainland’ (A. Pers. 42).
eDER fmelpwti¢, fem. -tt¢ ‘inhabitant of the continent, of Asia Minor, of Epeiros’
(1A; on the formation Fraenkel 1912: 128 n. 1) with hmelpwtikdc (X.); denominative
Tm10G 523
verb tyrtetpdouci, *6w “become (part of the) continent, connect with the mainland’
(Th., Arist.).
*ETYM Except for the suffixal yod, PGr. *ameptoc agrees with the WGm. word for
‘shore’, OE 6fer [m.], MoHG Ufer, etc., PGm. *6fera-, which points to IE *apero- <
*Heh,pero-. Arm. ap‘n ‘shore’ (Benveniste 1935: 13) cannot be compared phonetically
(so is it a substrate word?).
Wtepomets [m.] ‘cheat, deceiver’ (A 364, A. R. 3, 617, AP 9, 524, 8). <PG(S)>
eVAR -1Ic [f.] (Hom., apud Str. 1, 2, 4).
*DER Htepomtevw (only present stem) ‘cheat, deceive’ (Hom., Hes.) together with
Ttepomevtiys (only voc. -ta T 39 = N 768, h. Merc. 282, etc; on the formation
Fraenkel 1910: 20f., Fraenkel 1912: 34) and rtepdmevpa (Critias).
*ETYM Because of the rarity of the attestations, fymepomets could be a back-formation
from nmepotetw. The basic form *rmep-ow, *iep-omdc, - that was assumed
received various explanations (see Frisk). Kuiper’s connection (Kuiper Glotta 21
(1933): 283f.) with »damdtr is semantically attractive, but an IE reconstruction is
excluded in this case. A loan from Pre-Greek is quite possible (thus also DELG),
especially in view of suffixal -o p-.
Wyniados [m.] ‘ague, ague from fever’ (Thgn., Ar., Hp., etc; on the meaning Stromberg
1944: 82ff.); ‘nightmare’. <PG(V)>
eVAR éttiadog Alc. apud EM 434, 6 (probably after én). Cf. YtioAog ‘moth’ (Arist. HA
605b 14; v.I. -6AIj¢) with HtidALov: pryomtupétiov ‘ague’ (H.).
*DER Fmadkwodre ‘ague-like’ (Hp.), hmadéw ‘suffer from agues’ (Ar., Arist.), &&-
1MlLaAGopau ‘turn into an ague’ (Hp.).
*ETYM Acc. to Strémberg 1944: 82ff. (with parallels), it is from foc, so properly
“mild fever”, which would be a taboo paraphrase. This seems an improbable
hypothesis. On the suffix -ado-, see Chantraine 1933: 246f. The word rioAog ‘moth’
(better, -6A1j¢; after the nouns in -dAnc) should not be separated from rniaXozg, as is
shown by the words adduced by Bugge BB 18 (1892): 166: Lith. drugys ‘fever, malaria,
butterfly, moth’ (related to Ru. drozdt’ ‘shiver’), Alb. ethe ‘fever’ with ethézé ‘moth’
(“feverbird”). In folklore, butterflies, etc. bring fever (Frisk). Given the variation a/ 0,
it is probably a Pre-Greek word (Fur.: 258, 342). See also on » é@iaAtnQ¢<.
iimtog [adj.] ‘friendly, gentle, kind, mild, soothing’ (II.). IE? *h,e-h.p-i- ‘friendly’>
ecomMP As a first member e.g. in r716-~pwv ‘with mild intention’ (Emp.).
*DER fymdty¢ ‘mildness’ (Hell.) and the rare denominatives r1dopat ‘to become
mild’ (Phld.), fttaivw ‘id’ (Arist. Mu. 397b 1; uncertain).
*ETYM Mostly connected with Skt. dpi- ‘friend’. Floyd Glotta 71 (1993): 10-16
confirms this connection and compares the uses in Homer and the Rigveda,
especially the turn of phrase matijp wc imioc. As Pinault LALIES 6 (1987): 111-128
convincingly shows, the central meaning of fmtog in Homeric Greek is ‘favorable,
well-disposed’ (French propice, favorable), not ‘mild’. Van Beek (p.c.) suggests that
we should reconstruct *h,e-h,p-i- ‘fitting, allied’ (of the type Skt. cakri- ‘doing’ <
*kӎ-k"r-i-) on the basis of Greek and Sanskrit; this is more convincing than a
524 Trebw
lengthened grade locative *h,ép-i ‘proche’, from which Pinault departs, a formation
which would be isolated.
1)1bw [v.] ‘to sound loudly, cry loudly’ (IL). <?>
eVAR Dor. Arc. anva, aor. hrdoal.
ecomP Also with av-, é7-; Bpt-fitv-o¢ ‘crying loudly’ (N 521).
DER Hbta ‘cryer’, as an epithet (H 384, Q. S. Opp.), Hitutién¢ name of a herold (P
324).
*ETYM It is possible that ymbw is based on a noun *ttu¢ ‘loud cry’ (Fraenkel 1910:
165). On the ending, cf. ynpb-w, oi%t-w, aé-cat; further unclear. The comparison
with Lat. vapul6 ‘to be beaten’ (probably properly ‘lament, cry’) and Gm. words like
Go. wopjan ‘cry (which suppose a deviating labial) supposes an initial digamma.
However, there is no trace of it in Homer. Improbable comparison by Fur. 236 with
> abw ‘to cry, call’.
pa [acc.sg.] (or [n-pl.]?) ‘service, favor’ in (émi) Hpa gépetv “do a favor’ (I1.); post-
Hom. as a postposition with gen. = ydpvv ‘for the sake of, on account of (B., Call.).
<IE *ueh,r- ‘true’ ?>
*DER Pm épinpes [pl.] ‘faithful’, also éiinpoc (perhaps a reinterpretation of émi hpa
wépetv in e.g. A572 and578). Also Bpinpdv: LleyaAwe Kexapioptévov ‘highly charming’
(H perhaps Bpt- is a mistake for épi-); PN HoAv-rprc; etc. The appurtenance of
Lesb. > 1pwva and » éntjpavos ‘pleasant’ is doubtful.
*ETYM A pre-form *Ffjp-a (on the digamma, see Chantraine 1942: 152; on the
formation, Sommer 1948: 138) can be connected in several ways. First, with words for
‘friendly’: Lat. sevérus ‘earnest’, if < *sé vér6 “without. friendliness” (but see now
Nussbaum 1998 apud De Vaan 2008 s.v. sevérus on this word), Gm., eg. ON verr
‘friendly’, OHG ala-wari ‘friendly’. Alternatively, it can be connected with the word
for ‘true’: Lat. vérus = Olr. fir = OHG war, OCS véra ‘faith’, etc., from *ueh,-ro-.
Within Greek, some have tried to connect it with » optn, » Epavoc, > Epotic.
“Hpa [f.] Hera, the wife of Zeus (II.). <PG>
eDIAL Myc. E-ra, Ion. “Hpn; Cypr. Epat [dat.] (see Del.? 681, 4).
eCOMP As a first member e.g. in‘Hpa-KAéng, -KAij¢ (Il.), explanation in Kretschmer
Glotta 8 (1917): 121ff., with Bin"HpaxAnein (probably an Achaean formula, see Ruijgh
1995: 82f.), also -KArjioc, -KAetog and'HpakAeidng (IL.).
*DER ‘Hpatiog ‘belonging to H’ (IA); fem. -aia, -da place name (Arcadia VI*) with
‘Hpatetc inhabitant of Heraia; also Epfadtot (El.); “Hpa(ijav month name (Tenos,
Eretria).
*ETYM The Mycenaean, Cyprian and Arcadian forms without digamma make El.
Epfadiot suspect. Therefore, the connection with Lat. servdre, etc. is quite
improbable. Other proposals are highly doubtful: eg. to IE *Hieh,r- ‘year’ (see
> wpa). As with most theonyms, Pre-Greek origin is most probable.
HpavOepov [n.] “spring anthemon” (Dsc.). <GR>
eETYM From éap ‘spring’; cf. Stromberg 1940: 72. On the formation, see Risch IF 59
(1949): 53f.
Tplov 525
ijpavog [m.] ‘keeper, lord, helper’ (Hell. poetry), in H. = Baothets, dpywv, oxordc,
pvaAak ‘king, ruler, overseer, guardian’. <?>
*VAR Found as émt-rpavoc ‘powerful, ruling, protecting’ in earlier sources (Emp., PI.
Com., AP).
*DER rpavéwv: BonBav, xapt{opevoc ‘helping, charming’ (H.).
*ETYM For the suffix, cf. » Koipavoc. Since Fick 1874-1876(2): 270, it has been
compared with Skt. varaka- ‘who wards off, opponent’ (or, rather, varand- ‘averting,
strong’ RV), from the root of »épuptat. Frisk compares émi-fpavocg with én-
Bouxddocg and asks whether ijpavog is an archaizing simplex. Connection with » hpa,
> éminpoc seems semantically improbable.
hpéua [adv.] “quietly, gentle, slowly, a little’ (Pl, Ar. Arist.); also npéwac (A. R. 3, 1705
antevocalic), -ut (Ar. Ra. 315). <IE? *h,remH- ‘rest, be quiet’>
*DER Comp. npeéotepoc (X., Thphr. innovation, not an old s-stem to Go. rimis),
together with npeaidtncs (Hp.); peptoc ‘id’ (Thphr.; back-formation from fpeptéw)
with fhpeudtng (late); further ypeuatoc ‘quiet’ (Pl, Hp.). Denominative verbs: 1.
Tpettew “be quiet’ (Pl, Hp., etc.) with npénots ‘rest’ (Ti. Locr., Arist.), also jpeptia
‘id? (Arist; after the type émdnuéw : émdnpia; Schwyzer: 469; cf. also tpettog [:
émtSnoc]); 2. npepitw ‘calm’ (X., Arist.) with npépiopa (Comm. Arist.); 3. qpeuacw
‘be quiet’ (LXX).
*ETYM See Schwyzer: 622 on the formation: npétdc, like atpéac (ibid. 620); on
Tpeut (-ef), ibid. 623. The word fpétia cannot be separated from a widespread group
for ‘rest, quiet’: e.g., Skt. rdmate ‘to rest, etc.’, Lith. rimti ‘to be quiet’ (the acute
accent pointing to a root-final laryngeal), Go. rimis [n.] ‘rest’, Olr. fo-rimim ‘to set,
lay’. A prefix 1 cannot be assumed (cf. » 7Batdc); neither is a lengthened prothesis
attractive (the archaic epic word »1ni8eoc, with metrical lengthening, is not a
parallel).
pt [adv.] ‘early’ (IL). <1E *h,eus-er-i (early) in the morning’>
eCOMP As a first member e.g. in npt-yéveta ‘born early’ (I1.), epithet of Hwa, also as a
substantive denoting dawn; later also -r¢ (A. R.); Npt-yépwv “early grey”, also the
plant ‘Senecio’ (Thphr, Strémberg 1940: 56).
*ETYM Seems to stand for *tjept (cf. hépioc, Hepi-Boia). This used to be explained as
from *duept as a locative with lengthened grade, beside a full grade *ajer-i seen in
Greek in » Gptotov ‘breakfast’, as well as in Go. air, ON dr [adv.] ‘early’. The noun is
seen in Av. aiiara, gen. aiign ‘day’. However, the lengthened grade assumed for
Greek is found nowhere else. Kiparsky Lang. 43 (1967): 624-6 convincingly derived
the form from a locative *aus-er-i ‘in the early morning’, belonging to the root
*h,eus- of » Wc, to which » hikavdc also belongs. The old explanation should be
rejected.
Hpiov [n.] ‘burial mound, barrow’ ('¥ 126). <?>
ecoMP As a first member in npl-epyric: TULLBMpvLXO¢ “grave digger’ (H.).
eDER Not here the river name Hptdavoc.
*ETYM Formation like xnpiov : xnpdc, pnpia : npdc, etc. (Chantraine 1933: 59). By
the ancients, it was connected with gpa ‘earth’ (cf. Schwyzer: 424, where unclear
526 T1poc
TOABNPOG: TOAVAPOUPOG, TtAOOLOG ‘having much farmland, rich’ [H.] is adduced),
but given péya Hpiov in Y 126, we should rather reconstruct *fnpiov. Often derived
from a root *uer- ‘cover’, with reference to Gm. words like ON vor [f.] ‘hill or bank
of stones or gravel’, ON ver [n.] ‘dam’ < IE *uorio-, which derive in the first place
from a verb for ‘avert’, Go. warjan, etc. This is not convincing, as it supposes a
lengthened grade for Greek.
Hpos [m.] with hpickoc of unknown meaning (Delos IV -III*). <?>
eETYM Unexplained.
Hpvyyos 1 [f.] name of a thistle-like plant, ‘Eryngium’ (Nic. et al.). <PG(s)>
VAR Mostly fpbyyov (Thphr.), also ypvyyn (Plin.) and hpvyyitng (Plu.).
*DERNpvyyic [f.] ‘belonging to E.’ (Nic.).
eETYM Formation like eiAtyyoc and miovyyoc; the suffix -Vyy- is much more
frequent in athematic forms like papvyé, etc. Acc. to Stromberg 1940: 72, it derives
from éap, po ‘spring’, as “spring flower”. Clearly a Pre-Greek word.
Hpvyyos 2 [m.] ‘goat’s beard’ (Arist. HA 610b 29). <PG(S)>
*ETYM Although the meaning “goat’s beard’ is unexplained beside those of fjpvyyoc 1,
the word is clearly Pre-Greek.
tpova [f.] “consecrated object’ = igpwvia (inscr. Thermi near Mytilene, IG 12(2), 242,
cf. also 251).
*ETYM For tepwvia, a Lesbianized form. See Hodot ZPE 49 (1982): 187-9.
ijpws [m.] ‘lord, hero’ (II.). <PG>
eV AR Gen. -woc, rarely -wvoc, -wvi, -wtt, etc. (details in Schwyzer: 479f., 557, 582).
eDIAL Myc. ti-ri-se-ro-e /tris-ér6*es/.
*DER tpWioc, Hpw@os ‘heroic’ (Pi. Pl.) together with jpwiov, -@ov ‘sanctuary of a
hero’ (IA); t1pwikds ‘id’ (Att., Arist.). Several feminine formations (cf. on BaotAetc):
1. Hpwic (Pi.); 2. Hpwivn, Hpw@vn, hpoiva (Ar., inscr.); 3. pwicoa, Hp@cooa (A. R,
inscr.); 4. \pwacoa (Creta); 5. pvc (Lilybaeum II*), probably an innovation (after
BijAvG or ypniic?); pwiactal, pwiotai (-olotal, -wotat) [pl.] ‘adorer of heroes’
(inscr. IV*); after the nouns in -aotrc, -totH¢, see Fraenkel 1910: 175ff.; jHpwiopdc
‘adoration of heros’ (Mytilene); the verb fjpwitw only in Eust. 4, 1 in the sense of
‘write epic poems’. PN “HpvAAa (Chantraine 1933: 252).
eETYM Not from tpwf-, as previously assumed, because of the Mycenaean form.
Probably a Pre-Greek word.
‘Hoiodoc [m.] PN Hesiod (since Pi.). <?>
*DER Hotddetoc (P1.).
*ETYM Solmsen 1901: 81 supposed a governing compound to tnut *Fodrjv ‘to start a
song’. See on » addr; further Knecht 1946: 48f. A survey of the proposals is given by
Meier- Briigger Glotta 68 (1990): 66-67.
ovxoc [adj.] ‘quiet, silent, slow’ (Hes.). <?>
eVAR Also rfovytoc (P 598), Novyytoc (Pi. O. 2, 32; analogical to hovyia, Arbenz 1933:
77) Novxatog (Att; to hovyi)).
“Heatotoc 527
DIAL Dor. dovy- is not a hyperdorism, see Forssman 1966: 48ff.
DER t0vxh, -1 [adv.] “quiet, softly, secretly’ (IA; Schwyzer: 550); rjovxia, -in ‘rest’ (o
22); ovydtw, -doa ‘be quiet, rest, bring to rest’ (Att.) with hovxaotiKds ‘calming’
(late).
eETYM Unexplained. A hypothesis by Osthoff and Brugmann is given in Pok. 890
and WH sv. sino: that it is from the root *seh,- in Lat. s¢men. This is now viewed as
impossible, as the word had initial ha-.
ita [n.] the seventh letter of the alphabet (Hp., Pl.). <Lw Sem >
*ETYM From Semitic; cf. Hebr. héth. See Schwyzer: 140.
Atop [n.] ‘heart’ (II.); on the meaning Bolelli Ann. d. Scuola Norm. di Pisa 17: 65ff. and
Biraud LAMA 10: 1-32. <IE *h,eh,t-r ‘heart, intestines’>
eVAR Only nom.-acc. except ftopt (Pi., Simon.).
*COMP As a second member in peyaA-rtwp, -opoc ‘magnanimous (II.).
*DER ttpov [n.] ‘abdomen’ (IA; on the formation Schwyzer: 461) with rtplaioc
‘belonging to the abdomen’ (Ar.); cf. e. g. vepp-taiocg and Chantraine 1933: 49.
eETYM Old r-stem with Aeol. -op from zero grade *-r. The word is also found in Gm.
and Celt., e.g. ON @ér [f.] ‘vein’, OHG dd(a)ra, MHG dder ‘vein’, plur. ‘intestines’,
Olr. inathar (< *en-6tro-) ‘intestines’. On the meaning ‘heart’ ~ ‘intestines’, cf. eg.
OE hreder ‘breast, belly, heart’ next to OHG herdar ‘intestines’. See also > «ip,
> kapdia.
itptov [n.] ‘warp’ (PL, E., Theoc.). <?>
eVAR dtplov Theoc. 18, 33 (better -iov?).
*ETYM For the formation, cf. jpiov. Semantically, connection with » dttopat ‘set the
warp in the loom’ is probable; cf. the derivatives Goya, Siacpa with related meaning.
It is difficult to give a precise derivational model, however. The word » énytpipot
‘closely woven, thronged’ perhaps also belongs here.
ijttwv eVAR Ion. ijoowv. = hKa.
Hite [pcl.] ‘as, just like’ (Il). <1E *h,é ‘or’>
*ETYM From 7, (Fé ‘or’ and *(H)ute, found in Skt. utd ‘and, also’. See Schwyzer
1950: 564 and 576. Cf. » edte.
“H@atotos [m.] the divine smith, god of fire, also meton. for ‘fire’ (Il.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Dor. Aeol. ‘Ag-, Ag-, Att. vases Hégaotocg (Schwyzer: 276; on the form of the
name also Kretschmer Glotta 30 (1943): 115ff.).
eDIAL Myc. A-pa-i-ti-jo PN /(H)ap*aistios/.
*COMP ‘Hgatoté-tevktog ‘made by H.’ (S.), av-y@atotog ‘without H., without
warmth’ (mvp, E. Or. 621).
*DER'Hgaiotioc, wv month-name (Thess.),H@atotitic (scil. Ai8oc) name of a stone
(Plin.). ‘H@aiotia [pl.] ‘festival for Hephaestus’ (Att.), -elov ‘temple of H.’ (IA), also
-teiov (pap. I’, after AokAnrt-elov), etc; -tdc ‘a plaster’.
*ETYM A Pre-Greek theonym; the form without -i- shows a typical Pre-Greek
variation (Fur.: 296, 336) and points to original s’.
528 nxn
Axn [f.] ‘sound, noise’ (I1.). «IE *(s)ueh.g"- ‘sound’>
eVAR Dor. axa.
*COMP As a second member eg. in by-nyYc¢ ‘with high neighing’ (ino, II); avt-
NXosc ‘sounding towards’ (Ph.), to XN, TXOs or Hxéw.
DER TX MElc ‘sounding, making noise’ (Il; with shortening hyéevta Archil. 74, 8; see
Schwyzer: 246). hy [f] ‘sound, noise’ (Dor. ayw), also personified (h. Hom., Hes.
Sc. Pi., A.). hyxog [m.] (secondarily [n.], Schwyzer: 512) = nx), together with hy wdnc
(Hp., Hell.); also as a PN faxog (Arc.), short name like faxucg (Cor. Chalcid.). Verb ©
Hxéw, aor. HXfjoat, often with prefix, eg. dvt-, b7-, ‘sound, rustle, give a sound’
(Hes.); with avt-rynua, -7xnow, hxétN>, -ta (ay-) ‘who sounds, cicada’ (Hes.; also
from nxoc, Schwyzer: 500, Fraenkel 1910: 165), Hx NTI Hes. with yynttKd¢ ‘sounding’ Barpdc [rm] Pivot of door’ (M 459, Q. S., Agath.), also ‘axle of a chariot’ (S. Fr. 596).
(late), iyetov ‘drum’ (Ph., Plu.). See also on » idxw, > iaxt}. | IE *d!uer- door <n ee ; sot ye aii ee fas
*ETYM HH (from *Faxa), Hye, and secondary fXo< (cf. KOpTt0¢, TapaXoc) continue a *COMP Batpoditat: oi év tH Cvy@ SaxtvAot, Sv wv oi putiipes ‘the rings on the yoke,
whence the reins’ (H.).
root noun or an uncharacterized verb. These were replaced by innovations hy and
*DER Oatpatoc (Poll.).-
deverbative (or denominative?) nxéw. Beside it stands a primary zero grade
reduplicated present fi-F&x-«; see > lay. : *ETYM A technical term, which Brugmann IF 17 (1904-1905): 356ff. derived from
The forms nx, xéw have no exact parallels in other languages. The closest are Lat. *Ofap-16-¢ (thus IE *d'yr-id-) as “Tiirganger”, from »OUpa and iévat ‘to go’. The
vagire ‘wail (though with IE *-g-) and a few Baltic and Germanic words with initial form reconstructed for Greek would rather contain the suffix *-io-, thus *d"ur-io-.
*su-, eg. Lith. svagitl, -éti ‘to sound’ (IE *-g“-), OE swégan ‘sound’ (IE *-g"- as in | This remains uncertain. MoNw. (dial.) darre ‘pivot of a door, small standard in the
AXi). corner of a sledge’ (Falk & Torp 1910: 178) is remotely related at best.
OaKoc [m.] ‘seat, chair’ (Att.). <PG(S,V)>
VAR Epic Ion. Dor. O8@xo<¢ (since I]l.), lengthened Odwxoc (B 26, L 318 verse-finally;
see below).
eCOMP As a second member eg. in otv-8akoc, -Bwkoc ‘who shares his chair with
someone else’ (S., E.).
*DER Denominative verbs: 1. 0400w, epic Padoow (only present stem) ‘sit’ (Il) <
*Barak-1w, see below; Bodtw for *Bodcou; 2. Oaxéw, Owxéw (also with prefix, eg.
ovv-, év-) ‘sit’ (post-Hom.) together with Oaxnya ‘sitting’ (S.), évOaxnotc ‘sitting’
(S.), évOaxn ‘ambush’ (Pompeiopolis; deverbal), Oaxeiov ‘seat’ (Attica IV*; cf.
apxeiov, Chantraine 1933: 61). 3. Saxevw ‘go to stool’ (Plu., Artem.). On > 80dla, see
S.V.
eETYM From O4Baxov: Gaxov ij Opdvov H., it appears that *8axo was contracted
from *O0d(F)akoc; 8@kocg would then come from 06(F)aKog (not from 8@(F)aKos, as
per Frisk et al.), shortened *86(F)akog; it yielded O8dwxog after diectasis. Details on
BaKoc, B@kog in Bjérck 1950: 349ff. Connection with *d"eh,- (comparing Owyt-d¢
‘heap’) as zero grade and 6-grade is impossible because of *8afax-oc. In accordance
with Schulze 1892: 435, *8apaxoc has been explained as assimilated from *Odfako<g,
but this is most improbable. The word must be Pre-Greek, as was observed by Fur.:
342. A suffix -ak- is frequent in Pre-Greek (Pre-Greek: Suffixes); the variation *-af-/
-of- is normal in substrate words.
| OdAaptoc [m.] ‘inside room at the back of a house’ (as opposed to péyapov, d@pa);
room for women and bedroom, also a room for provisions (Il; on the meaning
Wace JHS 71 (1951): 203ff.), in mariners’ language ‘the lowest deck of a ship’ (Timae.,
Poll.). <PG(v)> ;
530 OdAacoa
eCOMP As a first member eg. in 8aAaun-mdAo¢ [f.], late [m.] ‘chamber maid, lady’s-
maid; eunuch’ (Od,; -n- metrically conditioned). 8addun [f.] ‘lair, den, cavity of the
body’ (€ 432, E, Hp. Arist.), as a nautical term = 0dAauoc (Luc.); on OdAaptog ~ -uN
see Porzig 1942: 284.
*DER OaAauta ‘oar hole’ (Hdt. 5, 33), also ‘oar at the lower deck’ (Ar. Ach. 533, inscr.);
Barapiac [m.] ‘rower in the OaAapoc or Dakauia’ (Th. 4, 32, App., Them.), in this
meaning also BaAduak (Ar. Ra. 1074) and Badapitne (sch. ad loc.). From 8dAapoc
also the rare OaAaurjiog (Hes. Op. 807, A. R.), Badapatocg (Ph.), Badrapic (An. Ox.)
and denominative Oakapyevoua, -etw [v.] ‘to (be) take(n) into the OaAapoc, as a
wife (Ph., Hld. et al.) with QaAauevtpia = vougettpia (Poll.); Baddpevpa = BdAayoc
E. Ba. 120 (lyr.), cf. Chantraine 1933: 185; Oadapevtdc (Tim. Pers. 245).
eETYM Reminiscent of » 06Ao¢ ‘circular building’, but further unknown; Pre-Greek
origin is quite possible, as its structure (CaC-aC-) is typical for such words. It could
be cognate with 86Aoc¢ (Fur.: 342). Not related to » 6gOadudc.
OdAacoa [f.] ‘sea’ (IL). <PG(V)>
*DIAL Att. OdAatta, Late Cretan @dAa00a (Buck 1955: §81b), Lacon. in cadacco-
pédoioa Alc. 84.
*COMP Several compounds, e.g. Oatacco-xpdtwp (Hdt. Th.), dugi-Oaraccocg
‘surrounded by the sea’ (Pi; bahuvrihi); often in hypostases, mostly with -toc
(-idt0¢), e.g. ém-, t1apa-Baddoatos, -idtoc (IA).
*DER Baddootos ‘belonging to the sea, maritime’ (Hom.), -ia [f.], ov [n.] as a plant
name (Dsc; Strémberg 1940: 114), 8adaco-idiog (Hdt.), -aiog (Simon., Pi.) ‘id’,
Baracowdng ‘sea-like’ (Hanno Peripl.), 8adacoepdc [m.] ‘kind of eye-salve’ (Gal.);
Badacoitns (oivoc Plin.). Denominatives: 8a\aco-etw “be in the sea’ (Th.), -dopa,
-dw ‘to be filled by sea water, turn into sea’ (Arist. Hell.) with OaAdcowotc
‘inundation’ (Thphr., Ph.), -iw ‘to be like sea water, wash in sea water’ (Ath., pap.).
*ETYM For the notion of ‘sea’, the Greeks did not use the stem *mor-i-, limited to the
European languages (Lat. mare, MoHG Meer, etc.), but they used old words in a new
meaning (Ac properly ‘salt’, mévtoc properly ‘path’), or borrowed words from Pre-
Greek, like 1éAayoc. The latter is the case for 94Aacoa. It belongs to the gloss Maced.
(2) Sdakayyav: PaAacoav (H.). Fur.: 195 notes that it is uncertain that daAdyyav is
Macedonian (Kalléris 1954 does not give it). The word, with its prenasalized variant,
is typically Pre-Greek. Fur. further connects odAoc, (aAoc, which seems possible but
remains uncertain. Acc. to Lesky Herm. 78 (1943): 258ff., Q4Aacoa was originally a
foreign word for ‘salt water’. See Beekes fthc. [on PG *ky].
@adAw [v.] ‘to flourish, grow (Hes. h. Cer. 402). <1E *d'(e)h,-l-, d'h,J- ‘flourish.
green’ >
eVAR Them. aor. &8a\ov (h. Hom. 19, 33, Hell.), perf. with present meaning té9nAa,
Aeol. Dor. té04Aai (Il.); later forms s-aor. av-é81)Aa (Ael.), fut. dva-OGAnoouai (AP).
*COMP Also with prefix (ava-, etc.).
DER 1. From the root aorist: 840g [n.] ‘sprout’, only metaph. (II.) with augi-Badne
‘surrounded by QdAoc¢ (OdAea), rich’ (X 496; also to OaAgiv); adj. fem. OdAeia
‘flowering, rich’ (Il; on the accent cf. éddyeia, see » EXaxvc), while *8aAtc [m.], -0
BarvKpdcg 531
[n.] is found only in 6adéwv [gen.pl.] (X 504); instead of it we find Badepdc (I1.), like
yAvKepdc to yAvktc, BaAia, -in ‘flower, abundance’, plur. ‘festival’ (Il, Hdt.; Scheller
1951: 39 with different analysis) with 8adta@w [v.]: ‘to amuse oneself (Plu.). PN
OdAn¢ (-fic), gen. OdAew, OGAntos, etc. (Schwyzer: 461f.). See also on » OaAtona. 2.
From the present: OaAAdc [m.] ‘green twig, especially of the olive; sprout’, also
‘(festive) gift’ (p 224) together with @aAXia [f.sg.] ‘foliage’ (Thphr.), QaAAXia [n.pl.]
‘gifts’ (pap.), OaAAivoc ‘consisting of BadAo’ (Rhodes). Gaddw [f.] ‘goddess of
growth’ (lusi. apud Lycurg. 77, Paus. 9, 35, 2).
Secondary presents: 1. to the root aorist: 04A-é0w (Il; see Chantraine 1942: 327, Shipp
1967: 39); 2. to the perfect: OnrAéw, OAAEw, aor. OnArjoa, OaA- (Il.), together with épt-
OnAjjs ‘richly growing’ (IL, Hes.), etc. (but cf. épiBaric: eidoc 5évdpov ‘kind of tree’
H,, erithales [n.] Plin. to 04A0c). Lengthened from OnAéw: tnAeOdu, old only the pte.
tpAe8dwv (IL; Chantraine 1942: 359).
eETYM Ascertained correspondences are found only in Albanian and Armenian:
present Alb. dal ‘to’ sprout’ < *d"al-n- (which may even be identical with O4AAu, cf.
on > BdAAw), aor. dol(Ia < IE *d'eh,J- as in té8GAa, and the Arm. adjective dalar
‘green, fresh’, which has been compared directly with OaAepdc. The Celtic material
(MW deillyau ‘to emanate, proceed, etc.’), and the Germanic even more so (see Pok.
234), is best considered separately. See LIV? s.v. *d'alh,- (which cannot be the correct
reconstruction, however).
Clackson 1994: u8ff. argues concerning the comparison Arm. dalar : ®adepdc that
-ar- is a productive suffix in Armenian and that ‘the semantic development may be
independent’.
OdAnw [v.] ‘to warm’, rarely intr. ‘to be warm’ (Od.). < PG>
eVAR Aor. O6A au.
eCOMP Also prefixed with ava-, ém-, ovv-, b70-, etc.
*DER O04ATt0¢ [n.] ‘warmth’ (IA) with dvo-Oadrmj¢ ‘with bad warmth, shivery’ (P 549);
or from 8dAnw; Baritwpr ‘refreshment’ (Hom.); O4Ayic ‘warming’ (Hp.); 8adrtvdc
‘warming’ (Pi; cf. tep7tvéc; Chantraine 1933: 193); OaAnetvr ‘Tris’ (Strémberg 1940:
82); PN @dAmtoc B 620. Lengthened pte. pres. @aAréwv ‘warm’ (Tt 319, Arat. 1073; on
the formation see Risch 274).
*ETYM Connection with 04AAw as ‘make flourish’ is improbable. The root is also
found in » @adukpéc, *d'al-uk”-; the syncopated form, without -u-, yielded @4ATw.
Thus Kuiper Lingua 21 (1968): 270-275 and Fur.: 384, 391. On syncope in Pre-Greek,
see Fur.: 378-385.
BardvKpdc [adj.] ‘warm, glowing’ (Call. Fr. anon. 69, AP 5, 219), in H. = itayov,
Aautpov, PAoCoupsv, avatdéc, avodpyov ‘rash, splendid, hairy, shameless, knavish’,
with Badvkpéovtar wevdSovtat ‘they are deceived’ (H.). <PG>
eDER Oadt<nt>eo8at préyeo8at ‘to be burnt [up]; Oarvwar BdAyat, mvpdoat ‘to
[soften by] heat, burn’; \aAvocdpevoc: pAeyopevoc ‘who is burnt (up) (H.).
*ETYM Beside the present @aAtoooual, the aorist had Oadvyou (Schulze GGA 1897:
. 874; Schwyzer: 704). Brugmann connected it with » 0aAmw ‘to heat’, assuming that
-m- represents *k”, and that its labial element found as -v- in @aAvooopa, etc. in the
532 Baddota
preceding syllable, after which -x- was retained. Although (as Frisk remarks) this is
not convincing from an JE point of view, such mechanisms are well-known for
substrate words. Both @dAn- and 8aAv«- can be explained as from *tal-uk"-, while in
OarvKpdc we have retention of k after u. See on >» OdAnw. The form dAvxKpdc is
unclear; see » dA€a 1 ‘warmth’,
@addora [n.pl.] ‘offerings of first fruits’ (I 534, Theoc. 7, 3). <IE *d*h,J- ‘flourish, grow
green’>
*DER Oadtotog dptoc ‘bread from the first corn’ (Ath. 3, 14a; cf. on OapyrAta),
Badvotac 65dc¢ ‘the road to the Th.’ (Theoc. 7, 31); patronynicon @advoiddre¢ (A 458).
*ETYM From OdAAa, etc., first from an adjective *OaAtc, -b (found only in 8adéwv
[gen.pl.] and O@dAeta [f.], of Saic, Eoptr), as was observed by Solmsen 1901: 37 and
Solmsen Glotta 1 (1909): 80. On the formation, see Fraenkel 1912: 124 and Chantraine
1933: 41f. On the Thalysia see Nilsson 1941(1): 468.
Baud [adv.] ‘often’ (II.). <2>
eDER Oapdkic (: MoAAdKIc) ‘id? (Pi). Oaptva ‘id? (Pi, Hp.), adjective Oapivdc
‘crowded, close-set’ (Call. cf. muxtva, -tvdc) with Baptvaxic (Hp.); also Oapetvc after
aimetvoc (h. Merc. 44). Next to Sapa stands the u-stem *Oapt< (taxa : Taxvc) in
Sages [pl.] ‘close-set, crowded’, Oapetai [f.] (Hom.; on the accent Schwyzer: 385); cf.
also @apv-KAfi¢ PN (Bechtel 1917b: 197). Compar. Sapbvtepat- mvxvotepat (H.), cf.
iObvtata. Here also Oduvptc (H.), probably after maviyyupic, by which H. glosses it;
also as a PN (B 595, inscr.); cf. Bechtel 1917a: asf; further 660 Bapwpov<: Tac
AewPdpous ‘highways’; Gauvpilet- dBpoitet, ovvdyet ‘brings together’ (H.); also intr.
(BCH 50, 401, Thespiae). Denominative of Saud: Bapifw [v.] ‘to frequent’ (IL; cf.
Schwyzer: 736).
eETYM It was previously assumed that Oap-d was a reduced grade beside > Onpwv,
> Owpdc, but this is impossible, since the latter two derive from ®n- in ti-O17-. This
had a zero grade @e- < *d'h,-, as in »Oéye8Aa, > Oéutc. Therefore, the etymology
remains unknown.
OauBos [n.] ‘amazement, fright’ (Il.). <PG(v)>
ecoMP As a second member e.g. in d-OauPr¢ ‘fearless, undaunted’ (Ibyc., B.) with
a8apuBia, -in ‘fearlessness’ (Democr. 215); back-formation daupoc ‘undaunted’
(Democr. 216), also as a PN (Delphi); cf. &c8apBoc below; see Schwyzer: 469.
*DER ODayiBadéoc (Nonn.). Denominative verbs: 1. BayBéa, -foal, also with prefixes
like éx-, ‘be amazed, be frightened’ (Il.), Hell. also trans. ‘amaze, frighten’ (LXX),
together with @auB-notc, -nua (Aq.), EkBauBoc (Plb.). 2. Bay Baive intr. ‘id’ (Pi.). 3.
OapBevw trans. ‘id.’, together with -evtric (Aq.).
*ETYM Beside OduBoc, Greek has an archaic-looking perfect »té8nma ‘I am
perplexed’ with the thematic root aorist tagetv (tapwv, tage; Il.); from the latter
derives tagog [n.] = 8auBoc (Od., Ibyc.). Secondary to té8nma are Orjnw: emOvpue,
Bavpdtw; also, » Aww. However, a nasal did not voice a following stop in Greek;
Barton Glotta 71 (1993): 1-9 incorrectly assumes a complicated series of
developments; dppaddc disproves the rule ND < ND', and &v@pwrtoc is a Pre-Greek
word; the rule has been rejected on several occasions. Moreover, there is no evidence
Oavatoc 533
for e-vocalism (viz. *d"emb'-), as we would expect if the word were of IE origin, so
the whole approach thus far has been wrong: O8dyBoc and té8nna cannot be
genetically related. The group is further isolated; Go. af-dobn [ipv.] “become
speechless’ cannot be connected. Just as doubtful is the connection with a Germ.
group for ‘hit’, e.g. ME dabben ‘hit softly, MoHG tappen. The variation Ban-/ tag-/
SapB- (with Pre-Greek prenasalization), to which *Oaf- in Oabdpa, etc. also belong,
cannot be IE. The rare form 6wn- is a variant of *8avn-. The whole group is of Pre-
Greek origin; thus already Kuiper 1956: 225 and Fur. passim.
Odpuk [2] - dAwmné ‘fox’ (H.). <2>
eETYM Improbable hypothesis by von Blumenthal 1930: 36ff; see WH s.v.
Oduvoc [m.] ‘bush, shrub’ (IL). <PG>
eVAR Also [f.], after other tree names.
*DER Diminutive ®auvioxocg [m.] (Dsc.), Sapvitic ‘shrub-like’ (Nic. Th. 883),
Bapvwdne ‘id. (Thphr.), Sapvac = pita (EM). Beside it @auvny (-a) [f.] ‘wine from
pressed grapes (?) (Herod. 6, 90, Gp.).
eETYM The word Odpvoc exists next to Paptvdc and Saud just as muKvdc next to
muxtvdc and mba; the barytonesis is caused by the substantivization (cf. Schulze
1933a: 124"). For the meaning, cf. the explanation in H.: Oduvot- dacéa Kai moKva
dévdpa ‘dense and thick trees’. Not, as per Alessio Studi etruschi 18 (1941): 414,
related to Lat. tamnus; see WH s.v. With its ending in -apv(oc), the word seems Pre-
Greek; its meaning makes this quite possible.
@avatog [m.] ‘death’ (IL). <1E *d"(u)enh,- ‘die’>
*COMP Compounds like a4-@avatoc ‘immortal’ (Il.), Gavati-pdpog ‘death-bringing’
(A. ; -1y- metrically and analogically conditioned, Schwyzer 438f.).
*DER Adjectives: 8avdoipoc ‘bringing death, going to die’ (IA; on the formation
Arbenz 1933: 17 and 7of.; rarely 8avatrjomos, op. cit. 78f.); also Savatwdnc (Hp.)
Bavatodets (S., E.), Bavatrjatoc (Afric. after Brotrjotoc, Bpotrotoc), BavatiKkds (D. S.,
Plu.), Bavatnpdc (Eust.); Bavatovota (sc. iepd) [pl.] ‘festival for the dead’ (Luc,; after
yepovotoc). Denominative verbs: 1. Bavatéw ‘kill, bring to death, sentence to death’
(IA) with Savatwotc; 2. Bavatdw ‘like to die’, also ‘be dying’ (Pl.); 3. Gavatidw ‘id.’
(Luc.). Old perfect té8vnka ‘I am dead’, plur. té8vapev, ptc. teBvinwe, TeOvews, Aeol.
inf. te8vaxnyv, with the thematic root aorist {0avov ‘I died’ (Il.), the fut. Bavodpat
CI.) and a present OvrioKw (inscr.), Ovijokw (mss.), Aeol. Ovaiokw (Hdn. Gr. 2, 79);
in prose mostly do-O8vijoKw; also with other prefixes, e.g. kata-OvijoKw, -Oavetv,
-té8vrnxa (all Il); on the function of the prefix see Schwyzer 1950: 268f. Verbal
adjective @vytéc ‘mortal’ (Il.). Thence Ovijowoc (only Arg. to S. OT 7) with
Ovijowatov ‘cadaver’ (LXX); in the same meaning also @vacidtov, Ovno(e)idtov
(Lesbos, Ael.; Schwyzer: 270). Verbal subst. Ovijoic ‘dying, mortality’ (medic.),
evOvijoutog ‘preparing a soft death’ (A. Ag. 1294) from ed Ovijoxetv; cf. ev8dvatoc,
-TEW, -ola.
*ETYM The comparison with the Skt. aorist 4-dhvani-t ‘he disappeared’ and the ptc.
dhvan-ta- ‘dark’ previously led to a reconstruction IE d'yenh,-, but this etymological
connection is not certain. The Greek forms Oav-(siv) and 8dva-(toc), Ova-(tdc)
534 Banta
point to a reconstruction *d'nh,-, *d'nh,-e- beside *d'nh,-C-. LIV? therefore
combines them under a root *d'enh,- ‘sich in Lauf setzen, sich davonmachen’, to
which also belong Indo-Iranian forms like Ved. dhdnvati ‘flows’, pra dhanvati (YV)
‘dies’, as well as ToA tsndntdr [subj.] ‘flow. Semantically, this is possible, but not
wholly convincing.
Oarta [f.] - wvia, Kpires ‘fly (Cretan)’ (H.). <PG>
*ETYM Fur.: 388, etc. compares Adtta < *Aanta (glossed as pvia, TloAvppryviot H.),
dant (Lyc.), and Lat. tabanus ‘horse-fly’. However, see » 84ntw on Latte.
Oantw [v.] ‘to bury’ (Il.). <1E? *d"emb"- ‘dig, bury’>
eVAR Aor. Odyau, pass. Tagijvau, also -Oijvat, perf. pass. TeBaypat.
eCOMP Also with prefix, e.g. év-, ovv-, KaTa-.
*DER tagoc [m.] ‘burying, tomb’ (IL), tagy ‘id’ (IA); derived from this the
hypostases év-, ém-tdgtog ‘ptng. to a burial’ together with évtagidtw, évtagiaotis
(LXX, pap.); émitagéw [v.] ‘to attend a burial’ (inscr.); tagrioc ‘ptng. to a burial’
Odpos 535
evOapoéw as per Leumann l.c.) together with Oappiytikdg (Arist.). Beside Odpooc,
Bépooc we have the adjective Opactc ‘audacious, courageous, bold’ (since II.), often
as a first member, e.g. @pacvKapdtoc ‘with audacious heart’ (Il.), Rhod. @apov-fioc,
Ther. @hap(p)b-paqhoc (more forms in Schwyzer: 284); thence 8pacvt19¢ ‘boldness’
(IA), Opaow epithet of Athena (Lyc.), denominative verb 8pacivw, Bapodva, -pp-
‘encourage’ (Il.) with @apovvoc ‘with confidence’ (Il; deverbal; cf. Schwyzer 491);
compar. 8paciwv (Alcm.), Opacbtepoc, superl. -btatog (Att.); see Seiler 1950: 55f. Cf.
also » dtdo8adoc.
*ETYM An exact correspondence to 8paocvc would be Skt. dhysii-, but the latter is only
attested in grammarians; the typical form is dhrsnu- ‘bold’ (RV), from dhrsnoti
[3sg.pres.] ‘be audacious’. The s-stem 0épooc (for which secondarily 8apooc, 8pdacoc
by influence of 8paovc) has no parallel in Sanskrit. Greek has only the denominative
verbs Bapoéw, Bapovvw, while other IE languages have primary formations: Skt.
dhrs-n-6-ti, perf. da-dhdrsa, Go. ga-dars ‘dare, toAu@’, Lith. drjsti ‘dare’ (with infixed
nasal, cf. OPr. dyrsos [adj.] ‘courageous, skillful’).
(Od.), tapevs ‘grave-digger’ (S.), tap(e)wv (place) of a tomb’ (inscr.), tagikdév : fan : :
‘burial costs’ (pap.). tagpog [f.] (on the genus see Schwyzer 1950: 34") ‘ditch (for Bdcow ‘sit’. «VAR Badoow. = BaKos.
fortification, etc.) (Il.) together with tappevw ‘make a ditch’ (Att.), whence tagp-
eid, TAPP-EVLA, -EVOLC, -EVTIIG; rare Tagpn ‘id.’ (Ion.); tpa@oc (Tabl. Heracl. I, 130). |
Uncertain 8ant<p>a: [iva (cod. via). Kpijtes ‘monument (Cret.)’ (H.); see Latte |
Odoowv ‘quicker’. «VAR Att. Pattwv. > Tayv«.
Badpa [n.] ‘wonder, astonishment’ (Il.). <PG>
Glotta 34 (1955): 196f.
*ETYM It has traditionally been compared with Arm. damb-an ‘tomb’, starting from
IE *d'mb*-. Greek would also have generalized the zero grade 8am-, tag- < *Oagq-,
and the full grade *d'emb'- would have been eliminated in both languages. However,
Clackson 1994: 120f. doubts that the words are old. Armenian and Greek could well
be borrowings; IE origin is uncertain.
@apynAta [n.pl.] Ionic-Attic festival before the harvest, connected with the cult of
Apollo (Hippon., Archil.), also TapyrAta (Milete). <PG(v)>
*DER @apynAtwv (Tapy-) month name (IA), @apyrAtocg (Tapy-) PN (Ion.). Beside it
Oapyndoc, acc. to Crates apud Ath. 3, 114a name of a bread, which was otherwise
called Badvotoc (4ptoc) (s. BaAvota), also name of a pot (xbtpa) with cooked fruits,
which was considered a symbol of fertility (Suid., H., EM 443, 19).
*ETYMPre-Greek origin is demonstrated by the variant forms with T-.
Oapvupat = Gopdc and Opégopat.
@dpoos [n.] ‘confidence, courage, audacity’ (II.). <IE *d"ers- ‘bold’>
*VAR Att. Bappoc (partly a reshaping of Hom. Odpoos, etc. acc. to Leumann 1950:
115); Aeol. 8épooc.
*COMP E.g. ed-Baporic ‘of good courage’ (A.), Sepot-emrc ‘talking courageously’ (B.;
on the first member Schwyzer: 448).
*DER @apoahéoc, -pp- ‘with confidence, courageous’ (Il; on the formation
Chantraine 1933: 253f.), Qepoitng PN (Hom, etc.), Oaporetc ‘courageous’ (Call.
Nonn.; innovation, see Schwyzer: 527); denominative verb OBapoéw (-pp-), aor.
Bapofjoat ‘be courageous’ (Il; cf. Schwyzer: 724, Chantraine 1942: 349; hardly from
*VAR Hadt. et al. 6@ua (mss. also 8Mvpa; see below).
eCcomP Asa first member e.g. in Ba vpato-moids ‘wonder-worker = juggler’ (Pl. D.).
*DER 8avpatdc ‘wonderful’ (Hes. Sc. 165, h. Hom., Pi.) with Oavydotog ‘id.’ (1A;
Schwyzer: 466), from which 8avpaoidtns (Hp.); Savpatdets ‘id.’ (Man.); Oavuac,
-avtoc (Hes.; Schwyzer: 526, Chantraine 1933: 269). Denominative verbs: 1. @avpaivw
‘wonder, admire’ (6 108, h. Ven. 84) with Dor. ©wpdvtac (Phleius); 2. Bavpdatw ‘id?
Cl; on the formation Schwyzer: 734) with Oavyaotis ‘admirer’ and Savpactikdc
(Arist.), Bavpaouds ‘admiration’ (Hell.), 8atuaxtpov probably ‘money paid to see a
conjurer’s tricks’ (Sophr. 120; cf. Chantraine 1933: 332); 3. SavyatiCopat: exmAnTTopat
‘I am astonished’ (H.). PN Ow@pwv (Boeot.); cf. yyOua : yvwpwv et al; see Bechtel
1917b: 214.
*ETYM The word Oadya belongs to the group of 8auBoc, té8iy1ta, etc. with Pre-Greek
labial/ - (Fur.: 228-33). This also explains 6@ya with av/w, beside which (with
“etymological” notation) there is also 8@vua in Hdt.; the variation cannot be
explained in IE terms. Thus Kuiper 1956: 225 and Fur.: 236, 242. It is possible, though
by no means certain, that Oadpa, etc. are verbal nouns of a word for ‘see, observe’ in
> 0éa ‘looking at’, Bedopat ‘behold’, etc.
Odyos [f.] name of a plant, ‘fustic, Rhus Cotinus’, used for dyeing yellow (Theocr.).
<LW %
*VAR Also Sawia pita (Thphr.); Oawia [f.] “deadly carrot, Thapsia garganica’ (Arist.,
Thphr.).
DER Odytvos ‘yellow-colored’ (Ar.).
*ETYM Identical with the name of the peninsula Thapsos (on the eastern coast of
Sicily), or derived from it. See Strémberg 1940: 127.
536 Béa
Géa [f.] ‘sight, aspect, spectacle’ (IA). < PG>
eVAR Ion. 81 (Syrac. daz; see Kaibel 1899-1901(1): 200).
eCOMP As a first member in » Bewpdc ‘spectator, envoy at a festival’, s.v.
*DER PN Odiic [f.] (D. S.). Verb Sedona, Ion. Onéopat, Dor. Sagopa (with Oap|eba
[Sophr.] and other contracted forms; see Bechtel 1921, 2: 191) ‘to look at, behold’ (II.),
also with prefix, e.g. €x-, kata-, ovv-. Several deverbal nouns: 1. 8éapa, Bérpa ‘sight,
spectacle’ (Semon., A.); 2. Béacic ‘contemplation, insight’ (Gal. Porph.); 3. 8atvc
(Dor. < *8aattc): ixpiov (= ‘bank in a theatre’), Bewpetov, é¢ Batbv: cic Bewpiav H.;
4. Béatpov, BEntpov ‘place for spectators, theatre’ (IA) with several compounds and
derivatives, eg. cugi-Béatpoc [adj.] ‘having place for spectators around’ (eg of
inmddpopoc, otod), substantivized -ov ‘amphitheatre’ (D. H., Str.), Seatpikdc,
Beatpitw, Deatpropdc; 5. Beatrc, Bentic ‘spectator’ (IA) with Seatikdg (Arr.); 6.
OntNp (@ 397); Batt p (B. 9, 23) ‘id’; 7. Berwv ‘id.’ (APL).
*ETYM At the basis of Oéa, etc. is *Pafa. In Ionic-Attic, *Oafa gave Béa, where one
would expect contraction of two like vowels after loss of F (see the discussion in
Peters 1980a: 307f.). Other primary nouns are probably 8fBoc (= OfFoc): Sadpa and
Oryyeta (= Orfeia): Savuaota, wevdi and Ortadrd (= Onfadrd): Pavpaota, pevdeorv
Suota (all H.). The verbs 8a(F)éopau, On(F)Eopwat (with ao > eo) and the development
giving 8edopat are discussed in Szemerényi SMEA 3 (1967): 71-72. They can be taken
as denominatives, or alternatively as deverbatives (Schwyzer: 720) with 0én, 6a as
back-formations (this direction seems to be indicated by the chronology of the
attestations)? No IE cognates; the word is Pre-Greek, as is proven by the variations
(see > Badpa, » PduBoc). Incorrectly, Szemerényi Glotta 33 (1954): 256, who traces
*Para to IE *d"msua.
Ber drteS0v = ciAOTtESOV.
Oivw [v.] ‘to slay’, also ‘to kill’ (IL). <1E *g”en- ‘strike, slay’>
eVAR Reduplicated aor. me-@v-etv (II.), med. értépato (cod. am-): améBavev ‘he died’
(H.); beside it also, probably as an innovation, the thematic root aor. Oeveiv (E., Ar.)
and the ptc. Ozivac of the s-aorist (Y 481); fut. Oev@ (Ar.), 38g. perf. pass. 7éqatat, inf.
nepao8at (II.), together with fut. pass. ne@ryoetat (O 140, etc.).
*COMP The verbal adjective as a second member in compounds, e.g. aprt-patog (see
also on > Stpdotoc).
DER Beside it » pdvoc [m.] ‘murder’, s.v;; cf. also Apyeipévtne.
*ETYM From this root, Indo-European formed an athematic root present: 3sg. Skt.
hdnti = Av. jainti = Hitt. kuen-zi ‘he slays, kills’, IE *g”"én-ti. This was replaced by a
thematic root formation: YAv. janaiti ‘kill, Lith. gent ‘to drive (cattle), hunt’, OCS
Zeno ‘to drive, pursue’, as well as perhaps Arm. jnem ‘slay’ (which may instead be
denominative from jin ‘stick’). Other formations are Olr. gonim ‘to wound, kill
(iterative) and Lat. -fend6 in dé-, of-fendd (with a suffixal -d-). The reduplicated
aorist is also found outside Greek, e.g. in Indo-Iranian: Av. auua-jaynat (if not an
intensive) ‘he struck’ = 1épve. The perfect formations also correspond: Skt. 3sg. ja-
ghan-a < IE *g”"e-g”"on-; mé-ga-tot and Skt. 3pl. ja-ghn-tih < *g”e-g”*n-. Verbal
adjectives: Skt hatd- = Av. jata- = -patoc, IE.*g”"n-to-. The full grade thematic yod-
BeAeuov 537
present Oeivw was connected (cf. Frisk) with Lith. genit (inf. genéti) ‘to prune
branches’ (< IE *g’"en-id), beside OCS Zonjo (inf. Zeti) ‘to reap, mow’. However, as
Derksen 2008 s.v. *zéti II remarks, the Balto-Slavic words point to a root-final
laryngeal. Arm. jnjem ‘to wipe off, clean’ could belong here phonetically as well, but
differs in meaning. Connection with Alb. gjan ‘to hunt, follow’ is very doubtful. On
the meaning of the IE root, see recently Garcia Ramon 1998: 139-154.
@eiov [n.] ‘brimstone’ (Il., IA). <1E *d"ues- ‘smoke’>
VAR Epic Q€etov, also Orlov (x 493).
*DER Diminutivum Oe(1)aqiov (H., Tz.; Bao Eust.), adjective BetwSne ‘sulphuric’
(Str. medic.); denominative verb Oet6w, Bedw, epic Beetdw (also prefixed with dia-,
éxk-, Tlept-) ‘treat with sulphur’ (Od., medic.); thence Oe@pata: ta mepiKaBaptr pia
‘purificatory offerings’ (H.).
*ETYM The basic form was Qéetov, whence Oeiov by hyphaeresis and, by further loss
of thet, Bedw, Bedqiov. The hapax Orjiov arose by metrical lengthening and change of
suffix. Perhaps Hom. Oéetov derives from *Oféhetov; it would be a substantivized
adjective from a noun *@féhog [n.], properly ‘smoke’, formed from a verbal root
*d"ues- ‘smoke, breathe’ (cf. LIV? s.v.) in Lith. dvésti ‘breathe, blow’. Not connected
to » Bedc. Cf. » Bbw 2.
Oeiog [m.] ‘uncle, father’s or mother’s brother’ (Att.). <ONOM>
*DER Innovations are mpd@etoc ‘great-uncle’ (Laodicea; after proavus) and Oeia [f.]
‘aunt’ (pap.; for tnBic acc. to Schwyzer 1950: 31).
*ETYM Onomatopoeic *8n, with a suffix -e1oc? Cf. reduplicated tH8n. From Oeioc
came Ital. zio ‘id.’.
OéA yw [v.] ‘to enchant, beguile, cheat’ (II.). <?>
eVAR Aor. OéAEat , pass. OeAxGfjvat, fut. PEAEw (Od.); iterative ipf. BéAyeon’ (y 264).
eCOMP Rarely with prefix (dia-, émt-, kata, 1tapa-). B€AEt- as a first member in
governing compounds, e.g. OeAfi-enrj¢ ‘with enchanting words’ (B.), OeAEi-ppwv
‘enchanting the mind’ (E. [lyr.]); see Schwyzer 443.
*DER OeAxtrp ‘enchanter, etc.’ (h. Hom. 16, 4) with OeAKtrptov ‘charm’ (II.), adj.
GeAxtrptoc ‘enchanting’ (A. E.); GéAktwp ‘id’ (A. Supp. 1040 [lyr.]); 8€AKtpov =
BeAKtrplov (S. Tr. 585), 8EAy1tpov ‘charm, spell’ (E.); 8éAyp.a ‘id.’ (sch., H.); BEAxtap
(cod. 8épxad): BAypa (H.), Fraenkel Glotta 32 (1953): 29; (kata-)OEAEtc ‘charm’
(Plu. Luc, Ael.).
eETYM Unexplained. Several unconvincing hypotheses: that it is related to Lith.
Zvel gitt ‘look at’ (de Saussure MSL 8 (1894): 443, who connects it as ‘enchanting by an
evil look’); to Skt. hvdrate ‘go obliquely’ < *¢"uel- with Gr. enlargement -y- (Ehrlich
1910: 29); to Gm. words like OE dolg, OHG tolc ‘wound’ (Havers IF 28 (1911): 190ff.;
see also on doeAyrjc).
OeAeuov [adj.] epithet of mda ‘drink (A. Supp. 1027 [lyr.]) of unknown meaning,
glossed by H. as oixtpdv, ijovxov ‘pitiable, quiet’, connected with » 0éAw by Hdn. Gr.
1, 171. < PG?>
538 -Bedvpvoc
eETYM Unexplained. Cf. OeAnpi(v)a (te Kai otepewnd) Emp. 21, 6; taken as
“supporting, basic”, on which see Solmsen 1909: 63. See discussion on » -GeAujtvoc.
Fur.: 317 thinks the word is Pre-Greek (due to suffix -e10¢).
-Oedvpvos [adj.] in mpo-8éA vpLvos, epithet of dévdpea (1541), of xaitat (K 15), of cdKoc
(N 130); post-Hom. of various objects (pic, kapryjata). <PG>
*COMP Also in tetpa-0éAvp voc epithet of oaxoc (O 479 = x 122); cf. tpLBEAVELVOG =
tpintvxoc (Eust. 849, 5).
eDER The simplex is unknown, but Sturz read it in Emp. 21, 6 for traditional
BeAr(v)a (Diels and others: OeAeuva).
eETYM We may compare the prefix in mpo-8éAvpvocg with mpd-ppiloc ‘of which the
root is gone, uprooted’, Lat. pré-fundus ‘of which the bottom is removed, deep’, Skt.
pra-parna- ‘whose leaves have fallen off, stripped of the leaves’. The second member
of mpo-8éAvpvoc, which can be reconstructed as *0éAvpa as well as *BeAvELVOV (-0<),
has been interpreted as ‘base’ since antiquity. Thus, mpo-8éAvpvoc would mean ‘the
base (bottom) of which is removed; without foundation’, which might fit in all
occurrences except N 130 (after this Nonn. D. 22, 183; 2, 374). Improbably,
Wackernagel 1916: 237ff. (with criticism of older views), who recognizes in mpo-
OéAvpVOs a variant of tetpa-BéAvpLVvoc ‘with four layers’, with mpo- as the Aeolic
parallel of tpa- from *ntfpa- (cf. tpd-mefa). The glosses of H., a8éAvor Kakoi;
a8éAnuov dkovopa: Kakov are unclear, as is OgAeuvov: dAov ék pilav (Latte apud
Mayrhofer KEWA 2: 94 fn.). Krahe Die Antike 15 (1939): 181 thinks the word is Pre-
Greek. This is without a doubt correct, because of the suffix (-vpivoc). Older attempts
(e.g.. Wackernagel above, or the comparison with Sanskrit dhardna- [n.] by
Mayrhofer) should therefore be discarded.
OéAw = E0éAw.
@ée0A.a [n.pl.] ‘fundaments, base’, also metaph. (II). <IE *d"eh, ‘put, make’>
DER Also OepeiAta [n.p].] ‘id.’ (I.), a metrically lengthened form of OeyEAta, adjective
OeuéAtoc “belonging to the fundaments’, as a substantive (sc. \i00c) ‘foundation-
stone’ (Att.) with Oeuedtdw ‘lay the foundation’ (X.), Bepediwotc ‘fundament’ (LXX).
A poetical-archaizing back-formation is 0guelAov (AP) with the same meaning, -a
(verse inscr. Adana).
*ETYM Formations with OAo- and Ao- from a nominal m-stem. Cf. Oepovc s.v.
> Geudw. On the formation of OeyéAtoc, see also Frisk Eranos 41 (1943): 51ff. Cf. also
> Oepépn, > Oéutc. See also Rix 1994: 35-53.
Oeuépn [adj.] - BeBaia, ceuvy, evotaOrc ‘firm, revered, well-based’; Bguepov- cepvov.
ag’ ob Kai 10 ceuvivecBat OeepbvecBat ‘revered; hence, o. ‘to be revered’ is also
called 8” (H.). <IE *d'eh,- ‘put, make’>
ecoMP As a first member in Oewepwmic, epithet of Appovin (Emp. 122, 2), of aidwe
(A. Pr. 134 [lyr.]); Beuepdppovac: ovvetovcs, ow@ppovac ‘understanding, wise’ (H.).
*DER As a simplex only Oepépa Oni (v.l. Pi. N. 7, 83), Qeue[pwte]pa (IG 14, 1018: 3
[IV], if supplied correctly).
BepLdw 539
*ETYM Beside QéuEpoc (or Bepepdc) ‘solid, firm’ stands *Ogutotoc in Oeptoto-KAj\c
(cf. Aptoto-KAijjc), like kpatiotog from Kpatepdc (Frisk Eranos 48 (1950): 6). The
basis would be nominal Oey-, as found in Gepots (s.v. > BeLdw), > OgueOAa, Beyérta.
It is doubtful that we should assume a separate word Oguepoc in the meaning oepvdc
‘revered’. The IE etymology, too, is not without doubts.
OguU¢ [f., n.] ‘justice, law, custom’, also goddess of justice (Il.). <PG(v)>
*VAR Different oblique forms: gen. Ogutotoc (8 68; Thess. inscr.), dat. tot: (O 87;
Thess. inscr.), acc. -tota (E 761, Y 4); Béuidoc (A. Pr. 18), Béuttog (Pi. O. 13, 8); rarely
also OguLoc (Hdt. 2, 50; v.l. -t50¢), BgWEws (inscr. Metropolis); acc. Oguv (Hes.), voc.
@éut (O93). Plur. Oguo tec, acc. -totac, etc. ‘statutes, (divine) laws, oracles’ (Hom.
Hes., Thgn., Pi.).
DIAL Myc. te-mi, gen. ti-mi-to; cf. Ruipérez Minos 5 (1957): 176f., 181 ff.
eCOMP As a first member e.g. in Oept-oxdmoc ‘guarding justice’ (Pi.), Qepto-Kpéwv
‘ruling through justice’ (Pi.), 8eptoTo-m6Ao¢ ‘protecting the laws, obeying the oracles’
(h. Cer. 103, inscr. Delphi II*). As a second member e.g. in d-Oepc ‘lawless, unlawful’
(Pi., E.), a-Oéuttog ‘id.’ (Hdt.), d-Béutotos ‘id.’ (Il.), also a-Bepiotiog (Od.; metrical
variant).
DER Oeptotdc (A. Th. 694 [lyr.]; after d-Bgpot0¢); Bepttdc in ob Bepitdv = ob Béttc
(IA); @epiotiog epithet of Zeus, ‘Lord of the Ogutotec’ (Plu.); also month name
(Thessaly); Oeptoteioc ‘regarding the 0.’ (Pi.); Bepto toobvat = Bépotec (Orph. H. 79,
6). Denominative verbs: 1. Qeyiotebw ‘to proclaim the laws, oracles’ (Od.) with
Oeuoteia ‘oracle-giving’ (Str.). 2. Oepitebw ‘to behave lawfully’ (E. Ba. 79 [lyr.]). 3.
BenilETwW LaoTLyOUTW, vopoBEeTeitw. Kpijtec ‘to flog, frame laws (Cret.)’ (H.); to be
changed in *Oeptcoétw (= Paus. Gr. Fr. 202) acc. to Bechtel 1921, 2: 786; aor. pte.
Beptooduevoc (Pi.). Several PNs, e.g. OepLoTto-KAijc¢ (see on » BépLEpoc).
*ETYM In Av. da-mi- [f.] ‘creation’, also ‘creator’ ([m.] and [f.]), we seem to have a
formation corresponding to Qéc. Cf. the same difference between Oé-oc, -Oe-toc as
opposed to -da-ti-, da-ta- ‘basis, justice, law’ (= 8éutc). The remarkable formations
Ogptotec, BéuLoTOG, etc. are problematic; the explanation by Schulze as a compound
of Ogut- and otd- ‘stand’ leads to unsurmountable difficulties, acc. to Frisk s.v.
However, C. J. Ruijgh suggested (pers. comm.) that interchange between i-stem
forms and forms in -\(o)t- seems to point to Pre-Greek origin. Acc. to Fraenkel, the
occasional] neuter forms originated from synonymous expressions like déov, kaddv,
mpoorkov; this is possible, but this may be an inheritance from Pre-Greek as well.
On the meaning of Oéuc, see Vos 1956.
Beptow [v.] only aor. Bguwoe in (via) ... pépe Kbpa (...), Béuwoe SE yEpoov ikéoBat (1
486, 542). <?>
eDER Denominative verb to Qeudc, which is only found in Oepovc diabéoeic,
mapatvéoetc ‘dispositions, exhortations’ (H.) and in the PNs gu-avdpoc, Oeud-Beoc
(Bechtel 1917b: 207f.).
eETYM The usual rendering with ‘to cause, enable’ or simply ‘drove ashore
-(landwards)’ (LSJ) is too abstract; for a denominative verb, we would rather expect
‘to provide with Oeudc’ vel sim. The etymology remains unknown.
540 Bévap, -apoc
Gévap, -aposg [n.] ‘palm of the hand’ (also metaph.), ‘sole of the foot’ (II.). <IE *d'en-r
‘palm of the hand’>
eCOMP Also as a second member, e.g. omioBévap [n.] ‘back of the hand’ (Poll.) for
*Omi080-8évap, napaWévata: TA Ad TOV LIKp@V SaKTLAWV Mapa TO BEvap, Tyyouv
éni tov Kapmdv ‘what [runs] from the small fingers along the palm, or rather up to
the wrist’ (H.).
*DER Denominative verbs: Oevapive timte ‘strikes’; évOevapiver eyyeipel
‘undertakes, attacks’ (H.).
eETYM Old word for ‘palm of the hand’, also found in Gm.: OHG tenar [m.], tenra
[f.] ‘id’ (thematic derivations of the r-stem). Hypothetical further combinations in
Pok. 249.
BeoKdAog [m.] ‘servant of a god, priest’ (Dyme II*). <I *k’el- ‘turn, move around’>
eVAR Also OeryK6Aoc (Schwyzer: 438).
*DER Denominative 8eoxodéw [v.] (also 8en-); -ia, -ewv (Hell.).
eETYM Innovated on the model of BovKdAog ‘cow-herd’, but occasionally, the
expected form Qe0-m6Ao<c, -éw is found (Pl. Lg. 909d, Phot., Suid. cf. ai-m6Aoc).
Oeonpdrocs [m.] ‘fortune-teller, seer’, also as an adjective ‘prophetic’. <IE *prep-
‘appear’>
*DER Oeomporéw (only ptc.) ‘prophesy’ and 8eonpdmiov, -ia ‘prophecy, oracle’ (II.).
eETYM From »Oedc ‘god’ and »mpémetv ‘to catch the eye, be conspicuous’.
Semantically analyzed by Bechtel 1914 s.v. as “the one who appears from god”.
@edc [m., f.] ‘god, goddess’ (I].). «IE *d"(e)h,s- ‘god’>
*COMP Myc. te-o /the*os/. Very frequent in compounds, e.g. &-Be0c, Be0-e151j¢; 8ed0-
dotoc after Aido-Sotoc; on the form 8eo- see » BéoKeXoc, BéoTIEC.
*DER 1. Ged [f.] ‘goddess’ (epic; see Wackernagel 1920-1924(2): 25; on Bed and Oedc [f.]
in Hom. see Humbach MSS 7 (1955): 46ff.). 2. Ogatvou [pl.] “goddesses” (after
téxtotvat et al; in Hom. as metrical filling; not an archaic form as per Chantraine
REGr. 47: 287'). 3. 8eiocg ‘divine’ (Il; cf. below) with OetwSwe [adv.] (pap.), Berdt¢
‘godliness’ (LXX, NT, Plu.), Geia{w ‘prophesy, worship as a god’ (Th.), also with
prefix, eg. émt-Oeid(w ‘swear by the gods’ together with (émi-)Oetacpdg (Th.) 4.
Oeixdc ‘id.’ (late). 5. Denominative verb Beda, -dopat ‘turn into a god, become a god’
(Call.), mostly with prefix, eg. dmo-Oedw ‘id’ (pap, Plb, Plu.) together with
anoBéwots (Str.).
*ETYM The connection with Arm. di-k‘ [pl] ‘gods’ < *d'eh,s- seems to be generally
accepted. The old etymology *Ofeo-dc¢ with Lith. dvasia ‘spirit’, MHG getwas ‘ghost’
has been abandoned, as there is no trace of the Ff in Greek and since the Armenian
word contradicts it. To *d'eh,s- further belong Lat. fériae ‘festive days’, féstus ‘feastly’,
fanum ‘temple’ < *fasnom < *d'h,s-nom; see Rix Kratylos 14 (1969 [1972]): 179f. and
more recent literature in De Vaan 2008: s.vv. We must assume thematicizations of
an old s-stem *d'h,-s- from the root *d'eh,-, since Arm. and Lat. presuppose a full
grade, while Greek requires a zero grade *d"h,s-. The -s- is preserved in 8é0-Keho< et
al. as well as in Qetoc < *Oéo0-L0c.
Beppdc 541
Oeovdijs [adj.] ‘god-fearing, devout’ (Od.). <GR>
*DER Oeovdeta [f.] ‘fear of god’ (A. R. 3, 586).
*ETYM Contracted Att. PN @ovdijc, Govdiddov. The form stands for Beo0-dFri¢ <
*Oeo-drettc, which is derived from *5feiog > » Séoc ‘fear’. The meaning ‘like a god’
(in late poets) arose from confusion with 8eo-etd1<.
Géntavoc [adj.] - dntdptevoc ‘touching, [here:] set on fire’ (H.). <IE *d"eg""- ‘burn’>
*ETYM Compared with Lith. dégtinas ‘what has to be burned’, which is derived from
degit, dégti ‘to burn’. Cf. on » téppa ‘ashes’. However, acc. to Maas ByzZ 37 (1937):
381 and Latte Glotta 34 (1955): 198f., it is corrupt for Oentaivwv- antdpEevoc (Cyr.),
which Latte corrects to 8(€)tyyavwv. On the origin of suffixal -tavog, Lith. -tinas (IE
*-tnHo-?), see Benveniste 1935: 107f.
Bepamwv, -ovtos [m.] ‘attendant, servant; companion’ (II.). <PG>
°VAR Aeol. (gramm.) gen. -ovoc (see below); also Oapan- (see Threatte 1980 (index)
and Fur.: 352), probably recent.
*DER Diminutive Nepandvtiov (D. L.). Bepdnatva [f.] ‘servant, maid’ (IA), together
with Oeparaivic, -idtov (Pl., Men.); also Sepanvn ‘id. (h. Ap. 157; see below) together
with Oepanvic (AP); unclear is Oepanovtic, epithet of cpepvi, (A. Supp. 979). Also
Bépay, -artoc [m.], mostly plur. ‘id’ (E.) together with Sepamov (Hyp.), -mic (Pl. Mx.
244e). Denominative verb Bepanetw ‘serve, honour, care for, heal’ (since v 265) with
several nouns: Oepaneia, Ion. -nin, Oepanevpa ‘serving, etc.’ (IA), Bepamevoic ‘id.’
(Phld.); Sepanevti¢ ‘servant’ (IA) with Oepanevtikdc (Pl, X., Arist.), also
Oepanevtyp (X., Aristox.; probably Doric, Fraenkel 1912: 54f.) together with
Oepanevtpic (Ph.), -ebtpia (EM); Bepanriog = Sepanevtixds (AP), -nic¢ [f.] (Orac.
apud Jul. Ep. 88b).
eETYM Except as ‘servant’, Oepdmvn also occurs in Eur. and successors in the meaning
‘dwelling, habitation’ (Oepanvar avAW®vec, otaSpoi H.), which is reminiscent of
dovAoc: 1) oikia (H.); one might assume a meaning ‘house’, whence a collective
‘servants. We can hardly separate the Laconian TN @epdamva, -vat from Sepanvyn
‘house’ (cf. also tépapva with the same meaning); this points to Pre-Greek origin of
the whole group. The form Oepdmv1 can be derived from an n-stem Oepanwv; the nt-
stem may be secondary (cf. Oepamaiva). Van Brock Rev. Hitt. As. 1959: 117-126
compares Hitt. tarpassa-.
@éppoc [m.] ‘upine, Lupinus albus’ (middle com., Thphr.). «IE *g”"er-mo- ‘warm’>
DER Oéputov ‘id.’ (pap.), Béputvosg ‘from Lupine’ (Luc., Dsc.).
eETYM Identical with @epydc ‘warm’, with a regular shift of accent upon
substantivization. See Stromberg 1940: 82. See » Oeppidc.
Oeppdc [adj.] ‘warm’ (II.). «IE *g”"er-mo- ‘warm’>
eCOMP Often as a first member, e.g. Oeppo-7bAat (Hdt; see Risch IF 59 (1949): 267).
On a-, &k-, Ev-Beppiog, etc. see below on Bépyn and Beppaivw.
*DER A. Substantives: 1. Oépyin, also -ya (see Chantraine 1933: 102 and 148) [f.]
‘warmth, heat, heat of fever’ (IA) with &-Qepyoc ‘without warmth’, év-Oeppiog ‘having
warmth inside, warm’ (Stromberg 1946: 95); Seppifw [v.] ‘to be feverish’ (Euboea). 2.
542 Gépopat
Bepudtis ‘warmth, heat’ (IA). 3. OeppwAr ‘id’ (Hps Frisk Eranos 41 (1943): 52). 4.
BeppéAr: 1) OEpyn Suid. (Str6mberg 1944: 79). 5. BEpwacoa = Kavos ‘oven’ (Hdn.
Gr. 1, 267; formation unclear, cf. Schwyzer: 525f.).
B. Adjectives: 1. Oepywdy¢ ‘lukewarm’ (Aret.); HN @eppwdwv, -ovtoc (Boeotia,
Pontos; see Krahe Beitr. z. Namenforsch. 2 (1950-1951): 236; 3, 162). 2. Oepprpdc
epithet of motrptov (H. s.v. kedéBr; to B€pun?).
C. Verbs: 1. 8éppeto ipf. ‘became warm’ (Il.), Ogpuete [ipv.] (8 426; after it Ar. Ra.
1339); on the formation cf. Schwyzer 722f,; 2. Beppaive, aor. Depufjvat ‘warm up’ (Il.),
often with prefix, e.g. éx-Oepuaivw ‘heat up completely’ (Hp., Arist.) with deverbal
éxQeppioc ‘very hot’ (Vett. Val.); from there Qgppyavoic ‘heating’ (Arist.) with
Beppavtixds ‘suited to warm’ (PI. Arist.), Beppacia ‘heating, warmth’ (Hp., Arist. cf.
Schwyzer 469), O8€pyaoua ‘warming cuff (medic. see Chantraine 1933: 176),
Beppdotpa (see Gepudtw below); Seppavtrjp “warmer”, ‘kettle for boiling water’
(Poll.) with 8eppavtrpioc ‘warming’ (Hp., inscr.). 3. Oeppdtw ‘id.’ only aor.opt.med.
Bepudooao (Nic. Al. 587) together with Oepudotpa [f.] ‘furnace’ (Call; also to
Beppaivw); also written Oepuavotpa, by confusion with Bepuavotpic (Bépy-), ‘fire-
tongs’ (Arist., H.), cf. mup-atotpa ‘id. (avetv ‘scoop fire’); also metaph. as the name
of a dance (Poll, Ath.) with Oepuavotpitw (Critias, Luc.); from Sepudotpa:
Oeppactpic (BEpy-) = Beppavirp (Eup., LXX); the forms in -ao'tp-, -avotp- are not
well distinguished, cf. Schulze 1933a: 189; by dissimilation Oépuaotic meaning
unclear (Attica IV*) with Beppdotiov (Aen. Tact.).
*ETYM Inherited adjective, identical with Arm. jerm ‘warm’, Thraco-Phr. germo- (in
TNs, eg. Tépyn), IE *g”"er-mo-; also, in substantivized function, Alb. zjarm, zjarr
‘heat’. With o-vocalism, originally substantival, IE *g”"or-mo- in Skt. gharmd- [m.]
‘heat’, OPr. gorme ‘id.’; secondarily, also adjectival in Av. garama-, Lat. formus, MoE
warm. See » Bépopat, » Bépoc.
8épopat [v.] ‘to become warm, warm oneself (II.). <1E *g”"er- ‘warm’>
eVAR Rarely act. Oépw ‘to warm’ (A. R,, Nic.), only present stem except aor. pass.
subj. Depéw (p 23; for *Oeprj-w), fut.ptc. BepadpuEvoc (T 507).
eCOMP Asa second member e g. in eiAn-8epric, but see on > eiAn.
*DER Oépoc [n.] ‘summer’ (Il), ‘harvest’ (IA). Thence Oépetocg ‘belonging to the
summer’, fem. Oepeia, -1) (scil. wpa) ‘summer’ (Pi., Hdt.), Bepivdc ‘id. (IA; after
xelweptvdc etc., Chantraine 1933: 201), Oepdetc ‘id.’ (Nic. Al. 570; poetic formation,
Schwyzer: 528), Bepiakds ‘fitting for the summer’ (iudtia 8. pap. VIP; after MALaKdc et
al.); Oepidiov ‘summer residence’ (Jul.), 8épetpov ‘id.’ (Hp cf. Chantraine 1933: 332).
Denominative verb Oepi(w, aor. Pepica ‘harvest, mow down’ (IA), also intr. ‘pass the
summer’ (X., Arist.), with Oeptoudcs ‘harvest’ (Eup., X.), Oeptotiic ‘harvester’ (Att.)
with -totiKd¢ (pap.), also -totp ‘id.’ (Lyc. 840), -totrptov ‘sickle’ (LXX); Oéptotpov
‘summer tunic’ (LXX, pap.), -iotptov ‘id.’ (Theoc.; Wackernagel KZ 33 (1895): 50);
8éptotpa [pl.] ‘reward for harvesting’ (pap.).
eETYM Formally, Skt. hdras- [n.] ‘heat’ < IE *g”*éros- corresponds exactly with 8époc,
like Arm. jer ‘id’. The meaning ‘summer’ is a Greek innovation (heat’ = 0épun,;
@dAmoc). In the sense of ‘harvest’, Pépoc may be from Oepitw *‘to do summertime
work’. The thematic root present 0épopat agrees with Olr. fo-geir ‘warms, heats’. The
Beonéotoc 543
other languages have different formations : Arm. je?-nu-m, aor. jer-ay ‘warm oneself
(Skt. ghy-no-ti ‘lights, burns’ [gramm.]; cf. ghr-1d- [m.] ‘glow, heat’), OCS gréti se,
1sg. gréjo se ‘to warm oneself (gorjo, goréti ‘burn’), etc.
Béoic [f.] ‘situation, position, adoption, custom, etc. (Alc, Pi). <IE *d'eh,- ‘set,
make’>
*COMP Very frequently as a derivative of prefixed verbs, eg. dia-, obv-, b16-Qeotc
(from dta-ti8n LL, etc.).
*DER -Oéoioc in mapa-, Tepl-, Ex-, dmo-Béoioc (from mapdOeotc, etc.; cf. Arbenz
1933: 91f.).
*ETYM Greek Qéotc corresponds to a Skt. formation which is found only in
derivatives and compounds: -(d)hiti-, e.g. dpihiti- = éni0eoic (from api-dha- = én-
On-), upahiti- = bndVeoIc (from upa-dha- = bno-0n-); cf. apihi-ta- = éni®e-toc,
upahi-ta- = bm60¢e-toc; with Av. tardi-di-ti- (-i- secondary) ‘putting aside, etc.’ from
tar6-da- (= Skt. tiro-dha- ‘id’, ptc. tirohi-ta-); also, late Lat. con-diti-6 ‘foundation’
(after condi-tus, -tor from con-d6). Additionally, one finds various full grade forms
(IE *d'eh,ti- as opposed to *d'h,-ti-): Go. ga-deds ‘putting, adoption’ (du suniwe
gadedai > ‘eic viodeciav’ Eph. 1, 5), missadeps ‘crime’, OHG tat, Av. -dditi in ni-dai-
ti- (from ni-da- ‘lay down’), etc., Lith. détis ‘load’, OCS blago-dét» ‘benediction’, and
probably also Lat. *fé-tis ‘settlement, treaty’ in féti-dlis “war-messenger’. A verbal
noun of > ti81h1; cf. also » Beopdc and other derivatives.
BéoKEAOs [adj.] ‘marvelous, wonderful’ (IL.). <1E *d"eh,s- ‘god-, holy’>
*ETYM Compounded from *@eo- ‘god’ (see »Oedc) and »KéAopat ‘drive’, thus
properly ‘moved by a god’. On the e-vocalism of the second member, see Schwyzer:
449°. Cf. » Beoméotoc, » BEoqatoc,
Beoudc [m.] ‘settled agreement, law, custom’ (y 196). <IE *d"h,-d'mo-? ‘agreement,
custom’>
eVAR Dor. te8udc, Lacon. Arc. Locr. also Oe8p1d6c.
*COMP E.g. Beopo-Géta, EvOeopLoc.
*DER Qgoutoc, téButoc, O€OuL0g ‘awful, customary’ (IA, Dor., etc.); Becpoobvn
‘lawfulness’ (AP).
*ETYM Synonymous Celtic words (Olr. deidmea, MW deddf [f.]) require a pre-form
*d"ed'mo- (-d-). Reduplicated *d"e-d"h,-m-o- is impossible for Greek, because this
would give **teQeudc vel sim. Rather, Oe- could be the same form of the root as in
Qé-o1c et al., to which suffixes -Ou- or -op- were added within Greek. In OeOp6c, the
result of Grassmann’s Law was removed by influence of Oéotc.
Beonéotog [adj.] ‘divine, superhuman, enormous, wonderful’ (Il.). <IE *d'h,s- ‘god’
and *sek”- ‘speak’>
eCOMP As a first member, e.g. Beomt-Saéc (np, Il; see on » Saiw) and as a PN.
*DER Thence Oeomifw, aor. Seomica, -ifat (Theoc.) ‘prophesy, give an oracle’ (Hdt.,
trag.) with Seoniopata [pl.] (rarely [sg.]) ‘oracle’ (trag.), Seomoti¢ ‘fortune-teller,
prophet’ (Man.). Also Ogomc, tog, -tv, -t6a “id” (Od.). Here also @eomtai [pl.] town in
Boeotia and other TNs. _
544 @eooaNia
*ETYM Like eg. duBpdotoc from dpBpotoc, Peonéotoc derives from *0é0-on-ETOG, a
compound of *@go- ‘god’ (see »Oedc) and the verb (évi-)omeiv ‘to proclaim’ (see
> év(v)émtw), with a suffix -eto- (cf. d-on-etoc). Thus, it properly meant ‘proclaimed
by a god’. It is thought that @gomc was from *Oéo-o7-1¢; however, Hamp MSS 43
(1984): 5of. explains that Oeom- is the Caland form of 8ea7tectoc, and therefore arose
by decomposition.
OeooaNia [f.] ‘Thessaly’ (Hdt.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Att. OettaA-; Thess. IIet8ad-, Boeot. Dett-.
DER -6c¢ (Hdt.), PN (B 79, son of Heracles, father of Pheidippos and Antiphos); -etoc
(Gal.); fem. -ic¢ “Thessalian’ (S.); -1@ti¢ (Hdt.); -1ké¢ (Hp.). -uxétng ‘serf in TY
(Philocr. Hist.); -i@w [v.] ‘to imitate the Thessalians, speak Thessalian’ (Ael.);
*ETYM No doubt a Pre-Greek name, probably from *K’et#al-. This explains all the
variants, notably oo/ tt/ 16. Connection with Gecodo8at ‘to pray’ is rejected by
Chantraine s.v.
Oéc0acGat [v.aor.] ‘pray, ask’. <IE *g”"ed"- ‘pray’>
eVAR Ptc. Gecodpevoc, 3pl.ind. Géooavto (Hes., Archil.); glosses OéooecOat- aiteiv,
ixetevetv ‘to ask (for), supplicate’; Pecodpevoc: SedpEevoc, Cntovpevoc, ixetedwv
‘wanted, sought for, supplicating’ (H.).
eCOMP Asa second member in 1toAv-Geotoc et al., probably also in » dmd6-8e0to0c, PN
AyAw-éotn¢ (Fraenkel 1910: 14 n. 2).
*DER Oeotopidnc, Cectdpetoc; Oéotwp “entreater”, father of Kalchas, etc. (II.).
*ETYM A sigmatic aorist beside » no0éw ‘entreat’. Together with the Boeot. PN @10-
getotoc, this points to IE *g”*ed'. + -cacOa. Olr. has a subjunctive in -s-, ipl.
-gessam (recalling 0éooao8at), and an indicative guidiu ‘pray’ = mo8éw. Iranian has a
yod-present in Av. jaidiieimi = OP jadiyamiy ‘pray’, which may be identical to the
supposed present O8éoceo8at (IE *g”"ed"-j-). Cf. also the EN » @eooaAoi.
Oéoqatos [adj.] ‘decreed by a god, decided’ (I1.), also ‘enormous’ (drip 1 143; cf. ayAdc
Beorteoin n 42; different Schwyzer Glotta 12 (1923): 10). <IE *d"h,s- ‘god, holy’>
*DER Also a-Oéoqatoc (6uBpoc, Baracoa et al; Il.), properly “what has not been
decided by the gods”, ic. “what does not fit in a given order” (Fraenkel 1923: 281f.).
Perhaps a pleonastic privative d-, like in a-BéAtepoc, but cf. the analysis in
Benveniste 1969(2): 140ff.
*ETYM Compound from *go- ‘god’ (see » 8e6c) and the *to-ptc. of pnt. Cf. d-pa-
tog, as well as dipaotog, etc.
@éw 1 [v.] ‘to run’ (II.). <1E *d"eu- ‘run’>
VAR Fut. Sevoouat, ipf. Peoxov (Hom.), later aor. Bedoat (Vett. Val.).
*DIAL Myc. pe-ri-to-wo /Peri-t"owos/ (in Iletpi8ooc, et by metrical lengthening).
*COMP Also with prefix, e.g. dva-, KATA-, Tapa-.
DER Oevotc ‘running’ (Corn. ND1), 806¢ ‘quick’ (II.) with @édac, -avtoc PN, also HN
(Krahe Beitr. z. Namenforsch. 2 (1950-1951): 236; 3, 162), @dwoa [f.] PN (Od., Emp.);
8o0d¢w “bring in quick movement, move quickly’ (E.) together with @oaopa ‘dancing
place’ (Orph. H. 49, 6). On » Bon8doc, -8éu, see s.v.
Oryw 545
*ETYM The thematic root present 6é(F)w (cf. Ged Setpo, tpéxe ‘Over here!, Run!’
[H.]) is identical with Skt. dhavate ‘stream, flow’, except for the diathesis. Skt.
dhavati ‘run, stream’ with lengthened grade has no counterpart in Greek; epic @ein
and @eietv have metrical lengthening, and the latter may stand for *Oe(f)éuev (cf.
Chantraine 1942: 102; 346; 492). The Germanic word for ‘dew’ remains uncertain:
OHG tou [m.], ON dogg, gen. doggwar, PGm. *dawwa-, etc. < IE *d'6uo-, -d (would
be Gr. *86(F)oc, *80(F)1). The gloss Gd5ee: érteiyou ‘hurry? (H.) is also unclear.
0éw 2 [v.] ‘to glow’, only in d56vtwv AevKd Bedvtwv (Hes. Sc. 146); thence by imitation
BAN XAwpa <O>obon (Theoc. 25, 158) and moinv ... yAwpa BéEovoav (Epigr. Gr. 1046,
83). <IE?.*d'eu- ‘glow’, GR>
*VAR Cf. Bodv- Aaunpov ‘bright’ (H.; also explained as O&U, oxotetvov, ioyupdov,
taxivov ‘bright, dark, strong, swift); Po@oat d€dvat, Aapmpdvat ‘blaze, make
brilliant’ (H.).
*ETYM For Aevka Oedvtwv, Wackernagel 1955(2): 852ff. attractively reads one word
AevKkaGedvtwv (from AevKka0éw for *AevKd8w = AevKaGilw). If this is correct, Béw ‘to
glow’ would cease to exist. The explanation of 80d6c, Bo@oat as AauTpdc, AaMpdvat
probably goes back on the same tradition. From *AevKd8w also comes the name of
the goddess AevkaSéa (Wackernagel 1955(2): 852ff.).
Oewpdc [m.] ‘spectator, envoy to a festival or to an oracle’ (IA, post-Hom.), also name
of an overseer (Mantinea, Thasos). <IE *uer- ‘observe’>
eVAR As a loan from Attic, adapted to the local dialect, Dor., etc. 8eapdc, Arc. also
Beaopdc; Ion. also Geopdc (Paros), Bevpdc (Thasos).
eCOMP As a first member in 8eapo-ddxKoc¢ ‘who receives the 8.’, together with -doxéw,
-doxkia (inscr.).
DER 1. Gewpic (sc. vatc) [f.] “ship of the 8.’ (IA); 2. @edptoc epithet of Apollo as an
oracle-god (Troezen), Sedpiov ‘meeting place of the 8.’ (Pi.); 3. BewpiKdc ‘reserved
for the spectators’, 16 9. ‘contrbution of the spectator’ (Att.). 4. Sewpia, -in, eapia,
Boeot. @tawpia (hybrid form) ‘perception, awareness; mission to a festival’. 5
Bewpootvn ‘id. (Man.). 6. denominative verb: Bewpéw “be Bewpdc, observe,
contemplate’ (IA), together with Qewpntikdc ‘contemplative, etc.’ (Arist; Bewpnti|s
Phid.), Gewpnpa (Att, Arist.), -notc (Pl; Rottger 1937: 17f.), -ntrpiov et al. On
@edpiotocg Zucker Maia 11 (1959): 162.
*ETYM Properly “who watches a show”, *Oea-(F)opdc, *8en-(F)opdc > Be(e)wpdc with
quantitative metathesis and hyphaeresis; also, 8e0pdc¢ > Bevpdc, probably after -opoc
(as in &popoc). See Buck 1953: 443f. and Szemerényi Glotta 33 (1954): 250”. Koller
Glotta 36 (1958): 273ff. connects Gewpdc with Oedc, which is implausible; see the
objections in DELG. The meaning ‘theory, theoretical, etc. is not found until after
Aristotle, and developed from ‘contemplation of a Form’ (cf. Festugiére 1936).
Oy [v.] ‘to sharpen, whet; to excite’ (II.). <1E *d"eh,g- ‘whet, sharpen’>
eVAR Also Onyavw (A. Ag. 1535 after H.), aor. OFGat. With 6-vocalism: téOwktat-
te8vpwtat ‘to be provoked’; te8wypévor- teOvuwpévot ‘who are provoked’ (H.); less
certain are O@Eau (also OGEat) peOtoat, mANpWoat ‘to make drunk, make full’;
teBwypévot (also teBaypévot) WepeOvopévot ‘drunken’ et al., (H.).
546 OAK
*DIAL Dor. 8ayw.
eCOMP Also with prefix, e.g. mapa-, ovv-, b710-.
*DER Onyavn ‘whetstone’ (A., S.; H. also Oryyavov) with Oryavitngs AiBoc ‘id.’ (IG 14,
317, Sicily); OnyaAéos ‘sharp’ (AP, Chantraine 1933: 253); in H. also Onyaveov, Oryov-
0&0, WKovnpEévov, dkovitov ‘sharp, sharpened’, BFELc: Pom, ottypN, TAXOG ‘decision
[weight], point [of time], speed’.
eETYM From IE *d'eh.g-oH, with the Arm. instrument noun daku, gen. pl. dakuay
‘axe, probably from an u-stem IE *d'eh,g-u- ‘sharp’. See Lidén 1906: 55. LIV?
(following Clackson 1994: 116ff.) calls this connection with Arm. uncertain.
@nKn [f.] ‘case, chest; tomb’ (IA). <IE *d'eh,- ‘set, make’>
*COMP Very frequently as a second member, both prefixed (d1a-, bm0-, ovv-, etc.)
and with nominal first member (BiBAto-, yaAKo-O1}K1)).
*DER Diminutive Onkiov (pap.) and Onxaiog ‘for the tomb’ (Hdt.); thence again
several derivatives.
*ETYM Often connected with Skt. dhakd- [m.] ‘container, etc.’ (gramm.), but perhaps
independent formations; see » tiO1]LU.
OnAéw [v.] ‘to flourish’. = O4)Aw.
@nAq [f.] ‘mother’s breast, nipple’ (IA). <1E *d"eh, ‘suck(le)>
eCOMP As a second member e.g. in d-, eb-, ved-OrAoc (-O1At)<).
*DER O1nAw tpo@dc, THON ‘nurse, grandmother’ (H., Plu.). Denominative verb
OnAaCw ‘to suckle, suck’ (IA, Dor.) with OrfAaopta, OrAaopLdc ‘suck(])ing’ (Plu. pap.),
OnAdotpia ‘wet-nurse’ (S., Com.); also OrnAapwv ‘id.’ (Sophr., Thespis), probably to
O1)Ad-oat after teAd-oot : teda-twv et al; here O1Aaquutvobd: veoyvod ‘new-born’;
OrnAavto: eOrAaocav ‘they suckled’ (H.; correct?); cf. Bechtel 1921, 1: 361. Uncertain
OndAovi ‘wet-nurse’ (Plu. 2, 278d).
eETYM A counterpart to Onn is *féla ‘mother’s breast’ in Lat. feldre ‘to suckle’, IE
*d'eh,-leh,. From similar pre-forms stem Latv. déls ‘son’ < *d'eh,-lo-, properly
“suckling”, and U feliuf [acc.pl.m.] ‘sues lactantes, i.e. ‘sucklings’ (Untermann 2000:
27if.); Lith. délé ‘leech’.
Various languages have forms with an i-extension, which comes from the present of
the verbal root, *d'h,-i-: Lat. filius ‘id’ < *d"(e)h,i-l-io, Latv. dile ‘sucking calf (IE
*d'h,i-l-), MIr. del ‘nipple’, OHG tila [f.] ‘female breast’. Unclear is Arm. dayl, dal
‘Biestmilch’; Hiitbschmann 1897: 437, Pedersen KZ 39 (1906): 406. On Lat. felix
‘fertile’, see the comments in De Vaan 2008 s.v. Cf. » OfjAuG and > OijoBat.
OFA vG [adj.] ‘female’, also metaph. (II.). <1E *d'eh,- ‘suck(ley>
eVAR Fem. -e1a, ntr. -v; also a fem. subst., cf. Chantraine 1942: 252.
*COMP Compounds like O8nAv-yevijg, ptEd-Onrvc.
DER O1nAvdpiac ‘woman-like man’ (Hdt.,, Arist.), from *OnAvdptov (Chantraine 1933:
72); 8nAvKOc ‘womanly, womanish’ (Arist., Hell.; cf. Chantraine 1956a: 165), OnAwS1)¢
‘womanish’ (Ar.), OrndAd@tic [f] ‘id’ (Prisc.); OndAvtH¢ ‘womanhood’ (Arist.);
denominative verb 8nAbvw ‘make womanish’ (Ion., Hell.). On the comparative
O1A UtEpoc see Benveniste 1948: 117f.
Or\c, OnTd¢ 547
eETYM A formal counterpart to 6fAvc < IE *d'eh,-lu-, except for the accent, is Skt.
dharui- ‘suckling’. The Skt. form may directly derive from the verb ‘suck’ (see
> Ofjo0at) with a suffix -ru- or -lu-, while for the Greek form we may assume an
intermediate nominal /-stem.
Ofa VAR Onpov. = TOBE
Onv [pcl.] ‘indeed, certainly, without a doubt’, in 7 Orv, ob Orv et al. (IL). <2>
eETYM Unexplained.
1p, -pdc [m.] ‘wild animal, beast of prey’ (II.). <IE *$’ueh,r- ‘wild animal>
eDIAL Acol. grip (Pi.).
*COMP E.g. Onpo-@dvoc ‘killing wild beasts’ (Thgn.), ©npe-pova (Paus. 5, 3, 3; on the
compositional vowel -e- see Schwyzer 438); év-Onpos ‘full of wild beasts’ (trag.), d-
Onpos (Hdt., A.) ‘without wild beasts’, also ‘without hunting’ (from Opa; Sommer
1948: 149f.).
*DER Onpiov ‘wild animal, hunted animal’ (Od. Wackernagel 1916: 218; originally
diminutive); post-Hom. also ‘animal’, with several derivatives: diminutive O1pidiov
(Thphr.), Onpagiov (Damocr. apud Gal.; Wackernagel Glotta 4 (1913): 243f.);
Orpagozg ‘spider’ (Cyren. 62), probably a back-formation; Onpiaxds ‘regarding the
animals’ (medic.), Onpiwdng ‘full of wild animals, animal-like’ (IA); Onptdtij¢ ‘animal
being’ (Arist); denominatives: 1. O81pidopal, -dw ‘to turn into an animal (PI. Eub.)
with Onpiwotc (Luc.); beside it Onpiwpa ‘malignant ulcer’ (medic.) from Onpiov ‘id’;
2. Onpiaopa ‘id.” (Corp. Herm. 10, 20). Onpetoc ‘ptng. to wild animals’ (1A).
Denominative verbs: 1. O81pdw ‘to hunt’ (A.), perf. ptc. mepeipaxovtec (Thess.);
thence Onpatip, -atwp (-prt-) ‘hunter’ (I1.) with Onpatijptog (S.); also Onpatijc ‘id,’
(Ar.) together with Onpatikdc (X.); Ofpapa ‘hunting booty’ (E.), Ojpatpov ‘hunting
device, net’ (X.); Onpdotpoc ‘worth hunting, worth trying’ (A. Pr. 858). Here also
belongs the back-formation Opa ‘hunt, booty’ (Il.) together with Onpoobvn ‘id.’
(Opp., AP), Onpdtic: Onpevdtpia (H.), after dypdtic. As a second member -Orpag, e.g.
opvi8o-8rjpac ‘bird-catcher’ (Ar., Arist.). 2. Onpebw ‘to hunt’ (t 465) together with
Onpevtis ‘hunter’ (Il.), Onpevtixdc (Ar., X., Arist.), also Onpevtip (Opp.), fem.
Orpevdtpta (pap.), Orpevua ‘catch’ (S., E., Pl.), Ojpevotc ‘hunt’ (Ph).
*ETYM Lat. férus ‘wild’ underwent pretonic shortening from *férd- (cf. Schrijver 1991:
343), which makes a reconstruction *g*ueh,r- possible. The plural forms @fjpec,
Onp@v have exact counterparts in Eastern Lith. Zvéres, Zvérij, < IE *g"ueh,r-es, -om.
Most BSI. forms were transferred into the i-stems: nom.sg. Lith. Zvéris, OCS zvérp
‘id’. Also related is ToB Serwe ‘hunter’ < *g"ueh,r-uo-.
O16, 8ntd¢ [m.] ‘serf, bondsman; hired labourer’ (Od.). <PG>
*VAR Fem. Ojjooa, Att. Ofjtta (E., Posidipp.). Also Batac: Ofjtac (Batac: BdTac
‘sacrificers’ cod.), tovc SovAovc. Kbmptot ‘slaves (Cypr.) (H.).
DER O17t1Kdc ‘of a serf (Lex. apud D., Arist.), Ortebw “be a serf; work for wages’ (II.)
with O1yteia “wage-earning’ (S., Isoc.), O1telov ‘wages’ (Ath.).
eETYM Unexplained. Argumentation against connection with 0éw ‘run’ in Fraenkel
1910: 877). Acc. to ASmann Glotta 9 (1918): 96, it is a loanword from West Semitic.
548 Onoavpdc
See E. Kretschmer Glotta 18 (1930): 79f. on the meaning, etc. The original form was
*t'at-, thus it was probably Pre-Greek.
Onoavpdc [m.] ‘treasury, warehouse, receptacle, treasure’ (Hes.). <PG>
*COMPE.g. Onoavpo-gvAag ‘guard of the treasury’ (Hell.).
*DER Orjoavpikds ‘belonging to the treasury’ (pap.), Oroavpwdr¢ ‘full of treasures’
(Philostr.); Onoavpitw ‘save, collect’ (IA) together with Onoatpiopa ‘savings, store,
treasure’ (Democr., trag.), Ornoavptopidc ‘storage, preservation’ (Arist., Thphr.),
-totr¢ ‘who preserves’ (Poll.) with -totixdc (Arist.).
*ETYM No etymology, but probably a technical loanword, without a doubt from Pre-
Greek. The appearance of the word could suggest a pre-form in *-ar’-o-. From
Greek, Lat. thésaurus, thésaurizo.
@fjoOct [v.inf.pres.] ‘suck’ (5 89). <IE *d"eh,-i- ‘suck, suckle’>
eVAR Aor. 38g. Orjoato (QO. 58, Call. Jov. 48), Oyodptevoc (h. Cer. 236); Ooato ‘suckled’
(as opposed to ‘sucked’, h. Ap. 123); act. Ofjoat- Opéwau, OrnAdoat ‘to feed, suckle’ (H.).
*ETYM IE has a root *d"eh,-, found in Greek O17- (8nAn, BiAvG, TOT, yadaBbrvdc,
Oyvov- yada H.) and in Sanskrit (inf. dhdtave, dhdtri- ‘wet-nurse’, etc.).
Correspondences to 01-c8at have a yod-present: OHG tden, 1sg. taju; Latv. dét, 1sg.
déju ‘to suck’. Although it seems athematic, a yod-present *@1)-1e-cOa1 may be
assumed for O7j08at as well; it is perhaps an innovation after the aor. OrjoatTo (Frisk).
Beside these formations, there was an i-present *d*h,-(e)i- in Skt. dhdyati, which
agrees with OCS dojo and with Go. daddjan, OSwed. deggja ‘suck’ (with
“Verscharfung” [gemination] of the yod). Further forms belonging to this present:
Skt. dhitd- ‘sucked’, dheni- ‘milch cow’, MHG dien ‘suckle’. See LIV? s.v. *d"eh,(i)-
“‘Muttermilch saugen’. Discussion of Anatolian forms like Lyc. tideimi ‘child’ in
Kloekhorst 2008 s.v. téta(n)-. Unrelated is » 118ac6c.
Oita [n.] the eighth letter of the Greek alphabet (Ar.). <Lw Sem.>
VAR Gen. 61,tato¢g (Democr. 20), Lat. tetates [pl.] from Orta tec; further uninflected.
eETYM From Semitic; cf. Hebr. téth. See Schwyzer: 140.
Oiacos [m.] ‘Bacchic revel; religious guild’ (IA). <PG>
*DER Otacwtn¢ ‘participant of a 0.’ (IA), fem. -@ti¢ (Opp.) together with -wtikdc;
also Otacitns ‘id.’ (Ion. and Hell. inscr.) together with -itucdéc; Otacwdn¢ “0.-like,
belonging to a 8.’ (Nonn.); @tacwvec: oikot, év og ovvidvtes Seitvototv oi Biacor
‘halls in which the companies took their meals communally’ (H.). Denominative
verbs: 1. Q&tacetw ‘introduce in a 8., participate in a 0.’ (E., Str.) with Otaceia (Procl.);
2. back-formation @ia{w in é&eBiale- yopeiac énetéha ‘was performing dances;
éneSialev: éxopevev ‘was dancing’, aor. Oidcat- yopetoat (H.).
*ETYM Formation like @tpooc et al. An expression of the Dionysiac religion, and as
such suspected of foreign origin: probably Anatolian (= Pre-Greek?), in spite of
older interpretations in Indo-European terms (see Bq).
Bits [f.] ‘basket of papyrus’ (LXX). <Lw Sem.>
*VAR Nom. also OiBic, 8161); gen. -ews, also BiBwvoc- KiBwrtod, Kvmptot ‘coffer (Cypr.y
(H.).
Blots 549
eETYM A-loan from Semitic, Hebr. tébhah, which itself is a loan from Egyptian db:t
‘box’; see E. Masson 1967: 76.
OtBpdc [adj.] meaning uncertain (only in Alexandrian poets); epithet of Kvmpic (Call.
Fr. 267), of Leptipatuc (Euph. 81), of wea yeAbvijg (Nic. Al. 555), and of dgiwv Kijp
‘snake-poison’ (Nic. Th. 35). <PG(V)>
eVAR Also OutBpdc (Nic. Th. 35 v.L.).
*DER The Spartan name @iBpwv is often found as @itiBpwv in the mss. (Harp., Phot.,
Su.). Besides Bippov- 16 tpugepdv (Theognost.).
eETYM Explained gropingly by the ancients as ‘hot, soft, etc’; cf. H.: OtBpdv:
Tpugepdv, KaAdv, oELtvdv, amaddv “delicate, beautiful, revered, soft’; OiBpriv-
PIASKOOLLOV, KAAADVTIKTV .... Kal Tapa pév Nikavdpw tiv éimvpov Kal Kavotikny,
tivéc 62 yaAemtyv. Although the etymology is uncertain, the prenasalized form points
to Pre-Greek origin. Therefore, not related to goiBoc (as per Ehrlich 1910: 33, who
derives it from IE *g""ig’-ro-, based on comparison with Slov. Zigra ‘tinder’).
Otyyavw [v.] ‘to touch with the hand, occupy oneself with’ (Ion. Dor. Arc.; not in Attic
or in Hom.; see Wackernagel 1916: 222). <IE? *d'eig"- ‘smear, knead’>
eVAR Aor. Otyeiv (Lacon. otyijv Ar. Lys. 1004), fut. med. mpoo-6i&y (E. Heracl. 652;
codd. -etc), te8iEopat (E. Hipp. 1086), aor. pass. Ox Orjvat (S., E.).
eCOMP Also with prefix like mpoo-, ém-, bm0-.
DER OiEtc ‘touch’ (Hp., Arist.), Oiypa ‘id’ (Pergam.), Orypatwv- tuaopdtwv ‘stains’
(H.); uncertain Oiyrnpia (AP 12, 209; cod. giAjata) and Otydva ‘cover? (Delph.,
Labyadae inscr. C 39).
eETYM The form @tyydvw has been analyzed as a nasal present of the IE root *d'eig'-
(see » tetyoc), with supposed parallels in Lat. fingd ‘to spread, knead, form, etc.’,
Arm. diz-anem ‘to heap up’ (for further forms, see LIV’ s.v.). The -y- would have
spread from the present to the aorist Olyetv (for *ttyetv). This etymology
presupposes, however, that original IE *g" became y after nasal, but this is incorrect,
as is shown by > dt@adog (see > BaptBoc).
Bic, Bivédc [m., f.] ‘heap (of sand), beach, dune, shore’ (Il.). <PG?>
*DER dmoOtvéoptat ‘silt up’ (Plb.). As a second member in dxpo-Oivia (-va) [pl.]
(rarely [sg.]) ‘the upper part of a heap, offering of first fruits’ (mostly post-Hom.
poetry), a compound from dxpoc Bic and a suffix -to- (differently, Risch IF 59 (1949):
289).
*ETYM Without explanation. Wackernagel 1916: 82 A. 2) compares Skt. dhisnya-
[adj.] ‘put on a heap of earth’, substantival ‘heap of earth with sand’, which would go
back to an n-stem IE *d'isen-, d'isn-. Thence he derives Gr. *Owv, *@uyv, Biv-, of
which the nom. 8ic would be an innovation. Improbable. Often compared with
MoHG Diine and cognates, but this is formally impossible. There have been
unsuccessful attempts to relate Qic to the root of » ti®nju; the word is rather a loan
(from Pre-Greek?).
Or@ty¢ of dptoc (pap. II?). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
550 OAdoTtIC
OAdoric [f.] ‘shepherd’s purse, Capsella bursa pastoris’ (Hp.). <?>
VAR Gen. -loc, -ewc; SAdom [n.] (Dsc., Plin.).
DER OAaonidtov (Ps.-Dsc.).
*ETYM Unknown; folk-etymological derivation from O0Adw by Dsc. 2, 156 (see
Stromberg 1940: 155). A neuter in -t is extremely rare in Greek.
OA.dw [v.] ‘to crush, bruise’ (Il.). <?>
eVAR (Arist., Herod.), aor. 8@Ado(o)at (I].), pass. OAaoOivat, fut. PAdow (Hp.), perf.
téBAaopiat (Alex., Theoc.).
eCOMP Also with prefix, e.g. digt-, KaTa-, OVV-.
*DER OAdotc ‘crushing’ (Arist.), OAdopia “bruising, bruise’ (Arist.), @Aaotd¢ (Com.);
OAdotng¢ ‘crusher’ = éBpvo8Adotng (medic.), BAaotiKdc ‘crushing’ (Arist.); \Aadiac
[m.] ‘eunuch’ (LXX, Ph.) with @Aadidw (H.) = pAadidw; from *OAddoc, *BAadety, cf.
gAadetv.
eETYM No certain connection. Cf. » 8AiBw and > pAdw.
OAiBw [v.] ‘to press, bruise’ (p 221). <?>
eVAR Aor. OA tyau.
eCOMP Often with prefix, eg. éx-, ovv-, év-, d7o-.
*DER OAiyic ‘pressure’ (Arist.), also prefixed (Ex-, etc.); OAtppdc ‘id.’ (LXX, Aq.); am6-
Orta “what is pressed out, sap’ (Hp.), also with éx-; (éx-)OAtBr ‘pressure’ (LXX,
Gal.) together with 8AiBepdc (Paul. Aeg.), OAiBwSn¢ (Aq.); BAtBiac = BAadiac (Str.).
*ETYM It has been proposed that it is cross between OAdw and @AiBw (also tpibw?)
(Walde IF 19 (1906): 105, Giintert 1914: 149).
Ovijoxw ‘die’. =Odavatoc.
Bodlw 1 ‘sit’. = Pacow.
Bodtw 2 ‘move quickly’. =8éw.
Boivn [f.] ‘meal, banquet, feast’ (IA, Dor., Hes. Sc. 114). <PG?>
VAR Dor. 8o0iva, Hell. 8oiva.
*COMP 8otvodotéw ‘to host a banquet’ (Crete I*-I?), Sorvappidotpia [f.] ‘mistress of
the banquet’ (inscr.).
*DER Ootvatikds (vl. -vnt-) ‘of a banquet’ (X. Oik. 9, 7). Denominative verbs: 1.
Borvaw, -dopat ‘to entertain, feast’ (6 36) together with Ooivayia ‘entertainment,
banquet’ (E. [lyr.], Posidon.), Ootvatip ‘host’ (A. Ag. 1502) with Soivatripiov = Boivn
(E. RA. 515), Botvatwp ‘host’ (E.), -"7twp (AP), Bowwatac ‘id.’ (Kallatis I*); on Doric a
see Fraenkel 1912: 16f. Bjorck 1950: 140ff. 2. Oorvdtw ‘to entertain’ (X, Ael.). 3.
Bowvicat v.l. for Boivijoat (Hdt. 1, 129).
*ETYM Previously derived from *@wi-va, and connected with > @Wo8at - SaivvoBat,
Boivac8a (A. Fr. 49), Owtat evOnvettat, Borvatat (H., also GwoacVat, OwOFjvat);
Owoovje8a (Epich. 139), Owotrpta: edbwxntipia (Alcm., H.); see Frisk. However, the
verb has no etymology; Pre-Greek origin of the group (including » @wc ‘jackal’?)
seems possible.
O6do¢ [f.] ‘round building with conical roof, rotunda’, ‘round bath’ (Od.). <PG>
BdpvBoc 551
eVAR Hell: also [m.]; see Schwyzer 1950: 324, 347. On oaAia, adto- see below.
*DER Diminutive 8oAidtov (Att.). Bodia ‘conical hat with broad brim’ (Theoc. 15, 39),
also ‘chest with conical lid’ (Poll.); cf. oaria (o- < 8-) TAEypa KAAGO® Spotov, 6 eri
Tis Ke@adiic popototv ai Adkarvat. of d& BoAia “something plaited, like a basket,
which Laconian women wear on the head; others: 0.’ (H.); see also H. Sadtortotoi,
which Latte corrects to *@ahAoKxorotoi. BoAwtdc ‘provided with @., with conical
form’ (Procop.), BodAtKkd¢ ‘id.’ (Suid.).
eETYM A technical word without explanation. The comparison with a European
word for ‘valley, etc., eg. Go. dal(s) [m., n.] ‘papay&, Bo8vvoc’, ON dalr ‘valley,
arch’, OCS dolw ‘Bapa8pov, AdKkKoc’, Ru. dol ‘valley, lower part’, MW dol [f.] ‘valley’,
should be discarded. The connection with @4Aapog (eg. Maas RAM 77 (1928): iff.)
makes more sense; the variation a/o is typical of Pre-Greek.
OoAd¢ [m.] ‘mud, dirt, ink of the cuttlefish’ (Hp. Arist.; on the accent Schwyzer: 459),
also adjectival ‘troubled’ (Ath.). <?>
*DER Oodepdc ‘troubled’ (IA), BoAWSn¢ ‘id’ (Hp. Arist.), BoAdw ‘make turbid,
unclean’ (IA) together with 86Awotc ‘making turbid’ (Arist., Gal.).
*ETYM The word has been connected, as *OfoAdc, with some Gm. terms for
turbidness of the mind: primary verb OS for-dwelan ‘neglect, forsake’, OHG gi-
twelan ‘be deafened, linger’, with several verbal nouns (ON dvol [f.] ‘lingering’, OS
dwalm, OHG twalm ‘stupefaction’, Go. dwals ‘stupid’). These may or may not be
connected with a Celtic word for ‘blind’, e.g. Olr. dall. There is no indication,
however, that these IE forms (more in Pok. 265) are cognate. Fur: 391 compares
OAdc ‘the dark sap of the cuttlefish’ (Hp.).
00661 ‘quick’. = éw.
Bo0dc 2 [adj.] ‘sharp’, in viootot émumpoénke Oosjotv (0 299); cf. Str. 8, 3, 26 Ooac 5é
elpynke tac Okeiac KtA. (Bechtel 1914 s.v.); said of yopipot, dddvteEc, TeAEKEIC, Eipoc
(Hell. and late: A. R., AP). 42>
*DER Factitive aorist €86woa ‘I made sharp’ (1 327), pass. perf. ptc. te8owpevoc (Nic.,
Opp.). ;
eETYM No certain connection; probably not related to Skt. dhard ‘cutting edge, blade
(of a sword)’ (compared by Schulze 1933a: 370).
Bopdc ‘masculine seed’. =Opwoxw.
OdpvBog [m.] ‘noise, crying, tumult, confusion’ (Pi., IA). <PG>
*DER BopuBwosn¢ ‘full (of) noise, etc.” (IA) and denominative 8opupéw (also prefixed
with dva-, émi-) ‘make noise, stir, confuse’ (1A); Bopupntikds ‘noisy’ (Ar.) and
BopbBnOpov plant name = Aeovtonétadov (Ps.-Dsc.); on naming motive Strémberg
1940: 80, on the formation ibd. 146.
*ETYM Formation like étofoc, xdvaBoc, pAoioBos, et al. (Chantraine 1933: 260). The
reduplicated form tov-Qopt-(w (see Tichy 1983: 215f.), tovOpuc is comparable.
Perhaps Opb-Aéw, 8pb-Ao¢ also belong here; see also » Opéopat. The variation Bopup-
(from *tarup-?), tov-Opv-, Opv(A)- suggests a Pre-Greek word (cf. Fur.: 229, 381).
552 Bovipoc
@odpos [adj] ‘rushing, impetuous, furious’ (II.). «IE *d'erh,- ‘jump, mount’>
*DER Ooiptc, -tdo¢ [f.] (Hom., H.), Bovpac¢ (Nic. Lyc.; cf. Chantraine 1933: 354f.);
extended in Oovptoc ‘id.’ (trag.); also Boupaioc, Boupretc et al. (H.); denominative
ptc. dovp@oat [nom.pl.f.] ‘rushing towards’ (Lyc. 85), from Boupdw + accus.
*ETYM From *0dp-fo<, either directly from the aorist Sopeiv or as a transformation
of an u-stem *Odp-v-c (cf. avdc < *Lav-F-dc, oTEVds < *oTEV-F-¢, etc.). Not related
to » d0Upw, as per Persson 1891: 59.
Opavog [m.] ‘bench, supporting beam’ (Att. and Hell. inscr., Ar.). <PG?>
*DIAL Myc. ta-ra-nu /tranus/.
*DER Diminutive Opaviov ‘id. (Ar.) together with O@pavidtov (Ar.); Bpavitng ‘rower
of the upper of the three rows’ (Th., Ar.), see Morrison Class. Quart. 41 (1947): 128ff.;
fem. Opavitic (kann; Att.); Ppavitixds (Callix.); Opaviac [m.] (Marcell. Sid.), Opavic
or -ic (Xenocr.) = Eipiac ‘swordfish’, after the shape of the upper jaw, cf. Thompson
1947 S.v.
Denominative verb Opavetw ‘to stretch to the tanner’s board’ (Ar. Eq. 369), also
Opavevetat- ovvtpiBetat ‘was rubbed together’ (H.), aOpavevtov- dotpwtov ‘bare’
(H. = E. fr. 569); cf. cvv-8pavow and > 8pavicow.
Oprvuc, -voc [m.] ‘footstool’ (Hom.), cf. Hermann Gétt. Nachr. (1943): 8; Chantraine
1933: 118; Benveniste 1935: 56), also Opijvv&, -vKoc (Euph.), Opavv— (Corinn.) with a
secondary x-enlargement; see Chantraine 1933: 383.
*ETYM If vo- or vwv- is a suffix, we can connect the aorist inf. @pr}oac8a, which is
usually translated as ‘to sit down’ (only Philet. 14 [IV-III*]: 8pjoac8at mratavey
y<p>ain bro).
This group of words is often connected with » 8pdvoc, whence the assumption that
Opavoc, Oprivuc originally meant ‘support’. Recently, De Lamberterie 2004: 236-253
has argued that @pdvoc is a younger form of *8dpvoc (Myc. to-no, Cypr. 8dpvak H.).
He assumes a root *d'erh,- ‘support, hold’, found in Skt. dhar-, assuming *d"orh,-no-
for *8dpvoc, with loss of laryngeal by the Saussure Effect. This would mean that
Opavoc, O8privuc derive from the zero grade of the root. The fact that the Indo-Iranian
root is anit is problematic for this account, however. The existence of variants 0dpv-
and 8pov- could also be an indication of Pre-Greek origin. See » OpnoKketw.
Opavioow [v.] ‘to crush’. <?>
eVAR Only aor. ptc. Opavitavtec (Lyc. 664); ovv-Opavow ‘id’, only perf. pass.
ovvteOpdvetat (E. Ba. 633; = oupimémtwxe ‘has dashed together’ H.).
*DER Cf. also Opavev_etat ovvtpiBetat ‘is rubbed together’ (H.).
*ETYM Connection with a hypothetical noun *O@pavo-avo-c from 8pavw ‘shatter’
inspires little confidence (cf. Sommer 1905: 64f.). Acc. to Frisk, more probable is
connection with @pavetw ‘stretch on the tanner’s bench’, which H. glosses as
ovvtpiBetat. One hypothesis posits the meaning change ‘tan (torture)’ > ‘crush’,
together with formal adaptation, perhaps to dt1bcow, vioow, etc. (Sommer 1905:
64f.). Thus also DELG. See » Opavoc.
Opdcog *VAR Opaotc. = Bdapooc.
Opéopat 553
@pacow [v.] ‘to trouble, disturb’ (Pi., Hp., Att.). <IE? *d'reh,g'- ‘irritate’>
eVAR Att. Opattu; aor. Opakau (A. E.), pass. EBpayOn (S. Fr.1055); perf. tétpnya intr.
‘be troubled, agitated’ (l.).
*COMP Sometimes with prefixes év-, bm0-, ém-.
*ETYM The form @paoow is a primary yod-present from *Opax-1w, beside the old
perfect *té-Opay-a. The rare aorists OpaEat and é0pax6n could be innovations after
the type mpdoow : npaEat for older tapdkat (like Sajtdoat), from which the present
> tapdcow was formed, which has the same disyllabic stem form as tapayr and may
be a denominative of it. The form tapaxr) should not be explained as from *d"rh,-
eg'-, since the verbal forms point to a full grade *d'reh,g'.. Therefore, the only
possibility seems to be *d"fh.g’-, with secondary accent (see Rix 1976: 73f.), in spite of
earlier objections (cf. Dev. 206ff.). The form »tpaxtc ‘raw, hard’ is a primary
nominal formation. The words for ‘dregs, sediment’ (e.g. ON dregg [f.], OLith.
dragés [pl.], Alb. dra, Lat. fracés [f-pl.]) should be kept separate from O8pdoow. The
same holds true for the Baltic group of Lith. dragés, dérgti ‘soil, defile, etc’; the acute
accent does not point to a laryngeal (with unattractive **d"erh,g'- next to *d'reh,g'-),
but rather to PIE *derg-, where the acute is a result of Winter’s Law. A possible
comparison is that with the Slavic group of OCS raz-draziti ‘incite, provoke’, which
(like Greek) could point to *d"reh,g'-. However, Derksen 2008 s.v. *draziti objects
that the Slavic accent does not point to a laryngeal. Lit.: Tichy 1983: 171f.
Opatta [f.] name of a small sea-fish (middle com, Arist.). <?>
*DER Diminutive 8pattidtov (Anaxandr.).
eETYM Acc. to Stromberg 1943: 86, properly “the Thracian”; see » Opaé. Otherwise, it
could be a deformation of 8picca (s.v. » Opik).
Opavumadog [f.] name of a plant, ephedra campulopoda (Thphr.). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
Opavzmic, -150¢ [f.] name of a small bird (Arist. HA 592b). <2?
eETYM Unknown.
Opavw [v.] ‘to break in pieces, shatter, enfeeble’ (IA). <2>
VAR Aor. 8patou, pass. Opavobijvau, perf. pass. TEBpavopat..
eCOMP Also with prefix, e.g. a7o-, Tepl-, OVvv-.
*DER (an6-, obv-)Opavoic ‘breaking, etc.’ (Arist.), acc. to H. also = o@ipa, 1) tov
Bwrovc Opavovoa ‘hammer breaking the earth’, from which MoGr. dial. (Chios,
Ikaros) Opdwa (Kukules "Apy. "Eg. 27: 61ff.); Opatua (A., etc.), also Opatopua
(Agatharch., Arist.) ‘fragment, crushing, wound’; Opavojidc ‘breaking’ (LXX),
Opavotiiptoc ‘appropriate for breaking’ (Aét.); Opavotdc ‘breakable, broken’ (Ti.
Locr., Thphr.); OpatAov- KdAovpov ‘truncated’ (wrong von Blumenthal 1930: 38),
Opatpov: tpayavov, Spavdpevov ‘broken in pieces’ (H.; see Schwyzer: 282).
eETYM The a-vocalism is unexplained. Bechtel 1914 s.v. connects it with OpvAila,
> *OpvAicow (OpvAixOn, OpvAiEar), etc. See there and s.v. » OpdmTw.
Opéowat [v.] ‘to cry aloud, shriek, proclaim’ (A., E., always of women). <IE? *d"reu->
554 Opf}voc
*VAR Only present except Opeveto (poet. inscr., Epid. IV*), artificially formed after
Opetuat (A. Th. 78); on the imperfective aspect see Fournier 1946: 90 and 228.
*COMP Very frequently as a second member, e.g. GAA6-8pooc ‘with another man’s
voice, with foreign language’ (Od.).
*DER Opdoc, Att. Bpodc [m.] ‘noise, murmur, rumour’ (A 437, Pi. N. 7, 81, Th., X.).
Iterative deverbative (or denominative) verb @poéw ‘cry, proclaim, speak’ (trag.),
with aor. 6pofjoat; rarely with prefix Sta-, mpoo- et al; pass. OpoeioOat, PporOijvat ‘be
drowned, confused, frightened’ (LXX, NT); from there TPS ‘confusion,
shyness’ (S. E. M. 9, 169).
*ETYM Beside the thematic root present Opé(F)opat, which points to IE *d"reu-o-,
Armenian has an athematic root present erdnum, aor. erdu-ay ‘swear’, from QIE
*d"ru-neu-mi (cf. OLat. deicd next to Gr. Seikvupt). See Frisk 1944: 8ff., where
relation with Odpvutat as ‘speak’ (SrmAoi tHv Sia Adywv ~vtevétv H.) is also
considered. Non-IE words like 8épufoc, PpvrAEw, OpdAOG must be kept separate. Pok.
255 contains much Greek material of non-IE origin. Cf. also »@pijvoc and
> tovOop lw.
Opijvoc [m.] ‘dirge, lament, lamentation’ (IA, O 721; on the meaning Diehl RAM N.F.
89 (1940): 90 and 112). <PG?>
*COMP Compounds like 8ptyv-w5dc ‘who sings a lament’ (Alciphr.), together with
Opryv-wdéa, -ia (E., Plu.); Ev-Oprvoc ‘full of lament’ (pap.).
*DER Oprvwsdn¢ ‘like a lament’ (P1.), Opryvwya = Oprivoc (pap. I’, cf. Chantraine 1933:
186f.). Denominative verb Oprjvéw, aor. Oprjvijoat ‘start a lament, lament, wail for’ (QO
722), also prefixed, e.g. émt-, kata-, with several derivatives: Opryvrya ‘lament’ (E.),
8prvn-trs, -11tHp (A.) ‘lamentation’, also Opryvitwp (Man.); OpnvijtiKds (Arist.);
émiOpryv-noic (Plu.).
*ETYM In the first place, Opijvoc should be connected within Greek with ablauting
Opwvak: Knorv. Adkwvec ‘drone (Lacon.) (H.) and reduplicated tevOprjvn ‘hornet’
(cf. also on dvOprdwv; see Kuiper 1956: 221f.). In other languages, we find words
denoting sounds of similar appearance: Skt. dhrdnati ‘sounds’ (gramm.) and the Gm.
word for ‘drone’, e.g. OS dreno, and Go. drunjus ‘sound’. These are rather
independent onomatopoeic formations. We are probably dealing with a Pre-Greek
word.
Opiivvs »VAR Oprivuc, OprcacBat. = Opavoc.
OproKetw [v.] ‘to perform or observe religious customs’ (Hdt.), ‘to worship’ (LXX).
<PG?>
*DER Opnoxeia, Ion. -yin ‘holy service, religious practice’ (Ion.), also OproKevpa,
-evotc ‘id. (Hell.); Oproxevtiis ‘worshipper’ (late); deverbal Opijoxoc fear of the
gods’ (Ep. Jac. 1, 26) with 8pnoxwédre “id.” (Vett. Val.); Oprjoxia [n.pl.] ‘religious
customs’ (POxy. 1380, 245, II?, OGI 210, 9, Nubia III).
On the history of OprnoxKety, -eia see van Herten 1934.
eETYM As Opijoxoc is clearly deverbal, another starting point for OpyoKxedw must be
found. Another ox-present is found in the glosses Oprjoxw: vow ‘to think of and
Opidaé, -aKoc 555
Opdoxetv: AvapipvroKetv ‘to remember’ (H.); Oproxetw could be an enlargement of
these. The glosses would point to Ionic origin for OproKxevw.
Beside the present O8prjoxw, we also find a gloss évO@petv- mvAdocetv ‘to guard,
observe’ (H.). However, if we explain this as a zero grade thematic aorist, then
Qprjokw, which must derive from *d'rh,-ske/o-, becomes unexplainable. Perhaps,
then, the word is Pre-Greek.
The relevant nominal gloss a8epéc¢: avdrtov, avdotov ‘stupid, unholy’ (H.) could
point to a neuter *Oépoc or an aorist *Oepetv.
Further connection with » 6pdvoc, » Opavoc is improbable.
Optai [f.pl.] Nymphs on the Parnassos who fed Apollo; also name of pebbles that
served as lots of an oracle (Philoch. 196, Call. Ap. 45; uncertain conj. h. Merc. 552).
See the texts in Amandry 1950: 27-29. 4?
eVAR Also Opiau.
eCOMP 8ptofBdAct [pl-] ‘who threw the 6.’ (Epic. apud St. Byz. s.v. Opia, Suid.).
DER Opidletv: evovaidv, évOovordcerv ‘be inspired, be possessed by a god’ (H.) from
S. (Fr. 466) and E. (Fr. 478) together with Opiacic (Suid.); also Opiac8at- pavtevecBat
‘to divine’ (AB 26s).
eETYM Origin unknown. von Wilamowitz 1931: 379ff. thought it was originally
identical with @pia ‘leaves of the fig’. See Amandry 1950: 62, 133 and Fur.: 191
(uncertain). There seems little reason to connect it with Optaupoc.
OpiauBoc [m.] name of hymns sung at festivals for Dionysus (Cratin. 36), also said of
the god (Trag. Adesp. 140 et al.); also a Hell. rendering of Lat. triumphus (Plb., D. S.).
< PGP
DER OptayBikdc = trium phdlis, OpiapBeverv = trium phare.
eETYM Formation like » StOvpapuboc, »tauBoc and, like these, probably Pre-Greek.
Since Sommer 1905: 58ff., it has often been connected with the numeral ‘three’
(“Dreischritt” vel sim.), which is impossible. Acc. to Sturtevant Class. Phil. 5 (1910):
3236f., it is from Opidlw, Opiactc, by influence of tauBoc. See also Theander Eranos 15
(1915): 1267. Fur.191 connects it with tpid¢w ‘to conquer’.
Optykdc [m.] ‘topmost course of stones in a wall, cornice, frieze’, also metaph. (Od.),
‘fence’ (E., Ar.). <PG(V)>
*VAR Mostly plur., late also tptyyd¢ (SIG 1231, 6 iNigomiedia III-IV?], H., sch.),
Optyydc (v.]. Plu. 2, 85f.), Optyxdc (v.l. Dsc. 4, 85).
DER Optykiov (Luc. App.), 8ptykwdng ‘like a coping’ (H.) sub aipaotal; Optyxdw [v.]
‘to provide with a 8., crown, complete’ (& 10 et al.) with Opiykwpya = OptyKdc (J., Plu.),
see Chantraine 1933: 186f.
eETYM A term of construction; see discussion on » yeicov. The forms tptyydc and
Optyydc may show old variation or more recent developments. The form otptyx6c-
TElxiov, OTPLKTOPLOV, OTEPavr] S@pLATOG ‘little wall, crown of a building’ (H.) may be
across of tptyxdc and otpixtdptov (= Lat. strictorium). The word is without a doubt
Pre-Greek.
Opidak, -axos [f.] ‘lettuce’ (Epich., Ion., Hell.). <PG(v)>
556 Opivak, -aKoc
*DER Opidaxivn ‘id.’ (Att., Hell; Chantraine 1933: 204) together with -ivic [f.] (Stratt.),
Opidaxioxa (Alem. 20; Chantraine 1933: 407), Opidaxiov (Plu.); also Opidakiacg =
tavdpaydpac OFjAvc (Dsc., Chantraine 1933: 94) and the adjective Opidax-nic [fi]
(Nic.), -wd1¢ (Dsc.) ‘lettuce-like’. Several by-forms: 8idpak (Arr., H.) together with
QSpaxivry (H; metathesis of liquids, see Schwyzer: 258), Opvdak (pap.; after Opvov?),
Qpddak (H.) together with Bodpaxtov (Choerob.).
*ETYM Acc. to Nehring Glotta 14 (1925): 151, it is Pre-Greek. Because of the typical
leaves, Stromberg 1940: 39 thinks of Opiov ‘fig-leaf, leaf in general’ and compares
oidak ‘unripe figs’. By folk-etymological association with tpt- ‘three’ arose tetpaxivn
= Opidaxivy (Hippon. 135). For the interchange o/ 1, cf. topvia- otapvdAr beside
Opivia: dumtedog (Fur.: 392).
Opivak, -axoc [f.] ‘three-pronged fork, trident’ (Ar., Tab. Heracl. 1, 5, Nic.). <PG(S, V)
>
*DER Thence @ptvaxin [f.] “fork-island”, name of a mythical island (Od.), later
identified with Sicily, and changed to Tptvaxpia (tpia dxpa) by folk etymology; also
Optvaxic [f.] (Str.); adj. Optvaxtog ‘Sicilian’ (Nic.).
eETYM Technical word in -a4— (Chantraine 1933: 377ff.). Mostly interpreted as a
compound with tp1- ‘three’, but the attempts at finding an IE etymology have failed
(see examples in Frisk). Fur.: 189 compares tpivag ‘an instrument in agriculture’,
with t/ 0; note also the suffix -ax-, frequent in substrate words. Another comparison
has been with Opiov ‘fig-leaf (because of the form), with Optvia- cyimehoc év Kprty
‘vine on Crete’ (H.); very unlikely.
Opis [f.] ‘hair’, especially the bodily hair in opposition to Koun, the well-groomed hair
of the head (Il.). <2
eVAR Gen. TpLy6c.
*COMP E.g. tptyd-@vddog ‘with leaves like hair’ (Thphr., of a pine forest), obAG-OpiE
‘with curly hair’ (Hdt, etc.).
*DER 1. Opiooa, Att. Opitta [f.] < *Opiy-ta ‘Clupea alosa’ (middle com., Arist.), a kind
of anchovy called after its hairlike bones (Stromberg 1943: 47f.; also Thompson 1947
s.v.); diminutive Optooiov (pap.); in the same meaning also tptyic, -id5o¢ [f.] (Ar.),
tptxidiov (Alex.), tpixiag [m.] (Arist.). 2. Diminutive tpixtov (Arist.). 3. tpyywdnc
‘full of hair, hairlike’ (Hp., Arist.). 4. tptxywtdc ‘hairy’ (Arist; cf. tptydoptct below). 5.
tpixivoc ‘of hair’ (Pl, X.). 6. tprxitic, -t60¢ [f.] sort of alum (after its fibrous
structure; Dsc., Plin.). 7. tptyia ‘knot’ (pap.). 8. tptxtojtdg ‘hairline split of a bone’
(Paul. Aeg.), as if from *tptyiCw; cf. Chantraine 1933: 143ff. Denominative verbs: 1.
TplLxdoptal, -dw ‘to (be) provide(d) with hair’ (Arist.); thence tpiywua ‘hair growth’
(Hdt., E., X.) together with tpiywptdtiov (Arist.); tpixwotc ‘hair growth’ (Arist.). 2.
Tptxtdw ‘to suffer from a hair disease’ (Hp., Arist.) together with tpixiaotc, name of
some hair diseases (medic.). 3. *tptyi@w cf. tpixtopidc above.
*ETYM The words for ‘hair’ are different in most Indo-European languages. The
comparison with MIr. gairb-driuch ‘bristle’ (from garb ‘raw’ and *drigu- or *driku-)
is better abandoned. Lith. drika ‘threads hanging from the loom’ (Fraenkel 1955 s.v.
draikas) presupposes *drik-, and therefore cannot be connected.
Opdva 557
Opiov [n.]} ‘fig leaf, secondarily also ‘leaf in general; mostly as the name of a dish from
eggs, milk, and honey in fig leaves (Ar.). <?>
eCOMP As a second member in Aentd-Optoc ‘of fine leaves’ (Nic.) with metrical
shortening of -i-.
*ETYM No etymology; a Mediterranean word (Frisk)? Cf. Opivia: dyimeAoc év Kpryty
‘vine (Cret.)’ (H.), and see also Opivag and Opidaé.
Opioat [v.] ‘to cut off (Archil., E., Dsc.). <IE>
eVAR Also ano-O8piEat, -acBau (v.l. E. Or. 128, Ael.), after Opit(?); aor. EOpicev Sdptov
(A. Ag. 536), mostly derived from dno-Qepioa. Also ovvéOpioe- ovvetetie, AemTa
émoinoev. and tod Opioat, 5 éott Tepetv ‘was cut down, made small; from 0., which
means to cut’ (H.).
*ETYM Mostly taken as a syncopated form of amo-Qepicat (LXX, Ael.), belonging to
Bepitw ‘to mow down’ (s.v. » Bépojtau); the syncope is supposed to be metrically
licensed, but it was hardly influenced by 8patw, Optntw (as per Frisk). Cf. » Opiy.
Opiy [m.] ‘woodworm’ (Thphr., Men.). <PG?>
VAR Gen. Opindc.
ecomP As a first member e.g. in Optm-ydeotos ‘eaten by woodworms’ (Ar., Hyp., Att.
inscr.), from é5eotdc with compositional lengthening).
DER Opinwd1j¢ ‘full of woodworms’ (Thphr. HP 3, 8, 5; v.l. Optnndéotatoc), together
with Opimwdéotatoc.
*ETYM Cf. ty, kviy, oxviy. Giintert 1914: 134f. assumes a transformation of *Opvy
based on these words, which would belong to 8pvmtw ‘crumble, rub’; unlikely. See
Gil Fernandez 1959: 114f. Probably a Pre-Greek word. :
Opogw ‘call, proclaim, speak’. = Opéoptau.
OpouBos [m.] ‘clump, clot, curd’, especially of blood (IA). <PG?>
*DER OpopBiov (Dsc.), OpopBriov (Nic.), OpopBwdrco ‘full of clumps’ (IA),
BpopBdopna ‘form @., congeal’ together with @pduBwoic ‘curdling, thrombosis’
(medic.).
*ETYM Compared with Molc. drambr [m.] ‘knag, knot’ for the reconstruction IE
*d"rémb"o-. However, deaspiration of stop after nasal (thus Schwyzer: 333) did not
occur in Greek (see especially » quigi and » dpipaddc; cf. on » Bdy1B0c), so a direct
connection is impossible. The same holds for the comparison with the group of Lith.
dramblys, dremblys ‘fat belly’, Latv. dramblis ‘glutton’. Within Greek, 8pdtiBoc is
generally connected with »tpépw as ‘make congeal’, med. tpépecOai, them.aor.
Tpagetv ‘to congeal’; OpduBoc would then mean “curdled mass”. The verb later
received the specialized meaning ‘make thick, feed’, and had its proper development
in Greek. Since tpépw does not have a convincing IE etymology, the present word
would be of Pre-Greek origin as well (Fur.: 274 takes no decision).
Opdéva [n.pl.] ‘flowers’, as a decoration in woven tissues and embroidery (Il.), as a
medicine and charm (Hell. poets). Acc. to the sch. on Theoc. 2, 59, the Thessalians
used Opdva for colorful embroidered figures (memoiApteva C@a), and the Cypriots
for variegated clothes (GvOiva indtia); H. glosses Opdva both as ‘flowers’ and as
558 8pdvoc
‘colorful embroideries’ (6pdva- &vOn, Kai Ta Ex YpwLLdTwv moLKiApata); cf. Bechtel
1921, 1: 448; Bowra JHS 54 (1934): 73. <PG(V)>
*COMP rrotKtAd-Opovoc as an epithet of Aphrodite (Sapph. 1, 1), probably after 8pdva
motkida (X 441); likewise xpvod-, apyvpd-Bpovoc et al., see Lawler Philological
Quarterly 27 (1948): 8off.
*ETYM Many desperate attempts at finding an etymology: for example, Lidén 1897:
67f., 95f. compared Alb. dré-ri, dré-ni [m.] ‘deer’ (PAlb. *drani- ‘variegated’?, =
Illyrian dpavic [corrected for ap-]- Ekaqog ‘deer’ [H.]), from IE *d"roni-. Solmsen KZ
35 (1897/98): 474f. compared @pdva as ‘herbs, flowers’ with Ru. dérn ‘lawn, grass’, etc.
(rejected by Vasmer 1953 s.v. dérn). Fur: 189 compares tpdva- dydApata, 7 PapLLata
dvOtva ‘statues, colorful stitchings’ (H.), which proves Pre-Greek origin.
Opdvos [m.] ‘throne, seat’, also ‘chair of state, judge’s seat’. < PG?>
*DIAL Myc. to-no /t*ornos/, to-ro-no-wo-ko /torno-worgos/.
*COMP xpvo6-8povoc ‘with golden throne’ (II.).
*DER Diminutives Opovic [f.] (Them.), 8pdviov (EM, Ptol.); further Opovitns (cod.
-Tl¢): Mpwtiotog ‘principal’ (H.); Opovitixds ‘throne-like’ (Sidyma); denominative
verb 8poviCopat ‘be placed on the throne’ (LXX) together with 8povotig ‘enthroner’
(liter. pap.), @povioptdc ‘enthronisation’ (D. Chr.); also Opdvwotc ‘id. (Pl. Euthd.
2774; as a rite of the Corybantes), as if from *Opovoouat; cf. Chantraine 1933: 279.
eETYM The formation has been compared with that of kAdvoc, which would belong
to KéAopat; the root is assumed to be *d'er- ‘to hold, support’, found in Skt. dhar-,
perf. dadhara. Within Greek, this root has been recognized in évO@petv- pvAdooetv ‘to
guard’ (H.) (see »OproKxetw). The original meaning @pdvoc would then be
‘supporter, bearer’.
A number of formal problems persist, however. First, a suffix *-ono- does not seem
to have existed in Indo-European or in Greek: there is no certain instance of IE *CC-
on-o- (as opposed to the normal thematic type *CoC-no-). Since Greek has only a
few forms in nom. -ovog (next to the frequent types in -wv, gen. -wvoc and -wv, gen.
-ovoc; see Chantraine 1933: 159ff.), derivation from *d"er- with such a suffix is
improbable. No other words for ‘chair’ are derived from the root *d'er-, nor does
Greek have a certain derivative from this root (see Pok. 252f.).
Secondly, the connection with »®@pavoc ‘bench’ and @prjvuc ‘footstool’ (see De
Lamberterie 2004) is problematic, as there are no indications for a sef root *d'erh,- in
PIE. Neither is there any indication that » 8pr,oKebw has anything to do with @pdvoc.
A related form within Greek is 8dpvak: bnonddtov. Kbmptot. 7 iepov AndAAWVos ev
ti Aaxwvixf] ‘footstool (Cypr.) or a sanctuary of Apollo in Laconia’ (H.), for which
one assumes metathesis from *OpdvaE, which is perhaps derived from 8pdvoc.
Greek words in -ovog are suspected to be of Pre-Greek origin; cf. also ypévoc and
Kpévog with a typical consonantal variation. This may be the case for 8pdvoc as well.
Opdog ‘call, voice’. eVAR Att. Bpodc. = Opgopiat.
OpvaAnic [f.] ‘wick’, also the plant name ‘plantain, Plantago crassifolia’ (Thphr., Nic.),
the leaves of which were used to make wicks (hence it was also called Avyvitic,
Stromberg 1940: 78 and 106). <PG(S)>
Opvov 559
*DER From OpvaAAtc or from the diminutive 8pvadAidtov (Luc.) as a back-formation
OpbadAov [n.] ‘shower of smut? (Vett. Val. 345, 22).
eETYM Cf. puoadhic, ovkaddic; see Schwyzer: 484 and Chantraine 1933: 252 and 346.
The suffix occurs mostly with plants or birds, so the word is probably Pre-Greek. Cf.
> Opvov.
*@pvAicow [v.] ‘to crush, smash’. «IE *d'reus- ‘crumble’>
VAR Or *OpdAiCw? Only in OpvAlyOn dé wEtwrov (YY 396), BpvdAitac (Lyc. 487).
DER OpvAtyua ‘fragment’ (Lyc. 880).
eETYM May be analyzed as a denominative verb from *@piAoc ‘fragment’, which
would belong to MW dryll fragment’, Gallo-Rom. *drullia [pl.] ‘waste’, and go back
to IE *d'rus-lo- vel sim. The primary verb is seen in Germanic, e.g. Go. driusan ‘fall
down’, properly *‘crumble (down)’; Lat. frustum ‘morsel’ is probably derived from
this verb, like Latv. druska ‘morsel, crumb’ with velar suffix. It is doubtful whether
OpvdAlAlet tapdcoet,.dxAei ‘agitates’ (H.) belongs here; it may also be an occasional
use of Opvdeiv ‘brag, boast’ (Frisk). Another hypothetical connection is with » 8pabw
(Bechtel 1914 s.v.), but then its vowel would remain unexplained, as one would
expect *d'reh,-u-; one might also compare » Opbrrtw.
OpdAog [m.] ‘murmer’ (Batr., Orph., pap.). <IE? *d"reu- ‘murmur, drone, rumble’ (or
PG?).>
VAR Also OpbAAoc.
*DER Further OpvAéw (-AA-) [v.] ‘to boast, brag’ (Att.), also with dta- and other
prefixes; moAv-8pvA(A))-toc ‘much discussed’ (Pl, Plb.), OpvAnpa ‘gossip, boast’
(LXX); also 8pvAilw ‘produce a false tone on the cithara’ (h. Merc. 488; cod. Opvah-
[would be metrically better] = @pvAA- 2), together with 8pvAtopds, -typdc (D. H.).
eETYM While it seems most obvious to assume that OpvAéw was derived from OpiAo«c,
both the dates and the frequency refute this. Rather, 8pvAéw was formed after the
many (denominative, deverbative or primary) onomatopoeic verbs in -éu, e.g.
Kounéw, Kedadéw, Boupéw, Sovnéw, poiBdSEw (see Schwyzer: 726), from which the
rare and late OpdAoc was a back-formation. It seems obvious that OpvAgw is
connected with Opéopat, Bdpupoc, tovBopvlw. It has been suggested that it is a zero
grade derivative of IE d'reu- (Pok. 255), but this root is not well attested (though
there is Gr. Opéopat). As Frisk remarks, it is questionable whether one should
analyze an onomatopoeic word in such a purely grammatical way. The frequent
notation -AA- may be an expressive gemination, but it may also point to Pre-Greek
origin. Fur. 237, 281 separates the word from the IE forms and connects it with
BdpvBoc, with variant *Opur-.
Opvov [n.] ‘reed, rush’ (II.). <PG(S,v)>
eCOMP As a first member in 6pvo-nwdn¢ ‘seller of reed’ (pap.).
*DER Opvoetc ‘rich in reeds’ (Nic.), fem. @pvdecca place on the Alpheios (A 711), also
called @pvov (B 592); 8pvw4dn¢ ‘id’ (Str.); Opvivoc ‘made of reeds’, Opvitic ‘grown
with reeds’ (of yi, pap.). Fur. 135 adduces O8ptotocg (EM 456, 31) and Opvotc (sch. D
351). On > OpvaANic, see s.v.
560 Opvntw
*ETYM Formally, one may compare Bpvov, but further details are unclear. Sommer’s
connection (Sommer 1905: 6of.) with the Balto-Slavic group of OCS trosto [f.] ‘reed,
cane’, Lith. tr(i)usis ‘id’ (which presupposes IE *truso-) is impossible because of the
anlaut. The variants with -o- (see Fur. above) point to a Pre-Greek word, and this is
not unexpected in the case of a plant name.
OpUrtw [v.] ‘to break in pieces, crumble, enfeeble, weaken’, med. ‘to be effeminate or
prudish, be enervated’ (IA). <EUR>
eVAR Aor. Opdyau, pass. tpveivar (I].), later Opv@POFvau (Arist.), OpuBijvat (Dsc.),
perf. med. té@pvpptau.
*COMP Also with prefix, e.g. dta-, év-.
*DER 1. tpb@oc [n.] ‘fragment’ (6 508, Hdt. Pherecr. et al.). 2. tpv@r ‘softness,
luxuriousness, wantonness’ (Att.); tpv@epdc ‘soft, wanton’ (Att; after Oadepdc,
yAvxepoc et al.) together with tpupepdtng¢ (Arist.); tpu@nddg ‘id.’ (AP); tov@aric =
Tpogaric and transformations of it (Luc.); tpdgak ‘wanton, debauchee’ (Hippod.);
denominative verb tpu@dw, also with prefix, eg. év-, with évtpvgrs = Tpvpepdc
(Man.), ‘live softly, luxuriously, be wanton’ (Att.) with tpv@nia ‘wantonness,
luxuries’, also concrete (E., Ar.), tpu@ntijs ‘voluptuary’ (D. S.). 3. Opvupia ‘fragment’
(Hp., Ar.) with Opvppiatic [f.] a kind of cake (middle com.), perhaps also Opuytic:
ix8b¢ mods ‘a kind of fish’ (H.). 4. Opbwic ‘tiring out, softness, debauchery’ (X.,
Arist.) with Optyiyoc = tpv@epdc ‘dainty’ (Theognost., H.), after [teityoc
(Chantraine 1933: 404). 5. From the present: Opuzttikdéc ‘mellow, crumbling’ (Gal.,
Dsc.), ‘softness’ (X., D. C.), 8pvmtakov: KAdopa dptov. Kpijtec ‘morsel of bread
(Cret.)’ (H.).
*ETYM The word Optbmtw may continue a pre-form *d"rub'-ie/o-, and is compared to
Northern European forms: Latv. drubaZa ‘piece, fragment’, drubazas ‘splinter’, OS
drubon, dritvon ‘to be sad’, Olr. drucht ‘drop’ (PCI. *drub-tu-). Latvian also has
forms in p, e.g. drup-u, drup-t ‘crumble’, and in Germanic we find variants too: ON
drjupa [v.] ‘to drip’ (dropi [m.] ‘drop’). It is probable that » dpUmtw was modelled on
Opimtw. We are probably dealing with a non-IE substrate word from Europe of the
type discussed by Kuiper NOWELE 25 (1995): 68-72.
@pwoxw [v.] ‘to spring, leap upon, rush, dart’ (II.). <1E *d"erh,- ‘leap, mount’>
eVAR 8pwoKkw (Schwyzer: 710, Chantraine 1942: 317), aor. Sopeiv, fut. Bopobpat (I1.),
é0pwEa (Opp.), perf. ptc. fem. teBopving (Antim. 65); after Oopeiv the pres. Bdpvujtat
(Hdt. 3, 109, S. Fr. 1127, 9, Nic. Th. 130) for original Odpvvc8a = kvioxecBat ‘to
conceive’ in H.; there also thematic Oapvevet- dxevel ‘covers’; see also on > Opéopau.
*COMP Often with prefix, e.g. dva-, &x-, éml-, b7tEp-.
*DER 1. From O8pw-: 8pwoytdc (Opwoytdc) ‘springing, rising’ (K 160, A 56 = Y 3; A.R. 2,
823); Op@ot<g ‘cord, line’ (Theognost., H.). 2. From the aorist: 8opdc [m.] (Hdt. Hp.
Arist.), Sopr, [f.] (Hdt. Alcmaion) ‘masculine seed’, properly “spring, jump”; from
there Bopikdc “of seed’ (Arist.), Bopaioc ‘containing seed, etc.’ (Nic., Lyc.), Bopwdnc¢
‘id’ (Gal.), Bopdeic ‘consisting of seed’ (Opp.); denominative verb Bopioxoptat ‘to
receive semen’ (Ant. Lib, cf. kvioxopiat). On » Bodpos, see s.v.
Oveia 561
*ETYM The-only plausible comparison is found in Olr. -dair* ‘to leap upon’, together
with the nouns der ‘young girl’ (< PCl. *dera) and MW -derig ‘rutty’. The ablaut
pattern is identical to that of » BAwWoKw, poAgiv, LoAodpat. The root was *d'erh,,,
with *d'rh,- giving 8pw- before a consonant; 8opr contains an o-grade *d'orh,-; the
forms with @apv(ev)- go back to an old nasal present *d'r-n-(e)h;- > *Oapvw-,
which was regularly transferred into the class of vv-presents. The form @dpvuziat has
analogical op for ap after €80pov (cf. Hardarson 1993a: 218). The fut. Sopgouat may
go back to *Oepo- < *d"erh,- with metathesis (Ruipérez Emerita 18 (1950): 386-407);
the aorist may have its vocalism from here.
Ovapog [m.] ‘darnell, Lolium temulentum’ (Ps.-Dsc.). <PG>
*ETYM Formation in -apog like xdpiapoc, KicBapoc, et al. (Stromberg 1940: 58).
Connected with > Ovw ‘rage, seethe’ by comparison with, e.g., Ru. durnica ‘id’? from
dur [f.] ‘stupidity’. However, the form in -apoc rather points to a Pre-Greek word
(cf. the sequence -v-ap-), and connection with O0tw is a mere guess.
Ovdw ‘be rutty’. = Obw 1.
Ovyatnp, -tpdc [f.] ‘daughter’ (I1.). «IE *d'ugh,-ter- ‘daughter’>
*DIAL Myc. tu-ka-te, tu-ka-te-re, tu-ka-ta-si /tugatér, -eres, -arsi(?)/.
eCOMP Rarely in compounds, late as a first member, e.g. 9vyatpo-motia ‘adoption of
a daughter’ (Cos, Rhodos).
*DER Diminutive Ovyatpiov (Com., pap.); Bvyatpidodc, Ion. -déo0¢ [m.] ‘daughter’s
son, grandson’, Ovyatpidf [f.] “daugher’s daughter, granddaughter’ (IA), also
Ovyatepeic [f.] (Magnesia; after patronymics in -ic); @vyatpiCw ‘call daughter’ (com;
cf. Schwyzer 731').
*ETYM Old word for ‘daughter’, preseved in most IE languages: Skt. duhitdr- (nom.
duhita; on the accent, see below), OAv. dugadar-, Arm. dustr, Osc. futir, MoHG
Tochter, Lith. dukté, OCS dosti, ToB tkacer, ToA ckdcar, all from IE *d'ugh,tér-. New
evidence has come from Anatolian: HLuw. tuwatra/i- ‘id.’, Lyc. kbatra-.‘daughter’.
According to Kloekhorst 2008, these forms point to an old full grade of the root, and
he reconstructs *duetr- < *dyegtr- < *d'uegh,tr-. The ablaut pattern of Greek
(barytone O8vydtnp) would confirm this reconstruction; it is, then, unnecessary to
explain @vyatnp as opposed to Skt. duhita by analogy after the vocative 0vyatep.
@veia [f.] ‘mortar’ (Com.), also ‘oil-press’ (pap.). <1E? *d"uH- ‘fly about, dash’?>
eVAR Also -ein (Nic. Th. 91); late also itacistic -ia, -in; also Ovetov [n.] ‘id, (pap.).
*DIAL Myc. tu-we-ta /t*uestas/.
*DER Diminutive Ov(e)idiov (Ar.); back-formation (?) Ovi, -ido¢ [f.] (Damocr. apud
Gal.). Further 8véotng¢ [m.] ‘pestle’ (Dionys. Trag.).
*ETYM Formation like éyyein (to éyxoc), etc. which points to *Oveo-ia as a derivative
in -ia from Ovo¢ ‘burnt sacrifice’ (Solmsen 1909: 250 fn.). We may compare other
words in -ia for concreta, especially names of vases like bdpia, avtAia (Scheller 1951:
48ff.). The meanings ‘mortar’ and ‘oil-press’ are supposed to have developed from
‘vase for pounding the incense’, which is rather strange. The neuter Oveiov is
562 OvEedhAa
reminiscent of the vessel name dyyeiov. On the formation of Ovéo-tng<, see
Chantraine 1933: 312f.
OvedAa [f.] ‘thunderstorm, hurricane’ (Il. Arist.). <1E *d'euh,- ‘storm, rage, dash’>
*COMP OveAX6-Tovuc (Nonn.) after dehA6-0(v)¢ (© 409) et al.
*DER OvedAWSng (sch. S.) like deAAWSng (sch. IL.).
*ETYM From Ow ‘storm, rage, dash’, perhaps based on » deAda, in which the suffix
in -I- was inherited.
@vnAy [f.] “(part of) a victim sacrificed in a burnt offering’ (I 220). <IE? *d'euh,-
‘storm, dash’>
*DER Lengthened form (Chantraine 1933: 186f.) OvnAnpata [pl.] (Thphr. Char. 10, 13;
beside otétata). Cf. further: 1. PvaArnpata [pl.] ‘id’ (Milete V*), lengthened from
*OvdAn (type ayKdaAn : GyKoc) or after GAnpta, mormdAnua? 2. OvAnpata [pl.]
‘sacrificial cake’ (Com., Thphr.), from an A-derivative to » Obw. OvAgoptct (Porph.) is
a back-formation from O8vAnpata.
*ETYM Formation like » yaipnAai (but this is not from » yopog s.v.), akavOnAr (:
d&kavOa, Hdn.). Other comparanda are some barytones like avOrAn (to avBoc,
avOéw), Seiknrov (from deixvupt), Tpdxnroc (from Tpéxw, TPoXdc). The form OvnAy
would then be derived from 8voc or (less probably) directly from Ow ‘to sacrifice’.
OvAaKkog [m.] ‘sack, bag’, mostly made of leather (IA). <PG>
VAR OvAXic: BUAaKog (H.), OvAidec: of PVAaKol (H.); also B5AaE (com.), perhaps a
back-formation from 6vAdktov.
*COMP As a second member in mapoovAakip (= napa8vAakic)- tov tpiBwva, Stav
yévntat wc OvAaKos ‘a threadbare garment, as it came to be like a sack’ (H; Lacon.).
*DER Diminutives: OvAdxKtov (IA), OvAaxic [f] (Ael.), OvAaKkioKog [m.] (com., Dsc.).
Other derivatives: OvAakr ‘scrotum’ (Hippiatr.), OvAakwdn¢ (Thphr.), Ovdaxdetc
(Nic.) ‘like a sack’; @&vAakitic in plant names (Dsc.): 0. ujKwv (after the capsules of
the seeds), 8. vapdoc (after the acorn-like stock of the root; Stromberg 1940: 36);
OvAakiterv: TO anatteiv TL EMdpEvov Leta OvAdKOV. Tapavtivot (H.). Short form,
possibly with hypocoristic gemination: OvA(A)ic (H.).
eETYM Unexplained. Like odxxoc, probably foreign. The suffix -ax- points to Pre-
Greek origin (Pre-Greek: Suffixes). A form *8dA(0)-, obtained after removing a suffix
-K(0)-, has been compared with Lith. dundiilis ‘puffed, big-bellied’, but this is only
speculation.
The forms @aAXic: ttdapottmog LaKkpdg ‘long bag’ and OdAAtKa: odkKov Eldo¢ ‘kind of
bag’ (H.), with different vocalism, are unexplained.
OvpaAAog [m.] name of a fish “Thymallus vulgaris, Salmo thymallus’ (Ael.). <PG(s)>
*ETYM Formation in -adAoc (Chantraine 1933: 317 compares kopt6-aA(A)oc et al.),
which has been connected with Ovp10v ‘thyme’ because of the scent (Stromberg 1943:
6of.; doubts in Thompson 1947 s.v.).-- However, as the suffix is Pre-Greek, it is
improbable that the basic word was of inner-Greek formation. Via Lat. thymallus,
the word was borrowed as Ital. temolo, etc.
ObpLov 563
OvpdAww, -wroc [m.] probably ‘piece of firewood, charcoal’ (Com., Luc. Lex. 24).
<PG(S)>
*ETYM Formation like aipadwy ‘mass of blood, blood clot’ (Hp., pap.), vvktaAwy
‘seeing in the night’ = ‘day-blind(ness)’; secondarily ‘night-blind(ness), based on
which jEepadwy was created. Since the present word has nothing to do with ‘seeing’,
we are probably dealing with a Pre-Greek suffix -Awy. Cf. also > ayxihwy, > aiyiAwy,
which no doubt derives from a Pre-Greek word as well.
OvuPpa [f.] name of a sweet-scented plant, ‘savory, Satureia Thymbra’ (com., Thphr.,
Dsc.). <PG(V)>
eVAR Also Ovp1Bpov (Thphr.) and OupiBpaia (Hp. apud Gal, after other plant names
in -aia). By metathesis (or adaptation to Opv-ntw?): OpbuBn (Gp.).
DER OvpiBpwdng ‘like 8.’ (Thphr.), 8vptBpitys oivoc ‘wine spiced with 8.’ (Dsc.).
*ETYM Hardly derived from Ovpov, Bd,t0¢ ‘thyme’ (Strémberg 1940: 149), in which
case the -B- could.be epenthetic between pp and p. Persson 1891: 56* proposed a
derivation from tv@w in -p-, with nasalization and deaspiration. This is most
improbable, unless the word is Pre-Greek (where prenasalization is common); there
was no deaspiration after nasal (cf. » dui). The proposal is rejected by DELG.
Niedermann Glotta 19 (1931): 14 recalls Anatolian TNs like @vpiBpn, OvyuBpiov, and
on the other hand Tugpnotéc (southern spur of the Pindos, named after 00uBpa?).
Clearly a non-IE Greek plant name, probably Pre-Greek; note the metathesized
form. The ending -ata is remarkable. The Anatolian toponyms could stem from a
language related to Pre-Greek.
OvuuéAn ‘hearth’. = Ovw 2.
Ovjudw [v.] ‘to produce smoke, fumigate’ (IA). <1E *d"euH- ‘smoke’>
eVAR Aor. -tdoat, Ion. -tfoat; lengthened forms: Oyju-dlw, -atitw (Gp.), -aivw
(gloss.), -atebw (sch.).
eCOMP Also with prefix, e.g. dva-, ék-, émt-, DI0-.
*DER (Ionic forms unmarked): 6ujtiactc, mostly from the prefixed verbs (ava-, ém- et
al.), ‘fumigating’ (IA); Ovptiauia, also from the prefixed verbs, ‘incense’ (IA);
émiOvuzuatpdc ‘fumigator’ (Ephesus), @uptiatpov ‘vessel for fumigation’ (Milete,
Hell.), also Ovpuatpic (Dam.), mostly Ovpuatipiov (1A); deverbal Ovptin = -inwa
(Aret.); Bupuatéc ‘fir for fumigation’ (Hp, Arist.), -tuxdc ‘id’ (P1.).
*ETYM Formation in -tdw (after kovi-dw, etc. Schwyzer: 732) from » OvpLdc in its old
meaning ‘smoke’, which was lost in the Greek base form.
Ovpov [n.] ‘thyme’ (IA). <PG?>
VAR Rarely -og [m.].
eCOMP As a first member in Oyjt-edaia [f] name of a plant, perhaps ‘Daphne
Cnidium’ (Dsc., Plin,; cf. on éAaia) together with -attng (oivoc) ‘wine spiced with 0.’
(Dsc.); Ovpt-o€-aAun [f.] “drink from thyme, vinegar and brine’ (Dsc.).
*DER Otjuov = opidak, also ‘large wart’ (Hp., Dsc.; cf. Stromberg 1940: 97), Ovptitn¢
. ‘spiced with 0. (Ar., Dsc.), Ovputvov ((1éAt) ‘made of 8.’ (Colum., Apul.), Oupidets ‘rich
564 Bb UdC
in 8” (Choeril.), Ovpwdn¢ ‘O.-like’ (Thphr.). Denominative verb Ovpitw ‘taste 8. (sp.
medic.), OvptyOeic- mikpavOeic ‘bitter’ (H.).
eETYM Primary derivative in -yo- from »Obw 2 ‘smoke’, named after its scent
(Stromberg 1940: 27)? This is doubtful. A variant of »6vj16¢ with short *u seems
impossible in IE terms. As a local plant name, the word is liable to be of Pre-Greek
origin. Cf. further the fish name > OdpiaAdoc.
Odpdc [m.] ‘spirit, courage, anger, sense’ (Il.); on meaning and use in Hom., etc. Marg
1938: 47ff.; also Magnien REGr. 40 (1927): 117ff. (criticism by Wahrmann Glotta.19
(1931): 214f.). «IE *d'uH-mo- ‘smoke’>
*COMP Many compounds, eg. Ovpio-Bdpoc ‘eating the heart’ (Il), Ovpi-nyepéwv
‘gathering one’s spirit, coming to oneself (n 283; Leumann 1950: 116%, Chantraine
1942: 349), Ovptapric, Suurprs ‘delighting the heart’ (Il; Bechtel 1914 s.v., Leumann:
66); mpd-OvpL0¢ ‘prepared, willing’ (IA) with mpoOvpia, -in ‘willingness’ (B 588) and
-€opat [v.] (A).
*DER Diminutive Ovpidtov (Ar. V. 878); adjectives Buptkdc and Oyiwdn¢ ‘passionate,
vehement’ (Arist.); denominative verbs: 1. » Ovujudw “fumigate’ together with Ouptin
‘incense’; 2. Oujidoptcu ‘get angry’ (IA), rarely -dw ‘id. (E. Supp. 581), together with
Ovpwpa ‘anger’ (A. Eu. 861, Epigr.), Ovpwwotc ‘id.’ (Cic. Tusc. 4, 9, 21); 3. Ovptaivw “be
angry’ (Hes. Sc. 262, Ar., A. R.).
*ETYM Identical with Skt. dhiméd-, Lat. fimus, Lith. dimai [pl.], OCS dymo ‘smoke’;
the meaning ‘smoke’ is preserved in »Ovpidw. On the meaning of »Odpdc, see
Chantraine 1933: 134. OHG toum ‘steam, vapor’, with an IE diphthong *ou, has been
cited. Cf. » 8w 2. DELG compares » @vw 1 ‘rush in, rage’, because derivation from
‘smoke’ is judged to be difficult.
O¥vvoc [m.] ‘tunnyfish’ (Orac. apud Hdt. 1, 62, A. Pers. 424, Arist.). <PG>
*VAR Fem. Obvva or *-n, gen. -11¢ (Hippon. 26, 2 W, see LSJ Supp.); also -ic, -dc
(com.).
*COMP As a first member eg. in @vvvo-oKdrtoc ‘watcher for tunnies’ (Arist.), -éw
(Ar.) together with -ia, -eiov (Str.).
*DER O0vvae, -aKocg [m.] (com, affective formation, see Bjérck 1950: 62); 8vvvitns
‘tunny fisher’ (inscr. Varna), 8vvetoc, Bvvvaiog ‘of tunny’ (Ar.), SBvvv@dr¢ ‘tunny-
like’ (Luc.), Ovvveta [pl.n.] ‘tunny-fishing’ (Troezen), Ovvvevtixdéc ‘belonging to
tunny-fishing’ (Luc, as if from *@vvvetw, cf. also a\tevtiKdc et al.); denominative
verbs 6vvvatw ‘catch tunny’ (Ar.), also -ifw (Suid.).
eETYM Mediterranean word, often compared to Hebr. tannin ‘big water-animal,
whale, shark’ (Lewy 1895: 14f.), but this is rejected by DELG.: See Stromberg 1943:
126f. and Thompson 1947 s.v., also on folk etymologies (from 0bw, 8svw). Borrowed
as Lat. thynnus, thunnus, whence the Romance forms are derived. The fem. in short
-a could point to Pre-Greek origin (see Bq.).
Obvw ‘rush in’. = 8vw 1.
Bupa 565
Ovov [n.] name of a tree, the wood of which was burned for its good fragrance:
‘arborvitae’ (€ 60, Hell.), ‘Callitris quadrivalvis’.. DELG also gives ‘Juniperus
foetidissimus’ (s.v. 8bw 2). <?>
VAR Also Ovia, Ova.
*DER Oviov ‘resin’ (Thphr.).
*ETYM It has been suggested that it is a primary derivative of » @bw 2. The relation of
these forms is not clear; it does not seem very probable that two distinct trees had
nearly identical names.
OVo¢ [n.] ‘burnt offering’, mostly in plur. @bn (IL). <1E *d*euH- ‘smoke’>
*DIAL Myc. tu-we-a /t"ue"a/ ‘aromatic products’.
eCOMP As a first member in » 6vooKdoc, 8vo0-SdxKog ‘accepting burnt offerings’ (E.),
8ur7-m6Ao¢ ‘making offerings, priest(essy (A., E.), together with -éw, -ia (@vn- after
the plural?).
DER Ovdetc, Ourjetg ‘rich in incense, etc., fragrant’ (Il; Ovu@ev- edb@dec ‘fragrant’ H.);
Ove tata [pl.] ‘incense, spices’ (Ion.), lengthened from ®voc (cf. Chantraine 1933:
187) rather than from a denominative *@6vdopat, -dw, though such a verb seems
presupposed by the ptc. teOvwpévoc ‘with odour’ (I 172 et al.), to which also Ovwév
(Hedyl. apud Ath. 11, 486b); Ovioxn (LXX, Js v.l. -o¢), also 8¥oxn, -o¢ [f.] (pap., Suid.,
EM) ‘censer’, after xadioxoc et al; 6vityc¢ (Ai80c) [m.] name of an Ethiopian stone
(Dsc., Gal.).
*ETYM Primary derivative of » 80w 2. Thence Lat. LW tas, tiris [n.] ‘(frank)incense’.
See further > Oveia.
OvooKdos [m., f.] name of a sacrificial priest, probably “observer of sacrifices” (Hom.,
E.), also as a translation of Lat. haruspices (D. H.); adjectival 8vooKda ipa (IG 14,
1389: 12; verse inscr.). <IE *(s)keu- ‘observe’>
*DER Ovooxeiv: igpoic napélecOat, 1] Oeoic ‘to attend to a sacrifice’ (H.); Qvooxeic
[asg.] (A. Ag. 87; -«tveic codd.); on the hyphaeresis from *8vookoetv cf. Bor8etv from
Bon8doc.
eETYM An analysis of Ovo-oKdoc as containing a second member *oxofdc is
attractive. This seems to be found as well in Go. un-skawai (for *us-skawai?) sijaima
= vijgwpev. The Gm. iterative OS skauwon, OHG scouw6n ‘see, perceive’ is certainly
connected, being parallel to the Greek iterative » kogw ‘to note, perceive’ with s-
mobile (s.v. and LIV? s.v. *(s)keyh,- for further cognates). Cf. also » dvakdc.
Ovpa [f.] ‘door, doorleaf, mostly plur. ‘gate’ (Il.). <1E *d'uer- ‘door’>
eVAR Ion. 8Upn.
*DIAL Myc. o-pi-tu-ra-jo /opi-t*uraidi/ ‘doorkeeper’
eCOMP Several compounds, eg. Ovpd-wpdc (X 69), Bvp-wpdc, -ovpdc¢ (Sapph.)
‘doorkeeper’ (cf. on » 6pdaw), as a second member with thematic enlargement, e.g.
mpd6-Oup-ov ‘place before the gate, forecourt’ (II).
*DER Diminutive: Ovptov (Att.) and Oupidtov (Gp.), Bupic [f.] ‘window (openingy
(IA) with Ovptdevc ‘window frame’ (Delos ITI’; cf. the names in -etc¢ in Chantraine
1933: 128), Ovpiddw ‘provide with a window’ (pap.) together with Oupidwtdc (inscr.).
Further 6vpedc [m.] ‘door-stone’ (i 240, 313), name of a long shield = Lat. scutum
566 Bipooc
(Hell; on the formation Chantraine 1933: 51), together with @vpedw ‘cover with a
shield (Aq.); 8¥petpa [pl.] “(frame of a) door’ (epic), together with Oupetpixdc
(Chios); 60pwpia, often plur. -wpata ‘doorway’ (IA; cf. Chantraine 1933: 187); 8vpwv,
-@voc [m.] ‘hall, antechamber’ (S.). Adjective Oupaioc, Aeol. Obpaoc “belonging to
the door, standing before the door, outside, foreign’ (trag., Hell.). Denominative verb
8updw ‘to provide with doors’ (Att.) together with 8tpwotc (Epid.), 8vpwtdc (Babr.).
8vpavAéw [v.] ‘to sleep before the door’ is from a compound with avAn; *6vpdypata:
apodevpata ‘excrements’ (H, in wrong position), as if from Oupacw.
*ETYM Starting from Ovp-da: gw. ApKddec ‘outside (Arc.) (H.), 6vo8ev for *Ouvp-
o8ev = OvUpa-Oev (Tegea), and from Ovpate ‘outside, outdoors’ < *Ovpdac-de, we can
reconstruct a consonant stem IE *d'ur-, which is attested in many other languages:
OHG turi = Tiir (properly plur.) < IE *d"tir-es; Lith. dur-is [acc.pl.], dir-G [gen.pl.],
Skt. duir-ah [acc.pl.] < IE *d'tir-ys (on the anlauting d- instead of dh-, cf. Mayrhofer
EWAia sv. dvar-). This root noun is frequently replaced by suffixed formations, e.g.
the i-stem in Lith. dur-y-s [nom.pl.], dur-i-g [gen.], the o-stem in Go. daur [n.] =
MoHG Tor, etc., by an n-stem in Arm. du7-n, by a h,-stem in Gr. @vpat, and also in
Arm. dr-a-c‘ [gen.dat.acc.pl.], dr-a-w-k‘ [instr.].- - Beside the zero grade *d'ur-, we
find the full-grades *d"uer-, *d'uor-, e.g. in Skt. nom.pl. dvar-ah, acc.pl. duir-ah (see
above), which were often generalized as in Lat. for-és, ToB twere. Enlargements: Skt.
dvar-a- [n.], OCS dvor- ‘court’, Lat. for-is ‘outside’, for-ds ‘(towards) outside’. A
zero grade *d'yr- has been supposed in »Q@atpdc ‘pivot of a door’, but its
appurtenance is not certain. The thematic enlargement of mpd-8vp-ov also occurs,
e.g., in Skt. satd-dur-a- ‘with a hundred doors’ (Sommer 1948: 131). Cf. Benveniste
1969:1: 311ff.
Oupoos [m.] ‘the thyrsos-wand’, wreathed in ivy and vine-leaves with a pine-cone at
the top (E.). <Lw Anat.>
*COMP E.g. Ovpoo-pdpos, d-8upooc (E.).
*DER Diminutive 8vpoiov (Hero), Svpodpiov (Plu.); plant name Ovpotov (Ps.-Dsc.),
Obpotc (Cyran.), Ovpo-ivn and -itn¢ (Dsc., see Stromberg 1940: 50; the last also name
of a stone, Redard 1949: 55); 8upciwv name ofa dolphin-like fish (Ath., Plin see WH
s.v. tursid). Denominative verbs: 6Bvpodtw ‘flourish the 0.’ (Ar. Lys. 1313; Lacon. pte.
Bvpoaddwav = -alovowv), Bvpodw ‘use as a 8.’ (D. S.). Does Oupketc, epithet of
Apollo in Achaea (Paus. 7, 21, 13), also belong here? See Bofshardt 1942: 77.
*ETYM Loanword from Anatolia; cf. HLuw. tuwarsa- ‘vine’ (Laroche BSL 51 (1955): p.
xxxiiif., Forbes Glotta 36 (1958): 271f.). See Heubeck 1961: 80.
Ovpwpdc ‘doorkeeper’. = Opa and dpdw.
Ooavosc [m.] ‘tassels, fringe’ (II.). < PG(S,V)>
VAR Usually plur. -o1; on 8vocavoetc see below.
DER Ovocavoetc (Il; on -co- see below), Pvoavwtdc (Hdt,, J.) ‘framed with tassels’,
Bvoavw6dne¢ ‘tassel-like’ (Thphr.), -1Sd6v [adv.] ‘id’ (Ael.).
eETYM Technical word in -avoc (Chantraine 1933: 200). Acc. to Persson 1912(1): 45, it
is from *6vooa < *8U8-1a, which would be identical with Latv. dusa ‘bundle of straw,
etc.’ < IE *d'ud'-ih,. A primary yod-present is found in Qvocetat- trvaocetat ‘shakes’
Ovw 2 567
(H.), but Latte states that the word is an invention of grammarians in order to
explain Qvoavoc. Skt. dudhi- ‘tempestuous’ and several Gm. words (Pok. 264f.) are
unrelated because of their meaning; therefore a separate IE pre-form *d'ud'- can
hardly be reconstructed. The variation o/oo rather points to Pre-Greek origin (Fur::
387, who refers to e.g. Odvo(o)evc. This would be understandable for a word of this
meaning.
Oto08A« [n.pl.] ‘the sacred implements of Bacchic orgies’ (Z 134), secondarily ‘sacrifice’
(Lyc.; influence of » 8bw 2). <PG>
*ETYM The form @vo-8\a has been derived from » Od 1 by means of a suffix -@Ao-
(Chantraine 1933: 375). This derivation does not seem adequate: it presupposes a
much more general meaning than the very specific one of the present entry. It is
rather be a loan, either from Anatolian or from Pre-Greek. Hardly related to 8bpcoc
(as per Benveniste 1935: 203).
@dw 1 [v.] ‘to rush in, storm, rage’ (IL). <?>
eVAR Also Oviw (Hom., h. Merc. 560; cf. Chantraine 1942: 51 and 372), 8dvw (IL), ipf.
also 00veov (Hes.), aor. E8600 (Call. Fr. 82).
eCOMP Rarely with prefix, e.g. dva-, b7ep-.
DER Ov(L)dc, -a5oc [f.] “the storming one”, ‘thyiade, Bacchante’ (A., Tim.), also Ovia
[f.] (Str. 10, 3, 10 [and S. Ant. 1151, lyr.?]; cf. Fraenkel 1910: 95); via [n.] name of a
festival of Dionysus in Elis (Paus. 6, 26, 1), @viog name of a Thessalian and Boeotian
month (inscr.); Ovwvy epithet of Semele (h. Hom., Sapph., Pi.); also @vota: 6via and
Bvotadec: vopgar tivéc, ai EvOeot, kai Bakxat ‘maidens that are possessed, Bacchae’
(H.); Ovotriptocg epithet of Bacchus (EM); 8dvoc: 1dAeuOc, Opytt, Spdpoc ‘war,
assault, race’ (H.; from Odvw; not = Skt. ptc. dhiina-); Bioic (Pl. Cra. 419e as an
explanation of 6ujidc). Deverbative: 8vdw ‘be rutty (of swines)’ (Arist.; after Baxyau,
tapydaw et al; see Schwyzer: 7267). Unclear OuwOeic: paveic, dpptoac ‘frenzied,
inspired’ (H.). On »O@veAAa and »Odc0Aa, see s.vv. Here also Ovdxtat [m.pl.]
(Troezen II*), if = ‘mystae sive thiasotae’; cf Fraenkel 1910: 174; DELG shares this
under > Otw 2.
*ETYM The form @dvw has been analyzed as an old vi-present *@0-vp-w (with
eBiveov < *é-80-ver-ov), and identified with Skt. dhinéti ‘shake’. It is unclear,
however, what ‘to shake’ has to do with the meaning of this verb. A stem 6vo- has
been posited for OBvotddec, Bdo8Xa, and also for Oviw, if this derives from *Ovo-1w. It
is uncertain, however, that this supposed *@vo- has anything to do with our verb
(Lat. fur6 is better left aside; see De Vaan 2008 s.v.). See also » Ow 2. The hesitation
between 6w 1 and 6tw 2 shows how uncertain the interpretation is. One can hardly
even rule out that *@vo- is of foreign origin. Note rare forms or meanings, such as
Bvota, Bvtddec, Bvdaw. Pok. 261ff. gives an enormous amount of forms and
meanings, but no close parallel for the meaning of Ovw 1. In the present situation,
without further research, nothing can be said.
Obw 2 [v.] ‘to offer by burning, sacrifice, slaughter’ (II.). <?>
eVAR Fut. vou, aor. Bdoat (IL), tvOijvat (Hdt.), perf. téBdKa, TEBdLAL (Att.).
eCOMP Often with prefix, e.g. €k-, KaTa-, TpO-, OVV-.
568 Bvwpdc
*DER Derivations partly show the older meaning of ‘smoke, incense’ (see below): 1.
Ovjta ‘sacrifice’ (IA, etc.); 2. Ex-, mpd-Ovotcg from éx-, Mpo-Obw (late); 3. Ovoia see
below on 601g; 4. » Bboc [n.] with > Bvéotn¢ et al. ‘incense’; 5. » Ovov ‘life-tree’; 6.
8vrjtd [n.pl.] ‘incense’ (Aret; on the formation cf. s.v. »8vrAn); 7. Bv(eyia [f.]
‘strong-smelling cedar, thuja’ with Oviov [n.] ‘resin’ (Thphr.); to » @voc? 8. BdtI|S
[m.] ‘sacrificer’ (Hell; éx-801)¢ from éx-Obw E.); Obtac (Thess.), together with
Ovutetov ‘place for the sacrifice’ (Aeschin.), 6vtiKdc ‘belonging to the sacrifice’ (Hell.,
directly from @bw), Ovoia ‘ceremonial offering’ (h. Cer.); from there Ovoidtw
‘sacrifice’ with Ovoiaopa, -aotrploc, -ov; 9. Bvtip [m.] ‘id.’ (trag.) together with
Ovtiptov ‘sacrificial animal’ (E.), also ‘altar’, name of the constellation Ara (Arat,
Scherer 1953: 192); 10. Obotac: 6 iepedg mapa Kpnot ‘priest (Cret.)’ (H.), fem. @votdc,
-a60¢ ‘belonging to the sacrifice’ (A., S.); 11. OVotpa [n.] = Ovp1ata (Cos); 12.
Ov<o>trppiotc: BvupLatipiotc ‘censer’ (H.); 13. OvopiKdc ‘regarding the sacrifice’ (toc;
Paros, Tenos). See also > BunAN; > OvEdc; not in » Odpov, » OvpdAwy. Unclear OdpéAN
‘hearth, altar’ (trag.), with Ovupedtkdc.
*ETYM The verb was probably thematicized in Greek. We find a yod-present in Latin
suf-fid ‘fumigate’, explained as from *-d'uH-ie/o-. Ragot RPh. 75 (2001): 144 connects
Hitt. tubhae-* ‘to sigh’ from *d"uh,-, which would be very far semantically. However,
Kloekhorst 2008 s.v. tuhhae-“ now asserts that the meaning is ‘to produce smoke’ in
Hitt. as well (said of volcanoes). Tocharian has a verb twasastdr [3sg.med.] ‘to ignite’,
which Hackstein 1995: 354 connects with our root. It is often supposed that 1. 6bw
and 2. 6tw were originally identical. A semantic core like ‘rush, rage, whirl, make
dust, smoke’ vel sim. has been assumed, but this is far from compelling. The
different languages show a mass of formations and meanings which can no longer be
neatly interpreted; see Pok. 261-267 (and 268-271) for all material. See also » tupopau.
On the other hand, O8avatoc, Bordc and 48pw, which were connected with our verb
by Frisk and others, are unrelated.
Ovwpdc [m.] ‘table for offerings, ‘iepa tpdmeCa’ (Pherecyd. Syr., Call.). <IE *uer-
‘observe’>
*VAR Also Ovwpic [f.] (Poll.).
*DER Ovwpityc tpanetitnys ‘banker’ (H.), metaph. in Lyc. 93; Ovwpia “ceremonial
offering’ (Didyma), 8vuwpeio8ar- ebwyeto8at ‘to relish’ (H.).
*ETYM From *Ovo-Fwpdc (cf. Bvwpdv: TpdmeCav tH Ta BUI PvAdooovoav H.); see
also » Ovpwpdc (but Ovo- is difficult). By association with Oedc, Oewpia, etc., the
spellings Sewpic, Sewpia arose (Poll., Didyma, imperial period). Not from *Ove-wpoc
< *Ov-aFopos, as per DELG s.v., as this is semantically implausible.
Ow} [f.] ‘penalty’ (N 669, B 192). <1E? *d'eh,- ‘put’?>
eVAR Owin, Owur (Archil., Ion. inscr., Call.), 90a (IG 1’, 114: 42; Att.).
*COMP As a second member in d-O@oc ‘unpunished, innocent’ (IA) with a8wé6w
‘declare somebody innocent’ (LXX).
*DER Denominative verbs: 8Odw (IG 1’, 4: 7; 12), fut. Oodoe (IG 2, 1362: 14; Att.),
Qwéw (Delph.), 8O€w (Locr.) with a8wrtoc 4¢npiwtoc ‘immune from penalties’
(H.), BOaiw (Cret.), BOdatw (EL) ‘fine, punish’; thence Owiaotc (Delph.).
Oa@o8at 569
*ETYM Formation in ~4 (cf. otwid, oto(t)d; etc.), often derived from tiOrnu as “the
settled penalty” with o-grade of the root; a rather simplistic solution.
O@koc = BaxKoc.
Ow@uyé, -tyyos [f.] ‘cord, string; bow-string’ (Hdt, trag., etc.). <PG(S)>
*DER Denominative Owpicoe- vbooel, Seopede ‘to pierce, fetter’ (H.), Owuyeic
(Anacr.).
*ETYM Formation in -tyy-, which proves Pre-Greek origin.
Owptdc [m.] ‘heap’ (A., Ar. Thphr.). <1 *d'eh, ‘set, lay’ >
*DER Denominative O8wptetoat- ovppi—a, ovvayayeiv ‘mix together, gather together’
*ETYM Probably identical with a Gm. word for ‘judgement, opinion, situation, etc.’,
Go. doms, ON démr, OHG tuom. An old verbal noun of IE d'eh,- ‘set, lay’ (see
> tiO111), thus it properly means ‘setting’, etc.; cf. » Béo1c, > OnLy.
Owpak [m.] ‘cuirass’ (II.), ‘trunk, chest’ (Hp.). <PG>
eVAR Ion. Owprnf, hyper-Aeol. plur. 86ppaxec (Alc.).
*DIAL Myc. to-ra-ke [n.p].].
*COMP E.g. Owpako-pdpos ‘wearing a cuirass’, xadkeo-Owprné ‘with bronze cuirass’.
*DER Owpaxeiov (A., inscr.), BwpaKtov (Plb.) ‘breastwork, parapet’; Owprkti¢ ‘soldier
with cuirass’ (Il; on the formation Triimpy [see below]), 8wpaxitng ‘id’ (Plb.);
Owpakikds ‘belonging to the trunk’ (Aét.), Owpaxaioc ‘with cuirass (?) (Delos II*).
Denominative verbs: 1. Bwprjooopat, -w ‘to put on a cuirass, armor oneself (Il.), also
metaph. ‘to strengthen oneself (with wine, oivy, etc.) (Hp. Thgn.) with Owerétc
‘drinking to intoxication’ (medic.). 2. @&wpaKitw ‘to armor’ (Th., X.) together with
Owpaxtoptdcg (LXX).
eETYM Technical word without etymology; probably a loan. Unrelated to Skt.
dharaka- ‘container’, but compared with Lat. lérica as a loanword. As a medical
term, the meaning ‘trunk, etc.’ is probably secondary from ‘cuirass, armour’. Ample
treatment by Triimpy 1950: 1off. See also Hester Lingua 13 (1965): 354. Most probably
a Pre-Greek word; Fur.: 302% points to a v.l. @Upat, which would prove Pre-Greek
origin. Fur. gives more examples of w/v; Pre-Greek *u was often rendered by Greek
w. The suffix -a- is very frequent in Pre-Greek.
Oc, Bwdc [m., f.] ‘jackal, Camis aureus’ (Il., Hdt., Arist.); on the meaning (also a
ferret?) see K6rner 1930: 17f. < PG?>
*COMP No compounds or derivatives.
*ETYM Several hypothetical explanations (see Frisk). Fraenkel IF 22 (1907-08): 396ff.
interpreted it as “glutton”, related to »O@oOal, »8oivn. Probably a loanword;
perhaps Pre-Greek.
O@oGat [v.] ‘to eat’. <PG?>
*DER Owortnpta [pl.] = edwyntipta ‘offer-food’ (Alcm., H.; cf. Kukula Phil. 66 (1907):
226ff., Bechtel 1921, 2: 374).
*ETYM Connected with » Ooivn; Pre-Greek origin seems quite possible, however.
570 *O@oow
*@woow [v.] ‘to make drunk, intoxicate’, in O@Eat- weOtoat, TANPpwoat ‘to intoxicate, te
make full’, OaEot: peOdoat; teOwypévor ... pereOvopévol, TebaypEevor LeEeOvopEvor
(all H.), OwxOeic (S. Fr. 173; contracted from OwpnyOeic? See Schwyzer: 16'), etc. <?>
eETYM The traditional connection with @rjyw is doubted by WP 1, 823; instead, they
connect it with 8oi-vn (as *8o(1)aK-1w, *Bo(t)-a&). DELG thinks the connection with
Orjyw is folk-etymological.
O@wioow [v.] ‘to bark, bay, cry aloud, call aloud’ (trag.). <?> I
eVAR Aor. OBwisEat.
eCOMP Also with prefix: dva-, ém-, brto-. |
*DER Agent noun Owiiktrp (API. 4, 91).
-t [pcl.] particle added to pronouns, mostly of demonstrative value. <IE *-iH
*ETYM Formation in -voow; further details unknown. Perhaps derived from Ow< *‘cry
‘demonstrative pcl.>
ikea acta VAR Att. 06-1, obtoo-, vuv-t, etc. also El. to-i, Boeot. tav-i, etc., rarely -tv.
Qc, Ownds [m.] ‘flatterer’, secondarily also as an adjective (IA). <PG?> | *ETYM Comparable with the enclitics Skt. OAv. im, 1, and -i in Hitt. asi, uni-, ini-
“DER Owrixéc ‘flattering’ (Ar.), Ownedw [v] ‘to flatter’ together with Owneia, i that (one)’; perhaps also seen in Lat. ut7. Gothic has a deictic element -ei.
Ownevpa ‘flattery’, diminutive Ownevpdtia [pl.], Pwrevtikds (Att. etc.); PdnTw [v.] i [f.] ‘she’, anaphoric/reflexive pronoun (S. Fr. 471; also O. 6087). <IE *sih, ‘she’>
‘id? (A.). *ETYM Identical with Go. si, Olr. si, Skt. si-m [acc.]. See Ruijgh 1996: 335-352.
*ETYM Hardly a root noun of té-0177-a, » OauBoc, as per Saussure 1879: 156, since this 7 : : . ; : ; ; ;
is a Pre-Greek word. Cf. Owy- KdAag, 6 peta Oavpacpod éyKwptaotrs ‘flatterer, ia [f] ‘one and the gus also “(the) one’ as opposed to ‘the other’ (IL); ‘that one
5 co? ‘ ‘ (Gortyn). <IE *i- pron. ‘he, she’>
praiser’ (H.), which may be due to learned analysis.
eVAR Acc. tav (IL, § 435). Incidental forms, partly doubtful, in Lesb., Thessal., Boeot.
[Corinn.] and in Hp. (Morb. 4, 37), gen. ifjc, dat. if} (IL); further dat. n. i@ (Z 422),
acc. m. lév (IG 5(1), 1390: 126 [Messen. I*], after Z 422; not quite certain), dat. m. i@
i (Gortyn).
eETYM An old pronoun without certain correspondences outside Greek, originally
| only feminine, and adapted to pia in inflexion (Frisk). It probably continues an
inflected form of *h,i-, rather than a reflex of *smih., gen. -ieh,-s (the latter option
{ was recently defended by J. Katz, lecture at the ECIEC 2007). Ruijgh Lingua 28
(1971): 172 separates the Cretan pronoun idg ‘éxeivoc and thinks that Homeric i@
(only Z 422) is an artificial form.
ia [f.] ‘cry, lament, voice’ (Orac. apud Hdt.1, 85, A., E. [lyr.]). <ONOM>
eVAR Ion. in [f.].
*DER As an interjection, iai (S., Ar.) and in (A. [lyr.], Ar. Call.); iqtoc, epithet of
Apollo “who is invoked with ir] (nawv)” (Pi. trag. [lyr.]); also ‘lamenting, sad’ (S., E.
| [lyr.]); denominative verb id@w ‘cry aloud’ (Theognost.).
*ETYM Elementary formation like iw, iov, etc; the noun arose from the interjection.
Cf. > iduwpol, > idAepos, also » "Iwvec and > iw.
iaivw [v.] ‘to (make) warm, delight, heal’ (IL). <?>
eVAR Aor. idtvat (Ion. ifjvat), pass. iavOrjvau.
*DER On indovéc: edppoovvn, émOvpia, yapa ‘joy, desire’ (H.) see Latte, who reads
dovaic.
*ETYM In Skt, we find a yod-present isanydti ‘to urge on, incite’ that might
correspond to iaivw as *Hisy-ie/o-. The etymology has been doubted because of the
deviant meanings. If coryect, iaivw and isanydti may be derivatives of an *r/n-stem
572 idAepoc
(cf. Ved. isdn-i, and perhaps also iepdc), which was based on primary is-yati, is-ndti
‘bring in quick movement’ (with the root-noun is- ‘refreshment, comfort’). See van
Brock 1961: 255ff. and Ramat Sprache 8 (1962): aff. Comprehensive suggestion by
Garcia Ramon; see on > idopat. Cf. » iepdc.
idAgptoc [m.] ‘lament, dirge’ (trag. [lyr.], Theoc.), ‘tedious, dull person’, also adjectival
‘slow’ (Hell, cf. below). < PG>
eVAR itjAeuog (on the distribution Bjérck 1950: 16).
DER iadepwdne ‘pitiful (H., Phot., Suid.), iadkepéw, -ifw (i-) [v.] ‘to lament’ (Hdn.,
Call.) together with indepiotpia [f.] ‘wailing woman’ (A. Cho. 424, lyr.).
*ETYM It is improbable that this expressive word derives from the interjection > it),
The suffix is found only in » kod\epoc, which may have influenced the later meaning
of idAepoc. Zacher IF 18 Anz.: 86 assumes Thraco-Phrygian origin for idAepoc. Since
KodAgpoc is probably Pre-Greek, the same must hold for the present word (Fur.: 151,
317).
idAAw [v.] ‘to send forth, stretch out’ (Il; also Th. 5, 77, Dor.); intr. ‘flee’ (Hes. Th.
269). <IE? *sel- ‘set in movement’>
eVAR Aor. ifjAat, Dor. (Sophr.) idAcu, fut. iad@ (én- Ar. Nu. 1299).
eCOMP Also with prefix, e.g. ém- (€@-, see below), mpo-.
*DER Td\uevoc PN (Il.), see below.
eETYM A reduplicated yod-present *i-aA-1w; the reduplication has spread to the non-
presentic forms. If the aspiration in ia4kAw (Hdn. Gr. 1, 539; also in giaAgic [Ar. V.
1348] and giaAobpev [Ar. Pax 432] for (€)mtaA-) is original, id\Aw could belong to
> dopa ‘jump’ (Leumann 1950: 80 n. 45). The connection with Skt. iyarti [pres.]
‘to incite, set in motion’ (Frisk) is impossible, as this continues *h,i-h,er-ti. Narten
MSS 26 (1969): 77ff. connects it with Skt. sisarti ‘stretch out, draw out’, and separates
sisrate [3p].med.] ‘to flow, run’. Within Sanskrit, this root is synchronically distinct
from sar- ‘to stretch out’, but probably etymologically related. Further cognates of
this root are ToB salate [pret.med.] ‘jumped’, ToB salamo, ToA salat ‘flying’ (see
LIV? s.v. 1.*sel- ‘sich losschnellen, springen’). Connection of Lat. salid ‘jump’ seems
probable, but see the objections in De Vaan 2008 s.v.
YautBocg [m.] name of a metrical foot and a verse, ‘iambus, mocking verse’ (Archil.,
Hdt., Att.). <PG>
*COMP E.g. iapBo-motdg (Arist.), ywA-iapBog ‘choliambus’ (Demetr. Eloc, cf. Risch IF
59 (1949): 284f.).
*DER iapBtkdc ‘iambic, mocking’ (Arist., D. H.), iapBwdr¢ ‘mocking’ (Philostr.),
iapBbAoc ‘mocking poet’ (Hdn.), iapBvKn name of an instrument (Eup. H, cf.
capBvK1), iapBetoc ‘iambic’, iauBetov [n.] ‘iambic verse’ (Att.). Denominative verbs:
iapBilw, -1a¢w ‘speak, mock in iambi’ (Gorg,, Arist.) with iapBtotrs ‘mocking poet’
(Ath.).
*ETYM Like d:18tpapfhoc and 8piapBoc, tapBoc is doubtless of Pre-Greek origin. See
Hester Lingua 13 (1965): 354f. For the formation, cf. » i{@vpBoc. See > Si8bpapBoc.
Yapvot ‘lower land, humid meadow’. >eiapevi..
set
Tametéc 573
idvOtvoc [adj.] ‘violet-colored’ (Str., Plin., Aq., Sm.). <GR>
*DER Backformation tav8o¢ [m.], -ov [n.] = tov (H., Theognost.).
*ETYM Properly ‘violet-flowered’, from dv@1voc (see > dvO0c) and determinative first
member {ov ‘violet’. Differently on tavOoc, Deroy Glotta 35 (1956): 193.
iavoyAégaposg [adj.] ‘with violet-blue eyes’ (Alcm. 13, 69, of girls). <GR>
eVAR Cf. iavoxprdepvoc: toig Guotov TO émiKpdviopa ‘head-dress that resembles a
violet’ (H.).
*ETYM Extended from io-yAégapocg (Pi.) after comparable compounds with kvavo-
(e.g. -xaitng, etc.). The word kvavoBAégapos first occurs in AP 5, 60; note also
ayavo-BAépapog (Ibyc.). With different second member: iavégpuc (PMich. u, 13),
modelled on kvavégpuc. On iavoyAépapos, see Taillardat RPh. 79 (1953): 131ff. and
Treu 1955: 265 and 285. Not related to éavoc.
idopat [v.] ‘to heal’ (IL). <?>
eVAR Aor. idcoao8at, Ion. ijoaoB8at (II.), pass. idOrv, inOryv (IA), fut. iacopat, ijoopat
(Od.), perf. tayo (Ev. Marc. 5, 29).
eDIAL Myc. i-ja-te.
*COMP Rarely with prefix (é&-, é1-).
*DER 1. tay, Ion. inua [n.] ‘medicine, healing’ (IA) together with iapatikdg (Cyran.);
2. {aoc ‘healing’ (IA) together with idomwosg ‘curable’ (Arbenz 1933: 71f.), probably
also tacwwvnr plant-name, ‘Convolvulus sepium (?Y (Thphr.,, Plin.); Stromberg 1940:
81 because of its medical use (though this is unknown); 3. laow [f.] name of a healing
goddess (Ar., Herod.), from iaotc or from the aor., cf. Kadvyw. 4. iatip ‘physician’
(IL, Cypr., with irteipa [adj., f.] ‘healing’ (Marc. Sid.), iatjpiov ‘medicine, healing’
(medic. Q. S.); 5. iatwp “id” (Alcm., Thess. inscr.) with iatopia ‘medical art’ (B, S.
[lyr.]); 6. tattg ‘id’ (LXX) with iatikdg (Str.) 7. tatpdc ‘id’ (IL), with iatpidc, 4
iatpikn (téxvny) ‘art of healing’ (IA), idtpia [f.] ‘midwife’ (Alex.), iatpivn ‘id.’
(imperial period), iatpevw ‘heal’ (Hp.) together with iatpeia, -eiov, iatpevotec, -evpa,
-evtikdc; 8. fatpa [n.pl.] ‘payment for healing’ (Epidauros, Herod.). More on iatip,
idtwp, iatpdc¢ in Fraenkel 1910-1912 (index); on the difference iatyp : iatwp see
Benveniste 1948: 46. Here also ldowv?
eETYM Schwyzer: 681 and 683 explains idopat as a transformation of earlier athematic
*(a-uat (seen in Ta-yevdv M 139, 193 and in Cypr. ijao8at?). Doubts on the
connection with iaivw in Schulze 1892: 381f. On the quantity of the i- (- in Hom.,
later also i-), see Schulze l.c. and Sommer 1905: 9f. See also van Brock 1961: off.
Garcia Ramon 1986: 497-515 derives the verb from the root *h,eis- (Pok. 509) ‘move
strongly, drive on, comfort’. The root may have the form *h,i(e)sh,-. The root-final
*h, is apparent from ivaw and Skt. isnati, while he supposes that the long i spread
from the reduplicated athematic present *h,i-h,ish,-, which gives PGr. *thamai. He
also connects > iaivw from *h,is(h,)n-ie/o-, like Skt. isanydti.
Tdovec = “Iwvec.
Ianetéc [m.] Iapetos (Il.). <PG(s)>
eVAR I- metrically lengthened.
574 idmtw
eETYM The name was connected with the biblical Japheth, see eg. West 1978: 134.
The idea seems most improbable for a god thrown into Tartaros by Zeus. Further,
the name is often connected with idmtw as “the one thrown off? (© 479, Hes.), with
‘Tanetiovidns (Hes.).
The interpretation seems improbable to me (it is a mere guess). It seems obvious
that the name, of a pre-Olympian god, is Pre-Greek. A suffix -etoc is found in Pre-
Greek, Pre-Greek: Suffixes 42. Fur.: 195? mentions a demon ‘Aofetdc¢ (which he
compares with ‘Aonetoc: 6 AytAAgbc év Hreipw H.); it is also found in TNs, cf.
Tavyetov, Tadetov.
idmtw [v.] ‘to shoot, send on, hurt, wound’ (l.). <?>
eVAR Aor. idwau (I1.), pass. iapOn (Theoc.), fut. idyw (A.).
eCOMP Also with prefix, e.g. mpo-.
eDER On P Tamtetéc, see S.v.
*ETYM For the range of meanings, see »BdAAw. There is no reason (as per Schulze
1892: 168°, Bechtel 1914 s.v. intopa, LSJ) to assume two different words with the
respective meanings ‘shoot’ and ‘hurt’ (this is still maintained in the Supplement to
LSJ; the meanings given there are rather different from those in Frisk and DELG).
The reduplication was generalized from the present to the other tenses. Etymology
unclear. Often combined with »*intopat, tyao8at ‘squeeze, oppress’, but this is
semantically difficult. It is uncertain whether the original present of idwat is
contained in idocetv (cod. -eiv): Bvpotobat, Sdxvetv ‘to be angry, bite’ (H.); one
could assume *h,i-h,ek”-, but again the meanings are difficult to combine.
iaciwvn plant name. = idoua
idoun [f.] ‘jessamine, Jasminum officinale’ (Aét.). <LW Iran.>
DER idoptvov [n.] ‘oil of jasmine’, also iaou-gdatov [n.] (Aét.).
*ETYM From Iranian; cf. MP yasman, MoP yadsaman, yasam, yasamin, etc.
iaome, -t50¢ [f.] ‘jasper’ (Pl, Thphr.), also the plant-name (Dsc.), probably from the
color (Stromberg 1940: 26). <Lw Sem.>
eVAR ACC. -Lv.
eCOMP As a first member in iaon-aydatne ‘jasper-like agate’ (Aét., Plin.) et al.
*DER iaoni{w ‘be like jasper’ (Dsc.).
*ETYM Oriental LW. Cf. Hebr. jaspe, Akk. jaspu name of a stone; originally Egyptian?
See Lewy 1895: 56 and E. Masson 1967: 65f.
iatvw [v.] ‘to sleep, rest, spend the night’ (IL.). <1E *h,eu-, h,u-es- ‘pass the night’>
VAR Rare aor. iatoat (A 261, Call.) and fut. iabow (Lyc.).
eCOMP Also with év-, map-, ém-.
DER iavOd¢ ‘sleeping-place, bed’, und-tavOpdc ‘sheep fold’ (Lyc.), éviavOpd¢ ‘abode’
(EM; uncertain Call. Fr. 127); doubtful tavoc: Koitn ‘bed’ (H.).
*ETYM Reduplicated present (secondary iadoat, iavow) of the root seen in ab-Nc, av-
An, and déoxw, from *h,i-h,eus-ié/o-. Peters 1980a: 34ff. (followed by Hackstein 1995:
220f., LIV’ 293 s.v. *h,yes-) reconstructs *h,us-ié/o-, and thinks that the reduplication
is a secondary addition within Greek. This suggestion must be rejected, since the
iBiokoc 575
development of *h,u- to Greek av- is unacceptable. There is also unreduplicated avet
(Nic. Th. 263, 283). Cf. the related aorist »deoa < *h,u-es-. The glosses dec and
aigoxovto in H. are unclear; see Latte. See » avAn.
idxw [v.] ‘to cry aloud, shout, shriek, resound, roar’ (II.). <IE *u(e)h.g"- ‘cry, sound’>
eVAR Aor. iaxfjoat (h. Cer. 20), pres. also iayéw with fut. iayrjow (trag.); perf. ptc.
auiaxvia (B 316), to which dugidxw (Orph., Q. S.).
eCOMP Also mept-, ém-1ayw (Hom.), avt-tayéw (Theoc., A. R.).
DER iayn ‘cry, noise’ (Il; cf. Porzig 1942: 228) with > avdiayou idynua ‘id’ (E. [lyr.],
AP; on the formation Chantraine 1933: 186); see » “Iaxxoc.
*ETYM From reduplicated *Fi-Fay-w (on the digamma, see Chantraine 1942: 139f.). A
thematic aorist *faxetv, *Faye is supposed for Homeric iaye, which functions as an
aorist (see Chantraine 1942: 393 and Schwyzer: 748). The present may derive from
the aor. iayfjoat or (less probably) be denominative from iayr. On the
unreduplicated ptc.. dugi-(F)ayvia, see Schwyzer: 767 and Chantraine 1933: 1, 421.
The long scansion of the a, which occurs once in a while in the tragedians, may
result from expressive gemination of the velar (cf. » “Iaxxoc), but influence of the
present ayéw has also been assumed. See also » x1.
ipavn [f.] ‘water-bucket’. <?>
*VAR Also iBavov [n.]. LSJ does not give a form *iBavoc (DELG s.v. iBdavn). iBdn¢
‘cock, plug in a ship’s bottom’,
eETYM Usually connected with » eifw; doubts in Bq. The word seems to live on in
Tsakon. ipdvi ‘bucket to scoop water’; see Kukules Apy.’Eq. 27: 61ff., as well as on
ipac. See also Fur.: 220f. - The word iBdnc¢ can hardly be IE. Fur.: 307 compares Hitt.
impa ‘load’. Though it has to do with emptying a ship, it is not evident that it belongs
to the word iBavn.
iBnvot [m.pl.] - [copoi, GFjKal, dotpaxivat, KiBwtoi] evOvpor ‘urns, cases, earthenware,
box; cheerful’ (H.). <>
VAR There is also iBiyvoc: TANopLOvi ‘satiety’ (H.).
*ETYM Unknown.
iBnpic, -idoc [f.] plant-name, ‘pepperwort, Lepidium’ (Damocr. apud Gal. Aét. apud
Ps.-Dsc.). <4?
*ETYM Probably named after its native environment, IBnpia (Stromberg 1940: 124f.).
Alessio Studi etruschi 15 (1941): 205ff. thinks the name is Aegean, like »iBioxoc,
iBavn, et al.
iftc [f.] ‘ibis, Egyptian bird’ (Hdt., Ar.). <Lw Eg»
DER iftwv ‘chapel where ibises live’ (pap.).
*ETYM Eg. hb, hib; see Roeder in PW s.v. Ibis 813.
iBioxos [m.] a kind of mallow, ‘marsh mallow = dA8aia’ (see on » dA8aivw). <PG(V)>
eVAR VL. in Ps.-Dsc. 3, 146, Erot. Also éBioxog (Gal. Aét.).
*ETYM Formed like other plant names, e.g. synonymous a\ioKoc (Chantraine 1933:
407). Further unclear; it seems to be identical with Lat. (h)ibiscum (also eb-, -us),
576 ip
which is attested earlier (since Verg.). Given the form of the suffix, it was perhaps
taken from there, in which case Celtic origin is possible (WH s.v.). Cf. also on
piBnpic. Fur: 355 thinks the word comes from Greek and is of Pre-Greek origin,
where eé/ tis frequent.
i6v [pcl.] Interjection or adverb (H., Phot. from Telecl.). <ONOM; Lw Anat.>
*DER iBvet- tomtel, Bod ‘strikes; cries’ with deverbal iBic: evepnttia, orrypuy
‘auspiciousness; spot’ (H.). A velar suffix is shown by the glosses in H.: iBv& dpvéou
eldoc, Kai iBtc ‘kind of bird, also an ibis’ (see Thompson 1895 s.v.), iBdKn evenptia
and iBuxtip ‘singer of a march-song on Crete’ (cod. iBnx-). Perhaps also “IBukog PN
(Radermacher Glotta 16 (1928): 135f.). The gloss i®ukivijcat éneventtijoal, Borja
‘sing praises to; cry (H, iBvknvicat EM) is a cross with Buxivilw, Bokavilw (Eust.;
see > Bukavn). Details in Kock ad Telecl. 58. With a dental suffix ipvdijvac: tobc¢
eVgnpodvtas ‘using auspicious words’ (H.), cf. the sound-imitating nouns in -doc,
like kéXadoc, etc.
*ETYM Onomatopoeic word; Lydian (iB) or Ionic (iBvKivijoavtec), acc. to H. It
was also used as a cry of surprise, which explains why it is glossed with TO mod Kai
wéya by H. It is unclear how the meanings tbmtetv and otty,iy should be understood.
Cf. » Bdw and p ivlw.
tydtc, -ews [f.] ‘mortar’ (Sol., Com., AP). <PG?>
eVAR Also ty6n [f.] (Hdn. Gr., Hp.).
*DER Diminutive iydiov (Gp., Paul. Aeg.), verbal noun tyéiojta (as if from *iydiCw ‘to
pound the mortar’) name of a dance (EM, Suid.; cf. Lawler ClassJourn 43 (1948): 34).
*ETYM The form is reminiscent of Ai ySoc ‘mortar’ (Giintert 1914: 158). As a technical
term, it is most probably a loan. It can hardly belong to mixtap, > iE, nor to > aix,n.
Fur.: 351 believes it is of Pre-Greek origin (note -y6-); on the variation \-/zero, see
Fur.: 392, 7.
tykpog [m.] - EyKépados ‘brain’ (H.); also Hdn. <GR>
*ETYM For *éyxpoc with 1 < ¢ before nasal (see Schwyzer: 275), a hypostasis of év and
the zero grade of kdpa, kapn ‘head’; cf. €yxapoc and dKxapdc. See Nussbaum 1986:
index.
tyviytec [pl.] ‘avOtyeveic, native’ (A. D., H.), also as a name of the old inhabitants of
Rhodes (Simmias un, H.). <1E *genh,- ‘procreate’>
*ETYM From *év-yvn-tec, a compound of év and the root *genh,- in » yiyvoytau (cf.
yvrotoc from *yvn-t6- < *gnh,-td-) with a suffix -t-.
iyv0n [f.] ‘hollow of the knee, ham’ (I1.). <1E *genu- ‘knee’>
*VAR iyvva (Arist.), also forms pointing to *iyvuc (iyvvot h. Merc. 152, iyvbwv, -bv
Arist.).
*ETYM A hypostasis *év-yvv-n ‘place in the knee’. The stem iyvic was formed after
iEbc, Oops and other body-parts in -bc. See Solmsen 1909: 214f. See » yovv.
iyvtc ‘dust’. sikvvc.
iSavdc [adj.] ‘fair, good-looking’ (Call. Fr. 535, H.). <1E *uid- ‘see’>
{810¢ 577
*COMP idavd-xpoog ‘with beautiful colors’ (Ep. Alex.).
*ETYM Primary derivative of » ideiv; cf. mBavdc, ikavdc et al. (Chantraine 1933: 196f.).
dpvac [m.] - 6 éktopiac, oi dé PapBapov: oi 5é ptavtews Svopa: oi SE MAL THs
Kapiag eivat “Iddpvnyv, kai amd tavtng tov pidvtets A€yeoOat eunuch; barbarian;
name of a diviner; name of a city of Karikos, whence the name of the diviners’ (H.).
<Lw Anat>
*ETYM From the Carian town 1dapvn; further details in Maafs RAM 74 (1925): 432ff.
id [conj.] ‘and’ (1.), (and) then’ (Cypr.). <IE *h,(e)i- ‘he, that’>
eETYM Perhaps from the deictic pronoun *h,i- and 6é ‘and, but’. Details in Schwyzer
1950: 566f. Cf. » ndé.
idéa [f.] ‘appearance, form’, whence in philosophical terminology ‘idea, prototype,
category’ (IA). 4IE *u(e)id- ‘see’>
eVAR Ion. -én. :
eETYM Verbal abstract from » ideiv. For the formation, cf. » d\éa ‘warmth of the sun’
et al. in Chantraine 1933: 91. On the meaning, see Brommer 1940, Wersdorfer 1940:
43ff., Gillespie Class. Quart. 6 (1912): 179ff., and Baldry Class. Quart. 31 (1937): 141ff.
idetv [v.aor.] ‘behold, recognize’ (II.). <IE *ueid- ‘see, know’>
eVAR Ind. eidov (iSov).
*COMP Often with prefix, am-, eio-, KaT-, Ovv-, etc.
*DER On Pidéa, Pidavas, see s.vv. Also idavixdc Kdojtog ‘realm of ideas’ (Ti. Locr.
97d). Note that iAAdc = d~Oarjidc (H., eg. s.v. émtAAOc) does not derive from JE
*yuid-lo- (von Blumenthal 1930: 36), but was created from émlAAoc: mapdotpaBos,
ihAwrtetv: otpaBiterv et al. Cf. on » ikAGc.
*ETYM Old thematic root aorist, formally identical with Arm. egit and Skt. dvidat ‘he
found’, IE *h,e-uid-e-t. Cf. also Lat. vided. The perfect was »oida ‘I know’. As a
present, Greek used suppletive »dpdw; cf. Kélligan 2007: 274-285. See also
pivdddAoat, > ciSopat, » eidoc.
t5n [f.] ‘wood, wooded hill (Hdt. Theoc.). <PG>
eVAR Dor. (Theoc.) ida.
eDER As a TN “I6n wooded hill in western Mysia (Il.) and-on Crete (D. P., Paus.);
thence “I6n8ev, Idatoc (I1.).
*eETYM Pre-Greek word without further etymology.
‘tog [adj.] ‘own, private’ (Od.). <IE *sue- reflexive pronoun>
eVAR Dor. Fidtoc, Arg. hidtoc.
*COMP Often as a first member, e.g. idto-yevijc ‘of one’s own kind’ (PI. Pit. 265e;
opposite kotvo-yevijs), Hell.
*DER 1. idtwty¢ [m.] ‘private, layman, uneducated man’ (JA; on the formation
Chantraine 1933: 311) with the fem. idi@tic (Hell.); thence idtwttkdc ‘belonging to an
idt@TN¢, common, ordinary, vulgar, vile, uneducated’ (IA; Chantraine 1956a: 120 and
123) and idtwtebw “act or live on one’s own, be uneducated or without esteem’ with
idtwteia ‘private life, uneducatedness’ (Att.); also idtwtifw ‘pronounce in a special
578 idiw
way (Eust.). 2. idt6t¢, -ntos [f.] ‘specific character, peculiarity’ (Pl. X.). 3. idixd¢ =
tdtog (late). 4. idtdopat [v.] ‘to make one’s own, appropriate’ (Pl) with idiwpa
‘specific character, pecularity’ (Hell.), idiwotc ‘isolation, appropriation’ (Pl. Plu.). 5.
idtafw ‘be peculiar, live on one’s own’ (Arist.) with idtaotr¢, idtacpdc (late).
*ETYM As is shown by Arg. Fhedteotac = idwtng (cf. kndeo-tr¢, El. teheo-ta), 1dto¢
goes back to original *fhedioc, derived from the reflexive Fhe = & (IE *sue) (one >t,
see Schwyzer: 256). A different etymology connects it with Skt. vi ‘separate’, in which
case Arg. hidtocg would have its aspiration after Eavtod, Exactoc, etc. However, an
equivalent of Skt. vi is not found elsewhere in Greek.
idiw [v.] ‘to sweat’ (v 204, Hp. com.). <I *sueid- ‘sweat’>
eVAR Aor. (Sioa (Arist., Thphr.).
eCOMP Rarely with prefixes é&-, dv-.
*DER idoc [n.] ‘sweat? (Hp. Coac. 105), ‘heat’ (Hes. Sc. 397, Emp.) with iddAutoc
‘causing sweat’ (Hes. Op. 415; after eidocg : eiSdAytoc, Arbenz 1933: 29); dv-t6-tti
‘without sweat’ (Pl. Lg. 718e).
*ETYM The glosses eidoc: kadpa and feidoc: mviyoc (H.) point to an s-stem *Feidoc
from IE *sueid-os-, beside *suoido- [m.] in Skt. svéda-, OHG sweiz ‘sweat’. The form
iS0c shows Ionic psilosis and itacistic notation (favored by » iSpwc). The verb tdiw =
eidiw (after knkiw etc.) represents older *e{6w = Skt. svédate ‘sweats’, IE *sueid-. Cf.
Rix 1985: 339-43. Other derivations are Skt. svidyati = OHG swizzit ‘id.’ < IE *suid-ie-
ti, and a ske/o-present in Latvian and Iranian (Leumann IF 58 (1941): 120).
iSuwv ‘knowing’. = oida.
i5vdoytat [v.] ‘to bend oneself, double oneself up’ (Hp.). <?>
~ eVAR Aor. iSvw@fjvou (Hom.), act. idvéw (Hdn. Gr. 1, 451).
*ETYM From a verbal adjective *[F]id-vdc ‘curved’? The comparison with Skt. vedd-
[m.] ‘bundle of grass’ is uncertain; see Mayrhofer EWAia 2: 581. WH s.v. compares
Lat. vidulus ‘twined basket’; doubtful. The lemma *ueid- (Pok. 1124) should be
dismantled. Cf. pituc, > eitidadec; also »iptc and » oivoc.
15ptc ‘expert’. = oida.
idpbw [v.] ‘to make sit down, settle, establish, found’ (II.). «IE? *sed- ‘sit’>
eVAR Aor. idptoat, pass. idpvvOrjvar (T 78, H 56), perf. pass. (épdpiu (A.), Act. fpvKa
(Arist.).
*COMP Often with prefix, especially ka0- (whence again éy-xaOtdptw et al.).
*DER {Spupia ‘what has been established or founded: statue, temple’ (IA), {Spvotc
‘founding, settlement’ (Hp., Pl. Str. Plu.).
*ETYM Frisk followed Schwyzer in positing a noun *idpv-, which would ultimately
reflect a derivative in -r- (comparing é5pa) of the root *sed- in » Copa, > iCw. The i-
was explained as from iw or as a reduced grade of e, but the latter is impossible. See
now Manessy-Guitton 1970, who departs from s°d- with reduced grade; Meier-
Briigger 2000: gof. posits *s°d-wr-y-.
idpwc, -Wtos [m., f.] ‘sweat’, also metaph. of other moisture (Il.). IE *sueid- ‘sweat’>
igpag, -aKoc 579
VAR Epic-dat. -@, acc. -@ (cf. below).
COMP Rarely in compounds, e.g. idpwto-notéw (Arist.), Svo-idpwe “with bad sweat,
having difficulty sweating’ (Thphr.), also with transition to a thematic stem, e.g. «a0-
tdpoc ‘covered with sweat’ (LXX).
*DER Diminutive iSdpwtiov (Hp.); idpwetc ‘sweaty’ (B.), id6pwdn¢ “accompanied by
sweating’ (Hp.), idpwtucdc ‘sudorific’ (Hp., Thphr.); idp@a (?) pl. ‘smallpox’ (Hp.
Aph. 3, 21; reading uncertain) together with tdpw-tapia, -tidec ‘id’ (medic; cf.
Stromberg 1944: 102); idpwiov ‘sweat-towel’ (pap.); iSpoovvat [pl.] ‘efforts that cause
sweat’ (poet. inscr. Phrygia, imperial period). Denominative verbs: idpww ‘sweat’
IL) together with {épwots ‘sweating’ (late) and idpwrtrjpia [pl.] ‘sudorifics’ (Paul.
Aeg.); idpwttw ‘id’ (Gal.).
eETYM Gr. idpwe corresponds to Arm. kirtn ‘sweat’, which goes back to an r-stem
*suid-r-. This formation is also found in Latv. sviédri [pl.], Alb. dirsé ‘sweat’. This r-
stem was combined in Greek with a stem in -ds-, which is found in Lat. sidor, if
from *suoidds. Like yéAwe, Epwe, et al., idpweo was later transformed into a stem in
-t-. The old s-stem is still seen in epic idpw [acc.] (perhaps to be read as -da;
Chantraine 1942: 54), perhaps also in idp@ [dat.], if for -oi (doubtful; see Chantraine
1942: 211), and in several derivatives: idpw-w, idpwetc (*-os-uent-; see Ruijgh Lingua
28 (1971): 173), iSpdtov. On the absence of the digamma in Hom., cf. » éuéw (other
explanations are no better; Chantraine 1942: 156). Cf. idiw.
idviot [m.pl.] idbo1 ‘witnesses’ (\udptupec, ovviotopec, Lex Solon. apud Ar. Fr. 222,
Paus. Gr. fr. 151, H.), also oi tag gowkdc dikac Kpivovtec ‘who are in charge of
murder trials’ (H.). <IE *ueid- ‘know’>
*ETYM For *fidviot = Lacon., etc. » Bidv(t)ol; see also Kretschmer Glotta 18 (1930):
gif.
teuat [v.] ‘to move forward, hasten, be eager, desire’ (Il.). <IE *uei(H)- ‘move towards,
go for, desire’>
eVAR Aor. (€)eioato, fut. » eicopat.
*ETYM The form *ftejiat (on the digamma, see Chantraine 1942: 142), as a middle of
(nut was taken at an early stage as an old athematic formation (e.g., Chantraine 1942:
293). The word belongs to the widespread group of Skt. véti, 3pl. vydnti ‘to pursue,
drive’, Lith. vyti, sg. veji “hunt, pursue’, and perhaps also Lat. vis ‘you want’ (Meiser
1998: 224), in-vi-tus ‘unwilling’. Cf. Ruijgh Lingua 28 (1971): 170f. Hardarson 1993b:
159ff, assumes a reduplicated *ui-yih,-entoi, which was contracted to *yiientoi, from
which a stem *uiie- was abstracted. The aspiration was taken from {nju. Cf. further
miwkr (unclear -x-), as well as »igpa— (appurtenance unclear), mic (possible),
> olttoc (certainly) and » idétn¢ (unclear).
igpakg, -aKxog [m.] ‘hawk, falcon’ (Alcm. 28, E., Ar. Arist.); also a name of a fish (Epich.
68; Str6mberg 1943: 113f.). < IE? *ueiH- ‘pursue’ or PG?>
VAR Also tpn, -nkosg (epic Ion. since I1.).
«COMP Rarely in compounds, e.g. igoaKo-Booxds ‘falconer’ (pap.).
*DER Diminutive iepaxioxog (Ar.); iepaxidiov, -dd.ov ‘statuette of a hawk’ (Delos II’;
on the mg. Chantraine 1933: 70), tepaxetov ‘hawk-temple’ (pap. II*), tepaxidev¢
580 iepdc
‘young hawk’ (Eust.; like det-t6evc et al; BofShardt 1942: 78f.); iepaxdptog ‘falconer’
(Cod. Cat. Astr.); igpaxitr¢ name of a stone, after its color (Plin., Gal.), iepdxtov, also
-ia, «dc, -ittc plant-name, ‘hawk-weed, Hieracium’ (Ps.-Dsc.; on the unclear naming
motive Stromberg 1940: 118). iepax-etoc, -wdr¢ ‘hawk-like’ (late).
*ETYM Though ipn— in Hom. shows no digamma (Chantraine 1942: 156), the glosses
Beipaxec: igpaxes and Betpdakn: dpmaKktikr (H.) point to an original *fipagt, with
-ak- as in several other animal names. Ebel KZ 4 (1855): 164f. started from an
adjective (or noun) *Fipoc, which he connected with (F)iejtat. The secondary form
igpa& would then be folk-etymological based on iepdc. Possible but uncertain;
alternatively, the suffix -ax- could point to Pre-Greek origin.
iepdc [adj.] “holy”, ‘dedicated to a god, divine’, also used in a glorifying way: ‘glorious,
excellent, strong, quick, etc.’ (Il.). IE *ish,ro- ‘holy’>
VAR Dor. and NWGr. iapés, Ion. poet. ipdc, Aeol. ipoc. Substantivized: iepév [n.]
‘consecrated area, temple’ (post-Hom.), igpa [n.pl.], rarely sing. ‘votive offering,
(animal) sacrifice’ (II.).
eDIAL Myc. i-je-ro, i-je-re-u, i-je-re-ja, i-je-ro-wo-ko /“iero-worgos/.
eCOMP As a first member in many compounds, not mentioned here.
*DER Dialectal forms are often not mentioned separately: 1. iepevc (IL), Arc. Cypr.
igpr¢, Ion. also igpewc (hardly taken from dpyxtépewc, Sommer 1948: 129) [m.] “who
performs sacrifices (ta iepd), sacrificer, priest’ (on mg. and spread Kretschmer
Glotta 18 (1930): 81f.). From tepetc: a) several feminines (cf. on Baothetc): igpeta (I1.),
Cypr. igprifija, Ion. iepén, -i; iepric (Megar.), iépicoa (pap. II*); b) the nouns iepeia
‘priestly office’ (Thyateira; cf. Bechtel 1921, 1: 311), tepetov, -tiov ‘sacrificial animal’
(IL), tep(e)wobvn ‘priestly office’ (IA) with igep(e)wovvoc ‘priestly’ (Hell.); c) the
adjective igpevtikdc ‘priestly’ (pap.); d) the denominatives iepevw [v.] ‘to offer,
consecrate’ (Il.) with igpevotc (sch.) and tepetomoc (Plu. 2, 729d, besides Ovowoc;
Arbenz 1933: 94), or from iepdéc, tepd; iepewouci, iepewoacB8ar [v.] ‘to be priest’
(Hell.). 2. iepdAacg = tepetc (S. Fr. 57; uncertain; on the formation see Chantraine
1933: 238). 3. igpitiv: KaBappiod Seopéviy, ikétiv (H: A. Fr. 93). 4. tepatixde ‘priestly,
hieratic’ (Pl. Plt. 290d, Arist; cf. also igpatetw, ispateia below). 5. “Iepvg PN
(Leumann Glotta 32 (1953): 220). 6. Several denominative verbs: a) igpetw; b)
iepdojiat ‘to care for the victims (iepd)’ (Hdt. Th.); c) iepdtw ‘id? (Ion. islands),
Boeot. iaperaddw, probably from iapeia;.d) iepdw ‘to consecrate’ (Att., Locr., etc.)
togehter with igpwya ‘consecration’ (Cret., Epid., etc.), iepwtdc (Thess.); e) iepitw =
kaQaipw ‘cleanse’ (H.) (see ayvitncs) with ieptotiic ‘who cares for the iepa’ and
ieptoudc ‘holy service’ (Hell.); f) iepatebw ‘be priest’ with igpateia, iepatevpa,
iepateiov; tepttetw ‘id’; igpwtebw ‘id” with iepwteia; all dialectical, Hell; on the
formation Schwyzer: 732, Solmsen Glotta 1 (1909): 80.
*ETYM The different meanings and the formal variation induced many scholars to
split igod¢ into two or even in three words. Thus, a separate Flepdc ‘rapid, quick’
(whence igpak ‘hawk’, s.v.) was assumed because of the long anlaut in tepov ixOvbv IT
407, tapdg dpvic (Alcm. Fr. 26), and igpd¢ dpvic (AP 7, 171). This length can easily be
explained as metrical lengthening. In the meaning ‘strong, forceful’, however, iepdc
would be identical with Skt. isird- ‘strong, active’. A third iepdc ‘holy’ would have
inp 581
connections with Italic and Germanic words like Osc. aisusis ‘sacrifiis’, Palign. aisis,
U erus ‘dis’, OHG éra ‘honor’. Duchesne-Guillemin 1937: 333ff. supported the old
comparison with Skt. isird- by pointing to the agreement between iepov wévoc and
Skt. isiréna mdnasa [ins.]. See R. Schmitt 1967: 111-114 on this correspondence.
Further literature: Wiilfing von Martitz Glotta 38 (1960): 272-307 and Wiilfing von
Martitz Glotta 39 (1961): 24-43; Locher 1963. Formally, the Greek dialects show three
different forms: iepdc, iapdc, ipdc. Ramat Sprache 8 (1962): 4-28 connects it with Skt.
isnati ‘set in movement’, which means that the root contained a laryngeal. Garcia
Ramon 1992b: 183-205 assumed a pre-form *h,ish,-ro- because of the connection with
pivdaw. He also assumed that the laryngeal was lost between *s and'r. Lesbian ipog,
then, continues the regular pre-form *isro-, while Dor. iapdc arid Att. (etc.) ispdc¢
replaced the suffix with -apo- or -epo-. On the meaning (against &ytoc, ayvdc), see
Nilsson 1941(1): 61ff; also, Bolkestein 1936, Palmer Eranos 53 (1955): 4ff., and
Defradas RPh. 81 (1955): 208ff.
Ww ‘sit down’. = oan.
it) = intoc.
inOevéovoa [adj.] - éxmenANypévn, Kai dnopotoa; iaBevei- Staropet Eni tive KaK@. KWor
‘driven away, looked away from; be in difficulty in some harm (Cosy (H.). <?>
*ETYM Unexplained. DELG suggests that the glosses may be corrupt. Fraenkel KZ 77
(1961): 188 proposes to change ir-, ia- into the privative particles v-, va-, based on
comparison with > ev@evéw ‘be strong’.
irjtoc [adj.] epithet of Apollo, who is invoked by the call ir, (matwv) or inte matdv. Also
said of Bod, ydoc, Kapatot, ‘accompanied by laments’ (Pi. trag. [lyr.], A. R.).
<ONOM>
DER Here also id(w ‘cry’ (Theognost.).
*ETYM From the interjection ij (A., Ar., Call.), to which tite (Pi. P. 6, 120) was taken
to be a plural (Wackernagel Phil. 95 (1943): 184), but the latter is rather a form of
typ. The same holds for if (Call., H.Ap. 103); see Strunk Glotta 38 (1960): 79-82.
itjiog has been incorrectly derived from int by the ancients (“and tij¢ apécews Kai
toteiac” H.). Cf. pijie and » Ettoc.
inut [v.] ‘to send (away), let go, throw, hurl, etc. (I1.); details on the inflexion in
Schwyzer: 686f., 741, 770, 775. <IE *(H)ieh,- ‘throw >
eVAR Aor. énxa, fKa, inf. guevau, efvat, med. eituv (Kav), inf. Zo8aL, pass. efOnv,
é0fvau, fut. fow (II.); perf. med. ela, act. elka (Att.), oka (Hell.).
*DIAL Myc. (jo-)i-je-si /(h6) "i-en-si/; i-je-to /"ietoi/
*COMP Mostly (in some forms exclusively) prefixed, eg. av-, dg-, é-, KkaQ-, TpO-,
ovv-, d@-, etc., in several mgs.
*DER Many derivatives, almost only from the prefixed forms: 1. ja ‘throwing, throw
(of a javelin) (¥ 891), fjuwv ‘throwing (a javeliny (¥ 886); xa@nua, Hell. -eua
(Schwyzer: 523) ‘collar’ (Antiph., LXX); peOrjpwv ‘negligent’ with -woovvn (Hom.),
ovvijiwv ‘companion’ (A. R.) with -poobvn ‘treaty, companionship’ (IIl.). 2. » éoudc¢
‘swarm (of bees)’. 3. dv-, dp-, 8E-, &p-, xa0-eo1c, etc. (IA; gots only Pl. Cra. 411d, 420a
582. iOayevric
as an artificial formation, EM 469, 49) together with apéomoc et al. (Arist.); 4.
évveciat ‘advice’ (Il.), éeoin ‘sending out’ (Hom.), aveoia ‘leaving off (Cratin.); on
the formation see > évveoiat. 5. évetr ‘clasp, needle’ (II). 6. év-, dg-, ka8-etIp (Hp.
Hell.) together with -etr/ptoc, etc.; kaBetipila, -topdc (medic.). 7. »épétal, > EpetHI}
apétig ‘sender, hurler’ (Plb.). 8. ovvetdc¢ ‘sensible’ (Pi, IA, beside obveotc
‘comprehension’), dv-, d@-, Kd9-EToG, etc; av-, MpO-eTIKdc (: Av-, Mpd-eotc; X., Arist,
Hell.).
eETYM The pairs €01yka : Lat. féci and é1ka : Lat. iéci point to an archaic formation
with k-extension. On the original distribution of these forms, see Untermann 1993:
461-8. Latin innovated the present iacid ‘to throw’, whereas Greek kept the old
reduplicated athematic present. Further cognates are found in Anatolian: Old Hitt.
pe-iezzi ‘sends away’, u-iezzi ‘sends hither’ contain prefixes and preserve the old
meaning. It has also been connected with Hitt. ie/a- ‘to do, make’ (LIV? s.v. *Hieh,-),
but see Kloekhorst 2008 s.v. ie/a- for objections to this view. For the initial laryngeal,
cf. Peters Die Sprache 22 (1976): 157-161, who shows that Aristophanes consistently
has inu < *Hi-Hieh,-mi. Kortlandt thinks that PIE *h, originated from an Indo-
Uralic velar phoneme, and that the *k alternating with *h, in 01ka (and perhaps
é1ka) might be a remnant of the old situation.
iOayevijs [adj.] ‘born here, born in lawful matrimony’ (€ 203, Ion. A, Arist.). <IE
*id'h,e ‘here’>
VAR Secondary i®aryevij¢ (Schwyzer: 448).
*ETYM Formation like av@t-yevic: a bahuvrihi of yévoc, possibly with an inherited
adverbial first member i8a- = Skt. ihd, Prakr. idha, Av. ida ‘here’, as well as Lat. ibi
‘there’. The same pronominal stem *h,i- is found in Cypr. » iv, and the same suffix in
év-8a.
iOapodc [adj.] ‘cheerful, bright’. «VAR i8aivw = evgpova (Hsch.). = air.
(pata [n.pl.] ‘steps’. + ety.
i®ovAic [?] name of a fish (BCH 60, 28; Boeot., II*). <PG?>
*ETYM Thought to be a mistake for iovAic (see » tovAoc), but adding a 8 by mistake is
not very probable. Fur. 391 argues for a ‘regular’ variation in Pre-Greek words.
(Optic = eOpic.
(vpBoc [m.] name of a bacchic song with dance; one who performs this dance (Poll.
4, 104, H., Phot.). <PG>
*ETYM Formation like tapBoc, St80payBos, etc. and like these probably a loanword
from the substrate.
iOvmtiwv [adj.] ‘flying straight (of a lance) (® 169, verse-final). <IE *pet- ‘fly, fall’ or
*pieh,->
eVAR Only accus. peAinv i8umtiwva.
eETYM Analyzed as a compound of i®vc and the zero grade of métopm, with ending
after the nouns in -wv, -iwv (katanbywv, odpaviwv, KvAAonodiwv), for older *iOv-
ikétys 583
MT-log (type Oudyvioc). Hackstein Glotta 70 (1992): 154-167 proposed a meaning
‘striking straight’ with zero grade *pih,- and analogical mt-; see » nt1)oow.
1OUc [adj.] ‘straight, just’ (Il.). <%
eVAR Also adverbial ‘straightforward’ (Il.), beside rare i80, iwc; cf. on » edOic.
Superl. i60vtata (Hom.), perhaps after iOvvw.
*COMP Often as a first member (see Stromberg 1946: 156), e.g. i(Ov-wpin, for which see
> evOvwpia; also ifv-BéAeta epithet of Artemis “whose arrows go straight’ (ZPE 88,
1991, 70 1. 11, I).
*DER 1. 100c [f.] ‘straight direction, course, enterprise’, only accus. dv’ iObv, macav én’
iOvv, etc. (Hom.); explanation in Schwyzer: 463, Frisk Eranos 43 (1945): 221; 2. i00tH¢
[f.] ‘id’ (Aret.). Denominative verbs: 1. i8vw, aor. i®toat (also with ém-) “go straight,
strive, aim (for) (II.); 2. i8bvw, aor. iGivat, pass. iOvvOrvau (also with prefixes d1-, &-,
ém-, kat-LO0vu, etc.) ‘straighten, direct, steer, lead’ (Il.) together with i8vvtip ‘who
steers, leader’ (Theoc., A. R.), fem. iO0vteipa (Orph. A. 352), adj. -trplog ‘steering,
leading’ (S. Ichn. 73); also i@Uvtwp (Orph.), iObvtn¢ (H.) ‘id.’; deverbal i®vva =
eti!@vva (Chios V-IV*).
*ETYM The comparison with Skt. sadhi- ‘straight, just’, sadhati, sadhnoti ‘reach the
goal’ is obsolete, as the zero grade in sidhyati ‘id” and ptc. siddha- is due to the
vocalization of a laryngeal, viz. *seHd'- beside *sHd'-. Therefore, earlier
reconstructions with a long diphthong can now be forgotten. A Cret. fem. eideta
confirms the existence of a form *ei8tc (De Lamberterie 1990: 287f.). Willi KZ 114
(2001): 117-146 proposes connection of both i@vc and ev@vc with *Hieud'., for which
root he assumes a basic meaning ‘make right’ (*Hieu-d'-?). Cf. further » ci8ap.
ikavdéc ‘enough’. >ikw.
tkeAoc [adj.] ‘comparable, resembling’ (II.). <1E *ueik- ‘resemble’>
eVAR Also eixedocg (after eikwv, eixatw, etc; originally perhaps for metrically
lengthened ikeAoc, Leumann 1950: 306 A. 76)2
*COMP As a second member in 8¢0-(e)ikeXog ‘god-like’ (I1.) et al., and in ém-, mpoo-
(e)ikeAoc ‘resembling’ (Hom., Hdt.) from ént-, mpoo-éoika; cf. also on émtetKr<.
*DER ike dw ‘make identical’ (AP).
*ETYM Old formation on the basis of the zero grade of the-root of »goika, with a
suffix -Ao- (Chantraine 1933: 243). Cf. G-iKT|¢ beside d-erxrc.
ixétnys [m.] ‘suppliant’, also attributive ‘seeking refuge’ (Il.). <IE *seik- ‘reach, grasp the
hand’>
eVAR Fem. ikéttc, -t60¢ (Hdt.).
*DER 1. ixéolog ‘of the ikétng, etc.’, epithet of Zeus as a protector of suppliants (trag.,
etc.); 2. ikeoia ‘request for protection, supplication’ (E., Aeschin.); 3. ixetrjotog =
ixéolog (v 213), after @iAotiotoc, etc. (Chantraine 1933: 41f; Fraenkel 1912: 15:f.);
beside this ixtrptog from ikthp (see »ikw); a cross is ixetnpia (scil. pdabdoc),
properly ‘the twig (of laurel or olive) of the suppliants’, ‘request’ (IA), iketipec =
ikétat (S. OT 185; lyr.), ixetnpic [f.] (Orph. H.); reversed tktng (Lyc. 763); 4. iketikdc
= ixéotog (Ph., Aq.). 5. IkétvAdog PN (Att. inscr; Leumann Glotta 32 (1953): 219 and
584 ikLaLevos
225'). Denominative ixetetw [v.] ‘to be a suppliant’ (Il:) together with ixeteia (Att.),
also ixétevpa (Th.), ixétevoig (Suid.) = ixecia; iketevtixdg (sch.).
eETYM From > ixw, ikéo8at. Several details on the formation in Fraenkel 1910-1912
(see index); on the meaning, see van Herten 1934.
ikpapévos = aixtu.
ixpdc, -5o¢ [f.] “wetness, moisture, secretion’ (P 392, Hdt.). <IE *seik- ‘pour out’ (not
from *seik”-)>
*COMP As a second member (transformed to an o-stem) dv-, év-, Svo-iKplo¢ (Hp.,
Arist.), as a first member in ixptd-BwAov [n.] ‘moist clump of earth’ (Dsc.; on the ntr.
gender cf. on » SidoTupov).
DER ikpadwdn¢ (H. s.v. ixptevoc), ixpratwdn¢ (Ach. Tat; after aiptatwdnc) ‘moist’;
also ixpiaiog (A. R.), ikpwog (Call.), ixpu@dng (sch.), ikpadgéog (Hp. Opp.); ixpaivw
‘moisten’ (A. R.). ixptap- votic ‘moisture’ (H.). Here also the back-formation in
‘duckweed, Lemna minor’ (Thphr, different on the formation Strémberg 1940:113);
also IxpidAtog t 57? Speculations by Lacroix Collection Latomus 28 (1957): 309ff.
*ETYM Formation in -46- like vipdc et al. (Schwyzer: 507f., Chantraine 1933: 349ff.)
from an p-stem. A primary aorist was perhaps retained in iEcu- SinOijoat ‘filter’ (H.).
Outside Greek, there are several relatives, e.g. Skt. sificati ‘pour out’ (nasal present),
OHG sthan ‘strain, filter’, OCS svéati ‘urinate’ (iterative). The reconstruction *seik”-
in Pokorny and LIV’ does not work for Greek, nor for Germanic. The root is *seik-,
witha pure velar.
ikaw ‘winnow’. =ALKpLdw.
ixpevoc [adj.] epithet of obpoc ‘wind’ (A 479, Od.). <IE? *seik- ‘reach, grasp’>
*ETYM Old athem. pte. like dpjievoc, doptevoc, etc. (Schwyzer: 524, Chantraine 1942:
384), probably derived from {kw, ixéo8at ‘arrive’, but the proper meaning is unclear.
Perhaps “mit dem man gut vorwarts kommt” (Schwyzer), thus “with which one
advances well”, i.e. ‘favorable’. Others (Schulze 1892: 493, Bechtel 1914, et al.) suggest
that the word meant ‘desired’ (comparing Lat. flatus optati), and connect it with
mpo-iktng, tketev, etc. They derive this group from a verb ‘ask’ (Go. aihtron; also,
aixdaet- kadet H.) instead of from {kw ‘come’, Casevits Eos 83 (1995): 27-32 proposes
that the word belongs to gotxa ‘resemble’, *Fixtevoc meaning ‘qui convient, adapté
a’, but I find the assumed development of meaning unconvincing. —
ixvéopat ‘come’. = ikw.
ixv0c, -boc [f.] ‘dust, ashes’ (Cyrene). <PG(V)>
VAR Cf. ikvvov: Koviav, oLtita “dust, soap’ (H.) and iyvtc ‘id’ (Hp. Nat. Mul. 88).
*ETYM Like previous authors, Fur.: 118 compares Atyvuc ‘smoke, soot’, but without
referring to his p. 391 on the alternation \/zero. The variation (also «/y) proves a
Pre-Greek word. Fur. further compares Atyvic with dAtoyéw ‘pollute’ (298), which is
formally difficult.
ixpta [n.pl.] ‘half deck’ (Hom., B.), ‘platform, stage, benches’ (Hdt, com., inscr.,, etc.,
cf. Beare Class. Rev.53 (1939): 54f.); sing. ‘mast’ (Eust. 1533, 31 [?]). <?
iktivoc 585
*VAR Probably (- (Ar. Th. 395, Cratin. 323).
*COMP ixpto-motéw [v.] ‘to build a platform’ (Hell. inscr.); é-ikpiov [n.] ‘yard-arm’ (€
254, 318, A. R.), properly a hypostasis ‘what is on the ixpia’; as an adjective perhaps in
Nic. Th. 198.
*DER Denominative verb ixpidw ‘to provide with ixpia, construct a platform’ (Att.
inscr., D. C.), whence ixpiwpa ‘support, framework’ and ixptwtiipec [pl] ‘uprights,
flooring of a deck’ (Att. inscr. often written htk-).
eETYM Technical term without etymology. On the meaning, see also Martin RPh. 83
(1957): 72-81.
ixtaivw > iktap 1.
ixtap 1 [adv., prep.] ‘near, near by’ (Hes., Alcm., A.), with gen. or dat. <PG?(V)>
VAR ikap: éyyvc, kai map’ dAiyov Tod égikvetoBal ‘near; to reachat’ (H.).
eETYM Acc. to Schwyzer: 63o0f., the same formation is found in » dgap, » ei8ap, etc.
Like these, ixtap could be a verbal noun in -(t)ap. It has been connected with Lat.
ic6 ‘to strike’, comparing the Skt. adverbs ghandm and taditas ‘near’, from han- ‘beat’
and tad- ‘strike’, for the semantics. The expression bmepixtaivovto mddec (y 3) is
unclear in meaning; Aristarchus interpreted it as dyav émddAovto; this is often
connected with ixtap. A vl. broaxtaivovto is glossed with étpeiov by (H.); see
Bechtel 1914 s.v. ixtaivw. If the variant in H. is reliable, the word is Pre-Greek (kt/ x).
See miydic, > aixun.
\
ixtap 2 [n.] ‘genital parts of awoman’ (Hp. Mul. 2, 174). <PG?>
*ETYM Correction for fap, acc. to Erot. and Gal. 19, 105. Most probably a Pre-Greek
word; see Fur.: 134”.
ixtap 3 [m.] name of asmall worthless fish (Call. Fr. 38, Eust.). <PG>
eVAR ixtdpa (H.), also ktdpa- ix80¢ Bpayttepocg mavtwv ‘shortest fish of all’ (H.),
axtdpa (sch. Opp. H. 1, 762).
eETYM See Thompson 1947 s.v. Given the variants, the word is clearly Pre-Greek
(Fur.: 376f.).
ixtepos [m.] ‘jaundice’ (Hp.), often plur; also name of a bird, Lat. galgulus (Plin.),
named after its color. <PG?>
DER ixteplkdc, iktepwdn¢ “jaundiced, regarding jaundice’ (medic.), also ixtepiwdnc¢
‘id’ (Hp., Dsc.; after ixtepiaw) and ixtepdeic ‘id.’ (Nic.); ixtepitic [f.] ‘rosemary’ (Ps.-
Dsc.; used as a remedy, see Stromberg 1944: 29), -itng ‘id.’ (gloss.); ixtepiag name of a
yellow stone (Plin; like kamviac et al, Chantraine 1933: 94). Denominative verbs
ixtepdopiot (Hp., Gal.), ixtepiadw (M. Ant, S. E.) [v.] ‘to suffer from jaundice’.
*ETYM The formation is reminiscent of bSepoc, yoAgpa (Chantraine 1933: 228), but
further details are unknown. The connection with ixtic, ixtivoc is defended by
Grogelj Ziva Ant. 6 (1956): 236f., who assumes a color root ix- ‘yellow, green’, and
compares ixjiakgov- xAwpdv, bypdv ‘green, moist’ (H.). This remains speculative.
Acc. to Fur: 321, the group -Kt- points to Pre-Greek origin.
ixtivog [m.] ‘kite’ (IA). <1E *thiH-in- ‘kite’>
586 ixtic, -160¢
eVAR Also (secondary?) ixtiv (-ic), gen. -ivoc (com., Paus.), after deAgic acc. to
Thompson 1895 s.v.
*ETYM For the formation, éyivoc has been compared (Chantraine 1933: 204), but
ixtivog is probably inherited and identical with Arm. c‘in ‘id.’. Skt. Syend- [m] ‘eagle,
falcon’, Av. saéna- name of a big bird of prey are rather deviant. For the
reconstruction *tkiH-in-, see Beekes in Kortlandt 2003: 200. See piktepoc.
iti, -t50¢ [f.] ‘marten’ (Ar., Arist.). <?>
eVAR Also ixtic, gen. -i5oc.
DER Ktideog (iktideocg Suid.) in kt1d6éN Kvvén ‘helmet of marten skin’ (K 335, 458);
with apocope of the first vowel; artificial back-formation ktic in H. s.v. ktéa.
*ETYM No etymology; see on > iktepoc.
ixw [v.] ‘to come, reach’ (Hom., Pi. Dor. Arc.). <IE *seik- ‘reach, grasp (with the
handy>
VAR ikavw (epic), ixvéopat (Od., almost only prefixed, see below), with aor. ixéoOat,
fut. {Eouau (I].); epic aor. iE, ov (Chantraine 1942: 418f., Leumann Glotta 32 (1953):
213), perf. typat (Od.).
*COMP Often with prefix (in prose almost exclusively), especially ag-, am- (whence
eid-, Ovv-ag-tkvéoual, etc.), also é&-, &p-, KaO-, etc. (see Fraenkel Glotta 35 (1956):
ssff.).
*DER 1. t&tc (Etc) ‘passage, direction’ (Hp.); from dguxvéopat, etc. d@rétc ‘arrival (1A),
rarely éq-, Kd0-, di-1&t¢; 2. iktwp, ixtip = ikétng, ikéotoc, also mpoo-, ag-iktwp ‘id’
(trag.) together with ixtrpioc (S.); 3. »ikétn¢ together with ixetebdw, etc; beside it
(mpoo-)iktng (Hell. poetry); 4. 168-ix-e¢ [pl.] ‘npoorjkovtec, relatives’ (Tegea V*); 5.
ikavéc ‘enough’ (IA prose), cf. mOavdc, etc. (Chantraine 1933: 196f.); see also
pikuevoc, » mpotg.
eETYM The verb »ijxw has been compared, but the point of the comparison is
unclear. The forms in long vowel (tkw, typat) may be secondary morphological
creations of Greek. All other forms have short vocalism, including ixavdéc and other
nominal formations. The full grade was thought to occur in » éveixai ‘carry off, but
this is now connected with » éveyxetv; in any case, it was semantically deviant from
tko.
An acceptable connection is provided by Lith. siékiu, siékti ‘reach with the hand,
swear’, at-siékiu ‘reach with the hand’, ToB pres. siknam, subj. saikam ‘set foot’, for
which IE *seik- is reconstructed. See LIV? s.v. *seik- ‘erreichen’, where the form U
pru-sikurent ‘confirm’ is also adduced, but this is uncertain. The Lithuanian acute
accent is unexplained under this reconstruction, however.
iAdetpa, tAaosg, ihapdc, thews = iAdoKopal.
iAdoxopat [v.] ‘to propitiate, appease, reconcile’, intr. perf. and aor. pass. ‘to be
merciful (II.). JE *selh,- ‘reconcile’>
eVAR Rarely ‘Aquat (h. Hom. 19, 48; 21, 5; inf. (Aac8at Orph. A. 944; on the quantity of
the anlaut see below), iAdovtat (B 550, ikdeoBa A. R. 2, 847); aor. ikdo(o)acBat (I1.),
ikaEao8u (Delph. A. R.), pass. itacOijvar (LXX); fut. iAdo(o)opat (Pl, Orac. apud
iAdoKopat 587
Paus. 8, 42, 6), ikaEoua (A. R.); Aeol. perf. ipv. €AAGO. (gramm,, B. 10, 8), plur.
é\hGte (Call. Fr. 121); besides (AGO1, (Ate (Theoc., A. R.), ANB (y 380, 7 184), cf.
below; subj. idk not (@ 365), opt. tAKoL, etc. (h. Ap. 165, AP, Alciphr.).
eCOMP Also with prefix, especially é&-.
*DER éfihaotc, (€&-)ikaopudc (LXX), iAaoia (inscr. imperial period), (§-)iAaopa
‘appeasement, expiatory sacrifice’ (LXX), iAdowoc ‘appeasing’ (M. Ant; after
idowos, etc, Arbenz 1933: 93), iAaotrploc ‘appeasing’, -tov ‘propitiatory gift’ (LXX,
pap.), also analogical tkatiptov (Chron. Lind.), ikaoti\¢ ‘appeaser’ (Aq., Thd.) with
eEtAaotiKdc (Corn.).
Older formations: 1. {Aaog (epic, Arc; on the quantity of the a see below), tAewc
(Att., also Ion.), (Agog (Cret. since II’, also Hdt.), hiAéfou [dat.] (Lacon., IG 5(1), 1562
[VI-V?]), iAAaog (Aeol., gramm.) ‘merciful, benevolent; Arc. ‘appeased’;
denominative verb ihkadouat (MAMA 1, 230), the@pat, ikedopat (A. Supp. 117 [lyr.],
Pl.) ‘to appease’, together with iAgwotc (Plu.), tAewtrpiov (Phot., Suid.). 2. thapdc
‘cheerful, glad’, also = (Aewc (Ar. X.) together with ikapdtng, iAapia, ikapdw, -pivw,
-pevouat (Hell.); Lat. loan hilarus, -is. 3. iiAdetc, -evtog (Alc.), tdac, -avtog (Hdn.
Gr., H.), lengthened from iAXaog, iAaog (cf. Schwyzer: 527). 4. iAdetpa [f.], said of
pAdk and ceAryvn (Emp, on the varying quantity cf. below), also é\detpa (sch., Steph.
Byz.) and EAEPA (Kretschmer 1894: 208; see also Schulze 1933a: 716), innovated after
tleipa, KTedteipa, Adeipa, etc., see Chantraine 1933: 104, Schwyzer: 543.
eETYM The Aeol. imperative é\AaGt, é\Aate is decisive for the interpretation of these
forms, from older *he-hla-t'i, -te. They may therefore be analyzed as old perfect
forms, cf. tétAaOt, otal, SeidiO1. The length of the a in AAGO (B. 10, 8) must be
secondary; perhaps the Attic form was seen in eiAn®Ot- ews yivov ‘be merciful’ (H.),
which was remodelled after pavn6t, etc., presumably because the reduplication was
no longer recognizable.
Another source of innovations was the reduplicated present thaoxopat < *si-slh,-
ske/o-, with short -G- perhaps analogical after the s-aorist. The anlauting long vowel
was introduced into other forms: into the perf. subj. and opt. iknKnot, tArKot instead
of expected *eih-; perhaps also into ‘AaOt, -te and Hom. ‘An@t (cf. efAnOt H.).
The t- was further introduced into the aorist and future: ikdo(o)ao8a, tAabaoBa,
ikdooopat, iAdEoucu; beside these, there is a short vowel in ikdooea (A 147),
ikacodpevot (A 100), apa (h. Hom.; but iAac8ar Orph.), iAdouat, as well as in
ithapdc and iAdetpa (Emp. 85). Because the short i- cannot be understood in terms of
ablaut, it may replace an older e-grade (in éAdetpa, *éXapa, *€Aapdc). The forms
iAnfos, ews (secondary iAdoc) are from reduplicated *si-slh,-uo-.
The discussion by Klingenschmitt MSS 28 (1970): 75-88 is fundamental, showing that
Arm. atac‘em ‘to pray’ < *slh,-ske/o- is the closest cognate. The Greek form goes back
to *si-slh,-ske/o-; the aorist would have been *selh,-s-, but the beginning has taken
over the i-vocalism from the present. This explains the forms with short t-. LIV’ s.v.
*selh,- and Clackson 1994: 173-4 are somewhat sceptical about this proposal. Lat.
solari ‘to comfort’ is related too, but has an obscure lengthened grade solH- (see De
Vaan 2008 s.v.).
588 tAn ipiac, -avtoc 589
‘An [f.] ‘band, troop’, especially a division of the Spartan youth; troop of horses = Lat. Fidots ‘distress’. + cidéw 1.
: noice a ee
pHa Vie Sy Xo): TEBE sien wind ® tug, -vog [f.] ‘mud, slime, dregs, impurity’ (Ion., Il, Arist.). <1 *(A)iHlu- ‘mud,
eDIAL Dor. tha.
eCOMP As a first member in iA-dpxt)¢, also -apyoc (Hell.) together with ihapyéw, -ia,
Boeot. Fiapyiw. H. has Betkdpyac as an explanation of BetAappootdc (Tarent.).
*DER iAaddév ‘in squadron’ (B 93, Hes. Op. 287, Hdt.), which was metrically easier
than *iAnddv.
*ETYM The gloss tAAau: takelc, ovotpoai (H.) could point to original *fifAau, and be
derived from iAAw ‘press together’ < *yi-ul-e/o- (see > cihéw). If this is correct, (An
would show an unexpected reduction of the geminate with compositional
lengthening. Solmsen 1901: 227’ departs from *fiA-va, comparing miAvapat for the
vocalism. However, in the latter form, the t is explained as an analogical schwa
secundum.
‘ua [n.pl.] - udpta (S@pa cod.) yuvaiketa; Atov: TO TH yovatkdc éprBatov SrAol. Kai
KOOLOV yuvaiketov mrapd Kwotg female private parts; the female pubes; a woman’s
ornament (Kos) (H.). <?>
*ETYM In the last meaning, {Ata has been connected with > eiAéw 2 ‘turn, wind’, with t
for et like perhaps in (An. The Greek gloss may also be a loan from Lat. ilia, -ium
[n.pl.] ‘the soft, the lower part of the body, intestines, womb’ (cf. on » i€ Uc).
iAtyyosg “VAR idtyé. = eiAtyyog, etAtyé
"TAtog [f.] ‘Ilios, the city of Troy’ (Il); -ov only O 71, always in tragedy (E.). <LW
Anat
*ETYM In a treaty between the Hittite king Muwattali II (1290-72) and Alaksandu
(which must be Homer’s Alexander) of Wilusa, Wilusiya, a small state in the far
north West of Anatolia. First considered by Kretschmer Glotta 13 (1924): 205-13, it
has in recent years been generally accepted that this refers to Schliemann’s ruins. See
e.g. Latacz 2001: 98-119. There is no agreement on the interpretations of the Greek
form fidtoc (as the -s- would normally have been preserved; so this form must come
from a variant without -s-). The f- is ascertained by Homer. On Troy see » Tpoin
(which originally only denoted the land).
AAAs = eldéw 2.
iAAdc [adj.] ‘squinting’ (Ar., Sophr.). «IE? *uel- ‘turn, wind’, PG?>
eVAR Fem. iAXic: otpeBAt, Sieotpaypévn ‘twisted, distorted’ (H.). Note iAddécg =
OpBarpd¢ (Poll. 2, 54).
eDER ihAwSng ‘id. and iAAaivw (Hp.), iAAw@ntw (com.), iAAiCw (Suid.) [v.] ‘to squint,
look askance’, also tAAwotc ‘squinting’ (Hp.) as if from *iAAdw. PN TAAEtvc (see
Bofshardt 1942: 132).
eETYM From tiAw ‘turn, wind’? Or from Pre-Greek? See > eidéw 2.
TAAw 1 ‘press together’. = eihéw 1.
TAAw 2 ‘turn’. = cidéw 2.
dark’>
eVAR The i- is long; on the length of the v see LSJ.
*DER iAvwdr¢ (Hp.;, Hell.), itvdetc ‘muddy’ (A. R., Nic.); iAbwpat- Eppvmwpat (H.).
Further ikvuata (Gal. 13, 45) as a cross with Avuata. Adjective iAv (cod. eidb)- uéAav
‘black, dirty’ (H.).
*ETYM Formation like ayAvc, etc. (see Schwyzer: 495), and identical with a Slavic
word for ‘mud’, e.g. OCS ila, gen. ila (old u-stem); also in Latv. ils ‘very dark’.
ipcadtd [f] ‘heap of flour, abundance’, glossed by H. with 16 énipetpov twv dhetpwv.
émiyévynua cAetpidoc. Kai 6 dnd TMV ayvpwv xvotc. Kai TMeptovoia ‘the excess of
wheat-meal; surplus of a grinding woman; dust from the chaff; abundance’. <?>
*DER ipadic, -i60¢ [f.] ‘yield (of flour), etc.’, in H. = vdotoc, Sbvayic, émKapria,
Hdovn, aap?) Tov yivopévwv ‘yield, quality, profit, enjoyment, first-fruits of that
which is produced’; thus Trypho apud Ath. 14, 618d (Doric word); also ‘song of the
mill, émpvAtog @éry (H., Poll.) and as an epithet of Demeter in Syracuse (Polem.
Hist. 39).
Adjective indAtog, in H. = noAve, ikavdc, vootmoc ‘much, sufficient, abundant’, etc.,
also a month name in Hierapytna (SGDI 5040, 4).
eETYM Popular terms of agriculture that rarely occur in literature. For the ending of
ipadtd, we should first compare dppadta ‘distributed food, portion’, axupptda ‘heap of
chaff, putahtd ‘plants in the garden’, etc. On the other hand, ipadic is reminiscent of
Tpoaric ‘fresh cheese’ and podvPdic ‘clump of lead’ (Chantraine 1933: 342ff.).
Frisk assumes a derivation in -yad- from the root seen in > 0éw ‘sieve’; extremely
doubtful, because ablaut *séi- / si- does not exist. See on » 4ppahia. On Lat. simila
‘finest flour of wheat’, see » cepidadtc.
iptaviOpn [f.] ‘well-rope’ (Herod. 5, 11). <?>
*ETYM Formation like kodvpBr8pa (related to koAvp Baw), dAtvdSn8pa (to drtvdéw,
adivdw), et al. (cf. Chantraine 1933: 373f.), which would presuppose a verb *itavaw
(Bechtel 1921(3): 304) or *ipaivw; see on » itd (especially tuovid).
iptdic, -Avtoc [m.] ‘leather strap’, for drawing, lashing, etc., ‘thong’ of a sandal, of a
door, etc; as a term of construction, ‘beam’ (Il; Delebecque 1951: 63, 187f.). <IE
*seh,i-m(n)- ‘rope’> <
eCOMP As a first member eg. in iwavt-eXiktat [pl.] “pricker of tapes”, name of the
Sophists in Democr. 150; iuavteAtyydc, name of a game (Poll. 9, 118); compounds of
ipavtac éXiooetv, cf. Fraenkel 1910: 244.
*DER Diminutive ipavtiov (Hp.), iwavt-dpiov (Delos II*, etc.), -idtov (EM), -ioKoc
(Herod.); adjective iudvtivoc ‘of ropes’ (Hdt., Hp.), iuavtwérj¢ ‘rope-like’ (Pl., Dsc.,
Gal.); denominative verbs: 1. indoow, aor. iudoat a) ‘lash’ (I].) together with ipdo8\n
‘lash, whip’ (Il.); also pdo8Anc¢ (perhaps cross with pdaotit, cf. on » paiopat); b)
‘provide with ipdavtec, ic. beams’ only in ipacota ‘beams?’ (IG 4, 823: 26 [Troezen
IV*]; see Fraenkel 1910: 14.9, Bechtel 1921, 2: 510). 2. iudoxw ‘thrash, wallop’ (also ‘to
590 iWatlov
fetter’ in Del.? 409, 7? Cf. Brugmann IF 29 (1911-1912): 214). 3. iLiavtdéw ‘provide with
ipiavtes, i.e. bed-straps’ in ipttavtwpéviv KAivi (HL s.v. mv&<iviyv>); thence iptavtwotc
(LXX, Poll.), iptavtwpya ‘hawser’ (H.). Independent of ipidc, but cognate with it: 1.
iptaiog (sc. bdr); ipttatov (uédoc, Gopa) ‘song while scooping water’ (Call, Tryphon,
Suid.) with iptaoiddc (haplological for ittato-aoid6c) ‘who sings an ittatov’ (Poll. H.);
2. tt1aw “to draw (water) with a rope (from a welly, also metaph. (Arist, Ath.),
usually dv-, xa8-yidw (Ar. X.) together with ipntip (Kado, Delos II*), ituqtiptoc
(H,, see iBavatpic), av-, a8-ipnots (Plu.); 3. ittovd ‘well-rope’ (com., Ph., Luc. et al;
Scheller 1951: 75f.); 4. > iptavi8pr ‘id’.
*ETYM As a secondary formation in -vT-, itta¢ presupposes a noun *iua or *ipa ‘rope’,
which is also continued in iptaa, itatoc. An n-stem is continued by ittovid and by
KaQ-, Kat-yLoveter KaGinot, KaGtet ‘lets go’ (H.), which probably derive from *ipwv.
Likewise, > iptav8pn may go back to *ipavy (via *iptavaw, or perhaps *ipaivw; cf.
TAEKTAV, APTA), or to *ipa.
Note the variable quantity of the anlauting vowel: long in iptowd, iLavnOpn, ka8idw,
but short in ipatoc, and most of the time also in iptiac (except ® 544, K 475 etc; see
Schulze 1892: 181, 466") and its compounds and derivatives. This variation cannot go
back to old ablaut (as Frisk stated), but rather continues *sh,i-, which gives a long
vowel after metathesis to *sih,m-, and a short vowel without it; regarding the
conditioning, see Schrijver 1991: 519ff., who supposes that stressed *Hi resulted in the
long vowel.
The form *itwv reconstructed above exactly matches a Germanic word for ‘rope’:
ON simi, OS simo [m.], and also Skt. simdn- [m., f.] ‘skull, boundary’ (although this
has a slightly deviant meaning), all from IE *sh,i-mon-, sh,i-men- (note that for Gm.,
*seh,i-m- is possible too). A suffix -m- is also found in Irish sim ‘chain’.
The primary verb meaning ‘to bind’ is still found in Indo-Iranian, Baltic and Hittite,
eg. Skt. syati < *sh,-ie/o-, sinati < *si-neh,-ti, ptc. sita- < *sh,-to-, Lith. siéti, isg. sient
< *sh,ei-, Hitt. ishai-.
Garcia Ramon Minos 29-30 (1994-1995): 335-346 connects Myc. a-ja-me-no-
/ai™aimeno-/ ‘inlaid’, with a semantic specialization from ‘put on’ < ‘attach, bind’.
iptdttov [n.] ‘outer garment, dress, cloth’, often plur. -ta (Att.). <IE *ues- ‘clothe’>
eVAR Ion. eiptatiov (eptatiotc inscr. Ceos), Dor. Nudtiov (Cyrene IV*).
ecomP As a first member e.g. in itatto-mwArj¢ ‘cloth-seller’ (Critias, pap.).
*DER Diminutive ipatiétov, -Sdptov (Ar.) and denominative ipatitw [v.] ‘to clothe’
(pap., NT), whence ipatioyidg (eip-) ‘clothing, wardrobe’ (Thphr., Plb., inscr.).
*ETYM An informal diminutive of eiya, Cret. Fijwa (see Ȏvvupt), with early
transition of et = /é/ to t. See Wackernagel IF 25 (1909): 330.
itdw ‘to draw with a rope’. > itd.
iuBnprs [?] - EyyeAvc. MrPvpvaior ‘eel (Methymna)’ (H.). <PG?>
*ETYM The ending is reminiscent of AePipic ‘snake-skin’ (Muller 1926: 30). Do we
therefore have to read ittBnpic?
The word resembles some Balto-Slavic words for ‘eel’, e.g. Lith. ungurjs, Ru. ugor’. A
pre-form IE *Heng’- has been reconstructed, with ¢ > 1 before nasal (but this is not a
iv 591
general rule in Greek) and Aeolic development of the labiovelar. No IE proto-form
can be reconstructed for these words. The ending, which is also seen in AeBnpic,
rather points to a Pre-Greek word. On -1p-, see Pre-Greek: Suffixes. If one assumes
interchange initial \-/zero as well as prenasalization, the words could be identical.
Note that ¢/ 1 is frequent in Pre-Greek. The relation to » yyeAue, Lat. anguilla, etc. is
unclear.
*(FiutBw? [v.] ‘to yoke, harness (horses)’? <?, PG?>
eVAR Aor. ippwac: CevEac. Gettadol ‘having yoked (Thess.) (H.).
DER “ILptoc: Tlooetd@v 6 Zvytoc ‘Poseidon the Yoke’; yyutBavat (= F-): Cevyava (H.).
Bechtel 1921, 1: 206 adduces the Boeot. PN Fuinmidac.
eETYM Two hypotheses have been advanced: that the word is related to Lat. vinci6 ‘to
wind around’, vicia ‘vetch’ with labiovelar auslaut (followed by LIV’ s.v. *uiek”-); or
to Go. bi-waibjan ‘to wind around’, etc. In both cases, the semantic connection does
not seem to be very strong. There seems no reason to connect the two glosses iwwv-
Seopwtrptov ‘prison’ (but see also on » istoc) and ipdv: Tov Kicodv. O<o>vptol. ‘ivy’
(H.). Note that the gloss “Iwtoc has -pw-, although it is not an aorist. This could be a
Pre-Greek variant. See Latte on yiuBdavat.
ittepog [m.] ‘longing, yearning, love’ (Il). <1? *seh,i-mr, *sh,i-men- ‘bond’>
*COMP éq-ivepog ‘filled with yearning, lovely’ (Hes. Archil., A.), iptepd-yvioc ‘with
lovely limbs’ (B.).
DER ipepoeic ‘longing, lovely’ (I1.), ittepwdry¢ ‘id.’ (Callistr.); iweipw, -opat [v.] (also
with ég-) ‘yearn, desire’ (II.), together with ipeptdc ‘longed for, lovely’ (since B 751).
*ETYM The old connection with Skt. ismd- ‘spring, (god of) love’ (lex.), which
belongs to icchdti (< *h,is-ské-ti) ‘to wish’, may be semantically possible, but it leaves
the formation of the Greek word (secondary suffix -ero-?) unexplained. Another
proposal by Bally MSL 12 (1903): 321 assumed a reconstruction *si-smer-o-, and a
yod-present *si-smer-ie/o-, by comparison of Av. hi-Smarant- ‘well-conducted’ to Skt.
smarati ‘to remember’ (< *smér-e-ti). As remarked by Weiss HSPh. 98 (1998): 47ff.,
the problem with these proposals is that they lead us to expect Aeolic *iptpepoc, while
we consistently find twepoc, ivéppw in Sappho and Alcaeus. Weiss convincingly
derives ijtepoc from *sh,i- ‘to bind’ instead, as found in Skt.’sydti, Hitt. ighai-: he
reconstructs a heteroclitic *seh,i-mr, *sh,i-men-, with a suffix *-mer/n- also found in
téxpap and rjuap (Weiss ibid.: 54 points to fywépa as a formal parallel for ipepoc); he
also compares > aipwv. This means that ijtepoc may originally have been a bond or
spell. See > aiiova.
ittovid ‘well-rope’. = indc,
iutataov = nantaivw.
tv [pron.] - adtiy, abtév. Kbmpiot ‘her, him (Cypr.)’ (H.). <1E *h,i- ‘he’>
eETYM Identical with OLat. im ‘eum’, from the IE demonstrative *h,i- seen in Lat.
and Go. is, etc. See also > iva, and on > LLLv, > viv.
592 iva
iva [adv., conj.] ‘where, to where’ (Hom., also IA); as a final conjunction ‘that, in order
that, etc.’ (Il.). <1 *hj- ‘he’, etc.>
eETYM Origin unclear. For the ending, we may compare Skt. instrumentals like yéna,
téna ‘by which, by that’, OHG hina (< *-na), Olr. cen ‘on this side’ (from IE *ki- in é-
kei), etc. The stem i- is perhaps cognate with the IE relative *Hio- (see » 6c), or was
formed after interrogative *tiva. On the use, see Schwyzer 1950: 672ff. and Gonda
1956: 92, 126f., 141. See also Monteil 1963: 376-384 and Ruijgh Lingua 28 (1971): 171.
iEdc¢ 593
eVAR Accus. -lv.
*ETYM Acc. to Walde Glotta 13 (1924): 127ff,, it is from *év-yv-tc with Cypr. tv < ev
and assimilation to the nasal with compensatory lengthening like in yivopat. This
would confirm the Achaean character of the word. Olr. ingen, Ogam inigena
‘daughter’ have also been compared, as well as veo-yv-dc ‘newly born’. Alternatively,
we may compare the expressive forms ivvocg (ivvnv: Kdpryv pLKpdav, tvvouc: maldac
H.), Byz. and MoGr. vivi ‘child, pupil’ (older litt. in Frisk). See now Masson REGr. 88
(1975): 1-5.
ivaw [v.] ‘to empty, purify’, also mpoteo@at ‘to be sent forth’ acc. to H.s.v. ivaoBan. < IE?
*Hish,-, *His-neh,->
*VAR -douat (also -éw, -6w gramm.), fut. med. ivfjoopat (Hp.).
iwvoc 1 ‘child’ (H.). *ETYM See on ivic ‘son, daughter’.
iwvog 2 [m.] (young) mule’, = yivvoc (Arist.); more on the mg. in H. s.v. and Meister
*COMP With prefix bmep-tvaw ‘empty excessively, vehemently’ (Hp. apud Erot.)
together with bmepivnoic (Hp. Loc. Hom.) and btmnépivoc ‘excessively emptied,
exhausted’ (Hp. Epid. 6, 5, 15, Arist., Thphr.).
DER ivnOL6c ‘emptying, cleaning’ (Hp. Loc. Hom.), tvnotg ‘id.’ (ibid., Pherecyd. Hist.
VI). Uncertain émivaw (comm. Arist. VIP); on > stepivatog (-£0¢), etc. s.v.
eETYM Assuming that ‘send forth’ was the original meaning and that the i- was long,
ivaw was compared by Meister KZ 32 (1893): 136ff. (cf Brugmann-Delbriick 1897-1916
2:3, 301 and Bechtel 1921(3): 304f.) with Skt. isnati ‘to bring in quick movement’, also
‘to spurt out’ (cf. on Piaivw). This is followed by Garcia Ramon 1986: 497-514, see on
> idopat. The reconstruction is taken over by LIV’ sv. *h,eish,-.
ivddAXopat [v.] ‘to appear, seem’ (IL. Att.). <PG?>
VAR Only present stem except iva 9nv (Lyc., Max.).
*DERivdadudc ‘appearance, image’ (Hp.), tvdahua ‘id. (LXX).
*ETYM For the formation, one hypothesis has compared a&ydAAopat and posited a
noun *ivdadov vel sim. Frisk states that it must eventually belong to » idetv, » eidoc,
comparing »eidwAov for the A-stem, and citing Chantraine 1942: 142 on the
digamma. The nasal is supposed to have spread from a nasal present, and is also
recognized in Skt. vinddati ‘find’ and in several Celtic forms, e.g. Olr. ro-finnadar
‘finds out’, and nouns like Olr. find ‘white’, Gaul. Vindo-(magus, -bona) < PCI.
*uindo-. However, note that these supposed cognates have a different meaning. The
conclusion of Indo-European origin is drawn too quickly. The formation in -aA-
(and -adpoc) is non-IE: for » oxytvSaApdc and » d@~8adydc, this becomes evident
from their variants with ox-/ ox-, -v6-/ -16-, and -aA(a)poc. Therefore, the word is
rather Pre-Greek. The apparent agreement in form and meaning with *ueid- is just
like that between » 6~8adudc¢ and *h,ek”-: such coincidences may be expected to
occur every now and then.
ivdoupoc [m.] - domdAak ‘mole’ (H.). <PG>
eETYM The similarity with Skt. undura- ‘rat’ is rather accidental; see Mayrhofer
KEWA s.v. (not mentioned in Mayrhofer EW Aia 3: 34f.). For the ending, we may
compare > oxloupog ‘squirrel’, which must be a loan, perhaps from Pre-Greek.
ivis [m., f.] ‘son, daughter’ (A, E. [lyr.], Lyc., Call, also Cypr. inscr; cf. Leumann 1950:
2747). <ONOM?>
KZ 32 (1893): 143ff., with a wrong etymology. <?>
eCOMP As a second member probably in » évivvoc name of an animal.
*ETYM A foreign word without explanation, like yivvoc. Borrowed as Lat. hinnus,
with h- after hinnire. Cf. on » Svoc.
itvupog = Evtupov.
i [m.] name of a worm that damages the vine (Alcm. 43). <PG?>
eVAR Gen. tkéc.
eETYM See Gil Fernandez 1959: 115f. Probably related to > ty as a substrate element.
iaAog [m.] (castrated) he-goat’ (A 105, AP; on the mg. see Maa RhM 74 (1925):
464f.). <PG(V)>
*VAR Cf. ioyadwpévar Sedeppatwpévar ‘skinned? (H.), and ioxAar ai atyerat
unAwrtat ‘goatskins’ (H.).
DER i€adi [f.] ‘goatskin’ (Hp. Fract. 29) with several orthographic variants: iodAn
(sch. Ar. Nu. 72), it8édn (Poll.), ittéAn (Poll.), ioogAn (Theogn.), iooéAa, io®An,
itOéAa (H.), etc.
eETYM Older scholars like Solmsen and Bechtel considered the variations as evidence
for Anatolian origin. The word is Pre-Greek, acc. to Fur.: 129, 286, 349, 379, 393. The
form with toxA- shows syncope of the a/e; that with ioyad-, metathesis. The variation
a/e is well known in Pre-Greek words. I suggest that the word had *ikt”al- with a
palatalized # as its second consonant. See Pre-Greek: 5.5, also. Heubeck 1961: 66 and
80.
i&dc¢ [m.] ‘mistletoe, the birdlime prepared from it’, metaph. of all kinds of sticky
substances (Hp. E, Ar, Arist., Thphr.). <EUR>
eCOMP As a first member e.g. in ifo-Bd6po¢ name of thrush, “Turdus viscivorus’
(Arist.).
*DER ikia ‘misteltoe’ (perhaps derived from i&6c in the mg. ‘birdlime’, cf. Stromberg
1937: 114), also name of a thistle, “yapathéwv AevKdc, Atractylis gummifera’ (in this
mg. also ivy [Thphr., Strémberg 1937: 86]), name of a disease: ‘varicose vein’
(Arist. Thphr.), cf. Scheller 1951: 42; iiac¢ [m.] a thistle, ‘yopakéwv péAac,
Cardopatium corymbiferum’ (Dsc.), ifideic ‘made of ikiac (Nic.); iiov ‘leaf of the
xapatkéwv AevKdc’ (Gal.); i&wdnj¢ ‘sticky’ (Hp., Luc.). Denominative: 1. i€ebw ‘catch
594 iEvc, -boc
with birdlime’ (Artem., Poll.); from there i€euvtrjc ‘birdcatcher’ (LXX, Bion) together
with i€evtikdc, also ifevtip (Man.), fem. -evtpia (Plu; Tbxn i€evtpia = Fortuna
viscata); 2. i&Gopat ‘be smeared with birdlime’ (Thphr.).
eETYM An old cultural word, identical with synonymous Lat. viscum (viscus). It has
been compared with Germanic and Slavic names for the cherry (also used for
preparing birdlime), e.g. OHG wihsela ‘morello’, Ru. visnja ‘cherry’. DELG wonders
whether the word is IE, but given the structure, it is rather a European loanword.
iEdc, -Boc [f.] ‘waist, loins’ (e 231 = « 544, Hp., Hell. poetry). <PG(v)>
*DER Adverb i€vd@ev (Arat.); also i€va, -7 (EM).
*ETYM Formation like da@vc, vnduc, Sedguc, etc; iEba was created after deAe—ua,
iyvwn, et al. (Schwyzer: 463). Etymological relation with Lat. ilia [pl.] ‘side of the
body’ is improbable. Fur.: 393 proposed to connect » ioxiov ‘hip’; if correct, the word
is Pre-Greek because of the variation.
iduwpot [p].] epithet of the Apyetot (A 242, E 479). <2
*ETYM The explanation by the scholia as ‘famous for their arrows’ is incorrect,
because the i- is short (see midc 2). The epithet ameiAdwv axdprtot in the second
part of the verse suggests connection with id, in ‘crying’, as do the expressions Boiv
a&ya8dc and bAaKd-pwpot (Kbvec € 29, 1 4). The sense of the second member has also
been unknown since antiquity; cf. Leumann 1950: 37 and 272%. On the second
member, which derives from *moh,-ro- ‘great’, see » €yyeoitwpoc.
tov [n.] ‘violet’ (Hom., Thphr.). <Lw Medit.>
*COMP Determinative compound Aevk6-iov = tov Aeukév ‘stock, gillyflower’ (Thphr;
Risch IF 59 (1949): 257); often as a first member, e.g. io-etdrj¢ ‘violet-colored’ (Il; of
MOVTOG), to-otEpavos ‘crowned with violets’ (h. Hom. 6, 18, Pi, Thgn.), id-koAnoc
‘with violet bossom’ (Sapph; Treu 1955: 171); on io-dvegric see »Svdqoc; on
> idvOlvoc s.v.
*DER idetc ‘violet-colored’ = ‘deep blue’ (cidpoc ¥ 850, Bakacoa Nic.); iwvid ‘violet-
bed’, also a plant name (Thphr.), after podwv-td, Onpwv-1a (Scheller 1951: 7of.);
iovtitic [f.] plant name = dptotoAdyxeta (Dsc.; after kAnpatitic?, Redard 1949: 72).
*ETYM The gloss yia (for fia): GvOn ‘flowers’ (H.) and the epic metrics confirm the
initial f- and the connection with Lat. viola. Both probably come from a
Mediterranean language; see WH s.v.
tov@oc [m.] ‘young, downy hair’, usually ‘eruption on the face which accompanies the
first growth of the beard’ (Hp., Arist., Phld.). <1£? *ui-uond'-o- ‘facial hair’>
DER iovOwdr ‘like t” (Thphr., Gal.) and iov@dc [f.] ‘hairy, beard-like’, of aif ‘goat’ (€
50; on the formation Chantraine 1933: 354).
*ETYM May belong to a word for ‘hair’, etc., which appears in Celtic, Germanic and
Balto-Slavic: MIr. find ‘hair, OHG wint-brawa ‘eyelash’ < IE *uend'-o-; with a
different formation, Mlr. fés ‘hair’, OPr. wanso [f] ‘the first beard’, CS gso
‘moustache’ (IE *uend'-s-o- or *uond"-s-o-). The Greek word would have to
represent a reduplicated formation *fi-fovOoc. The words have been interpreted as
verbal nouns of IE *uend'- ‘to wind’. For the meaning, cf. » iovAoc within Greek.
—
net
ey,
bevel!”
idty<s 595
topkos “roe, gazelle’. = SopKac.
idc 1 ‘one and the same’. > ia.
idc 2 [m.] ‘arrow’ (II.), see Triimpy 1950: 67. <IE *(H)isu- ‘arrow’>
eVAR Plur. ioi, also id (Y 68).
eCOMP As a first member e.g. in io-dd6Kog ‘receiving arrows’, of papétpr (Hom.), -)
[f.] ‘quiver’ (A. R.); on » ioxéaipa s.v.
*ETYM Compared with Skt. isu- [f., m.], Av. ifu- ‘arrow’ < *(H)isu-; Greek ic <
*ihwo- must be a thematization of this word. Meier-Briigger MSS 49 (1988): 75-77
thinks that 14 is the ntr.pl. of PGr. *ihu, and that idc is a secondarily thematicized
singular derived from it.
i6¢ 3 [m.] ‘poison’ (Pi. trag, Plu.). <IE *uiso- fluidity, slime, poison’>
eCOMP As a first member e.g. in io-Bdpoc ‘eating poison’ (Nic., Opp.).
*DER iw61¢ ‘poisonous’ (imperial period).
*ETYM Old word for ‘poison’, replaced in many languages by other (and in most
cases euphemistic) expressions, like Gr. pappakov, Lat. venénum, German gift,
French poison, etc. Besides Greek, the word is still present in Tocharian, Indo-
Iranian and Italo-Celtic: ToA wads, ToB wase ‘poison, venom’ < *uisd-, Skt. visd- [n.],
Av. visa-, Lat. virus [n.], MIr. fi < IE *uiso-. Tocharian and Skt. clearly point to a
reconstruction *uiso-; the length in Latin, Irish and Greek should then be explained
as secondary. Matasovic¢ 2008 s.v. *wisu- assumes an old root noun nom. *ueis, gen.
*uis-os, which was levelled in various ways in the daughter languages. This could
explain the occurrence of athematic forms like Av. vis- ‘id’. Szemerényi 1989: 91
argues that ié¢ underwent secondary lengthening in hiatus, whereas De Vaan apud
Matasovié 2008 suggests a secondary formation *yis-io-. Forms with deviating
meaning are perhaps found in Skt. vis- ‘faeces’, Lat. virus in the meaning ‘viscous
liquid, slime, sap’, W gwyar ‘blood’. For this reason, the present entry has been
identified with pm idc 4.
id¢ 4 [m.] ‘rust’ on iron, ‘verdigris’ on copper, bronze (Thgn., Hp., Pl., Theoc., SIG
284, 15 [Chios IV*]). <?>
DER iwd1)¢ ‘rust-colored’ (Hp., Thphr.).
*ETYM Given the varying meaning of IE *uis(o)- (see on » idc 3), the present word
has been identified with it. It could be due to different technical uses.
idtn¢ [f.] ‘will, decision’ vel sim. (Hom), in 8e@v idti7T11, etc. On the use in Homer see
Krarup Class. et Med. 10 (1949): 13. <1E? *h,eis- ‘wish’>
eVAR Only dat. iétyt (Hom.,, A. R.); idtatt (Alc. & 309 LP, A. Pr. 558 [lyr.]), except
for idtyta O 41.
*ETYM Etymology uncertain. There are two hypotheses: 1) related to Skt. is- ‘to wish’
(pres. icchdti), either from *h,iso-teh,t- or *h,isto-teh,t- from the ptc. *h,isté- = Skt.
istd- ‘wished’ (Chantraine 1933: 294); 2) to {ett ‘to hasten, desire’, in which case we
would have to posit *Fi6-ty¢ (or, with haplological shortening, *fiotdé-ty¢ from
' *Elotog ‘wishing’ = Lat. (in-)vitus, for which see on » teat). However, tepat has a
long t-. Improbable suggestion by Leumann 1950: 127ff., who explains i6mtt as from
596 tovAoc
a false split of Smotit (-toc) ‘enmity’ into 67 idétrt, -toc. The Boeot. PN @eto-
Flotoc strongly speaks in favor of original *fr6tytL.
Yovdos [m.] ‘down, first growth of the beard, etc. corn sheaf; catkin’; also name of a
centipede-like worm (A 319, A. Th. 534, Arist. Thphr.). «IE *uel- ‘turn, wind’>
*COMP As a first member e.g. in iovAd-meCog “with feet like an tovAog”, also of a ship,
i.e. ‘with many rowers’ (Lyc. 23).
*DER iovaAic [f.] fishname ‘Coris iulis’ (Arist.), because it resembles a centipede
(Stromberg 1943: 125; also Thompson 1947 s.v.), also called tovAoc (Eratosth.); IovAw
[f.] “goddess of the corn sheaf”, i.e. Demeter (Semus 19); thence the back-formation
tovdog ‘song for Demeter’ (ibid. Eratosth.), also KaAiovAocg (for KaAdt-iovdog,
Semus); iovAwdrg ‘like a centipede’ (Arist.); denominative verb iovAilw ‘get down’
(Tryph.).
*ETYM From reduplicated *fi-fodvog (cf. » iov8oc), related to obdog ‘woolly, fuzzy’
and > eihéw 2 (< *FeAvéw) ‘turn, wind’.
ioxéatpa [adj.] epithet of Artemis, also used as a substantive (Hom, Pi. P. 2, 9 [with
shortening of the i-], poet. inscr.), also of the papétpa (AP 6, 9); also name of the
viper (Nic. Fr. 33). <IE *Hisu- ‘arrow’ and * g'esr- ‘hand’>
*eETYM Since antiquity, this epithet has often been explained as ‘shaking out arrows,
she who shoots arrows’, from idg ‘arrow and xéw ‘to pour’, by comparison with
Sovpat’ éxevav E 618. However, Heubeck Beitr. z. Namenforsch. 7 (1956): 275ff. more
convincingly derived it from idc and yeip as ‘who has arrows in her hand’; this is
supported by Skt. formations like isu-hasta- ‘who holds an arrow in the hand’, silla-
hasta- ‘holding a lance in the hand’. See also R. Schmitt 1967: 177ff., Hagen Glotta 76
(1998): 53-58, and especially Peters 1980a: 223-228 with an extensive discussion.
invy [f.] name of a bird (Boios apud Ant. Lib. 21, 6). <?>
*DER Also inzta (or rather * inta, with Vossius, because of the alphabetical order),
itta: dpvokohay, é0vix@c ‘woodpecker (dialectal) (H.).
eETYM The form {tta recalls » oitty; further unclear. Cf. Solmsen 1909: 173”.
invov [n.] = tnnovpic (Thphr. HP 4, 10, 1), a plant. <?>
eETYM Unknown.
invoc [m.] ‘furnace’, also ‘kitchen’ and ‘lantern’ (IA). <IE? *sp-nd-, *se p- ‘boil, bake’>
eDIAL Myc. i-po-no.
eCOMPimtvo-1hd8oc ‘oven-maker’ (P1.), "Eq-tmvoc: Zevc év Xiw ‘Zeus in Chios’ (H.).
eDER Diminutive inviov (medic.); inv@v (Delos III*), invwv (Gortyn) ‘kitchen’
inviting (Gptoc) ‘bread baked in an oven’ (Hp.); iitvtog ‘belonging to an oven’, invia
Ta KaWdppata Tod imvod ‘the offscourings from an oven’ (H.) (Call. Fr. 216); invebw
[v.] ‘to bake in an oven’ (H; hinve[veo@at] IG 17, 4: 15) together with invevtijc
furnarius (gloss.).
eETYM The form invédcg may have developed from ‘*imvdc (cf. "Eg-tmvog and
hinve[beoOat] IG 1’, 4: 15). It has been compared with a synonymous West Germanic
word: OE ofen, OHG ovan ‘oven’, also ON ofn, from PGm. *ofna- < *tfna-.
However, these words cannot be combined because of the vocalism (and the Greek
(11t0G 597
aspiration). The same holds true for the forms with velar: Go. auhns, OSw. oghn,
from PGm. *oyna-, *ogna- < *uyna-, *ugnd-. Neither is there any possibility to
connect it with Skt. ukhd- [m.], ukhd [f] ‘pot, cooking-pot’. A new proposal, which
seems the most promising to date, has been advanced by Vine 1999a: 5-30: derivation
from the root *sep- of yw as *s°p-no-, with a secondary zero-grade yielding -t-. The
formation, an adjective in -nd- with active sense, must be old.
imog [f, n.] ‘press’, of a fuller, or for medical purposes; ‘weight (in a mouse-trap, etc.)
(Pi, Archil., Hp., Ar.). <?>
eVAR The primary aorist tyao@au, with fut. tyetat (A 454 = II 237, B 193), rather
means ‘to squeeze, oppress’ than ‘to damage’ (p8eipat, BAdwat H.); pres. intw =
BAantw only EM 481, 3.
eDER Denominative verb indéw ‘to press’ (Hdt., Hp., A.), also with an-, &-; inwotc
‘pressing, pressure’ (Hp.), imtwtrpiov ‘oil-press, wine-press’ (pap.), ‘bougie’ (medic.),
inwtpic ‘pressing’ (ond0n, medic.), &imwtikdc ‘pressing out’ (Gal.).
eETYM Unexplained. One could compare iywv- Seouwtiptov ‘prison’ (H.).
innog [m., f.] ‘horse, mare’ (II.), collective fem. ‘cavalry’ (IA). <IE *h,ekuo- ‘horse’>
DIAL Myc. i-go /hikk“os/, i-qi-ja /hikk”ia/ ‘chariot’.
eCOMP Very frequent in compounds: bahuvrihis (Aevk-tmrtoc), governing
compounds (im76-dap-oc, isz-1Ad-ty¢), determinative compounds (immo-to&6tT1)¢),
compounds with transformed second member (iztito-16tapoc, intn-aypog for inoc
TMOTAaLULOG, Ayptoc, see Risch IF 59 (1949): 287; on inmto-Kopvotiic see » KOpUG); with
metrically conditioned inmo- for inmo- in inmo-yaitye, -xapuns (epic). As a first
member also augmentative, especially in plant-names (inmo-Adia8ov et al.,
Stromberg 1940: 30).
eDER A. Substantives: diminutive trdpiov (X.), immioKxog ‘(small) statue of a horse’
(Samos IV), etc., inmid.ov as a fishname (Epich.; Strémberg 1943: 100). inmdtng¢ [m.]
‘horseman, chariot driver’ (Il; in Homer always inndétét), fem. inmédtic (Nonn.);
inet ‘chariot fighter’ (Il.), ‘horseman’ (Sapph., A., Hdt.), ‘knight’ as a social class
(Hdt, Ar. Arist.); thence inmebw, see below; also as a name of a comet like inmiac
(Plin., Apul; Scherer 1953: 107); inmwv ‘stable’ (Att. inscr. X.); inmaxn ‘cheese of
mare-milk (Hp.), also a plant name (Stromberg 1940: 136; formation like ép18aKn,
ahwvaxn et al.); inmepoc “horse-fever” (Ar, like ixtepoc, bSepoc); inmoobvn ‘art of
driving, cavalry’ (Il.). -
B. Adjectives: inmdc [f] ‘belonging to a horse, status and census of the knights in
Athens’ (Hp., Arist.); imetog ‘belonging to a horse’ (IL.); tmmtog ‘id. (Alc., Pi, trag.),
often as an epithet of gods (Poseidon, Athena, etc.); thence ‘Inmwv as a month name
(Eretria); immuxdg ‘id’ (IA; Chantraine 1956a: 141); inm@édn¢ ‘horse-like’ (X.).
C. Verbs: 1. inmaCopat (also with ag-, ég-, ka0-, etc.) ‘drive horses, serve as a riding-
horse’ (Il.) together with innaoia, inmdotposg, intaotip, -aotpia, irtaot|¢, -aoTtKdc,
tnnaocpa, imtacudc. 2. inmetw ‘id’ (IA), originally from inneve, but also referring to
innocg; also with prefix, eg. ag-, kaQ-, map-, ovv-; thence inmevtiip, -tH¢, inmeia,
- innevoic, inmevpa; details in BoShardt 1942: 34f. Countless proper names, both full
and short names (InmdéAvto¢, Inmiac, Inmn, etc., etc.). See Delebecque 1951.
598 intapat
*ETYM Derives from the inherited word for ‘horse’, represented in Skt. dsva-, Av.
aspa-, Lat. equus, Venet. ekvon [acc.}], Olr. ech, OE eoh, OLith. efva ‘mare’, ToB
yakwe, as well as perhaps the Thracian PN Beteomtoc and Arm. és ‘donkey’. All these
forms derive from IE *h,ekuo-. According to Kloekhorst 2008 s.v. *ekku-, the
Anatolian evidence (Hitt. phonetic complements in -us, -un, HLuw. asu-, Lyc. esb-)
points to an athematic stem *h,eku-. This form must have been thematicized in PIE
to *h,ekuo- after the separation of Anatolian. From this form, we expect an outcome
Gr. *émmoc, so one problem is the vocalism i-, for which Mycenaean origin has been
suggested. A second problem is the initial aspiration. Connection with wxvc cannot
be demonstrated. A form with geminate velar is found in tkxoc (EM 474, 12), “Ikkoc
PN (Tarent. Epid.); see Lejeune 1972: 83'. A recent discussion of the origin of the
type innevc is found in De Vaan JIES 37 (2009).
intapa ‘fly’. = nétopat.
*intopat ‘press’. = ittoc.
ipny VAR ipry. = eipry.
iptc, -t50¢ [f.] ‘rainbow’ (II.), also of the halo of the moon, etc. (Arist., Thphr,, Gal.), as
a plant name ‘purple Iris’, etc. (Arist., Thphr.), see Stromberg 1940: 49; also name of
a stone (Plin.). As a PN’Ipic,.-t50c, -tv daughter of Thaumas and Elektra, messenger
of the gods (IL, Hes.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Acc. -16a, -tv.
*DERiptvoc (com., Thphr., Plb.), -eo¢ (Nic.) ‘made of the Iris’; ipw51)¢ ‘like a rainbow’
(Arist.), ipitic [f.] name of a stone (Plin.), see Redard 1949: 55; denominative ipi(w
[v.] ‘to be iridescent’ (PHolm. 7, 6).
eETYM Evidence for the original form fiptc comes both from an inscription from
Corinth and from the epic metrics (see Chantraine 1942: 152).
The name of the goddess is no doubt identical with the appellative. This appellative
has been derived from the root *ueh,i- ‘bend’, which is also seen in » itéa and > ituc;
a suffix -r- is also seen in the Germanic group of OE wir, ON virr ‘metallic wire,
twisted ornament’ (Kretschmer Glotta 2 (1910): 354).
Fur.: 356 compares épidac: tac év obpava iptdac (H.), and concludes to Pre-Greek
origin; does Eiptc (formerly explained as “E-fipic with prothetic vowel, which is
impossible for an IE word) point to the same? Against the traditional etymology, it
must be said that a pre-form PIE *uh,i-r-i- is hard to motivate.
ig 1 [f.] ‘power, strength’ (Hom., Hes.). IE *uiH- ‘strength’>
°VAR Accus. iv(a) (3 times, only before vowel, see below), instr. ig.
*DER tgt-og ‘strong’ (fgia phAa Hom., D. P.) with PNs like Fipiddac, Figitoc (Boeot.,
Cor.), Itc (I 667, etc.; pet name); » ipOtpoc does not belong here.
*ETYM The gloss yic (= Fic): ... isxt¢ (H.) confirms the identity of (F)ic ‘strength’
with Lat. vis ‘id.’; the expected accus. (F)tv = Lat. vim can be restored from iv’, which
is always antevocalic.
io8pdc¢ 599
ic [f.] ‘sinew, tendon’ (Hom., Hp., Archil, Ar.), ‘tendon of the neck’ (P 522), ‘muscle
fibres, fibrin, fibre of plants, ribs of leaves’ (Pl. Arist, Thphr.); details on the
botanical usage in Stromberg 1937: 129ff. «IE? *uiH- ‘tensile force’>
VAR Gen. ivdc; mostly plur. ivec, dat. iveot, late ioiv, tvaic.
*COMP -, TOAU-ivoc ‘without, with many ivec’, etc. (Thphr.).
*DER iviov [n.] ‘the tendons at the back of the head, the neck’ (Il, Hp., Arist.), cf.
Kpaviov, and see Chantraine 1933: 59; ivwdn¢ ‘sinewy, fibrous’ (X., Arist. Thphr.);
probably also ivaia: Sbvauts ‘power, capacity’ (H., uncertain conj. Peripl. M. Rubr.
46); denominative verbs: ivéw ‘to provide with ivec, stengthen’ (Hdn.), &&-tvow
‘remove the ivec, make powerless’ (Lyc.), also é&-.vilw, -tviaGw (Gal., Peripl. M. Rubr.
etal.) —
*ETYM It is debatable whether ic ‘sinew’ (which seems to have had initial F-) is a
concretization of ic ‘strength’, or if it was originally a separate word. We may
compare the meaning ‘tensile force’ in Skt. vdyas-, which also means ‘power, etc.’. It
is mostly assumed that the n-stem inflexion iva, ives, etc. arose from an accus. (F)iva,
with -a added like in Zijv-a. This is quite possible. Scheftelowitz IF 33 (1913/1914):
158f. assumed an independent word (f)ic, (F)ivdc ‘sinew’ (cf. yic: inde ‘strap’ H.)
from a verb ‘bow, bend’, seen in pituc, PF Iptc.
{oou [v.] I know’. <GR>
eVAR Inf. Fiodunv (Gortyn).
eETYM A Doric innovation (Theoc., Cret., etc.) starting from the 3pl. toavt = Att.
toao, based on totavti : iota. Rejected by Floyd KZ 90 (1976): 166-177.
iodtic [f.] name of a blue-coloring plant, ‘woad, Isatis tinctoria’ (Hp., Thphr., Samos
IV*). <2
eVAR Gen. -1506, -toc, -Ewe.
DER ioatwong ‘woad-like’ (Hp., Aret.).
*ETYM Lat. vitrum ‘id’ and OHG weit, OE wad ‘woad’ have been adduced, as well as
MLat. waisda (Prellwitz 1905 s.v.); these seem too far off, but perhaps all these words
are loans from a common source. The plant was probably named for its glass-like
color (see De Vaan 2008 s.v. vitrum).
io8pudc [m.] ‘small entry, spit of land, strait of earth or sea, neck’, especially as a TN of
the strait of Corinth (1A). <PG?>
VAR Also fem., after 1] 65dc, etc. (cf. Schwyzer 1950: 34”).
eCOMP As a second member with a suffix -to- in the hypostasis 1tap-io®u1a [n.pl., sg.]
‘fauces, tonsils’ (Hp., Arist.).
*DER {oOutoc “belonging to the Isthmos’ (Pi. trag.), tO {oOuLov ‘collar’ (o 300), Ta
io8uta ‘fauces’ (Hp.); to8ptov also metaph. from the neck of a flask (Cypr. word in
Pamphil. apud Ath. 11, 472e; different Leumann 1950: 271); ta’Io8u1a name of the
Corinthian games (Pi., Simon., Ar.) together with ‘Io®uto-vikng, -vikoc ‘winner at
these games’ (B.), Io8uaotai ‘spectators of the games’ (title of a play of A. like
Anohdwwaotai, etc., Chantraine 1933: 317); io®uiatw (Suid. H.), also ToOuatou
(Delos II*); icOuixdc, -takdc “belonging to the Isthmos, the Isthmian games’ (Ar,
600 ioiKtov
Str.), ic8pwdr¢ ‘isthmos-like’ (Th.). Denominative io®taivw = doOpaivw, with io6ua
= do8ua ‘panting’ (H.), arose as a cross of io®t1d¢ with dc8piaivw.
eETYM Derivation from ei,u ‘go’ with a suffix -@10- has been assumed, by comparison
with the by-forms T0jt6c, ‘I6,10-vika (inscr.) and i-Oua, eio-i-O,n. In derivatives of
this root, the meaning ‘strait’ is also found in ON eid [n.] ‘strait of land’, from IE
*Hoi-d"o- (or *Hoi-to-). However, the -o- is unexplained, and as a basic form *Hid'-
d'mo- cannot be accounted for. Chantraine 1933: 137 therefore assumes adaptation of
a local loan; likewise, Fur.: 294°.
ioixtov (n.] ‘a dish of mince-meat’ (Ath. 376 b, pap.). <LW Lat.>
*DERIotxog ‘id.’ (Alex. Aphr., Pr. 1, 22), ioxtdptoc and iouxtopidyetpog ‘butcher’.
eETYM From Lat. insicium
ioxat [f-pl.] ‘fungus growing on oaks and walnut-trees (Aet. 7, 91, Paul. Aeg. 6, 49).
<PG(V)>
eVAR toxau, uncertain reading Aet. 7, 91.
*ETYM Unknown. If the variant is reliable (Fur.: 367), it would point to a Pre-Greek
word.
toxAat ‘sheep-skin’. > Eadoc.
Yoxw [v.] ‘to make like, imitate, think like, interchange’ (Hom.), also ‘to imitate, feign’
(t 203 with Agywv; cf. Lat. simuldre), ‘to suppose by mistake’ (x 31, after t 203);
thence ‘to suppose’ (Simon. 130). In Alexandrian poets (where also 1sg. toxov, pte.
toxwv) ‘to speak, say’ (Theoc., A. R., Lyc.). <IE *ueik- ‘resemble’>
VAR Only 38g. ipf. toxe(v) and ptc. ioxovtec, iokovoa. -
eETYM Probably from *fix-ox-w; see on Ȏolka, as well as Bechtel 1914 s.v. and
Chantraine 1942: 317.
{ooc [adj.] ‘equal’ in number, strength, size, status, etc. (I].). <1E? *ueid- ‘see, know’>
VAR Epic isos, fem. éton (see below), Arc. Cret. Boeot. Fiofoc (H. yicyov: icov).
*COMP Very frequent as a first member, e.g. iod-Qe0c ‘god-like’ (Il.), hypostasis of
tooc 8e@ or a bahuvrihi ‘having gods as equals’ (Risch 1937: 186; cf. Sommer IF 55
(1937): 1957), to6-medov ‘plain’ (Il.), iod-medoc¢ “of the same level, as high as’ (Hdt.,
Hp; cf. Risch IF 59 (1949): 15), io-nyopin, -fa ‘equal right to speak, political equality’
(IA; a compound of icov &yopacba1); on Picogapitw sv. As a second member e.g.
in &(v)-tooc ‘unequal, unfair’ (1A).
*DER iodtng ‘equality’ (Pl, Arist.), iodkic ‘as often’ (Pl.), ioaxy@c ‘in as many ways’
(Arist.); denominative verbs: iod¢w ‘make, be equal’ (Il) with icaojidg (Epicur.) and
ioaotikds (Eust.); iodopat, -dw ‘to become (make) equal’ (since n 212); ioaioytct ‘to be
(made) equal’ (Nic., Arat.).
*ETYM Formally, fiofog > epic ioocg (on the digamma, cf. Chantraine 1942: 144; the
apparent prothetic vowel in é-(F)ion is artificial; Beekes 1969: 65f.), Att. {ooc. The
development corresponds to that in *\t6vfog > epic [tobvoc, Att. Lt6voc, and *6Afoc >
epic ovA0og, Att. ddo«, etc.
As IE *-sy- was not retained in Greek, the comparison with Skt. visu- ‘to several
sides’ must be given up. Phonetically, a basic form *yit‘yo- would do, but the
iotia 601
morphological connection to a zero grade *fido- from eidoc ‘shape’ (thus
Brugmann-Delbriick 1897-1916 2:1, 205) is hypothetical. An ingenious but probably
incorrect analysis as dvw ‘two’ + thematization of a suffix -tv- by Meillet BSL 26
(1925): 12f. Extensive discussion by Ruijgh Minos 20-22 (1987): 533-544.
ioogapitw [v.] ‘to match oneself against, measure oneself with’ (Il. Hes., Simon.,
Theoc.); ‘to make equal’ (Nic. Th. 572). <GR>
eVAR Only present.
eETYM With comparable meaning, there is also dvtiepi(w ‘to oppose somebody’
CIL.), after dvtt-pépw. The word avtogapiterv: abtopatetv ‘to act spontaneously’ (H.)
arose after the example of icopapi(w. This probably stands for *icopopitw = ica
gépety, from hypothetical *ico-pdpoc, but the a-vocalism is unclear. Perhaps after an
unknown example (type iooBapric)? However, note that the a is also found in
papétpa.
isoacBat - KANnpodoBat ‘to be appointed by lot’ (H.).
eETYM See Bechtel 1921, 1: 120 and Luther 1935: 70. See > aioa.
iotdvw [v.] ‘to arise, acquire’. <GR>
VAR Hell. present for totnu (Plb., pap., inscr.), formed to the inf. iotavau.
eETYMA parallel case is that of Cret. otavtw ‘install’ (ndtv otavvéo8wv SGDI 5040,
66), which has been compared with Av. fra-stanuuanti ‘they gain an advantage’. In
reality, the Cypr. form is rather a thematic enlargement of a primary present of the
type aivuptat, probably after tavbw et al. See Schwyzer: 696f., 698f.
tor [v.] ‘to make stand, set up, take position, bring to a standstill, etc.’ (Il.). «IE
*steh,- ‘stand, set’>
eVAR Med. iotajtct ‘to stand up, etc.’, aor. otijoat, otrHoaoBal, fut. otHow, aor. pass.
otadijvat (Od.), fut. ota8rcopta (Att.); intr. aor. otijvat with fut. otrcojtat ‘take a
stand, arise’, perf. otyka ‘to stand’.
eDIAL Dor. totapu
*COMP Very often with prefix, dva-, kata-, dmo-, &&-, ,teta-, etc.
eDER Several (partly inherited) derivations are Pmiotdc, Potabltdc, > otattives,
POTAOCIG, P OTATIP, P OTHAN, P OTHLLWV, P OTOG, etc. See also P OTALIVOG, » OTALPOC.
eETYM The intr. athem. root aorist €otnv neatly corresponds to Skt. dstham < PIE
*h,é-steh,-m. Beside this, Greek innovated (already in Hom.) a transitive s-aorist
éotnoa, like pica beside é—iv, etc. The intr. future otrooptct was originally built
from gotnv, but became associated with the s-aorist later. Also, the trans.
reduplicated athematic present fotnu is limited to Greek; one may compare TtiOnut,
inpu, BiBnpt. Both Indo-Iranian and Italo-Celtic have thematic formations: Skt.
tisthati ‘stands’, Lat. sistit (both < *-sth,-e-ti). The intr. perf. gota, plur. gotétev is
old (leaving aside the enlargment in -x-), and together with Skt. tasthdu, plur.
tasthimd, Lat. stetimus it continues an IE perfect formation. The verbal adjective
otatos (Il.), also in Skt. sthitd- ‘standing’, Lat. status, ON stadr, etc. < PIE *sth,-to- is
- old as well. For more different IE formations, see LIV’ s.v. *steh.-. See also » iotdvw.
iotia ‘hearth’. evar Ion. -iy. >éotia.
602 iotdc
iotdc [m.] ‘beam (of a loom), loom, tissue; mast’ (Il.). <1E *steh,- ‘stand, set’>
eCOMP Often as a first member, e.g. ioto-656Kn ‘support of the mast’ for the mast
when let down (A 434), ioto-né61) ‘hole in the keel for stepping the mast’ (tl 51 = 162,
Alc. Z 2, 6); cf. Risch IF 59 (1949): 26; toto-Bosve ‘pole, thill’ (Hes. Op. 431, 435, A. R.
3, 1318 and Orac. apud Paus. 9, 37, 4), metrical enlargement of *iotd-Booc = iotdc
Bdetoc, Bowv (cf. inmo-ndtajoc) after the instrument names in -evc; also ioto-Bdn
(AP 6, 104, after -66xn, etc.).
*DER iotiov, mostly plur. -ia ‘sail’ (Il.), also ‘curtain’ (LXX), ‘piece’ as a measure
(Pap.). ;
*ETYM Formation like @optiov ‘load, wares’ et al. (Chantraine 1933: 59). Belongs to
iotapat (or a lost present of the type Lat. si-st-0) as “stand”; originally used for the
(standing) beam of the loom; cf. Chantraine 1928: 14 and Hermann Gott. Nachr.
(1943): 7. See also > to TILL, & OTTLLWV.
totwp, -opoc [m.] ‘knowing, expert’ (h. Hom. 32, 2, Heraclit. B., S.), ‘witness’ (Hp., |
Boeot. inscr., Att. oath for ephebes in Poll. 8, 106), in unclear mg. Z 501, ¥ 486
Cwitness’ or ‘arbiter’?), also Hes. Op. 702. <1E *ueid- ‘see, know’, *uid-tor->
eDIAL Boeot. Fiotwp.
*COMP With prefix in ovv-iotwp ‘witness, conscious’ (to otv-o1ba; trag., Th. Plb.)
with ovvctopéw ‘to be conscious of a matter’ (Hell.); ém-iotwp ‘knowing
something, familiar with’ (@ 26, A. R, AP et al.), bmep-ic-twp ‘knowing all too well’
(S. El. 850 [lyr.], momentary formation); 4-iotwp ‘unknowing’ (Pl. Lg. 845b, E. Andr.
682), noAv-totwp ‘polyhistor’ (D. H,, Str.), ptA-iotwp ‘who loves knowledge’ together
with @iAtotopéw (Str. Vett. Val.).
*DER iotdpiov ‘testimony’ (Hp.), iotopia (see below). Denominative verb iotopéw
(also with prefix, e.g. av-, é&-) ‘be witness or expert, give testimony, recount, get
testimony, find out, search’ (Ion., trag., Arist. Hell.) together with totépyua
‘account’ (D. H.); usually iotopia, -in ‘knowledge, account, (historical) account,
history, search, investigation’ (IA, Hell.), which formally derives from totwp, but was
functionally associated with iotopéw. Adjective iotopixéc ‘regarding iotopia or
iotopetv, historical’ (Pl. Arist., Hell.; cf. Chantraine 1956a: 134-136).
*ETYM From *yid-tér, an agent noun of oida, iopev. The word itself, but especially
the derivations iotopéw, iotopin that arose in Ionic, have spread over the Hellenic
and Hellenistic world together with Ionic science and philosophy. The aspiration is
probably not original; explanation in Schwyzer: 226 and 306. Unsuccessful attempt
by Floyd Glotta 68 (1990): 157-166 to derive the word from iw ‘sit, seat’ as
‘convenor’. On the history of the concepts totwp, iotopéw, iotopin, see Kretschmer
Glotta 18 (1930): 93f., Fraenkel 1910: 218f., Snell 1924: soff., Keuck 1934, Frenkian
REIE 1 (1938): 468ff., Leumann 1950: 277f, Muller Mnem. 54 (1926): 235ff., and Louis
RPh. 81 (1955): 39ff. See » oi5a.
ioxiov [n.] ‘hip-joint, haunches’ (Il.). <PG(V)>
*COMP As a second member eg. in é§-ioxtoc ‘standing out from the haunch’ (Hp.),
ev-icxtoc ‘with beautiful hips’ (Hell. poetry).
ioxdc, -boc 603
*DER Diminutive ioyaptov (Hero); ioxtaxdc ‘belonging to the hip’ (Thphr.); ioytdc,
-a5o¢ [f.] (scil. vacoc) ‘pain in the hip’ (Hp.) with ioxtadéixds (medic.), as a plant-
name = AevKdxavOa (Dsc., as a remedy against ioxidc, Stromberg 1937: 194); ioxiaotc
= loxidc (medic, as if from *ioxiaw, see Schwyzer: 505 and 732); denominative verb
ioxtatw (ioytddderv H.; Lacon.) ‘bend the hip-joint’ (Procop., Suid. Phot. H.;
uncertain Gal. 18 [1] 786).
*ETYM No etymology. If icxt- dc@us ‘loins’ (H.) is correct, the formation corresponds
to that of dAgi and péAt. Skt. names for body parts like sdkthi ‘thigh-bone’ (which is
unrelated to icxiov) and dsthi ‘bone’ seem to have a similar formation, but these
probably have -i < *-H. Latte thinks that toy is simply a mistake for ioyiov. Fur.: 393
connects it with ifdc, which seems quite possible if one assumes consonant
metathesis in ioyiov. One might assume a Pre-Greek pre-form *ik#-; cf. on » iEaXoc.
Pre-Greek had several words ending in -t, which is very rare in inherited Greek (Pre-
Greek: 3.1b).
ioxvdc [adj.] ‘dry, arid, languishing, lean’ (IA). <?>
*COMP E.g. ioyvd-@wvoc ‘with dry (weak) voice’ (Hdt. Hp. Arist.), often connected
with toxyw (v.l. icy6-gwvoc; cf. below on ioyvaivw) and understood as ‘having an
impediment in one’s speech’; év-toxvog “a little dry’ (Nic. Al. 147; cf. Stromberg 1946:
128).
*DER ioxvétn¢ ‘dryness, etc.’ (Hp., Arist.); denominative verbs: 1. ioyvaivw (also with
prefixes like kat-, dm-) ‘dry up, make lean’ (1A) with ioyvacia, -in ‘dried up state,
leanness’ (Hp. Arist.), ioyvacyidc (Hp.), toxvavoic (Paul. Aeg.) ‘emaciation’,
ioxvavtikds ‘fit for reducing’ (Arist.); 2. icyvdojtct ‘to get dry’, -6w ‘to make dry’,
also with an-, é€-, etc. (Hp. Arist.), together with ioyvwotc, -wttkdc (medic., etc.).
Further ioyaAéoc ‘dry, barren’ (t 233, Man.) and ioxdc, -ado¢ [f.] ‘dried fig’ (com.,
Arist.) with derivatives ioyado-nwAr; isyadtov, etc. (com.).
eETYM The pair ioyvdc, isyadéoc does not show an old interchange v: (which is no
IE category, though it does have a parallel in o1epdvdc : copepdadéoc). One might
have expected a verb icyaivw (cf. kepdadéoc : kepdaivw), which incidentally is often
found as a v.1., but this may also be a cross with ioyavw ‘to hold back’. A cognate u-
stem has been assumed in Av. hisku-, MIr. sesc ‘dry’, IE *si-sk-u-(o-). These are
derived from a root *sek- ‘wither’ (see Pok. 894). For ioyvdc,.an ad hoc base form *si-
sk-sno- has been assumed (Brugmann-Delbriick 1897-1916 2:1, 475). The derivational
basis for ioxdc is unclear; given oivac, kotivdc, puTdc, UvpTac, etc. one would expect
a noun.
ioxvc, -bog [f.] ‘power, strength, might’ (Hes.). <PG?>
*COMP Compound dv-tayuc ‘powerless’ (LXX). As a first member e.g. ioyupo-mo1éw
‘strengthen, fortify’ (Plb.), as a second member in dv-icyupog ‘powerless’ (Hp., Str.),
bmep-ioxupog ‘extremely strong’ (X., Arist.).
*DER Denominative verb icyvw, aor. ioydoat (also with prefix, e.g. év-, é&-, Kat-,
bmep-) ‘have power, be strong’ (Pi., Hp., Att.) together with toyvoig (LXX).
- Adjective ioyipdc¢ ‘powerful, strong, mighty, vehement’ (IA); thence ioyvpikdc
‘strong’ (Pl. Tht. 169b), see Chantraine 1956a: 147, with denominatives: 1. ioxupiCopat
604 itTaLLoc
‘to prove one’s strength, exert oneself, proclaim emphatically, etc.’ (Heraclit., Att.),
also with prefixes like di-, am-, avt-, together with the desiderative icyupt-eiw ‘to
venture to affirm’ (Hp.); 2. kat-toxvpevopat ‘to be violent’ (Aq.).
PN ToxbAog (inscr.).
*ETYM The glosses (Lacon.) Bioyvv, yloxbv- ioybv (H., also Hdn. Gr. 1, 509) point to
PGr. *fioxd¢, which was connected with Skt. vi-sah- ‘to have in one’s power’ by
Brugmann IF 16 (1904): 493f. and Brugmann-Delbriick 1897-1916 2:1, 209. The latter
word belongs to the root *seg"- (s.v. oxeiv, » éxw) with a prefix *ui- ‘apart, asunder’,
but this prefix does not exist in Greek, so the etymology fails. However, Myc. i-su-
ku-wo-do-to has no digamma, which means that the f- in the glosses may be
secondary after *fic ‘power’ (thus Meillet BSL 27 (1927): 129ff., though with false
explanation of the i- as “prothetic”). The connection with gxetv seems rather
improbable. On the d-stem (like mAnBvc, vnduc, etc.), see Schwyzer: 463f. and Meid
IF 63 (1958): 19, who assumes an abstract formation from an adjective *f1-oy-0c
‘resisting’ (-v- like in éyv-pdc), which is not very convincing. Chantraine Emerita 19
(1951): 134ff. considers connection with ifvc, icyiov. Pre-Greek origin seems quite
possible.
itapdc [adj.] ‘headlong, hasty, eager, bold, reckless’ (Att.). <?>
DER Also itn¢, -ov [m.] ‘id’ (Ar., Pl.), and itrntikds = itaptdc (Arist.); from itaw? See
meitu. Further itaptotn¢ (PL, Plb.), itaptia (LXX) ‘vigour, effrontery’, itapedortat “be
it.’ (Jul. Or. 7, 210¢; interpolated).
eETYM Mostly, i-tr¢ is derived from iéva ‘to go’ (Chantraine 1933: 318) as
“Draufganger” (thus already in antiquity, e.g. Pl. Prt. 349e, 359c), though most other
oxytones in -adc are substantives (notapds, etc.). Probably a word from the Attic
popular language (incorrectly, Fraenkel 1912: 58f.).
itéa [f.] ‘willow’ (® 350), also ‘shield made of willow’ (E., Ar. cf. Triimpy 1950: 73). (IE
*ueh,i- ‘bend’, *uh,i-tu->
eVAR Epic Ion. itén (-ei- A. R. 4, 1428, with metrical lengthening?).
eCOMP Compound ited-@vAAozg ‘adorned with willow-leaves’ (Halic. III*).
*DER itéivoc ‘of willow’ (Hdt., Thphr., pap.), itewv ‘willow forest’ (Gp.).
*ETYM Formation like mteAéa and other tree names (Chantraine 1933: 92). From a
noun parallel to (F)ituc, which derives from *ueh,-i- ‘bend’; cf. yttéa (= Fitéa): itéa
(H.). See on »itucg for further etymology. Itacistic writing has been assumed for the
initial t- on account of the Att. deme name Eitéa (cf. on oicoc).
itov [n.] Thracian name for a kind of mushroom (Thphr. fr. 167, Plin. H.N. 19, 36).
<PG(V)>
eVAR OvITOV: TO br’ Eviwv oitdv (H.).
*ETYM Probably fitév (thus DELG). Fur.: 110, 184 connects it with » tévov, btvov
‘truffle’ which has variants oiSvov, oitvov. Furnée is mistaken to assumes a prothetic
6-, since 6- and ov- just indicate f-, a bilabial [w]. So we have *wit- and *wid-n-, with
a suffix beginning with n-, and voicing before the nasal (cf. Fur.: 10 on omikavos,
omyvoc; on the suffixes with a nasal added after a consonant, see Pre-Greek: Suffixes,
isCw 605
-v-). Moreover, in itvov, the t became v after the w, which itself disappeared before
the v (so wit- > wut- > ut-).
itptov [n.] name of a cake (IA), made from sesame and honey acc. to Ath. 14, 646d.
<>
eVAR Usually plur; long initial syllable in Ar. Ach. 1092.
*COMPitpto-mwAr¢ (Poll.) ‘seller of itpiov’.
*DER itpiveos ‘like itpiov’ (AP).
eETYM Unknown; probably a loanword.
ittov [n.] - év. Kpijtec ‘one (Cret.)’ (H.). 4?
*ETYM See Latte 1953, who notes that Solmsen BB 17 (1891): 135 reads Sittov.
ituc, -vog [f.] ‘felloe, rim of a shield’, also metaph. ‘shield’ (IL). «IE *ueh,i- ‘bend’,
*uh,i-tu->
*ETYM Aeol. Fitucg (gramm.; cf. also Chantraine 1942: 144) proves that the connection
with itéa, oicos, ipic is correct. It therefore properly means ‘bend, curve’ (whence
first ‘willow’?), a derivative in -tv- from a verb ‘bend, twist’, seen in Lat. vied ‘to bind,
twist’, Skt. vydyati ‘wind, wrap, envelop’, ptc. vitd-, Lith. vyti, isg. veju, ptc. vytas, Ru.
vit’, 1sg. vju ‘to turn, wind’. Greek fituc corresponds exactly to Lat. vitus ‘felloe’ (also
vitutus ‘provided with a felloe’, concluded from Bitwtdc Ed. Diocl.), but the latter is
rather a loan (WH s.v.). Elsewhere, there are also traces of tu-derivatives, both in
Greek and in Balto-Slavic: itéa, oicoc next to OPr. witwan ‘willow’, OCS vétve, Ru.
vitvina ‘twig, rod’.
ivy} VAR tvypa, ivypds. =ibGw.
iwy§, -yyos [f.] name of a bird, Tynx torquilla’ (Arist. Ael.), which was bound to a
turning wheel during incantations to win back a lost love; thence the meaning ‘spell,
charm’ (Pi, Ar. X. [cf. Gow JHS 54 (1934): iff.] and Theocr. 2, 41 [cf. Kretschmer
Glotta 26 (1938): 63]); also (mostly in plur.) name of certain Chaldaic gods (Procl.,
Dam.). <PG(S)>
*DER Ibyylog month name in Thessaly (IG 9(2), 258: 5); to lvyying: 6 Atévucoc (H.)?
Cf. on ivf; ivyyucdg ‘belonging to the tvyyec (Dam.).
*ETYM Formation like novy&, otpiyE, ovpry& and other names of birds and musical
instruments (Chantraine 1933: 3 and 398). It has been connected with iv(w, after the
crying of the bird (e.g. Osthoff MU 4 (1881): 185”). However, it was without a doubt
originally a loanword that was adapted to » iv(w by folk etymology.
ivfw [v.] ‘to cry aloud, howl (I1.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Aor. ivEat (Pi. P. 4, 237). Also av-wlw (Q. S.). Cf. aBivKtov (cod. -Ktov) éq’
ov obk éyéveto Bor amoAAytévov (H.), and éxProvlet- Oprvet peta Kpavyric ‘bewails
with crying’ (H.); DELG explains the f as analogical after idyw, but this seems
unnecessarily complicated; see below.
*DER ivy) (Orac. apud Hdt. 9, 43, S. Nic.), ivypdg (2 572, A. E.) ‘crying’, also
ibypata [pl.] ‘id’ (A. Dict. in PSI 11, 1209, 17); ibktn¢ [m.] ‘howler, flutist’, only in
ibkt& (Theoc. 8, 30; after Wnvta, Hxéta, Fraenkel 1910: 223).
606 ipBipLoc
With prenasalization ivyxtév- topdév ‘piercing’ and ivyyodpouetv: éxPorPetv.
Bowwtoi ‘to march out to aid (Boeot.)’ (H.), after BorSpopetv; perhaps a mistake for
ivyo-? Also Tvyying: Alévucoc (H.), with the Thessalian month namebyytog; details
in Kretschmer Glotta 18 (1930): 98.
eETYM A verbalized interjection, cf. tj (Hdn. Gr. 1, 506); or is the latter a back-
formation from iv{w? We also find iov, iw, iat, but these may have had another
initial. From the interjection also “Ivoc, epithet of Dionysus (Lycaonia; cf. Robinson
AJA 31 (1927): 26ff., Wahrmann Glotta 19 (1931): 161). See further » ivyé.
The forms &Pivktov (cod. -17kTov): 颒 ob ovdk éyéveto Bor amoAAvpPEvOU (cf. Latte
ad loc.) and éxProvfet- Opryvei peta kpavyiic (H.) point to *frbCw (cf. Fur. 277). With
its prenasalization, the word is typically Pre-Greek; note the vocalism of -Biovtet.
{@Outo¢ [adj.] ‘powerful, strong, vigilant’ (Hom., Theoc., D. P.). <PG>
eETYM Uncertain etymology, as the meaning itself is uncertain. The absence of a
digamma (Chantraine 1942: 143) makes connection with ic, igi impossible. Kuiper
Glotta 21 (1933): 289ff. and Kuiper ZII 8 (1930): 249f.) connected it with p8avw and
Skt. ksdyati ‘possess, dominate’; doubts in Schwyzer: 326'. Athanassakis Glotta 49
(1971): 1-21 explains the word as from *igt-tiw-o¢ (with ty- ‘honor’), but syncope
does not occur on a regular basis in Greek, so this must be wrong. The word is non-
IE and therefore probably Pre-Greek, just as Fur.: 318 assumes (following Ruijgh
1957: 155°).
igtog = ic 1.
{@vov [n.] kind of lavender, ‘Lavandula Spica’ (Ar., Epich., Thphr.). < PG(v)>
eETYM Fur.: 391 connects tigiov [n.] ‘Scilla autumnalis’ (Thphr.), (see Stromberg
1940: 155f.) with ipvov as a variant without t- (for which there are only few examples,
however). Nevertheless, a Pre-Greek word is probable a priori.
ixavaw [v.] ‘to desire, try, crave’ (Hom. Babr., Herod.). <1E *h,eh.g'-, h,i-h,g'-
‘desire’>
eVAR Often med. -dopau.
DER Also ixaivw ‘id.’ (Call. Aet. 1, 1, 22).
*ETYM Probably an innovation after bpavdw : beaivw et al. (see Schwyzer: 700).
More details on the formation in Risch 1937 (par. 112e) and Chantraine 1942: 360. An
alternating r-stem may be seen in iyap ‘desire’ (A. Supp. 850 [lyr.]). For the
connection with Skt. hate ‘desires’, Av. iziieiti longs for’, see » ax rv.
ix8dc, -doc [m.] ‘fish’ (I].). «IE *dg"uH- ‘fish’>
*COMP Often as a first member, mostly with added 0, e.g. iy8vo-nwAn¢ ‘fish seller’
(com.) beside iy8v-BdAog (A., AP ; -BoAetbs Nic., Call.). As a second member in dv-,
eU-, MOAD-tyBu¢ (Str.), also moAv-iy8voc (h. Ap. 417; metrically convenient).
*DER Diminutive ix@bétov (com., pap.), probably from -v-t&tov > -détov; later -b-
(Schwyzer: 199 and Fraenkel 1912: 177f.; different Chantraine 1933: 70).
Other substantives: iyOva, Ion. -t1) ‘dried fish(skin), fishery’ (medic. pap.);
ix6vrjuata [pl.] (rarely sing.) ‘fish-scales’ (Hp.); iyOvia ‘fishery’ (Procl.); iy8vetov ‘fish
market’ (Nesos; uncertain); ix8vdvep: ix8vaywyoi H.; cf. Schwyzer: 487.
ix wp, -@poc 607
Adjectives: iy8vdetc ‘rich in fish, consisting of fish’ (Hom.); ix8v@dn¢ ‘rich in fish,
fish-like’ (Hdt.); ix8unpdc ‘consisting of fish, scaly, polluted’ (Ar. Ph.), iy8unpa [f.]
‘fish-taxes’ (pap.); iyOvixdc ‘regarding fish, fish-like’ (LXX), -t«1 ‘fish toll (Magnesia,
Ephesus); iyOvakds ‘id.’ (Aq., Sm., Thd.); ix@vivocg ‘id. (Ael.).
Verbs: ix8vdw ‘fish’, also intr. ‘behave like a fish’ (Od.), also iy8vdGopat ‘fish’ (AP).
Cf. the derivatives of dAc (aAt-evc, -ebw, -ela, etc.), which compete with the group of
ix8dc.
*ETYM On the accent, see Schwyzer: 377f. and Berger MSS 3 (1953): 7. An old word for
‘fish’ in general, also found in Armenian and Baltic: Arm. jukn (acc. to Kortlandt, -k-
is a reflex of the laryngeal, like in mu-kn < *muH-n- beside pic), Lith. Zuvis, Zuvi
[gen.pl.], Latv. zuvs. For the “prothetic” vowel i-, cf. on miktivoc and » y8éc. The
word is now reconstructed *dé"uH-, the long vowel in the nom. being caused by a
laryngeal. The western languages (Latin, Celtic, Germanic) had a different word for
‘fish’: Lat. piscis, Olr. iasc, MoHG Fisch.
‘ixAa [f.] name of a sea-fish. < PG(V)>
eVAR KixAa, KixAn (BCH 60, 28 [Boeotia II*], H.); cf. iyaAn = éoxevaopiévoc ix8dc.
kixr TO Spveov ‘a prepared fish; thrush’, and iyAa- kiya (H.), also toda = xixAat
‘thrushes’ (H.). Nasalized kiykAoc.
eETYM See Lacroix 1938: 52f. The variants show that the word is Pre-Greek; see Fur.:
130, 297f., 379. On the initial k-, see Fur.: 391.
ixvog [n.] ‘footstep, trace, track, sole of the foot’ (p 317). <?>
ecomP As a first member e.g. in iyvo-oxortéw ‘look at the track (or traces)’ (A, S.,
Plu.).
DER iyviov ‘id.’ (IL), with b1-ixviog ‘what is under the sole’ (Q. S.). Denominative
verb iyvetw ‘to trace’ (X 192), also with prefix, e.g. dv-, é&-, di-; thence iyvevttic
‘bloodhound, Ichneumon’ (Hat. S.), also ixveutrip ‘id.’ (Opp., Nonn,; cf. Fraenkel
1910: 134f.) and iyvebteipa (Corcyra); iyvetiwv, -ovoc [m.] “tracer”, name of an
Egyptian kind of weasel, ‘Ichneumon’, also metaph. of a kind of wasp (Arist., Eub.);
iyvevpa ‘trace’ (Poll.); ixvevtixds ‘good at tracing’ (Ph. Arr.). Also @&-1yvidGw ‘to
trace’ with é&y vaopdc (LXX, Aq.), from tyvoc after the verbs in -1aCw (cf. Schwyzer:
735) rather than from tyviov. Tx vain epithet of @gutc (h. Ap. 94) derives from the TN
“Tyvat in southern Thessalia.
eETYM Formation in *-nos- like Epvoc, xtijvoc, etc. but of unclear origin. Perhaps
related to » oiyop, which is doubted by DELG s.v. Different explanations by Wood
Class. Phil. 16 (1921): 65 and Wood Class. Phil. 21 (1926): 72. Perhaps the form txpata-
iyvia (H.) stands for {®uata (related to » eit). West Glotta 77 (1999): 123f. reads
txpata in N 71.
ixwp, -@pocs [m.] ‘juicy, watery part of blood’ (Hp., Arist; from the poetic language,
see Leumann 1950: 310), ‘blood of the gods’ (E 340, 416), secondarily of the blood of
the Giants (Str. 6, 3,5), blood in general (A. Ag. 1480 [anap.]). <?>
eVAR Acc.sg. ix@ (E 416).
ecoMP As a first member eg. in ixw(po)-ppoéw [v.] ‘to run with serous matter’
(Hp.).
608 ty, 6c
DER ixwpwdrj ‘serous’ (Hp.).
eETYM Without an exact morphological parallel (cf. Schwyzer: 519 and 569,
Chantraine 1942: 212), and probably a foreign word. Several unconvincing
explanations have been proposed: a loan from Hitt. eshar (which is related to » Zap),
e.g. Heubeck 1961: 81 and Neumann 1961: 18; comparison with ixpdac (Pisani RILomb.
73 (1939-40): 492ff.); or with tyap, ixavaw (Bolling Lang. 21 (1945): 4off.), etc. All of
these and other previous proposals are rejected by DELG, which continues by stating
that the word is probably Indo-European; this is far from certain, of course. Acc. to
Jouanna and Demont REA 83 (1981): 197-209, we should start from the technical,
medical conception, and not from the poetic one.
ty, ig [m.] name of a worm that eats horn and wood, notably vines (@ 395, Thphr.,
Str.). <PG(V)>
*COMP Imo-Ktdvocg name of a god in Erythrai (Str. 13, 1, 64).
*ETYM Rhyming with Opiy, xviy, oxviw; Frisk suggests a cross of one of these with
pig. Traditionally connected with iyao8ar (see »imoc). See also Gil Fernandez 1959:
116. Rather, i§ and iw reflect one and the same Pre-Greek word *ik”-, which was
adapted in two different ways.
tyog [m.] a tree, ‘cork-oak, Quercus Suber (?)’ (Thphr. HP 3, 4, 2). <?>
VAR Also iwdg; iydv- Tov Kicodv. O<o>vptot ‘ivy (Thurii)’ (H.).
*ETYM Unknown. Some compare *(F)iuBw.
iw [exclam.] ‘alas!’ (A.). ONOM> DER iwn ‘cry, noise (Il.), ind (A.). >i, iflos.
iwyl] = émwyai.
iwxy [f.] ‘rout, pursuit’ (IL). <PG?>
eVAR Acc.sg. ida (A 601); see Chantraine 1942: 231, Egli 1954: 12f.
DER iwypL6c ‘id.’ (I]., Hes., Theoc,; cf. Triimpy 1950: 160), tw&tc: diwEtc ‘pursuit’ (H.),
malwétg ‘pursuit in turn’ (Il, App.), whence mpoiwéic (Hes. Sc. 154).
*ETYM Primary formations from fi@Kei ‘pursues’ (Cor.), so for (F)wkr, mMaAl-
(Fjiwktc, etc. On traces of the digamma, see Chantraine 1942: 143; iwxydc (with
metrically lengthned 1-) is from *iwx-opo-. For the relation between fidket (only
inscr. Corinth, see LSJ) and Fieuat, see » Sudkw. The verb may be Pre-Greek.
“Iwveg [m.pl.] ‘Ionian’, one of the four Greek main tribes (since N 685 Idovec
éhkexitwvec). <?>
eVAR In epic poet. mostly plur. Taovec, rarely sing. “Iwv, Tdwv.
eDIAL Myc. I-ja-wo-ne.
eCOMP As a second member in Ilav-iwvec (Eust. 1414, 36), a back-formation after
Tlav-éhAnvec from Tlaviwviov [n.] ‘temple of all Ionians’, -1a [pl.] name of the
festival (Hdt.), laviwwoc [m.] epithet of Apollo and others (inscr.).
DER 1. Tac, -ddo¢ [f.] Ionian woman, Ionic’ (Hdt. Th.), Taxdc (Plb.), formed to
"Iwvec after “EAAnvec: ‘EAAGc. 2. ladviog ‘Ionic, Greek’ (A. [lyr.]), Iaovic [f.] (Nic.);
late Iwvtog ‘id.’ (Philostr.), Iwvic [f.] (Call., Paus.), Twvide [f.] (Nic. Str.); here’ Twvia
‘Tonia’ (A. Pers. 771), Taovin-Ge (Nic. fr. 74, 2). 3. Iwwkds ‘Tonic’ (Hdt., Th.). 4. 6
twy, -w7toc 609
Idviog (KdAToc) [m.] ‘the Ionic Sea’ (between Epirus and Italy). 5. ‘Tdvetoc
patronymic (Thess.). 6. iwvioxocg [m.] Ephesian name of the fish ypvodgpus ‘gilt-
head’ (Archestr.), cf. Strémberg 1943: 86.
Denominative verb iwviCw [v.] ‘to speak Ionic’ (A. D.).
Uncertain is the appurtenance of lawAxdéc, Iwkkdc town in Magnesia on the Pagasaic
gulf (since Hes. Th. 997), which could properly mean ‘port of Ionians’ if it derives
from *Iafo-oAKéc.
*ETYM The foreign adaptations of the tribal name, Eg. jwn(n)’, Hebr. jawan, OP
yauna, etc. point to a pre-form *Idfovec, but a further analysis of this form is
uncertain. A shorter form *"lov-ec is supposed in ‘I6viog (Jacobsohn KZ 57 (1930):
76ff.), if it is not a reshaping after y8dvioc (Beaumont JHS 56 (1936): 204 connects
‘I6wog with Iw). In any case, lac and’lawAkdc can be explained from Tdovec, "Iwvec.
Unclear 'Iavwv (anapestic in A. Pers. 94of. [lyr.]). Acc. to Vendryes BSL 25 (1924): 49,
the accent in "Iwvec shows the Attic shift as in éywye.
As the proper meaning is unknown, the name remains without a clear etymology.
An interesting attempt was recently made by Nikolaev 2006, who suggests an
original meaning ‘die Kraftigen’, starting either from *uiH- ‘force’ or from *h,ish,-, to
which a suffix *-@won- was added.
See also Ruijgh Minos 9 (1968): 109-155 and Heubeck MSS 48 (1987): 139-148.
iwpdc [m.] mg. uncertain (A.D.). <?>
eETYM Acc. to A. D. Pron. 55, 26 Att, = 6 avdtijc Tic méAEwco gbAaE, wrongly
connecting the pronoun i. Cf. Hdn. 1, 200: 6 yvijotog gbAak; Suid. gives iwpdc:
Bvpwpdc, pvAak: Kai tapomsia: 008’ Evtdg iwpod- Kai 6 vouog 6 Tap’ ’ABnvaiotc
éxt0c iwpod éxédevev etvai tobc dvdpopdvouc. (App. Prov. 4, 39), so a ban (évtos,
éxt0c iwpov) on a killer, taken as ‘house’ by H.; cf. also iwpdc: 10 p<e>1vOv xuwpiov,
kai 10 dpoc. Kai oikoc, kai 6 tobtov PvAak (H.). Boisacq posited *Fi-Fwpd-c, related
to dpdw, wpa, Hom. obpos ‘guardian’; this is purely hypothetical.
i@ta [n.] the ninth letter of the alphabet (Pl. Cra. 418b). <Lw Sem.>
eVAR Indeclinable.
DER iwtaktopds ‘repetition of the iota’ (Quint.), after coAOKLOLdc, ATTIKLOLOG, etc.
*ETYM From Semitic, cf. Hebr. jodh; see Schwyzer: 140 and 313.
iwy, -wmoc [m.] name of a small fish (Nic. Call. in Ath. Ael., Hdn. Gr. 1, 247).
<PG(S)>
eVAR Boeot. Fiww (BCH 60, 28, II*).
eETYM Thompson 1947 s.v. No doubt a local word for small useless fishes, i-e. a Pre-
Greek word (cf. on » iktap 3). I therefore think that it started with *w’-, like e.g. iv@w.
ka [pcl.] >xe.
kaBaba = yaBa8ov.
KaBatoos [m.] ‘gluttonous fellow’ (Cratin. 103), also PN (IG 5(2), 271: 9 [Mantinea
IV*]). <PG(v)>
VAR Also kdBacog (Poll. 6, 43 v.1.).
*ETYM In antiquity, the word was analyzed as a compound of KdBog and aioa, which
is of course nonsense. For the ending, cf. Aydpatcocg (SGDI 3269, 12; 3386, 36;
Schulze 1933a: 665). The meaning and structure of the word point to Pre-Greek
origin. Fur.: 214 points to the v.1. xaBaooc. If we combine these variants, we arrive at
a Pre-Greek form *kamas’-. He further connects kajtaodc: Bapa8pov ‘abyss’, which
is possible but uncertain; the comparison with ka,taorjy ‘fish’ is even more uncertain.
KaBaAAng, -ov [m.] ‘workhorse, nag, épyatns tnmoc’ (Plu. AP, H.). <Lw Anat>
*DER KaBdAA(ejov [n.] ‘id’ (inscr. Callatis, H.), also metaph. = 1) mpwtn tod
TpucAivov KAivy dia TO avakAttov ‘the first couch in a dining-room with three
couches’ (H.). Further xaBadddtiov (< Lat. *caballatium) plant name, =
kvvdyAwooov (Ps.-Dsc. cf. the plant names in inmo-, Stromberg 1940: 30);
KaBadAdpiog (Teucros Astrol.) = Lat. caballdrius ‘groom’ (gloss.), kabaddapiKdc
(UwWAog, Tanne Edict. Diocl.).
*ETYM The PN Kafaddag (IV, Rev. Arch. 1925, I 259) shows that the word is old in
Greek. Like Lat. caballus, W PN Caballos, kaBadAng (with technical and popular -n¢;
Chantraine 1933: 30f.) is an Asiatic loan or a Wanderwort, perhaps originally an
ethnicon like Wallach et al. It has been compared with Turk. kdval epithet of at
‘horse’, MoP kaval ‘second class horse of mixed blood’, and further with Ru. kobyla
‘mare’. Connection with the Anat. EN KaBadeic (KaBnAgec Hadt.) is uncertain, as is
the appurtenance of KdBndoc, KdAnBoc: AmeoKoAvptEvocg TO aidoiov (H.), cf. on
Baxnros,
kaBBadikdc [adj.] ‘good at throwing somebody to the ground’, said of a fighter (Gal.
Thras. 45). <GR>
*DER Compar. kaBBadixdtepoc (Plu. Mor. 236e, M. Ant. 7, 52).
eETYM Laconian for kataBAntikdc,
Kafapvot [m.pl.] name of the priests of Demeter on Paros (IG 12(s), 292 [II]?], H.).
*DER KéBapvic, poetic name of Paros (St. Byz.).
612 -Kapdahoc
*ETYM See KaBetpor
-KaBpdaroc = abtoxapdaroc.
KaBetoc [adj.] - véoc. T1a@ot ‘young (Paph:)’ (H.). <PG?>
eETYM The word has been corrected to *xdBetpoc, which is possible but uncertain. It
has been suggested that it refers to the fact that the Kabeiroi are often children. The
word is probably Pre-Greek.
Kafetpot [m.pl.] name of chthonic gods, especially on Samothrace and Lemnos, as
well as in Boeotia (Pi, Hdt., inscr.). <PG>
eVAR KdBetpot- Kapkivor ‘crab, pair of pincers’ (H.); whether there is any relation
with the gods, is unknown.
*DER KaBetpidec (vipigat); KaBeipw mother of the C. KaBeipiov sanctuary of the C.
*ETYM Not related to Skt. Kiibera- (Wackernagel KZ 41 (1907): 316ff.), see Mayrhofer
KEWA sv. The root of the name is clearly the same as that in Kafapvou. This root
must have been Pre-Greek *kabar’-. The palatalized consonant explains both *a > ¢
and the t before the v, the palatal character was neglected. See Beekes Mnem. 57
(2004): 465-477. See Hemberg 1950.
KaBoc [m.] measure of grain: 4 Eéoto (LXX). <Lw Orient >
*ETYM From Hebr. qab. Cf. also Eg. kb, see Hemmerdinger Glotta 46 (1968): 247. See
> yaBabov, » kaBaba.
KaBovpos [m.] ‘crab’ (Eust.), see Rohlfs 1930: 94f.*34. < PG>
*DER kaPoupiic ‘crab-fisher’ (Inscr. Ephes. 4282).
*ETYM MoGr. has xdBovpog ‘crab’. The word is no doubt Pre-Greek; cf. on
> oxioupoc.
kdykatov [n.] name of the ‘resin of an oriental tree’ (Dsc.). <Lw Orient>
eETYM Related to Arab. kamkdam, but not to the word for ‘saffron’, Arab. kurkum,
Hebr. karkom, Akk. kurkdnu. Cf. on » kpdKoc. Lat. cancamum was borrowed from
Kdykapov (since Plin.).
Kaykavos [adj.] ‘arid, barren’ (II.). <PG>
*DER KayKdveos ‘id.’ (Man.). Denominative kayKaivel: O4Aze1, Enpaivet ‘heats, dries’;
also KayKaAgéa: katakekavuéva ‘what has been burnt up’ (H.), which is probably an
innovation after the many adjectives in -adéocg meaning ‘arid, dry’ (dladéos,
avahéos, etc.). Without a suffix: kayKopévnc: Enpdc t@ POBw (H.) and modv-kayxrjc
epithet of diya ‘thirst’ (A 642), perhaps formed to a present *KayKopat.
eETYM Words for ‘hunger, pain’ are traditionally connected with the group of
Kdykavoc: the full grade primary verbs kéyxel- metva ‘is hungry’ (Phot.); from other
IE languages: Lith. kerikti, isg. kefikia ‘to ache’ (*“burns, withers’), secondary ON hd
‘to tease, pain’ < PGm. *hanhon, and the verbal nouns Lith. kanka ‘pain’, Go. huhrus
‘hunger’, denominative huggrjan ‘to hunger’.
If this comparison is correct and if we reconstruct a root *kenk-, the ablaut of
Kdykavos, etc. must be secondary. Schulze KZ 29 (1888): 269f. connects the glosses
Kaxi8r¢- Atpo~og Gpimedoc ‘untended vine’, kaxiOéc- yadendv, Aytnpéc ‘harsh,
Kadpitocg 613
hungry’, kaxi0d- Atunpa (H.), the second member of which would belong to > ai8u,
iOaivw; but if so, the first member could also be kax6c, as DELG s.v. notes.
Because of the root structure (nasal and a-vocalism), the word is suspect of Pre-
Greek origin. The words compared mean ‘hunger, pain’, and not primarily ‘arid,
>
dry’.
kayKed(A)ot [m.pl.] ‘railings, barrier, starting gate’ (pap., inscr., imperial period; sch.),
also as a measure ([1éTpW TO KayKEAAW, etc.) in pap. <LW Lat.>
eVAR Sometimes sing. -o«, ntr. -ov.
*DER Kayke(A)wtt ‘provided with lattice’, of diabaOpa, Btpa (pap., sch.).
*ETYM From Lat. cancelli [pl.] ‘id’ (Cic.); likewise, kaykeAAdptoc (Lyd. Mag., pap.
VIP) = Lat. cancelldrius (since IV?).
kaykvAac [acc.pl.] - xnkidac. Aiodetc ‘mussels (Aeol.)’ (H.). <PG(V)>
eETYM Cf. koyyvAat- knkides (H.) and koyxvAta: ta SoTpEa. Kai Moppupal. Oettinger
General Linguistics 40 (2003): 7iff. concludes that kayk- is just a mistake for koyx-.
However, the variation a/ 0 is typical for Pre-Greek, as is x/ x. Therefore, there seems
no reason to reject the attested form. Of course, the word has nothing to do with
MoHG Hengst, etc.
Kaypa(c) [m.] - katagpayac, Ladaptiviot ‘gluttonous (Salaminian)’ (H.). <GR>
*ETYM From xata- and ypdw (Bechtel 1921, 1:, 421).
kayxadw [v.] ‘to rejoice, exult’ (Il.). <GR>
VAR Only pres. and ipf. kayyaddaoxe (A. R, Q. 8).
eCOMP Also with prefix: émt-, mept-.
DER kayxahiCetat: xaipet, itapbvet ‘rejoices’ (H.).
*ETYM Expressive verb of onomatopoeic character. If one compares kaxxydCw and
Kayxatw, -aAdw may be considered as a lengthening, comparing doxaAdu,
Bavkakaw (see > map@addw). However, Apollonius and Bechtel 1914 reject the
derivation from xayyd{w, and connect it with ya\dw ‘to relax, let go’, assuming
intensive reduplication. Further arguments in favor of the former view are given by
Tichy 1983: 222f.
Kadaytog [adj.] - tupAdc. Ladapivot ‘blind (Salamis)’ (H.). <PG>
*ETYM If reliable (see Schmidt ad loc. and van Herwerden 1910 s.v.), it may belong to
Hom. kexadwv, kexadroet ‘to rob’. Not related to Lat. cadamitds (which is secondary
for calamitds; see WH s.v.). One gets the impression of a Pre-Greek word (a-
vocalism), and it is preferable to abandon attempts at an inner-Greek or Indo-
European etymology.
Kadpitoc [m.] one of the »Kafeipor, son of Kabeiro and Hephaistos; he is the
younger man, beside an older one and the Mother Goddess. <PG>
eVAR Also Kdoythoc, KdudAoc; on the forms of the name see Beekes Mnem. 57
(2004): 466ff.
eETYM The suffix of this name has been compared with Mursili and Troilos, and
Morinail (of the Lemnos inscription). As a whole, it may be identical with that of
614 Kadpoc
Hasammil(i/as), a Hattic god. Was it originally *Hatmil” It is probably a derivation
of Kadmos, though there is no tradition that confirms this.
Kaduoc [m.] name of a hero, the founder of Thebes (Od.) < PG(S)>
*VAR Kaoopoc (vase Rhegium).
*DER Kadguteioc, Kaduujtoc [adj.] (Hes.); Kadteia ‘the hill of Thebes’ (X.); Kadpeidvec
‘the inhabitants of Thebes’ (Il.); xadjteia (yi) ‘cadmia, calamine’ (Dsc.).
*ETYM The connection with » kéxaoytat is certainly wrong. The name is found for a
river in Thesprotia and for a mountain and a river in Caria. Therefore, the word is
without a doubt Pre-Greek, and of unknown meaning (Beekes Mnem. 57 (2004):
465ff. and Beekes Kadmos 43 (2004): 172f. This is confirmed by the name KadwtiAoc
which has a suffix -tA-, which is well known in Anatolia. The structure of the name
agrees with that of Tlatuoc, Adtytoc, Adkuoc. There is no further support for the
gloss xad,toc: 56pv; Ad@os, domtic (H.). Cf. on » Kadwtidoc.
«adoc [m.] ‘vessel for wine and other fluids’; also a measure (IA). <LW Sem.?, PG?>
eDER Diminutive xadtov (LXX, Delos III’, Cyrene II-III’), kadioxos, also ‘voting urn’
(Att.); with hypocoristic gemination and familiar suffix -y- (Chantraine 1933: 404)
Kdddtxoc, as a measure ‘half a éxtetc’ (Lac., H.), together with kexaddioBat (-ix8at?)
‘to be rejected by a vote’ (Lac., Plu. Lyc. 12); also Ka681& (Heracl.), probably after
xotwg and ad6é& (Ar. Fr. 709); hypercorrect katadixiov (Tauromenion) for
*kaddixov as if from kata and diya. See Wackernagel 1907: 11f., Bechtel 1921, 2: 374f.,
Fraenkel Phil. 97 (1948): 163.
*ETYM Generally considered to be a loanword, probably from Semitic, cf. Hebr. kad
‘bucket’ (Schwyzer: 64 andis2 and E. Masson 1967: 42-44). From xadoc, Lat. cadus
and Arab. kadiis were borrowed (Lokotsch 1927: N° 988). Fur.: 130 compares G66,
with interchange k/ zero, and suggests that the words are Pre-Greek.
xadovoa [f.] - eidog otapvaAijc ‘a kind of vine’ (H.). <PG>
eETYM The word is most probably Pre-Greek (Fur.: 173%).
Kadupoc [m.] - kdmpoc dvopyic ‘boar without testicles’ (H.). <PG>
eETYM von Blumenthal 1930: 39 connected it with Hom. xexadwv, kexadroet ‘to rob’.
Cf. Perpillou 1996: 112-124. The connection seems improbable; the element -vp-
rather points to Pre-Greek origin.
kaGartH [f.] name of a vessel (PSI 4, 420, 26 [III*]). <GR>
eETYM Named after the strap through its handles (Bonner AmJPh. 62 (1941): 453ff.);
as an adjective, xa8amtdc means ‘connected with’ (E. Fr. 752).
kaBapoc [adj.] ‘clean, spotless, pure, unmixed, white (of bread, linen)’ (II.). <PG(v)>
VAR Dor. ko8apdc (Heracl. et al.), Aeol. x68apog (Alc.).
eDER KaBdpetoc (-toc) ‘pure, elegant’ (Arist., Men., Plb.), adverb xaBapeiwe (X.), after
dotetoc; on KaBdpvAAOs (of tiptos, etc., com.) cf. Leumann Glotta 32 (1953): 219%.
KkaQapoti< ‘purity’ (Hp., Pl.), xaBap(e)t6t1¢ ‘purity, refinement’ (Hdt.).
Denominative verbs: 1. ka8aipw (ko0- Heracl.) ‘to purify’ (Il.), aor. xaOfpat (-apat),
often with prefix, e.g. dva-, dmo-, dia-, éx-, mepl-; thence kaBapotc (1A; Kd8- El.)
KaUETA 615
‘purification’, KaQapjidc ‘atonement’ (Hdt., trag.), «xaOappia (often plur.)
‘purification, refuse’ (Att.); ka8aptrc¢ ‘purifyer, conciliator’ (Hp., S.), -tip ‘id’
(Man., Plu.), -trptoc (D. H.); kadpoiog (to Ka8aptijc, KaBapotc, KaBaptdc)
‘purifying’ (Hdt., trag.), ka8aptixds ‘id’ (Hp., Pl.). 2. ka8apilw ‘to purify’ (LXX),
also with prefixes amo-, dia-, éx-, Mept-, with kaBaptopidc (LXX), KaQdptoic (pap.),
etc. 3. kaQapevw ‘to be pure’ (Ar., Pl.) with ka8dpevotc (H., EM); also kaapi-etw
(Paus., gramm.). 4. ka8apt-dw ‘to purify’ (LXX).
eETYM No etymology, see Frisk and DELG for unsuccessful older attempts. The
variation a/o points to Pre-Greek origin (Fur.: 391 even connects it with d0aprjc, but
this is doubtful). Alternatively, Peters 1993b: 95ff. takes up the old connection with
Skt. sithird- ‘loose’, reconstructing *kyth,-ro-, but this etymology needs too many ad
hoc assumptions: independent dissimilatory loss of the first r in both branches,
doubtful laryngeal aspiration *tH > 9 (mAattc is a strong counterexample, and
cannot be explained away by mAataywv), and too complicated semantics.
kaBetotov [n.] + eid0¢ piAratos ‘kind of kiss’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM Mistake for kAeto tov? Latte suggests kaQeAKTOv.
KaOrdot [m.] - bdpiat. Apxddec ‘vessels (Arc.)’ (H.). <2
eETYM Hoffmann 1891: 103 considers reading xd8vdpor ‘those filled with water’ or
Ka8védor ‘id’ (from bdoc; cf. bSadgoc). For -t- instead of -v-, Thurneysen Glotta 12
(1922): 146 compares Metidptov = MeOvdpiov. See > KrBic.
kai [conj.] ‘also, even; and’ (I1.). <1E *kmnt- ‘along with, downwards’>
*DIAL Arc. Cypr. kac (secondarily ka).
*ETYM From *Kat (cf. Hitt. katti) > *kaoi> kdc, kai (Ruijgh 1967a: §293). Also found
in »Kaoiyvijtoc. Acc. to Klingenschmitt MSS 33 (1975), kai, Arc. Cypr. kag “also,
even; and’ and -Kdc in avépa-Kdc may all derive from *kNs(-i).
kauddac [m.] ‘pit or cavern at Sparta, into which people sentenced to death (or their
bodies) were thrown’ (Th. 1, 134, Paus. 4, 18,4, D. Chr. 80, 9). <PG>
eVAR Gen. -ov, Dor. -a.
eDER Also Koudtac, -étac ‘id.’ (Eust. 1478, 45); Katetdc ‘fissure produced by an
earthquake’ (Str. 8, 5, 7), kaiata: dpbypiata: f Ta Ud GeLoLM@vV Katappayévta xwpia
‘pits; places split by earthquakes’ (H.).
eETYM The connection with Skt. kévata- [m.] ‘pit’ must be rejected (Kuiper 1991: 27),
and we cannot reconstruct PIE *kaiuy-t-; cf. Mayrhofer KEWA s.v. The form katetdc
may be a reshaping after dyetéc, (o)KamETos, etc. and kaddac does not necessarily
contain an old variant with -5-, since glosses like yorddac: 6 Sijpos b10 AaKkwvwv
‘people (Lacon.)’, yavoddac: wevdii¢ ‘false’ (H.) show that Laconian extended the use
of the suffix -6a-. The forms kaidtag, -étac are secondary.
It seems clear that the word is Pre-Greek. A pre-form *kaw’at- would probably give
*xatpa/et-, where the e is from a after a palatalized consonant; the 6 can also be
interpreted as a normal variant of t. See Fur.: 180, 349 and on » Kntweooav.
katéta [f.] - kaativOr. Bowtoi ‘mint’ (H.). <PG>
616 Kaikiac, -ov
*VAR kaletag (without accentuation, Apollon. Lex. s.v. Kitwecoav), KalaT@v
[gen.pl.] (Anon. Lond. 36, 57). Also kaiata(c).
*ETYM Has been connected with kaiw, because of the burning taste (Fraenkel 1910: 62
A. 2, Bechtel 1921, 1: 306). The word is rather Pre-Greek, though a direct connection
with » katddac is not evident.
katkiac, -ov [m.] ‘northeast wind’ (Ar., Arist.). <?>
eETYM For the formation, cf. dnapxtiac, ‘OAvpimiac, and other wind names
(Chantraine 1933: 95); basis uncertain. Already Ach. Tat. Intr. Arat. 33 (cf. von
Wilamowitz 1931: 265”) explained it as “(the wind) coming from the Kdikoc”, a river
in Aeolis, comparing the similar names Odvumiac, EAXAnonovtiac, etc. Others (Pisani
KZ 61 (1934): 187, Huisman KZ 71 (1954): 99) take it as “the blind one” = “the dark,
obscuring one” from the word for ‘blind, one-eyed’: Lat. caecus ‘blind’, Olr. caech
‘one-eyed’, Go. haihs ‘id’, Skt. kekara- ‘squinting’. Lat. aquilé ‘north wind’, from
aquilus ‘dark’, has also been compared. Not very probable.
katvéc [adj.] ‘new, newly found, unexpected’ (IA). <IE *ken- ‘new, fresh’>
*COMP Often as a first member, e.g. in katvo-topéw (: katvd Téuvelv), properly an
expression of mining: ‘cut out a new (type of) stone’, metaph. ‘introduce innovations
(in the state) (Att.), together with -topia, -tdpoc¢; Katvo-notéw ‘introduce
innovations, renovate’ (S. Plb.) together with -motia, -mouyti¢ (see Fraenkel 1912:
gof.).
*DER Abstract kaivétij¢ ‘innovation’ (Att.). Denominative verbs: 1. katvilw ‘to
innovate, inaugurate’ (trag.), also with prefix, especially dva- (Isoc., Str. Plu.), éy-
(LXX, NT); thence (€y-)kaiviotc, -.oud¢ (LXX); deverbal éyxaiva [pl.] ‘consecration
of a temple’ (LXX, NT). 2. katvéw ‘to innovate, inaugurate’ (Hdt. Th.), dva- (NT,
etc.), whence (dva-)kaivwotc (J.. NT). PNs Katviac, Kaivioc, etc. (Bechtel 1917b: 229),
Katvetc together with KatvetSnc¢ (BoShardt 1942: 128, Debrunner 1923: 32).
*ETYM Comparisons have been made with YAv. nom.sg. kaine ‘girl’, acc. kaininam,
Skt. gen.pl. kaninam ‘id.’, full grade kanya ‘girl’ (reinterpreted as an d-stem), and the
adj. kanina- ‘young’; grades of comparison kdniyas-, kdnistha-. Another cognate is
Lat. recéns “fresh, new, young’, which must derive from re-cen-t(i)-, from a verb ‘to
rise, begin’ seen in Olr. cinim ‘to originate’, OCS -Ceti, isg. -Cong ‘begin’ < IE *ken-.
The appurtenance of OW cein ‘beautiful is doubtful (cf. Matasovi¢ 2008 s.v. *kani-.
See Pok. 563f. and LIV? s.v. *ken-.
kaivuptat [v.] ‘to overcome, surpass, excel’ (Od.). <GR?>
eVAR In éxaivuto (y 282, Hes. Sc. 4), ame- (8 127, 219; A. R. 2, 783), 1ept-Kaivotou
(Nic. Th. 38), act. ipv. korvbtw (Emp. 23, 9).
eETYM Perhaps analogical from »Kékaopal, > Kékaota after Saivvpat, edaivuto,
which were connected with dédaopuat, dé5acta (Brugmann 1886-1900 2: 1012,
Brugmann 1913: 339; also Hester Lingua 13 (1965): 373).
kaive [v.] ‘to kill (trag., Timocr.1, 9, Theoc. 24, 92). <GR>
eVAR Aor. kavetv (Kavijv Theoc. l.c.), fut. kav@, perf. kéxova (S. Fr. 1058).
*COMPAIso with kata- ‘id.’ (X.).
Kaipoc 617
*DER kovat: pdvot ‘murders’ (H.).
*ETYM By-form of »«xteivw with the same simplification of the anlaut as in xapai
beside yOwv (Schwyzer: 326). It was supposed that xaivw, kaveiv arose from Kata-
kaveiv by dissimilation from kata-ktaveiv (Kieckers IF36 (1916): 233ff., Chantraine
Sprache 1 (1949): 142°), but it is difficult to connect this with the chronology of the
attestations.
kaimetog [m.] - divi ‘axe-head’ (H.). <PG?>
*ETYM Stands at an alphabetically wrong place in Hesychius. Specht KZ 52 (1925): 90
compared CS cépiti ‘split’. It is rather a Pre-Greek word (in which -eto- exists as a
suffix). - ;
katpdcg [m.] ‘right measure, (right, decisive) point of time, (favorable) opportunity,
time of the year, time’ (Hes.; cf. kaiptoc below). <?>
*COMP kalpo-pvAakéw [v.] ‘to guard (at the right time) (D., Arist.), d-, eb-Kaipoc
with a-, eb-Kaupia, -é, etc.
*DER kaiptog ‘finding its mark, decisive, deadly’ (Il.); ‘coming at the right time,
convenient’; katpikdc ‘at the right time, belonging to certain times’, kaiptpog ‘deadly’
(Macho apud Ath. 13, 581b; not quite certain), ‘matured’, of wine (PFlor. 143, 2; III?),
after Wptyoc (Arbenz Die Adj. auf -woc: 55 and 59).
*ETYM Uncertain. Several proposals: related to xeipw as ‘decisive moment’ or ‘(a
certain) time’, for which compare Lat. discrimen (Persson 1891: 107, Brugmann
Sachs. Ber. 52 (1900): 410°); to Kepavvut ‘mix’ (Brugmann IF 17 (1904-1905): 363f.;
morphologically complicated; similarly, Benveniste 1940a: 11ff., who asserts that it is
properly “atmospherical mix”); to kbpw ‘meet, meet accidentally’ (Bq, phonetically
difficult); to Skt. kald- ‘time’ (Giintert 1923: 232; phonetically impossible, on which
see Mayrhofer KEWA s.v.). On the meaning of katpdéc, see Wersdorfer 1940: 54ff.
and Pfister 1938: 131ff.
kaipog [m.] ‘row of thrumbs (on the loom), to which the threads of the warp are
attached’ (Ael. Dion. Fr. 440, Phot. 304, EM); the exact construction remains
unknown. <?>
*DER Kaipwots (Poll. 7, 33, H.), acc. to H. = tot otjpovos oi otvdeopot ‘the fastenings
of a warp’, a collective abstract from *Kkaipdw ‘to provide with kaipov; kaipwya =
kaipog (Ael. Dion. l.c., see Chantraine 1933: 187), also ‘texture’ (Call. fr. 295);
kaipwtidec (-wot(p)idec) female weavers’ (Call. fr. 356, H., Suid.). Note katpooéwv,
epithet of 680véwv (1) 107) for kaipovooéwv (on the explanation Wackernagel 1916:
84f. against Kretschmer Glotta 13 (1924): 249 who sticks to his interpretation), gen.pl.
of katpdeooa, fem. to Kkatpdeic which properly means ‘provided with kaipou’; exact
meaning uncartain. Cf. xaipia, mostly » ketpia (-1-, -1-).
eETYM A technical expression of unclear meaning, and therefore etymologically
difficult. According to H. Petersson (see Pok. 577f.), it is related to Arm. sarik* [pl.],
gen. sareac' ‘sling, rope’, as well as to sard, instr. sardi-w ‘spider’. Clackson 1994:139-
140 pleads for a different origin of the Armenian sari-k‘, which rather means ‘chain,
fetter’, also ‘band’. Cimochowski Ling. Posn. 5 (1955): 194 connected it with Albanian
thur ‘twine, weave’.
618 Kaiw
kaiw [v.] ‘to kindle’, med.-pass. ‘to burn’ (I].). <1E? *keh,u- ‘burn’>
VAR Att. Kaw, aor. kaboal, epic (also Att. inscr. IG 1’, 374: 96; 261) Kal, pass. Karyvau
(epic Ion.), kavOfjvau, fut. kabow, perf. KExavKa, KEKav(o)pLaL (IA).
DIAL Myc. a- pu-ke-ka-u-me-no, pu-ka-wo /pur-kawos/ (vel sim.).
*COMP Often with prefix, eg. dta-, éx-, kata-, bno-. Among the compounds, note
éyKav-la, -lc, -(0)tIH¢, -oTIplov, -otov (> Lat. encaustum; the red purple with
which the Roman emperors signed, from where Fr. encre); also bmdKav-olc, -o'tN¢,
-OTIPLOV, -OTPG, etc.
*DER 1. kadta ‘fire, heat, glow’ (Il.) with kavpat-wdng (Hp., Arist.), -npdc (Str.), -iac
(Thphr.; of the sun) ‘burning, glowing’, kavptatiCw ‘burn, singe’ (NT, Plu, Arr.). 2.
Katoig (éykavoic, etc.) ‘burning’ (IA) together with (éy-, Kata-)Kkavouytoc
‘inflamable’ (Pl, X.). 3. xatoo¢ [m.] ‘causus, bilious remittent fever, etc.’ (Hp.
Arist.), from Katou, or rather with a suffix -oo- (Stromberg 1944: 87f.)? Thence
kavoia ‘Macedonian hat against the sun’, xavowv ‘id’, also ‘heat, hot wind, etc.’
(LXX, NT, medic.), kavowdng ‘burning, hot’ (Hp., Thphr.), kavodoptat, -dw ‘to have
causus, burn; to heaten’ (medic., NT, pap.) together with kavowza ‘heating’ (Gal.). 4.
kav(o)tnp [m.] ‘burner, burning iron’ (Pi, Hp.), fem. gen. xavoteipijc, epithet of
axng CI.) or kativov (Nic.), from *kavoteipa (Schwyzer: 474, Chantraine 1942: 192;
note the switch of accent); kavtnptov ‘branding iron, brand(mark)’ (LXX, D. S.,
Str.), diminutive kavtnpidiov (Gal.), denominative verb kavtnpialw ‘to brand’ (Str.,
NT). 5. kavotng [m.] ‘heater, etc. (pap.). 6. kavotpa [f.] ‘place where corpses were
burnt’ (Str. inscr.). 7. kavotikdc, rare kavt- ‘burning, inflamable’ (Arist.). 8.
KavO,tdc ‘scorching (of trees), firewood’ (Thphr., pap.). Beside these formations
there are older ones whose connection with kaiw became less clear due to phonetic
developments: »kGAov ‘wood’, »KnAgocg ‘burning, blazing’, »knwdnc, > KnWwetc
‘smelling’, knva mg. uncertain; nupKaid, nupKain, adj. -Ldc.
*ETYM All forms go back to a root Kav-, Kaf-: Kaiw (whence Att. kaw) derives from a
yod-present *Kdf-tw, while the once enigmatic form é-Kn-a is now explained from
eka"wa < *h,e-keh,u-s-m by Kiparsky Lang. 43 (1967): 627-8. This form is often
incorrectly written with -e1-, as in xeiavto, etc. (see Chantraine 1942: 9), and in Att.
Kéavtocg with quantitative metathesis. The full grade also occurs in epic Kndéoc,
Knwdn¢, and in Delph. knva, which shows a PGr. xnf- beside Ka -.
For an etymology, we have to rely on Baltic material: Lith. kulés ‘Brandpilze,
Flugbrand, Staubbrand des Getreides’, kiléti ‘brandig werden’, Latv. kila ‘old, dry,
grass of last year’ (cf. Fraenkel 1955 s.v.). These would represent a zero grade ka- <
*kHu-, beside a full grade *keh,us- continued in Greek éxnfa, and zero grade *kh,y-
in *KGF-Lw, Kad-pa.
kakala [n.pl.] - teiyn. AicybAocg Ni6Bn (Fr. 166) ‘walls’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Uncertain hypothesis by Solmsen 1909: 215: related to mod0-KaKxkn ‘piece of
wood in which the feet of prisoners were tied’ (Leges apud Lys. et D., Pl. Com. 249,
sch. [not in LSJ]), also written -xaxn (perhaps after kaxdéc). Chantraine comments:
“rapprochement en lair”.
KkaxtO17¢ [adj.] - dtpo@oc dteA0¢ ‘a withering grapevine’ (H.). <?>
KaKOG 619
VAR Also kaxiGéc, kaKi0a (H.), kaxi8r (Theognost. Can. 109).
*ETYM Acc. to Collinder Eranos 67 (1969): 210, it is itacistic for kax[o-]jOnc. See
> KayKavoc.
kakkaBn 1 [f.] ‘three-legged pot’ (com.), acc. to Ath. 4, 169¢ = ybtpa. <PG2>
eVAR Also kakdBn, KakaBog (Gal., Alex. Trall.), xaxxaBog [m.] (Nicoch., Antiph.)
*DER Diminutive kak(«)aBt(o)v (Eub., pap.).
*ETYM Technical LW of unknown origin. Semitic origin proposed by Lewy Glotta 16
(1928): 137 and Grimme Glotta 14 (1925): 19 (who compares Akk. kukubu); rejected
by E. Masson 1967: 83-83, but defended again by Szemerényi IF 73 (1968): 194f. In the
meaning ‘kettle’, it could be a metaphor of ‘partridge’, acc. to Hemmerdinger Glotta
48 (1970): 53. Lat. cac(c)abus, diminutive cac(c)abulus (= kaxovBadovy in Ps.-Dsc.;
André Latomus 14 (1955): 518) are borrowed from the Greek. Cf. WH s.v. cac(c)abus.
Given the variations and the variant in Lat. cascabus ‘cacabus grandis’ (gloss.), cited
by Fur.: 298, the word is likely to be Pre-Greek.
kakkaBn 2 [f.] ‘partridge’ (Ath. 9, 390a). <Lw Anat.>
eVAR kakkafic [f.] (Alcm. 25).
*DER kaxkaBitw ‘to quack’, of a partridge (Arist.. Thphr.), of owls (Ar. Lys. 761; v.l.
-Balu; cf. Kixxabatw); also kaxkaCw, of hens (H.).
*ETYM For the ending, Chantraine 1933: 260 compared dtofoc, Kdvafoc, Bdpupoc;
further onomatopoeic. Lat. cacabare ‘quack’ was borrowed from Greek. One may
compare Lat. cacillare ‘id’, MoHG gackern, MoDu. kakelen, Ru. kokotat’, etc., all
onomatopoeic for ‘to quack’. On the other hand, Hitt. kakkapa-, Akk. kakkabanu
‘partridge’ have also been compared (Benveniste 1962: 7); see also Szemerényi I F 73
(1968): 94 and Cardona Orbis 16 (1967): 161-164. Neumann 1961: 60 suggests Lydian
origin.
kakkdaw [v.] ‘to shit? (Ar. Nub. 1384, 1390), KdxKn ‘human ordure’ (Ar. Pax 162).
<ONOM>
*ETYM Lallwort from the language of children with expressive gemination, like Lat.
cacadre, MIr. caccaim ‘to shit’, cacc ‘ordure’, Du. kakken, Ru. kakat’, Arm. k‘akor
‘dung’, etc.
kaK(k)aAia name of several plants (Dsc., Plin.).
eVAR kakaAic: vapKiooos ‘narcissus’ (H.). = daxakanic.
Kax6c [adj.] ‘bad, awful, worthless’ (IL). «18? *knk- ‘slight’, PG?>
eVAR Grades of comparison: Kakwtepos (Il), kakiwv, KdKiotos (Il.), after dpiotoc
acc. to Seiler 1950: 100f., but see now DELG Supp.
eDIAL Myc. ka-zo-e /kazohes/.
*COMP Often as a first member (in opposition to eb); also as a second member, e.g.
bahuvrihi d-kakog ‘who does not know what is bad, unguilty’ (Sapph., A.); also a-
KaKdc¢ (Dor.), epithet of Hades (Megara), of Darius (A. Pers. 855 [lyr.]), cf.
Chantraine 1933: 28.
eDER Abstracts: 1. kaxdtng¢ ‘badness’ (Il); 2. kaxia ‘id’ (Thgn., Att; on kakotng :
kakia see Porzig 1942: 212); 3. KaKn ‘bad character, cowardice’ (A., E.); after 149n,
620 KaKTOG
BAGBn, cf. Frisk Eranos 43 (1945): 221; as a second member in otova-KaKn a disease
of mouth and teeth (Str., Plin.).
Denominative verbs: 1. kaxitw ‘to revile’, -iGopat ‘to behave badly, be a coward’ (I1.),
with kaxtopdc (Phld., Str.), Kaxioig (Vett. Val.) ‘scorn’; 2. kakdw ‘to revile, damage,
ruin’ (Il.) together with kaxwotc ‘maltreatment, damage’ (1A), kaxwtrc¢ ‘damager’,
KaKkwtikdc ‘damaging, harmful’ (Ph., Vett. Val.); 3. kaxbvopat ‘to prove to be bad or
cowardly’, -bvw ‘to damage’ (E., Pl.).
*ETYM No clear etymology. Neo-Phrygian kako(v)v is a loan from Greek, acc. to
Solmsen KZ 34 (1897): 52* and others. De Lamberterie (see DELG Supp.) compares
OAv. kasu- ‘small, slight’, with grades of comparison kasiiah-, kasista- ‘smallest’.
However, if this is accepted, his reconstruction of a PIE root *kak- may be altered to
*knk-. Another option is comparison with the root of Lith. kefkti ‘to ache’ < *kenk-,
and the Germanic group of Go. huhrus ‘hunger’. Alternatively, the word could be
Pre-Greek.
Kaxtos [f.] “a kind of thistle, cardoon, cactus’ (Epich., Theophr., Theoc.). <PG?>
*ETYM Foreign word of unknown origin (cf. Stromberg 1937: 102). See André 1956
s.v. cactus. Lat. cactus was borrowed from the Greek. Fur.: 321, 371 thinks the -«t-
points to Pre-Greek and compares dxaxia.
Kkakxadiat - icoyvoqwvot ‘wth weak voices’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Schmidt corrects it to ktoxaddat, which would be contracted from kai
ioxaddau; cf. cxaddat (= ioxabddat)- icoyvoqwvot (H.).
kahaBodtor [?] - év tH tic Agpedtidoc iep@ Aptéudoc d5dpevor tyvor ‘songs sung of
Artemis in the sanctuary of D.’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM On a suggestion by Laum, see Wahrmann Glotta 17 (1929): 242f. M. Schmidt
suggests reading *kadaBoidia; see > kahaoidta. Latte reads -B@tau.
Kkadapvotas >daoxdraBoc.
kahaPwrtns =doxdAaBoc.
kakadia [f.] - puxdavn ‘plane-tree’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM Acc. to von Blumenthal 1930: 39, it belongs to kAadapdc, KAd5o¢ (?).
Kkaddtet [v.] - OyKobtat. Axatot ‘is elated (Achaiany (H.). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
KdAaBoc [m.] ‘basket’ (Ar, Arist.), also metaph. of various objects, e.g. ‘capital of a
pillar’ (Callix.), ‘reservoir of an oil-lamp’ (Hero). <PG?>
*COMP As a first member e.g. in xada81-pdpos [f.] ‘bearer of a x.’ (Ephesus III),
Kada€nedpot title of a comedy by Euboulos. On -1- see Schwyzer 438f.
*DER Kadaioxoc (Ar. Lys.), -ov [n.] (Delos II*); kaddGiov (Poll. Orib.); also
Kadd8woic ‘coffering of a ceiled roof (gloss.).
*ETYM For the formation, cf. » yupya8dc (ybpya8oc), »Kbaboc, dppaBds, etc.
Connected with >» kAw@w by de Saussure 1879: 267, which is formally impossible.
Probably Pre-Greek.
Kdhapoc 621
kaAdivog [adj.] ‘blue-green, bluish’, of stones, earthenware, etc. (PSI 4, 396, 9 [III*],
Peripl. M. Rubr. 39 [cod. xaAAeavoc], AP, Dsc.). <?>
eVAR Also KaAA-.
eETYM An adjective in -tvoc, seemingly derived from KdAdatc ‘blue-green stone,
turquoise’ (Plin. NH 37, 151), but this could also be a back-formation. Comparison
with »KdAAatov ‘cock’s comb, the feathers of a cock’ and »xKadAaic ‘hen’ is
improbable.
kaAaic [f.] ‘hen’, msc. ‘cock’ (IG 47(1), 40: 5, 41: 6 Epid. [V?]). <?>
eVAR Only acc. -16a.
*ETYM No etymology. Mostly taken from »Kadéw. Bechtel 1921, 2: 510f. posits
*xadafic, a fem. of *kadafoc, which would properly mean “the calling one”, by
comparison with Skt. usd-kala- ‘cock’, “who calls early” (see » tyixavdc). However,
we cannot obtain *kaka- from » kahéw, as the root ended in -h,. Pagliaro Arch. glott.
ital. 39 (1954): 145ff. identifies kahaic ‘hen’ with kdAAaic ‘turquoise’ (and with karaic¢
tO totiov H.), xaAdivoc, and perhaps with Ka4AAatov. Fur.: 125 fn. connects it with
Lat. gallus.
kadaptivOn [f.] name of an odoriferous plant (Hp., Ar., Arist.). <PG(s)>
eVAR Also -ptvOa (Philum. Ven., Phot.), -utv8o0c (Nic. Th. 60).
*DER KadautvOivyn ‘id.” (medic; after prtivn, etc, Chantraine 1933: 204),
KaAautvOitng (Dsc., of oivoc), Kadautv8wdnc ‘full of «” (Str. Apollon. Lex.).
KadapivOtoc name of a frog (Ar. Batr. 224).
eETYM Unknown. The formal agreement with kdAapog and piv8n does not permit a
conclusion. The assumption of a pre-form *kaAayo-pivOn with dissimilation is
unconvincing. A derivation xaAdu-tv8o0c from KdAapoc (Schwyzer: 526) and the
assumption of a foreign word, with popular adaptation to KaAapoc and pivOn,
remain hypothetical as well. Cf. Chantraine 1933: 370. A Pre-Greek word is most
probable because of the suffix and the meaning,
kahapivdap [2] -tAdtavoc hdovieic (H.). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
KaAapog [m.] ‘reed, grass-stalk’, often metaph. of objects made of reed, ‘flute of reed,
fishing rod, reed pen’, etc. (h. Merc. 47 [cf. Zumbach 1955: 5], Pi, IA); on the
botanical mg. see Stromberg 1937: 100f. <1E *kolh.-m-, klh,-em- ‘reed, straw’>
eVAR KaAdun [f.] ‘stalk or straw’ (Hom., Hdt., X,, Arist.).
eCOMP Especially in botanical terminology (Str6mberg 1937: 112), e.g. Lovo-KdAaLoc
‘with a single stalk’ (Thphr.), xadaun-pdpoc ‘with reed’ (X. HG 2, 1, 2; vl. -o-, cf.
Schwyzer: 526), kahaun-tTdpLo¢ ‘cutting off stalks’ (A. R.).
*DER Diminutives kadapioxocg (Ar., medic.), kakdutov (pap.); KaAauic [f.] name of
several objects made of reed (Hell; cf. Chantraine 1933: 342f.); collective xahapia
(-eia) ‘reed’ (pap.); kaAauwv ‘id.’ (lit. pap.); kaAapdptov ‘reed-case’ (pap.).
KaAauevs ‘fisher’ (Pancrat. apud Ath.); also xadauevti¢ ‘id.’ (AP; as if from
*kadapevw, cf. Chantraine 1933: 318); kaAapitns ‘provided with cdAaupog, etc.’ (D.).
622 KdAavdpoc
Kaddtvoc ‘made of reed’ (IA), kaAapdetc “of reed’ (E. [lyr.]), kadapwdne ‘full of
reed, reed-like’ (Arist., Thphr.), kaAapucdc ‘id.’ (pap.).
KaAapow [v.] ‘to provide with reed, splint (a bone) with reed’ (Gal.) together with
KaAapwth ‘fence of reed’ (Eust., H.); cadapiCw ‘blow a reed flute’ (Ath.).
From KaAdun : kadapuaia [f.] ‘kind of grasshopper’ (Theoc. 10, 18), kaAauaiov [n.]
‘kind of cicade’ (Paus. Gr., H.), cf. Gil Emerita 25 (1957): 315f. and Georgacas Glotta
31 (1951): 216), KaAapdopc ‘collect grain-stalks, gather ears (of corn)’ (Cratin., LXX,
Plu.) with kaAdunpia (Thd.).
*ETYM An old word for ‘reed, straw’, with cognate forms in Latin culmus, Germanic
(eg. OHG halm), Balto-Slavic (e.g. OPr. salme ‘straw’, Latv. salms , Ru. soléma, SCr.
slama). Except for k4atoc, -11n, all these forms can go back to IE *kolh,-mo-, kolh,-
meh,-. Therefore, kaAapocg has been explained as from *xdédAayoc (comparing
TloTaudc, MASKaLOG) by vowel assimilation, but this unsatisfactory solution is
unnecessary, as the proto-language may have had a paradigm *kolh,-m, *klh,-em-,
ie. an m-stem, which was thematicized in the separate branches. From kaAauog, Lat.
calamus and Skt. kaldma- ‘writing reed’, Arab. galam > Osman. kalém > MoGr.
kaAéut were borrowed (Maidhof Glotta 10 (1920): 11).
KdAavdpos [m.] ‘kind of lark’ (Dionys. Av. 3, 15). <PG>
*ETYM Ending like tapavd(p)oc, Maiavdpoc; origin unknown. Thence Ital. calandro
‘lark’ (Meyer-Liibke 1911-1920: N° 1486). See also WH s.v. caliandrum. No doubt
either Pre-Greek, or a loan from Anatolia.
kadaoidia [f.] - dywv émtteAotpevoc Aptéutdi mapa Adkwotv ‘contest in honour of
Artemis (Laconian)’ (H.). <GR?>
*ETYM Acc. to Fraenkel Glotta 4 (1913): 35, a univerbation of kaAetiv and deidetv. Acc.
to Frisk, it is rather a derivation in -to- from kadai dotdai.
kaAdrovg [m.] ‘shoemaker’s last’, KaAapivec: Oxetoi. Adkwvec ‘water-pipes
(Laconian)’; kaAappvyat: tappot ‘ditches’ (H.). =KéaAov.
kaddptc [m.] a small bird (Arist. HA 609a). < PG?>
eETYM Unknown.
kaAdotptc, -toc [f.] an Egyptian garment with tassels or fringes at the bottom (Hdt. 2,
81, Cratin. 30; a Persian garment in Democr. Eph. 1), also worn at the Mysteries in
Andania (Messenia) (IG 5(1), 1390: 17; written -onptc); KaAaciptec [m.pl.] name of a
kind of Egyptian soldier (Hdt. 2, 164; after the garment or vice versa?). <Lw Eg.>
eVAR Also -onptc.
eCOMP As a second member in tpu@o-Kaddolpic name of a women’s garment (Ar.
Fr. 320, 6; cf. Risch IF 59 (1949): 269).
*ETYM Egyptian word without certain etymology; cf. Spiegelberg Zs. f. dgypt. Spr. 43
(1905): 87ff. On the notation, see Schwyzer Glotta 11 (1921): 7sf. Further discussion in
Drioton-Vandier 1962: 572f.
kadadpoy, -omoc [f.] name of a herdsman’s staff, which was thrown to drive back the
cattle to the herd (¥ 845, Antim.,, A. R.). <PG(v)>
KaAéw 623
eVAR Also KoAAdpofov (Hipparch. Ptol.; written koAAwpoBov-in BGU 59.13), =
kopvvn ‘staff (H., who has koAAopdBov), see Fur: 145f.
*DER kahavpdiiov (Artem.). Unclear is kadavpdgic: Baxtnpiogépos ‘staff-bearer’
(H.), at an alphabetically wrong position; Fur. 146% suggests that it is a mistake for
*xadavpomo-opic.
eETYM Explained as an Aeolic compound xada-fpoy by Schwyzer: 224 and
Chantraine 1942: 158, but with unexplained second member. The comparison of the
first member with Skt. sald- ‘stick’ (cf. on » KijAa) or with » KAdw, KAdoo must be
forgotten.
It is a typical Pre-Greek word, containing a labialized phoneme r”, from a pre-form
*kalar”-ap-, where the labial element was anticipated in xakavport-, and colored the
following *a into o. In KoAAop-, the preceding *a was colored to o as well, and the
first *a was assimilated to the following 0 or w (which may have been contracted
from av). Compare » dAo§ for the phenomena described here, which are typical of
Pre-Greek loans.
kadéw [v.] ‘to call, call by name, name’ (IL.). <IE *klh,- ‘call’ >
VAR Epic also xtkArjoxw, Aeol. KdAnut, Cypr. KaAnlw, aor. kaAgéo(o)at (I.), pass.
KAnOFvat (Archil.), fut. kadéw (IA since I 383), kaA@ (Att.), kadgow (young Att.,
Hell.), perf. med. KéxAnpou with fut. kexAnoopat (I1.), act. kékAnka (Ar.).
*COMP Very frequently with prefix, eg. dva-, év-, éx-, é7l-, Mapa-, 1po-, 1po0G-, OVV-.
As a first member in KaAeooi-yopog ‘calling to the dance’ (Orph. L. 718; Schwyzer:
443f.); cf. » OuoKAN (also Ou-), OUO-KAEW, -dw.
*DER With a disyllabic stem: 1. kadr{twp ‘Caller’, epithet of kfipv (O. 577), also as a
PN (O 419), with KaAntopidéins (N 541); kadn- as in KaArj-Hevat (K 125; athem. Aeol.
formation?) 2. KaAnotog (Z 18); 3. kaAeotc = KAfjolc ‘nominative’ (gramm.).
With a monosyllabic stem: 4. xAfjotc ‘call, invitation, summon, etc.’ (Att. Hell.), often
to prefixed verbs, e.g. émixAn-otc ‘surname’ (Il.); 5. -kAnua, eg. ZyKAn-pa ‘reproach,
accusation’ (Att.) with éyKAjpov, -patixdc, -patiw, etc. 6. KANTHP, -fpos ‘herald,
witness’ (A., Att.); OuoKAn-trHp ‘who calls’ (IL) from >» 6poKAN, -€w; avaKArtrpia
[n.pl.] ‘festival when a king is nominated’ (Plb.); 7. kArjtwp, -opoc ‘witness’, also PN
(Hell.), after kAntip (Fraenkel 1910: 17f.; on xaArtwp : KANTtHp see Benveniste 1948:
29, 40, 46). 8. KAI]td¢ “called, invited, welcome’ (Hom.; Ammann 1956: 14 and 21)
with KAntebw ‘call to justice, etc.’ (Att.), (ava-, etc.)-KAn-tiKdc; often from the
prefixed verbs, e.g. %xxAn-tog ‘called in’ (IA, Dor.) with the collective abstract
éxxAnoia ‘(called) meeting’ (IA), ‘community, church’ (LXX, NT); with écAnot-atw
and -aotr¢, -aopds, etc. with nominal first member in moAV-KAN-TO< ‘often called’,
ie. ‘called on from many sides’ (A 438, K 420). 9. KAn-drv ‘by name’ (I 11; cf.
eEovopakAndnv); 10. émixAn-v ‘with (sur)name’ (Pl; Schwyzer: 425). Deverbative
formation Kadtotpéw = Kadhéw (D. 47, 60 from Harp., Call; probably first from a
noun, cf. £Aaotpéw, Schwyzer: 706). On KAnitw, KAndwv (1cAen-, KAnt-) see » KAEOs.
*ETYM The disyllabic verbal stem in xadéoa (analogical kaAgooat), beside «A1- in
KEeKANLAL, KLKATOKW, KAI)T6c, points to a root *klh,- (kade- going back to *klh,-e-).
Latin has cla- (clamare, clarus) beside cala-re, both from a zero grade root. The
624 KaAn
present kaAéw may be an innovation after kaéou; differently, Hardarson 1993a:
82%,
Cognate verbal forms include Lat. calare ‘to announce, summon’, U kayetu < *kale-
tod; further, OHG hellan ‘to resound’ and OS halon ‘to call, fetch’ (= calare), OE
hlowan ‘to low’, Hitt. kallis- / kaliss- ‘to call, summon’. Noticeable among the
nominal forms are Skt. usa-kal-a- ‘cock’ (see on » Hikavéc) and Lat. clarus ‘sonorous,
bright’ < *klh,-ro-, MoHG hell ‘id’. xéXadog ‘noise’ is not cognate.
KaAn ‘tumour’. =KhAN.
KaANBos - deoKoAUpLEvos TO aidoiov ‘with cut off private parts’ (H.). =BaxnAog, as
well as kaBaAAne.
kaAia [f.] ‘hut, barn, granary, nest’ (Hes.). <?>
VAR Ion. -t"}; kaAtdg [m.] ‘hut, scale’ (Epich., Cratin.).
*DER Diminutive kaAidiov (Eup.); kahtdc, -460¢ [f.] ‘hut, nest, chapel’ (Attica IV%, D.
H., Plu.) with kaAtddtov (Delos IT*).
*ETYM The word xahud differs from other oxytone words in -td by its i, which is long
almost everywhere (but short in Theoc. 29, 12). Etymological connection with
> KaAUTTY, etc. is extremely doubtful.
kahidta [n.pl.]? - Evtepa. Kbmpiot ‘entrails (Cypr.) (H.). <PG?(v)>
*ETYM Lidén KZ 61 (1934): 23ff. connected it with Arm. k‘atird ‘intestines (of
animals)’, with -rd after leard ‘liver’, and Lith. skilvis ‘stomach’. Fur.116 compares
yada: Evtepa (H.) and considers the word to be Pre-Greek.
kadtvdéoptat [v.] ‘to roll about, wallow’ (IA). <PG>
eVAR Only present stem.
*COMP Also with év-, 1po-, Tpo00-, OVV-.
*DER kaAtvdrOpa ‘place for horses to roll’ (Ael.), kadivdnots ‘name of a throw of the
dice’ (Alciphr.).
*ETYM Perhaps (but not quite certainly) the aorist dta-kaAiow ‘transport by rolling’
(SIG? 587, 158) belongs here, together with dtaxdAtotg (Hermione); also, o- and map-
Kddtoig (Epid.); however, cf. on »K@Aov. For the formation, cf. ddtvdgouat and
kvAtvdgoutat (Giintert 1914: 131f.); DELG thinks it is a cross of these two. Fur.: 391
reminds of the alternation k-/ zero in Pre-Greek words.
KaAtoTpéw —Karéw.
kadAafic, -id5oc¢ [f.] name of a lascivious dance (Eup. 163, Phot.). <PG?>
eVAR Also kaAafic (H.) = TO mepionav ta ioxia, f) yEvoc Opyoews aoxn[LOvws TOV
idxiwv KUPTOULLEVWV.
*ETYM The word seems to be derived from *xa\AaBog; it would belong to the group
of popular, lower class words in -Bog (cf. Chantraine 1933: 26off.). Acc. to Bechtel
1921, 2: 375, it derives from *katadafic, but this is semantically unexplained. Fur.: 343
compares kdAaBpog, a song that accompanies the koAaBptojtdc.
KaAov 625
kahAatov [n:] ‘wattles’ (Ar., Ael. Paus.), ‘“cock’s crest’ (Arist.), “cock’s tail feathers’
(Ael. Dion.). <PG?>
eVAR Usually plur. -a.
eETYM Unknown. The connection with kadalic ‘cock’ was rejected by WP 1, 444.
Probably Pre-Greek. See » kaddivoc, > kaAaic,
kadAatc, -t5o¢ [f.] “blue-green stone, turquoise’ (Plin.). =KaAdivoc.
kaAAapias [m.] a kind of cod-fish (Archestr., Opp., H. s.v. Aadiving). <PG>
eVAR yad(A)apiac: ix8vc, 6 dviokog ‘cod-fish’ (H.), yadAepiac, yeAaping (Dorion)
and yedAapinc = ovioxog (Dorio apud Ath. 3, 118c).
*ETYM Acc. to Frisk, formed from KdAAog with a suffix -iag (Chantraine 1933: 94).
The synonymous yad(A)apiac is sometimes connected with yadedc “dog-fish’ (?); see
Strémberg 1943: 130f., as well as Thompson 1947: 97. The variants clearly point to a
Pre-Greek word (Fur.: 140); the two variants with e’s and the geminate -AA- suggest a
pre-form *kal’ar-.
kahAidas [m.] ‘monkey’ (Din., Herod., H.). <GR>
eVAR Ion. -inj¢, Dor. -iap (H.).
eDER PN KaANiac.
eETYM Perhaps a euphemistic usage of the PN (cf. Gal. 18 : 2, 236 and 611), which has
been connected with kdAAoc. Cf. Kretschmer KZ 33 (1895): 560 and Kretschmer 1909:
122. A semantic parallel from Indic is given by Schulze KZ 56 (1929): 124: MInd. su-
mukha “nice face”, as a way of addressing an ape. Cf. also Spitzer KZ 57 (1930): 63.
KkadAtBavtes [?] - Spota opuriotg Kai yariory, év aig Tag OPPdc KoopLobotv ai yuvaikec,
[a4vOn.] [7] yEvoc opyjoews doxnLLovwc THV ioxiwv Kpatouplevwv] (H.). <PG?(S)>
eETYM Unknown. Words with the suffix -(i8)avt- are mostly Pre-Greek.
kahAtepéw [v.] ‘to bring kaAd iepd’, ie. ‘to sacrifice favorably’ (IA); intr. impersonal
(of a sacrifice) ‘to be kaha igpa, work out well’ (Hdt.). <GR>
eVAR Aor. kaAMlepijoat (1A), perf. cexaAMéprka (X.).
DER KadAtépnoic (Attica), -mua (H., EM); Dor. xadAtapia (Cos; from *xahdtapéw).
*ETYM Compounded from KaAd tepa (cf. Schwyzer: 726), with adaptation of the first
member to nominal compounds with KaAAt-. See » Kadc.
KaAAuktptot >KiAAtkvptot.
KahAovi] eVAR KdAXos, KaAADVW. =Kaddc.
KaAov [n.] ‘wood, logs (for burning), timber’ (h. Merc. 112, Hes. Op. 427, Ion. trag.,
Call., Cyrene), also ‘wood for ships’ = ‘ship’ (Lacon. in Ar. Lys. 1253, X. HG 1, 1,23,
Plu. Alc. 28.). <PG?>
eVAR Mostly plur. -a.
eCOMP As a first member in kaAotimoc: 6 SpvoKoAdmtis ‘woodcutter’ (H.), Kado-
né6dtha [n.pl.] “wooden shoes”, fetters for the feet of a cow (Theoc. 25, 103); KaAd-
mtovg, -m0d0¢ [m.] “wooden foot”, i.e. ‘shoemaker’s last’ (vl. in Pl. Smp. 191a and Poll.
2, 195; Edict. Diocl.), also kaAd-moug (Pl. lc., Poll. 10, 141; after tetpd-movc?), with
626 KaA6cG
the diminutive kadomddiov (Gal. 6, 364 [v.l. -am-], Suid.); as technical expressions,
KadOrtovg and kado7ddiov entered into Eastern languages, e.g. Arab. qalib, whence
Osman. kalyp ‘form, model’ > MoGr. 16 xadovm ‘id’, MP kalapad, MoP kalbud
(Maidhof Glotta 10 (1920): 11; Bailey TPS 1933: 49). Of doubtful appurtenance is
kahap<p>va ‘canal, water conduit’ (Ambracian acc. to sch. Gen. ® 259), kaAappufai
(cod. -yai): tagpot. Ajtepiac ‘ditches’ (H.), acc. to Schwyzer: 438* properly “wooden
water conduit”; similarly kadapivec: dyetoi. Adkwvec ‘water-pipe (Lacon.)’ (H.); cf.
pivobdxoc ‘canal’, etc., see Kretschmer Glotta 4 (1913): 335.
*DER KdAtvog ‘of wood’ (Epich., Lyc., A. R., Cyrene); diminutive (?) xcAtov (-iov?)-
EvAdptov, Baxtnpidiov ‘small piece of wood; small staff; kadvpiov (-bqiov?):
EvArtov ‘piece of wood’ (H.).
eETYM The word has been connected with »xaiw, xatoa as ‘firewood’, by
comparison with the synonymous daAdc ‘fire-brand’ < daf-ehdc (to >» Saiw), under
the assumption that kGAov would represent *kdaf-eAov. However, since Dor. KGAov
cannot be derived from it, it was necessary to assume *Kdf-adAov (Schwyzer: 248,
Lejeune 1972: 263). Nevertheless, in the case of a pre-form *xaf-aA-, Pre-Greek
origin is much more likely. The connection with > xaiw is not certain at all. From the
plur. KaAa, Latin borrowed cala [f] ‘dry wood, firewood’. See > kijAa.
kaAo¢ [adj.] “beautiful, noble, good’ (Il.); on the mg. Smothers Traditio 5 (1947): 1-57;
also Kretschmer Glotta 22 (1934): 261. 4 ?>
eVAR Primary compar. KaAAiwv (Alc. ntr. Kaddtov [see below], El. kaditepoc
[graphic?], rarely kaAWtepoc, KaAALWTEPOG), sup. KaAALOTOG; Dor. adv. (Alcm. 98)
KaAAG; cf. Wackernagel 1916: 87f.
eDIAL Epic Ion. kaAdc, Boeot. kaAfocg (Del.? 538 [VI*]).
*COMP Rare as a first member (for KadAt-, ed-), e.g. KaAd-PuAdog ‘with beautiful
leaves’ (Thphr,; after jtaxpd-, Aetd-pvdAog, etc.); as a second member e.g. drtetpd-
KaAocg ‘not knowing what is beautiful’ (Pl; from td xaAdv). Note especially
KaAokaya8ia (orators, X.), univerbating abstract of kahdc K(ai) ayaQdc (IA; see
Berlage Mnem. 60 (2007): 20ff.).
*DER KaA6t1¢ ‘beauty’ (Chrysipp. Stoic. 3, 60). With geminate: 1. KdAAog [n.] ‘beauty’
(Il.), as a second member e.g. in ttepi-KaAne ‘very beautiful (IL, bahuvrihi); thence
KdAALog ‘beautiful (Od., h. Hom.; after kbdiwoc, see Arbenz 1933: 10ff.), KadAAvvw
‘give beauty, make beautiful, sweep’ (S., Pl. Arist.) with xaAAvvtijc ‘sweeper’ (pap.
II*), kaAAvvtpov ‘broom’, also name of a shrub (Arist.), xaAAvvOpov ‘duster’ (LXX,
pap.), kadAvvtrpta [n.pl.] name of a purificatory festival (Phot. EM), xaAAvopata
[pl.] ‘dust’ (Ceos). Fom KaAAogc also kadAovny ‘id.’ (cf. Sov1n), KaAAoobvN ‘id.’ (E.). 2.
compar. KaAAiwv, KdAAtotog (Il.); thence kaAAtdopat “be made more beautiful
(LXX), KadAtotebw, -opat “be the most beautiful’ (lon.) with KadAtoteiov,
KadAiotevpta ‘sacrifice of the most beautiful, price of beauty, price of honour’ (S., E.,
inscr.). 3. KaAAL- as a first member (Il.); e.g. kadAt-ybvatx-a, -oc, -t ‘with beautiful
women’ (cf. Sommer 1948: 62), also in PNs, whence short names like KaAdiac, etc.
eETYM Att. KGAdc and Ion. KaAdc both derive from KaAfoéc; the noun KddAoc, the
compar. forms kadAiwv, kaAtotoc and the first member xadAt- differ from these by
their geminate -AA-, an explanation of which is still wanting. One proposal has been
KGATLOC 627
a basis *KdA-voc or *KaA-1o¢ for KdAAog (and KadAiwv, KaAALOTOG, while KaAAI- may
be analogical?), but this does not inspire confidence, as kdAAoc seems to be a Greek
innovation (cf. Chantraine 1933: 416f.), and there is no good explanation for KaAAt-
either. The assumption of expressive gemination (Chantraine l.c.) is an ad hoc
hypothesis and not a solution. Beside kaA-F6c (with an old suffix *-wo-), one would
expect kaAt- as a first member (is it retained in Alc. k4Atov?), which Wackernagel KZ
61 (1934): 191ff. recognized in Skt. kaly-dna- ‘beautiful’. Pinault BSL 98 (2003)
assumes that the original Skt. form was fem. kalydani- ‘with beautiful hips’, the
second part of the compound being Skt. dni- ‘axle-pin, linch-pin’; ‘part of the leg
above the knee’. Schwyzer: 447% derives kad\- from antevocalic *kadt-, whence
KaAA- and (as a back-formation) KdAAog, etc. Differently, Risch 1937 (par. 62a): -AA-
is from a compar. *KahAwv < *kadtwv, whence kaAtotog, etc. Similarly, Seiler 1950:
68ff.: a neuter comparative *xaAAov < *kdALov was interpreted as a positive, and
resulted in a new comparative KaAAtov, kadAiwv (whence KaAAtotos, etc.).
KaAnn [f.] ‘trot’ (Paus., Plu., Hippiatr.). <PG(v)>
*DER Kahtdtw ‘to trot’ (A. Fr. 145A, Aq. Suid.) with kadmaopd¢ (Philum. apud
Orib.).
*ETYM Technical term of horse riding without etymology, perhaps originally
onomatopoeic (“clapper”). Brugmann (e.g. Brugmann-Delbriick 1897-1916 1: 260,
572) connected it with OPr. po-quelbton ‘kneeling’, Lith. klupti ‘to kneel, stumble’,
Germanic (e.g. Go. hlau pan ‘walk’), but these forms cannot explain the Greek -a-.
The same holds for the comparison with KéAnc, koAvgpdv: éAappdv ‘nimble’ (H.).
Fur.: 379 compares oxaAndlerv: pebwdac Baditerv ‘to walk around at random’ (H.),
oxahardter péuBetat ‘id! (H.) with prothetic o-, which suggests that the word is
Pre-Greek.
KaArtc, -t50¢ [f.] ‘pitcher’ (1) 20; on the mg. Brommer Herm. 77 (1942): 358 and 365).
<PG?>
eVAR Acc. -Lv, -t6a.
eCOMP kaA1to-@dpoc ‘carrying a pitcher’ (epigr.).
eDER KGAm (KaAmv v.l. for -mv Plu., Hdn.) name of a constellation (Vett. Val,
Scherer 1953: 173 and 190); KdAmtoc: 1totnpiov eidog ‘kind of drinking vessel’ (H.).
Diminutive xa4\mov (Pamphil. apud Ath. 11, 475¢).
*ETYM Without a certain explanation, like many other vessel names. Most often
connected with a Celtic word for ‘urn, bucket’, e.g. Olr. cilornn (< *kelpurno-), but
this does not explain the -a-. Acc. to others, it is connected with Assyr. karpu ‘vase,
pot’ or with OHG hal(a)p ‘handle’. Lat. calpar (formation unclear) was borrowed
from KaAmn. Fur.: 146 connects it with keAgBn, for which there seems no reason. Still,
KdaAmtc is possibly Pre-Greek.
KdAttos [m.] ‘shoe’ (Rhinth., Plu., Edict. Diocl.). <Lw Lat>
eVAR Also KdAtor (for KGAT<i>o1?)- dtodrpLata Kotha, év oic¢ inmevovot ‘hollow
sandals, in which horsemen rode’ (H.).
eETYM A Sicilian loanword from Lat. calceus (kaAixtot PIb. 30, 18, 3).
628 Kahopn
KaAvBn [f.] ‘hut, cabin’ (Hdt.); ‘bridal bower’ (A. R.); ‘sleeping-tent’ (PFlor. 335, 2).
<PG(V)>
eVAR Also kadvuBdc (Epigr. Gr. 260, Cyrene), koAvBdc: émavAtc ‘farmstead’ (H.).
eDER KaAviti¢ ‘living in a hut’; kaAvBo-motgoptat [v.] ‘to make oneself a cabin’ (Str.).
eETYM The variant koAvupdc, adduced by Fur.: 343, shows that the word is Pre-Greek.
Pre-Greek has a rule a - v > o - vu; see Fur.: 340.
KaAvyes [?] - ta EuBpva ‘embryos’ (H.). <PG>
*ETYM The structure of the word (kaA-vy-) is typically Pre-Greek.
kaAvéira [?] - yépupa ‘bridge’ (H.). <PG?>
eETYM Probably a Pre-Greek word.
KaAvdptov [n.] ‘a small cable’ (BCH 29, 543, Delos II*). <PG?>
eETYM Unknown. Probably a Pre-Greek word.
KaAv§, -dKog [f.] ‘cup, calyx of a flower, husk, shell, pod, rosebud’, also metaph. for the
ornament of a woman (2 401). <PG(S)>
eCcOmMP As a first member e.g. in kaAvKooTtépavog ‘crowned with buds’ (B.).
*DER Diminutive kadvktov (Dsc., H.); cadvKkwdne ‘«.-like’ (Thphr.), cadv«etoc AiBoc
name of a stone found in the fish called odAsm (H.); also KdAvktc: KdopL0g Tig é«
pddwv ‘an ornament made of roses’, xadvé&etc: pddwv Kadv«Kta ‘rosebuds’ (H.),
KadvKwotc ‘rosebud? (Aq.), as if from *xadtoow, or *kahvK6u; cf. the formations in
Chantraine 1933: 288 and kadvxiletv: avOeiv ‘to blossom’ (H.).
*ETYM On the ending -v8, cf. Chantraine 1933: 383. The word resembles Skt. (class.)
kalikd- ‘bud’, but must probably be kept separate; see Mayrhofer KEWA s.v. Cf.
> KvALE and » oxadAiov. Both root and suffix look Pre-Greek (kaA-vk-).
KaAvntw [v.] “to cover, hide’ (Il., IA). <PG(v)>
eVAR Aor. kahvyat, perf. med. kexdaAvpttat, etc.
*COMP Very often with prefix, e.g. dugi-, Kata-, mepl-, ovv-, also with ava-, amto-, &k-
in the mg. ‘to open up, reveal’.
*DER 1. See >Kad¥Br; 2. Kadver ‘submerged land’ with anoKdruos (alytaddc,
Gpovpa) ‘land that can be cultivated after inundation’ (pap.), Tepucadver
‘envelopment’ (Pl. Lg. 942d); on -Bn and -gn beside Kadb-ntw Schwyzer: 332f. 3.
(m™po-, Tapa-, etc.) KaAvpLa ‘cover, veil, etc.’ (IL) with Kadvppdtiov (Ar.). 4.
OvyKad vyLLOg ‘cover’ (Ar. Av. 1496). 5. éy-, Kata-, ano-KaAvyic ‘cover, etc.’ (Hell.);
here, probably as an endearing name Kadvy [f.] “one who covers” (Od.), properly
a goddess of death acc. to Giintert 1919, see also Bérard REGr.67 (1954): 503f. 6.
kahurtip, -Apos [m.] ‘cover, tile’ (Hp., Arist., Att.), kaAvmtnpitw ‘cover with tiles’
(inscr.), fem. Kadbntetpa ‘veil’ (AP); ém-, ey-, dvakadvTtipiov, -ta ‘concealing;
ceremony of unveiling’ (Arist.). 7. Kadvntpa, -pry [f.] ‘veil, cover’ (IL). 8. &k-
kadvrtiKd¢ ‘revealing’ (Stoic., S. E.).
*ETYM The word has been compared to xptmtw for the formation, In Western
European languages, a full grade thematic root present *kel-e/o- is found, e.g. in Olt.
celim, Lat. *cel6, -ere (in occulere), OHG helan ‘to hold back, hide’. Further, with a
kapdapa 629
lengthened grade, deverbative Lat. célare, ‘to hide’, and a zero grade yod-present in
Germanic, e.g. Go. huljan ‘to veil, conceal’. Cf. » kéAv@oc.
However, in this way neither the Greek a-vocalism nor the element v + labial can be
accounted for. In view of the variants, the root xaAvB/m/q- is clearly Pre-Greek. Cf.
on » KadbBn, which proves Pre-Greek origin in a different way.
KaAxn [f.] ‘murex, purple flower, Chrysanthemum coronarium’ (Alcm., Nic., Str.),
metaph. as a term of construction ‘rosette of a capital’ (Att., Hell., inscr.). <PG?>
eV AR With metathesis of aspiration yaAKn (Meisterhans 1900: 103f.), also xaAyn.
*DER Denominative verb kaAyaivw ‘to be purple’ (Nic. Th. 641), originally medial,
metaphorically trans. ‘to ponder deeply’ (oc, S. Ant. 20), intr. ‘to be unquiet,
excited’ (E. Heracl. 40), ‘to long for’ (Lyc. 1457).
eETYM A loan of unknown origin. The poetic meaning ‘to ponder, be excited’ may
have arisen after > 0p@tpa : » topptpw, which were secondarily connected with
each other. It cannot be decided whether the name of the seer KaAyac belongs here
as well.
KdAwe¢ [m.] ‘reefing rope, cable, rope in general’ (e 260). <PG?>
eVAR ACC. -, -wv; KdAoc (€ 260 and Hdt.), Hell. plur. -wec, -wac, -wot
*COMP Kadw-otpd@oc ‘rope-twister’ (Plu. Per. 12).
*DER Diminutive caA@dtov, also kaAoidtov (com., Th., inscr., pap.).
eETYM No etymology; probably a technical loan. The IE etymologies that have been
proposed (see Frisk) are untenable.
Kapa [f.] - tov aypov. Kpijtec ‘field (Cretan)’ (H.). <2>
eDIAL Myc. ka-ma a plot of land, ka-ma-e-u ‘tenant of a ka-ma’ (see below).-
*ETYM Unknown. An interpretation /kamas/ has been proposed; see Lejeune RPh. 42
(1968): 233f. and Ruijgh Lingua 58 (1982): 208.
Kauak, -axog [f., m.] ‘pole to support the vine, bar, shaft of a spear’ (= 563). <PG(S)>
eDER KaidKtov (sch.), Kaptaktvoc ‘made of one bar’ (X.), kaptakiag oitoc ‘corn with a
stalk that is too long’ (Thphr,; cf. Strémberg 1937: 91).
*ETYM Formation like ddvag, mivak, kAiak, etc. (Chantraine 1933: 377ff.). Several
languages have similar words for ‘bar, wood, stick, etc.’, but they are all different: Skt.
Sdmya ‘stock, nail’, Av. simda ‘part of the harnass of the wagon for horses’, Arm. sami-
Kk‘ [pl.] ‘wood of the yoke’, Gm., e.g. MHG hamel ‘bar, bobbin’. Fur.: 221 compares
audkiov: Kata (H.), with alternation K/zero (see ibid. 391). The suffix -ax- is highly
frequent in Pre-Greek. See > kaptaoryy.
kaptdpa [f.] ‘vault, vaulted room, wagon and bark with vaulted roof (Hdt., LXX, Str.).
<Lwe>
eDIAL Ion. -pn.
*DER KayLaplov (inscr.), KaLapia: KoItwV KapLdpac éxwv ‘having a vaulted chamber of
beds’ (H.), xaptaptkdc ‘vaulted’ (Ath. Mech.).
Denominative verbs: 1. ka,tapéw ‘to provide with a vault’ with kaptdpwots ‘vault’
(Hell.), kapiap-wpa ‘vault’ (Str., Gal.), -wtdc¢ ‘vaulted’ (Str.), -wtixd¢ ‘used in
vaulting’ (pap.); 2. Kapapevw [v.] ‘to accumulate, exert oneself (H.). Further
630 KaWapoc 1
Kapidpnc Séouns ‘package, bundle’, kapdpat C@val otpatwtikai ‘belts for soldiers’,
Kapapic: KooLApLoV yuvatKketov ‘women’s ornament’ (H.); cf. below.
eETYM The form kapdpa recalls Av. kamara ‘girdle’, with a different meaning that is,
however, found in the glosses kapdpn, kapapic (H.). Lat. camurus, -a, -um ‘curved
(of horns), vaulted’ has also been adduced. Comparisons with other languages
remain uncertain: eg. Skt. kmdrati ‘to be curved’ (gramm.; see Mayrhofer KEWA
s.v.), Gr. > xpéAeOpov if from *xugpe8pov (2), the Gm. word for ‘heaven’, e.g. Go.
himins. It is rather a loan, perhaps from an eastern language (from Carian, acc. to
sch. Orib. 46, 21, 7). From the Greek word, Lat. camera was borrowed; thence it was
borrowed into Germanic and Balto-Slavic. See » kdptvoc.
kaytapos 1 [m.] name of a poisonous plant, kind of Aconitum (?), also = deAgiviov,
‘larkspur’ (Hp., Stratt., Nic. Dsc.). < EUR>
eVAR Also Kaupapoc.
eETYM It has been compared with the Germanic and Slavic word for ‘hellebore’:
OHG hemera, Ru. cemerica (from CS cemers ‘poison’, properly ‘hellebore’), and
Lith. kémeras ‘hemp agrimony (Eupatorium cannabium), burr marigold’. The
notation Kdupopov (Dsc., Erot.) can be folk-etymological after kappopoc ‘unhappy’.
Given the distribution, the word seems to be a loan from a European subtrate
language (see Beekes 2000: 28). From Kdppapoc: kammari ‘spurge’ in Lower Italy;
see Rohlfs ByzZ 37 (1937): 53, Rohlfs 1930: N° 877, and Dawkins JHS 56 (1936): 4.
Katapos 2 [adj.] = doadnc (Apollon. apud sch. Orib. 46, 21, 7). <?>
eETYM The word would be Carian. Further unknown. See » kaydpa.
Ka[taorv, -ivoc [m.] name of an unknown fish (Emp., AP, Hdn. Gr., H.). < EUR>
*ETYM Given the fish name fAakatijyv (from iAakatn), one would posit a basic form
*«dpaooc for kapyacry, with suffixal -acog like in métacoc, Koutacocg (Chantraine
1933: 435; unclear). It has been connected with Balto-Slavic words for the ‘sheatfish’:
Lith. Samas, Latv. sams, Ru. som, etc. Further, connected with » xduag ‘pole, bar’ by
Solmsen 1909: 122f; on the naming motive, see Stromberg 1943: 36. Probably a loan
from the European substrate. Fur.: 214 connects it with KaBa(t)ooc, Kapacdc, but
without evidence.
Kayupog [m., f.] ‘camel’ (Hdt, A, Ar.). «LW Sem.>
eCOMP As a first member e.g. in kaundo-ndpdadtc [f] ‘giraffe’ (Agatharch., LXX;
Strémberg 1944: 12); also in kaynAdtng for *kaynd-eAdtns ‘camel-driver’ with
KapinA-dotov ‘camel-driver’s wages’ (pap.), -acia ‘camel-driving’ (Dig.).
*DER Diminutive kapnAtov; adjectives kaprAetoc, Kapndtkds ‘belonging to a camel’,
KapnAwdngs ‘like a camel’ (Gal.); nouns kapnditys (Arist.), Kapnddptoc ‘camel-
driver’; kapnAwv ‘camel stable’; verb kaynAilw ‘to resemble a camel’ (Hld.).
*ETYM From Semitic (originally Babylonian?; Grimme Glotta 14 (1925): 17); cf. Hebr.
gamal (= yada: Kaundog mapa Xaddaiotcg H.), with (Ionic?) development of & to n
in -ndog; cf. Tavydunda = KaprAov oikos Str. 16, 1, 3 (Kretschmer KZ 31 (1892): 287).
From Kdundoc come Skt. kramela- (after krdmate ‘stride’), Lat. camélus, and the
European forms.
KALLOPOG 631
KqAog [m.] ‘rope, cable’ (sch. Ar. V. 1035, Suid.). <Lw Sem.>
*ETYM From Semitic, acc. to Lewy 1895: 154, who compares Arab. gamal ‘id.’. Others
argue that it arose from the v.l. kdutAoc for Kdpndoc Ev. Matt. 19, 24, Marc. 10, 25,
Luc. 18, 25 (kdunrov Sta tprpatoc pagidoc dieAGeiv “a camel going through the eye
of a needle’), as ‘rope’ would fit better.
Kétivos [f.] ‘furnace for smelting, baking, burning, etc. (Hom. Epigr. 14, Hdt., A.).
<PG?(S)>
eVAR Also -n (pap. VIP).
*DER Diminutive xauivov (Gp., Olymp. Alch.). Other substantives: kapivw ypnd¢
‘furnace woman’ (0 27; Chantraine 1933: 116); Kaptvevs name of an artisan working at
a furnace, e.g. ‘smith’ or ‘potter’ (D. $3 BoShardt 1942: 76); kapiviwv ‘id.’ (Tegea II’);
Kaptvitng dptoc (Philistion apud Ath.).
Adjectives: kapivioc ‘belonging to the furnace’ (Thphr.); cayvaioc ‘id,’ (Ezek.) with
Kaptvaia = Kaprvoc (LXX; cf. Chantraine 1933: 86); Kaptv@dnc ‘like a furnace’ (Str.).
Verb xaytvebw ‘to burn or smelt in a furnace’ (Arist. Thphr., Str.) with kaptvevtis¢ =
Kauuvets (pap. III*, Luc.), koyuvevtip (abAdc) ‘pair of bellows in a smithy’ (AP), fem.
-evtpia (Aristarch.), kayuvela (-ia) ‘burning, smelting’ (Thphr., Gal.). All derivatives
are rare, most of them late.
*ETYM On the gender, see Schwyzer 1950: 34”. A technical loan of unknown origin.
The comparison with kaydpa has little value; that with OCS kamy ‘stone’ is possible.
Is it a loan from the north or from the east? From xdutvoc, Lat. caminus, to which
MHG kamin, etc. are related. Note that -iv- is a Pre-Greek suffix.
K64tpapoc 1 [m.] ‘kind of crab’ (Epich., Sophr., Rhinth., H.), on the mg. cf. Thompson
1947 S.V. <PG(V)>
*VAR Kappapic ‘id? (Gal.); Koppdpat Kopdpat Kapidec. Maxedovec ‘shrimps
(Maced.)’ (H.).
eETYM Has been compared with ON humarr, LG and MoHG Hummer. However, the
variation a/o points to a Pre-Greek word (which may in turn be a loan from
elsewhere). Skt. kamdtha- [m.] ‘turtle’ is unrelated in any case. From Kappapos, Lat.
cammarus was borrowed.
KGLLapos 2 =Kapapoc.
»
katmovin [f.] ‘perseverance, successful defense’ (X 257, Y 661, API.), on the mg. see
Triimpy 1950: 201f. <GR>
eETYM For *katapovin, with Aeolic treatment of the preposition, either as an abstract
of Katdépovoc (Hell.), or with a metrically conditioned change of the suffix for
*kauMovi] = katapovi (Hell.), belonging to katapévelv. See > KaLOpos.
Kayytopoc [adj.] ‘unhappy’ (Od., A. R.). <GR>
*ETYM Aeolic for metrically unfit *xaté-popoc (via *kat-yopoc), a hypostasis for
Kata Ldpov (udpov) ‘who is subject to udpoc, fate’. Beside it exists the older form
_Kdopopoc: Svotnvos ‘unhappy’ (H.), = *Kkaoopopoc < *Kat-cpopos.
632 Kapvw
kauvw [v.] ‘to toil, labor, build; to get tired, die, be in danger, be in need’ (IL); the
euphemistic meaning ‘to die’ almost only in epic oi kaytdvtec, Att. of KekLujKOTeEs.
<1 *kemh.- ‘exert oneself, get tired’>
eVAR Aor. kayteiv, fut. Kapotptou, perf. Kéxunka, Dor. (Theoc.) Kéxpdka, epic pte.
KEKUNWS.
*COMP Also with prefix, e.g. dsto-, éx-, ovy-. As a second member in compounds: 4-
Kkajatoc ‘without fatigue’ (Il.). d-Kauac, -avtog ‘indefatigable’ (Il); more usual -KLUI-
T- (-KMG-T-), -KN-TO- (-Kpta-To-), eg. d-KLUNC, -ftoc ‘id’, d-KuUYTOS ‘id’, TOAD-
KuyTO< ‘prepared with much labor’.
*DER Verbal noun Kéytatog [m.] ‘labor, much demanding labor, fatigue, pain’ (IL);
Kapatwdne ‘tiring’ (Hes, Pi.), kapatnpdc ‘tiring, tired’ (Ion. h. Ven. 246), after
avinpds, etc; Kapatndév ‘with fatigue’ (Man.); also the verbal forms Kapatov-
komu@v ‘weary’, ékadtevoe: peta KaKkomaGeiac eipydoato ‘he labors with
perseverance’ (H.), to kapatdu, -tevu.
eETYM Beside the thematic nasal present kduvw, which is a Greek innovation,
Sanskrit has an athematic nasal present: e.g. med. Samnite ‘to exert onself, labor’. The
disyllabic root *kemh,- is also seen in the ipv. Samisva and in the agent noun samitar-
‘who prepares’; Gr. kaj1atoc < *kmh,-eto- is a different formation (on the type, see
Vine 1998. The thematic aorist éxaplov, xape is parallelled by Skt. asamat, both from
zero grade *kmh,-e/o-; the full grade sigmatic aor. dfamista (RV) points to an older
athematic root aorist *(h,e-)kemh,-t. The Greek zero grade is «m-, PGr. Kpa- <
*kmh,-C- (in Kéxp-Ka, &xuntoc), which gave Skt. san-td- [ptc.]; see Rix 1976: 73.
Traces of the root in other languages have not been found with certainty; perhaps in
some Celtic nouns, like MIr. cuma ‘trouble’, cumal ‘female slave’. See > koptéw,
> Konilw.
Katavos [m.] “weighing-machine, steelyard’ (pap. VI’). «LW Lat.>
eETYM From Lat. campana.
Kaun 1 [f.] ‘caterpillar, silkworm’ (Hp., com., Arist., Thphr.). <?>
*COMP mitvo-Kdunn ‘caterpillar of the pine woods, Gnethocampa processionea’
(Dsc,; also ai mut¥ivat Kéurtat).
*ETYM Related to xéuttw, in the sense of ‘curve’? However, note Skt. kapana
‘caterpillar’, Latv. kape, kapars ‘larva of an insect, caterpillar’; if cognate with kapana,
kau7t was adapted to Kay, Kdtimtw by folk etymology (Frisk). The explanation in
Stromberg 1944: 9 is unclear. See Gil Fernandez 1959: 147 (who refers to Arist. IA
706b and 7o9a). The etymology seems doubtful.
kan 2 [f.] ‘sea monster’ (Epich. apud H., D. S., Nonn.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Also kdyimog [n.] in Libya (Lyc,; H.), after kfytoc ‘id.”?
*ETYM It has been compared with inmo-Kayimoc. Fur.: 19 mentions Kéytop: péya
Kiytog (< *Kejutop?) and yeLmdc¢: Koitoc, yeumbAovg tods ixBic, Tag mAawSac
‘tunnies’ (H.); this would show that the word is Pre-Greek.
kdumtw [v.] ‘to bend, curve, turn’ (II., IA). <PG?(V), EUR?>
KavaBoc 633
eVAR Fut: Kdyryw, aor. Kdpryat, pass. Kaug@ivat (A. Ths v.l. I 158), perf. pass.
KexduOat (Hp.).
*COMP Often with prefix, e.g. dva-, Kata-, é7l-, Mepl-, Ovv-; as a first member e.g. in
Kauwi-mtouc epithet of Eptvuc (A. Th. 791 [lyr.]), mg. uncertain.
*DER Substantives: 1. (dva-, é7t-, Tepl-, ovy-)Kaptmn ‘curve, curvature’ (IA) with
Kdputoc ‘bent’ (E. IT 81, at verse end; after mom) : mépmytoc, see Arbenz 1933: 81);
émkdtim-log ‘forming an émikayumi, bow, bend’, military and architectonical
expression (Ph. Bel., Plb.). 2. (ava-, kata-, éml-, ovy-, etc.)Kauic ‘bow, curving’ (IA);
3. KaLLMTHp, -fpocs [m.] “bender, curver”, as a military and sports term, ‘curve,
turning-point of the racecourse’ (X., Arist Herod.) with koimttrptocg (sch.). 4.
TEplKALTMTNGS ‘tergiversator’ (gloss.).
Adjectives: 5. kauittbAoc ‘bent, curved’ (IL. after ayxtAoc, Chantraine 1933: 250) with
KoymvAn [f] ‘crook, crozier’ (Ar. Plu.), xoyimovdip (= KaytmvdAic): érhaiac eidoc.
Adxwvec ‘kind of olive tree’ (H.), kapimtvAdtn¢ “curvedness’ (Hp., Arist.), kapimvAAw
‘curve’ [v.] (Hp.), also KoyutvAevoptal, KaptvAdouat (medic.), KaprtvAtatw (Phot.,
Suid.); poetical lengthening kapmtvddeic (AP; Schwyzer 527). 6. é7l-, Tepl-KaLITIT¢
‘curved’, from é7t-, 7tept-Kdpttw. 7. KayrttiKds ‘flexible’ (Arist., Poll.). 8. kaprydov-
KayimvAov ‘bent, curved’ (H.); after yapyoc? (cf. Stang Symb. Oslo. 23 (1944): 46ff.).
*ETYM A non-ablauting verbal stem kaim-, with primary formations kam (and
KayimAoc?), and a yod-present Kdimttw. In other languages, we find scattered
nominal formations, partly in metaphorical meanings (so that the comparison is
often uncertain: Latv. kam pis ‘curved wood, hook for a kettle’, Lith. kam pas ‘corner,
side, hidden place’, also ‘curved wood at the collar (of a horsey, which remind of Lat.
campus ‘field’ (properly ‘curve, depression’?), OCS kote [m.] ‘corner’ and a
Germanic adj. ‘mutilated, lame’, e.g. Go. hamfs. Baltic has several words for ‘curved,
etc.” with u-vocalism: Lith. kum pas ‘curved’, Latv. kum pt ‘become bent’, etc.
Lat. campsdre ‘to sail] around, bend off was perhaps borrowed from xdtyat; and
from Katt were borrowed Lat-Rom. camba, gamba and Alb. kémbé ‘leg, foot’;
from KatutbAoc, Osman. kambur ‘hump, humpy’ > MoGr. xaBovprc. Amantos
(apud Kretschmer Glotta 16 (1928): 179) assumes a noun *ydwa, *kdLa in Byz.
yapptatiCw = Kaimtw, -opat.
Most parts of Frisk’s discussion have been maintained here, as it nicely illustrates
how unreliable the material is: the words adduced with their alternations are rather
from a substrate language. Add to this the fact that an IE reconstruction would
require a form *kh,mp-, a root structure that is suspicious. The conclusion can only
be that xoyim- is of Pre-Greek or European substrate origin. Cf. on » yapwyoc and
> yvouuttw, for which the same conclusion is reached.
kavaBoc [m.] ‘wooden framework around which artists molded wax or clay; block-
figure; mannikin; lean person’ (Stratt., Arist. Poll., H.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Also xavvaBoc; xivvabocg (Suid.) [f.1. acc. to LSJ 953], xivaBbedpata:
TMavoupyntiata ‘crimes’ (H., Phot. uncertain Ar. Fr. 699).
*DER kavaiBtoc, -tvoc ‘belonging to a k., like a «.’ (AP, H.).
eETYM On the formation, cf. words in -Boc like KaxkaBoc, KdAAaBoc, oittupoc
(Chantraine 1933: 262); perhaps from »Kdvva ‘reed’, if properly a ‘reed frame’.
634 Kavadot
However, given the variation v/vv, the word would be Pre-Greek; note Lat. canaba,
cannaba.
kavadot [m.] - claydvec, yva8ot ‘cheeks, jaws’ (H.). <EUR?, PG?>
*ETYM See on yva8oc s.v. » yvab}Ldc.
kavax1 [f.] ‘noise, sharp sound’ (II.). < PG?(v)>
eDIAL Dor. -4.
*COMP As a first member in kavayr-nouc, Dor. -ya- ‘with noisy feet’ (Alcm.).
*DER kavayéw, aor. -ijoat (tT 469, Cratin., A. R.), lengthened kavayitw (M 36, k 399
v.l., Hes. Sc. 373) [v.] ‘to ring, clash’ (cf. Schwyzer: 736, Porzig 1942: 231); aor. d1a-,
éy-, éx-kavatat of gurging and gulping sounds (E. Cyc. 152 and 157, Ar., Eup.),
kavakat acc. to Poll. 10, 85 = 10 éxkev@oat i} éxmeiv ‘to empty, drink up’; kavakac:
éyxéac ‘pouring’ (H.); kavayndd ‘with noise’ (Hes. Th. 367 et al.), -nddv ‘id’ (D. P.,
Aret.) andthe hapax kavayrjc (A. Ch. 152 [lyr.], of Saxpv), Kavaydc (Nic. Th. 620; of
Batpaxo. ‘frogs’), both first from kavayéw; Kavaxioudc (Orac. Chald.) from
kavaxitw.
*ETYM Explained as an expressive formation like otovay1 (related to otevayu; cf.
Chantraine 1933: 403), derived from a verb ‘to sing, etc.’ seen in Lat. cand = Olr.
canim, whence names for ‘cock’ like Gr. » Hikavdéc, Go. hana, etc. are derived. Fur.:
343 compares KévaBoc and concludes that the word is Pre-Greek.
kavdapoc [m.?] - dvOpag ‘charcoal, coal’ (H.). < PG>
eETYM Generally connected with Skt. candrd- ‘glowing, light’, Lat. candor ‘white
glow’, candeo ‘to glow’. This etymology must be wrong: how could a stem form
kav6- ever arise? Fur. 391 connects xavdapoc with dvOpag— (with alternation «-/
zero), which is not evident. Still, Pre-Greek origin seems certain.
kav6avdoc [m.] a Lydian meal or sauce (com., Men.). <Lw Lydia>
eVAR Also kdvddAoc.
*ETYM Loan from Lydia?
kavdug, -voc [m.] a mantle with sleeves, worn by the Persians (X.). <Lw Orient.>
*ETYM From OP *kantu-: see Szemerényi 1991: 2034f.; also, Happ IF 68 (1963): 99.
kavdvtaves [?] ‘chest where precious clothes are kept’ <Lw Iran. >
eVAR kavdutaval, KavdvAdl.
*ETYM From OP *kandu-ddna-. See de Lamberterie in DELG Supp. (also RPh. 70),
who cites Szemerényi connecting the first member of the Persian word with a root
*kam- ‘to cover’. Extensive discussion, with various explanations for the second
member, in Brust 2005: 290ff.
kavOapoc [m.] ‘kind of (dung-)beetle, Scarabaeus pilularius’, also metaph. of a
drinking cup, canoe, fish (Strémberg 1943: 123f.), and a women’s ornament (IA).
<PG, LW Sem.>
«COMP As a second member e.g. in fALo-, KUKVO-KaVvO8apoc (com.).
*DER KavOdptov name of a cup (Att. inscr., Plu.); kavOapic a beetle, also name of a
fish and a plant (Hp., Arist.); kavOdpewc name of a vine (Thphr.; -ewe like in
Kav06c 635
éplvewo; see on > épivedc), KavOapitng oivoc (Plin.), both of the KavOdptoc axpa on
Samos (Str.), (also called ‘Auimedoc, Redard 1949: 97); kavOapiac name of a precious
stone (Plin.); kavOapwdng ‘like a k.’ (sch.).
*ETYM Not well explained. Connected with the name of the ass (kavOwv, kavOrAtoc)
by Strémberg 1944: 10f., with the same suffix as in yiapoc, Kicoapoc, et al.
(Chantraine 1933: 226f.). Hardly probable. On the plant name kavOapic,
avtixavOapov, see Stro6mberg 1940: 140. DELG sv. points out that there are
anthroponyms (Bechtel 1917b: 582 and 589) as well as toponyms like KavOapos, a
port of Piraeus, and concludes from this that the term may be from Pre-Greek, with
is likely. As an Akkadian word kanda/uru- ‘cup’ exists, it would be a loan in this
meaning; see Szemerényi Gnomon 43 (1971): 672.
kavOrALa [n.pl.] ‘panniers on both sides of the pack-saddle’ (Ar., Artem.), also ‘curved
pieces of wood at the back of a ship’, which were used when a tent was drawn up’
(H.). <PG(V)>
eVAR Also -tov [acc.sg.] ‘rafters’ in architecture (IG 27, 463: 73); 6vog KavOnALoc
‘pack-ass’ (Pl., com., X.).
*DER kavOndtkdéc “belonging to the pack-basket or pack-ass’ (pap.). Also xavOiat-
omupides ‘creels’ (H.), KavOwv = Svog KavOrALog (Ar. AP), kavOic: dvic ‘dung of an
ass’ (H.).
eETYM The relations of these words among each other and to other similar
formations are unclear, due to their specialized technical meanings. Formally, we
may compare kavOrALa with keuirAta, yaptALog; also note tpaxndog, yazipnAai, and
other words with a suffix -n\-. The form kav@iat could be another derivation
without A. The form (Gvoc) kavOnAtog ‘ass’ is secondary to KavOrALa ‘pack-baskets’
(Debrunner IF 54 (1936): 55); kavOwv and kavOic could be short forms (like Lat. cabo
to caballus). Lat. cant(h)érius ‘castrated stallion’, also ‘rafters’, which has a different
suffix, cannot be separated from kavOrAla, -toc. However, there is no Indo-
European etymology; acc. to Deroy Glotta 35 (1956): 190f., it is a Mediterranean
word, Fur.: 130 connects it with avOrjALov (Charax), with alternation x-/ zero, and
assumes Pre-Greek origin; he further connects it with kavOiat- omupidec and with
Kd8oc: orupic (Fur.: 290). See » kKavOapoc, > KavOdc, > kavOvAN.
kav@dc [m.] ‘corner of the eye’ (Arist., Nic. Gal.); poet. ‘eye’ (Hell.); acc. to H. also
‘opening in the roof for the smoke, funnel, xamvoddéxn’ and ‘pot, kettle, yytpdmovG
(Sicilian). <PG>
*COMP Hence the hypostasis éykdavOtoc ‘which is in the kavOd6q’ (Dsc., Gal.) with
éykavic [f.] ‘tumor in the inner angle of the eye’ (Cels., Gal.), acc. to Poll. 2, 71 =
‘inner corner of the eye’; also émxav0ic ‘id.’ (Hippiatr., v.l. in Poll. L.c.).
*DER KavOwdn¢ ‘rounded’ (Call. Fr. 504 conj. Hemsterhuys; codd. kaOv-, KvKV-).
*ETYM Not well explained. kav@wdnc¢ in Callimachos does not allow us to assume an
original meaning ‘curve’. It has been compared with Celtic words like W cant ‘iron
band, brim’, Gallo-Rom. *cantos, and a Slavic word for ‘corner (of a farm), etc.’, e.g.
Ru. kut. However, this comparison is problematic, since Gr. -8- remains
unexplained, and because the Slavic words are suspect of western European origin.
636 KavOvAn
The material accumulated by Belardi Rend. Acc. Linc. 8: 9 (1954): 610ff. and Belardi
Doxa 3 (1950): 209 needs to be sifted. Since there is no IE etymology, and since an IE
pre-form is impossible (*kh,nd"- would have given *ka0-), the conclusion must be
that the word is Pre-Greek.
kavOvAn [f.] ‘swelling, tumor’, only in kavOtiAac tac dvotdioetc. AicytAoc
Lahayuviaic (Fr. 220) ‘swellings’ (H., at an alphabetically incorrect place). < PG(S,V)>
VAR Also kovOiAai: ai avordijoets (H.).
*ETYM The comparison with a Germanic word for ‘ulcer, pus’, e.g. OHG gund, Go.
gunds ‘yayypatva’, would require that kov0- is original, or that xav0- is secondary
for *ka8- (which is highly unlikely). Stromberg 1944: 94 derives kavOvAn from the
name of the ass (kavOwv, KkavOrAtoc), which is semantically unconvincing. The
variation a/ o is clearly Pre-Greek, as is the suffixation (Fur.: 201").
kavva [f.] ‘reed, Arundo donax, reed-fence, -mat’ (Com., inscr., Plb.). <PG(V)>
eVAR Often plur. Further forms see below.
*DIAL Myc. ko-no-ni-pi /kon6ni-p'i/. Ion. Kavvn.
eCOMP As a first member in kavy-@dpoc [f.] ‘female carrying a basket’ (Ar.),
Kavnpop-éu, -ia, -tKdc.
DER 1. Kang, -1]To¢ [m.] ‘reed mat’ (Solon. Law in Plu. Sol. 21, Crates Com., D. H.)
with kavvito-toidg (Hippon. 116). 2. Kavvinkec: TAEyuata tapowv ‘windings of
wickerwork’ (H.). 3. kavobv, Ion. Kaveov, epic also -e1ov [n.] ‘reed basket, dish’ (II;
substantivized adjective). Diminutive kavioxoc, -ioxiov (Ar.), Kavidtov (pap.);
further kavaotpov (Hom. Epigr., Nicophon, Attica, Crete; cf. on Gbyaotpov), also
-avotpov (like Sepjia(v)otpa; see > Peppydc), -totpov, -votpov (inscr., pap., Poll;
Kretschmer Glotta 11 (1921): 283) = Lat. canistrum; thence kavaotpaia- Kotha tiva
ayyeta ‘any hollow vessels’ (Suid.); kavac8ov (Naucratis). Cf. also »KdvaBoc,
> KavvaBpov, & KAVOV.
eETYM From Babylonian-Assyrian ganu ‘reed’, which may come from Sumerian-
Akkadian gin ‘id’, Ugar. qn, Punic qn’. See E. Masson 1967: 47. The word kavva was
borrowed as Lat. canna ‘reed, etc.; see WH s.v. Fur.: 303 points out that kava8pov,
etc. are clearly Pre-Greek formations, so the word may have been of Anatolian
origin; note further the Mycenaean form pointing to variantion a/o, which is also a
sign of Pre-Greek origin.
kavvaBte [f.] “hemp, Cannabis sativa’ (Hdt., S., Dsc., Gal.). <Lw Orient.>
VAR Gen. -toc, -ews. Also Kavvafoc (Poll. 10, 176).
*DER kavvdBiov ‘id.’ (Ps.-Dsc., Gp.), KavvaBic, -idSoc [f.] “dress-of hemp’, plur. ‘hemp
seeds burnt and used at a steam-bath’ (Hdt., Ephipp. Com.); thence kavvaPio8ijvat:
TIpdc TH KavvaBiv Zidp@oat kai mupracOfjvat (H.); kavvaBioxa [n.pl.] ‘hemp shoes’
(Herod. 7, 58); kavvaBivoc ‘from hemp, hemp-like’ (AP); kavvaBdpioc member of a
professional organization = stupparius (Ephesus, gloss; Wahrmann Glotta 22 (1934):
42f.).
*ETYM Loan of unknown eastern origin, perhaps Scythian or Thracian (Hdt. 4, 74f.);
cf. also Sumer. kunibu ‘hemp’. From xdvvafic comes Lat. cannabis; the word
Kamava 637
reached ‘Germanic (OE henep, OHG hanaf, etc.) before Grimm’s law. Fur. 343
connects it with K6utBoc, on insufficient grounds.
kavvaOpov [n.] “cane or wicker carriage’ (X. Ages. 8, 7, Plut. Ages. 19, H., Eust.).
<PG(V)>
eVAR Also kava0pov.
*ETYM Perhaps from Kxavva ‘reed’ with a suffix: -Opo- (cf. Chantraine 1933: 373f.).
Lidén 1924: 227ff. assumes a compound from kdvva and a word for ‘wagon box’ in
> d8pac: dppa. ‘Podiot (H.), which is highly improbable. The gloss is considered to
be corrupt by Latte. On the suffix, see Fur.: 303°.
kavov, -dvoc [m.] ‘straight rod, bar, stave or grip to handle the shield, directive, rule,
model, etc.’ (IL). <PG(v)>
eDIAL Myc. ko-no-ni-pi /kon6ni-p*i/.
*DER Diminutive kavéwov (Ph. Bel., Hero); kavovic ‘ruler, frame, etc. (Arist., Ph.
Bel.); kavovins [m.] “straight man, like a rod’ (Hp. Aér. 24); kavovikds ‘belonging to
the kavwv’ (Hell.); Kavovwtdc ‘provided with kavévec (pap.). Denominative verb
kavoviCw ‘to measure, decide’ (Arist.) with kavowotoi [pl.] (Man.), kavoviopta (AP),
kavoviotiKdc (Choerob.).
*ETYM Most often connected with xavva as *‘stave of reed’. The variation a/ o shows
that it is a Pre-Greek word. The Semitic etymology by Lewy 1895: 133 (Hebr. qanoeh
‘measuring reed, balance’) is not to be preferred.
kavemkov 1 [n.]? = mtodooa or mTbOVvGA, ‘spurge’ (Dsc. 4. 165). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
kavemuKov 2 [n.]? ‘kind of cake’ (pap.). «LW Eg.>
*ETYM Probably derived from the TN Kavwmoc in Lower Egypt. See » Kavwmtoc.
kavwrov [n.]? ‘elderflower, elder.bark’ (Alex. Trall. 12). <?>
eETYM No etymology. See André 1956 s.v. canopus.
kariava [f.] Thessalian word for ‘wagon’ = amrvn (Xenarch. 1, H.). <PG(V)>
*VAR Also -1) ‘crossbar of the wagon (?) (Poll. 1, 142), kamévou (Kamtadai cod.)
patvat ‘mangers’ (H.).
*DER kamtdvak ‘side-piece of the wagon box’ (Poll. ibid; cf. dippak from digpoc);
Katawkwtepa epithet of Gettadikd (Setmva) in Ar. Fr. 492, in Ath. 9, 418d =
Gpiakaia ‘filling a wagon’, acc. to H. as an alternative = yoptaotikwtepa, and Tic
atvijs ‘more foodful, more plenteous (after ~. = manger)’, from Kamavi = Kam.
Unclear kandvn- tptxivn Kvvi) ‘helmet of hair’, kandva-: dpmeddvec ‘cords’,
KamahiCe CevynAatei ‘drives a yoke’ (H.). Perhaps also Kanavetc PN (Bofhardt
1942: 121)?
eETYM Assuming an original meaning ‘chest, box’, a formation in -ava from > Kdamn,
>Kanmtw has been assumed (Chantraine 1933: 206), especially comparing dmryvn.
However, Kuiper 1956: 213? compared dmrjvn in the light of the alternation «-/ zero,
which would mean that the word is Pre-Greek. This seems most probable. Fur. 224°
further compares ydmoc: Sxnpa. Tuppryvoi ‘wagon (Etruscan) (H.). Kkandva is
638 KQTIAVOL
further reminiscent of Gallo-Romance capanna (Alessio Studi etruschi 19 (1946-
1947): 175**).
kamavot [m.] - dAgitwv eidoc ‘barley-groats’ (Phot.). <?>
eDER One connects the PN Kanavac, L. Robert 1963: 171+.
eETYM Unknown.
kanétic, -toc [f.] a Persian measure, 1/48" of an dptaBn (Polyaen. 4, 3, 32) = xoivig
(H.). <Lw Iran>
*DER Also kami81 [f.] a Persian measure = 2 yoiwxec (X. An. 1, 5, 6) = 2 Att. kotvAaL
*ETYM Persian words, so a connection with xamtw is improbable. They are certainly
not from a Persian cognate of kantw, as DELG assumes. Others reference Skt. kapati
[f.] ‘two handfuls (?)’ (lex.), on which see Mayrhofer EWAia 3 s.v. and Lagarde 1866:
198. Frisk (Supp.) refers to MoP qafiz (also Arab.), a measure.
KAMETOG = OKATIETOG.
KATH = KaTTW.
KamnAog [m.] ‘merchant, innkeeper’ (IA; on the mg. cf. on émopoc). < PG?(S)>
DER Secondarily as an adjective = kamnAtkdc (A., Com. Adesp., D. H.). Fem. xamniic
‘female merchant or innkeeper’ (com., pap.), kamrAtooa (sch.); KamnAgtiov ‘shop,
tavern’ (Att.); kamnAtkdc ‘belonging to a kammAog (PL. Arist.); kammAebvw [v.] ‘to be a
retail trader’ (IA) with kamnAeia ‘retail trade’ (Pl, Arist.) and kamnAevtikdcg =
KamnAtkdc (Ph Lg. 842d).
eETYM Derivation from xamn ‘crib, manger’ has been considered, assuming that the
word could mean ‘chest’ (“who sells from a chest”); highly improbable. As
loanwords, Lat. caupo ‘innkeeper’, etc. have been compared (WH s.v.). Fur: 257
considers Hitt. appar ‘purchase, price’ as a comparandum. As there is no
etymology, the word could be Pre-Greek (the suffix does occurs in Pre-Greek; see
Fur.: 115).
kamvoc [m.] ‘smoke, steam’ (II.). <PG?, EUR?>
DIAL Myc. ka-pi-ni-ja.
*COMP kartvo-d6xKn ‘flue (of a chimney)’ (IA), dvo-Kamvoc ‘with an unpleasant
smoke’ (A,, Thphr.).
DER Substantives: 1. kav (com.), short form of kanvod6xn; also = xamwaioc iBoc
(PHolm.; see below); 2. kanvia for Kamvn (Moer. 292, gloss. cf. Scheller 1951: 56); 3.
kanviac [m.] (a) a wine that got its special taste by fumigation (com.), (b) a kind of
jasper (= kanvitns), after its color (Dsc., Plin.), (c) of the poet Ekphantides (Ar. V.
151), dia TO uNndév AauMPOV ypagetv “because he wrote nothing clearly’ (H.). 4.
kamvitng [m.] name of a stone, after the color (Alex. Trall.; Redard 1949: 55),
karvitic [f.] plant name, ‘fumitory, Fumaria officinalis’, after its smoke-colored
leaves (Ps.-Dsc.), also called kamwoc and kamvoc (Stromberg 1940: 27).
Adjectives: 5. kamve(t)og (scil. &umedoc) [f.] ‘vine with smoke-colored grapes’ (Arist.,
Thphr., -pap.); 6. kanv@dn¢ ‘smokey, smoke-colored’ (Arist., Thphr., Plb.);° 7.
KaTIpOG 639
kattviddg ‘like smoke’ (Nic. Th. 54); 8. kamtmatog AiBoc ‘smoke-colored quartz’
(PHolm.).
Denominative verbs: 1. kamviCw ‘to smoke, produce smoke, be smoke-colored’ (I1.),
aor. Kattvio(o)at (also with prefix amo-, mept-, bm0-), KamTVLOIG ‘exposure to smoke’
(Arist.), kamtviopia ‘incense’ (AP), kamviotiptiov perhaps ‘steam-bath’ (inscr. Priene);
2. Kamvoopat ‘to vanish into smoke’ (Pi., E.); 3. kamvidw ‘to smoke a bee-hive’ (A. R.
2, 131), after Ovptdw; 4. Kamtveiw ‘to make vanish into smoke, burn’ (Nic. Th. 36).
Beside kamvoc, there is an aorist amd (dé woxi|v) éxkanvocev ‘he breathed forth’ (X
467; kamtvooev Q. S. 6, 523), with a present kanvoowv: éxnvéwv ‘breathing out’ (H.);
the supposed base form seems preserved in Kdmuc: mvetpua ‘breath, spirit’, also
Kdmo¢: yor, Mvedpa (H.). Uncertain is the gloss kanuxta: mvéovta ‘breathing’ (H.,
at an alphabetically wrong place); is it connected with kanboowv? Cf. » dAtw beside
adtoow. The stem with -v-_ also in »Kanvpdc ‘dry, etc; uncertain is the
appurtenance of » kéxijge - Té8vijke ‘is dead’ (H.), »kexagrota (Hom.).
eETYM A pre-form *kwap-né- has been assumed in view of the comparison with Lith.
kvapas ‘breath, smell’, kvépti, isg. kvépit: ‘to gasp, breathe’, Latv. kvépt, isg. kvépstu
‘to smoke, smell’. This group is close to Go. af-wapjan ‘to suffocate, extinguish’, af-
hvapnan ‘to extinguish’, but this has root-final -p instead of expected -f or -b. It is
unclear whether Lat. vapor ‘vapor, smoke’ is cognate with these words, with its v-
instead of expected qu-. Schrijver 1991: 260f. assumed a laryngeal in view of the
Latvian word and posited *kuh,ep-, but it is improbable that such a form would
result in Gr. *kfan-. Frisk remarks: “Man hat somit in den verschiedenen Sprachen
mit zahlreichen, nicht unerwarteten Entgleisungen zu rechnen”. At any rate,
Mycenaean does not have a -w-. This has been explained as a dissimilation PGr. *k” -
p>*k- p, cf. Schwyzer: 302 for more examples, but most etymologies adduced there
are doubtful.
Indo-European origin is improbable. *kap- is unprobelematic for Pre-Greek; an u-
stem (kamuc) is frequent in Pre-Greek (see Heubeck 1961: 31-39), as is a suffix -n-
after consonant (Pre-Greek: Suffixes). However, in view of the similarity of the Balto-
Slavic material and of Lat. vapor, it may be best to assume a European substrate
word.
kana [n.indecl.] the tenth letter of the Greek alphabet (Callias apud Ath. 10, 453d).
<LW Orient.
*ETYM From Semitic; cf. Hebr. kaph. See Schwyzer: 140.
kannapte [f.] “caper plant, Capparis spinosa’ (Hp., Arist.). <Lw Orient.>
eVAR Gen. -€ws, -L0c.
*DER Diminutive kam(m)dptov (pap.). Kammapoc [m.] a fish (PCair. Zen. 83, II*),
after the way of preparation, see Stromberg 1943: 88.
*ETYM Berger MSS 9 (1956): 13ff. connected the word with MoP kabar ‘id’ and
BuruSaski Copuri, copari.
Kkampog [m.] ‘(wild) boar’, also epithet of otc (Il); as a fish name = ‘Capros aper’
(Arist; after the sound, Thompson 1947 s.v., Strémberg 1943: 101). <?>
640 KaTITwW
*DER Diminutive kampidiov, -ioxog (com.); fem. kampaiva of a lewd woman (com.);
kampia [f.] ‘the ovary of a rutting sow’ (Arist.); kampwv ‘pigsty’ (Delos III"); (atc)
KampLoc = (abc) Kampog (IL, A. R.); kamptog ‘having the form of a boar’ (Hdt. 3, 59),
Kampetoc ‘belonging to a boar’ (Nonn.).
Denominative verbs: kampdw ‘to go to the boar’, of a rutting sow (Arist.), also
kanptaw (Arist. v.l, Ar. Byz.), on the formation see Schwyzer: 731f.3 KampiCw ‘id.’
(Arist.); katip@Copau ‘to rut’, of the boar (Sciras Com.).
eETYM Agrees with a Italo-Germanic word for ‘he-goat’, Lat. caper, U cabru
“‘caprum’, and in Germanic e.g. ON hafr. An uncertain trace of the word in Celtic is
supposed in Gallo-Rom. *cabrostos ‘honeysuckle, privet’. The newly created Greek
name of the he-goat, tpdyoc, made another use possible for *kapro-. The word was
probably first used appositively with otc, as in Homer. Lat. aper ‘boar’ took the
vowel of caper, but is further unrelated.
Briand 1997: 91-115 analyzes the attested forms as continuing an old adjective
‘devouring (greedily)’ from the root *kap- ‘to take’ (Lat. capio ‘id’, G happen ‘to
swallow, snatch’). The root was used for a snatching way of eating (Hom. kam ‘crib’,
Kantw ‘to gulp down’, cf. todyog ‘goat’ beside tpwyw), and the adjective lexicalized
in the separate languages, where it came to denote different male animals. See DELG
Supp. If the root was Indo-European, it must have been *kh,p-, not *kap-;
alternatively, it was borrowed from the European substrate. See » kKantw.
Kantw [v.] ‘to gulp down’ (Hdt., Herod., com., Arist.). <1E *keh,p- ‘seize’ (?)>
eVAR Fut. kayo, perf. -Kéxaga, -KéKamta.
eCOMP Also with ava-, éy-, b710-.
DER (Gvd-)Kkayic ‘swallowing’ (Arist.); kdppata [pl.] ‘what is supped up, sacrificial
cake’ with kappatides [pl.] ‘laurel leaves, for supping up’ (Nicocl. 2); yxagog ‘what
you have in your mouth’ (Eup. 330). Further xamn [f] ‘crib’ (© 434, 5 40, S. Ichn. 8,
Lyc. 95), kamnOev (Suid.).
eETYM The present kantw might be identical with Lat. capio ‘to take’ and the Gm.
verb Go. hafjan ‘to raise’. In use and meaning, however, it corresponds much better
to popular MoLG (= MoHG) happen ‘to swallow’, MoDu. happen ‘to snap’. These
belong to IE *keh,p- ‘to seize, etc.’, which has several variants. The form Kann ‘crib’ is
rather an old formation than a direct derivation from Kantw (cf. k@7N).
karvpdc [adj.] ‘dry, brittle, crackly, clear-sounding’ (Hp., Epich., Antiph., Arist.
Theoc.). <PG?, EUR?> ;
*DER karvpta, -idta [pl.] ‘kind of cake’ (pap.); kamupdopat ‘to be dried, singed,
crackly’ (Str., Orib.), kamupiCw ‘make noise, drink’ with kanvuptotis ‘drinker’ (Str.).
*ETYM Derived from the u-stem in *kanbw (Kamuc), so properly ‘giving smoke,
burnt’; on the meaning, see Legrand REGr. 20 (1907): 10ff. and Bogiatzides A@yv& 26
(1914): 109ff. See > kamtv6c.
Kapa 641
Kapa [n.] ‘head’ (trag, Cratin., Eup.). <1 *krh,-(e)s-n- ‘head’>
eVAR kdpn (epic).
*DIAL Myc. ka-ra-a-pi [instr.pl.] /kraat-p"i/.
DER As a first member in kapa-topéw ‘to behead’ (E,, J.) with kapatopoc ‘beheaded’
(S., E.), apparent basis kapatépog ‘beheading’ (Lyc.), cf. on Setpotopéw s.v. » dépn;
kapnBpapéw (-dw) ‘to feel heavy in the head, be sleepy, have a headache’ with
kapnPapia, -in, etc. (Hp., Arist.); from there Lat. caribaria > Fr. charivari, (WH 1,
854); on » Kapadoxéw s.v. Cf. » kpdoTtedov, » KpNOPvyeTtov, > KpTSELLVvov.
Other forms: A. recent analogical formations to Kapa, Kdpn;: dat. t kdapa (A,, S.),
kapy (Thgn.); xapne, -nv (Call., Nic.), kapav (Anacreont.).
B. Older disyllabic forms: epic kapr-atog, -att, plur. -ata; also Kapn-Tos, -Tl; a new
nom.sg. kapnap (Antim.) was made to kaprjata.
C. monosyllabic forms: Kpd-atoc, -att, pl. -ata; usually contracted (also trag.)
Kpatoc, -ti, plur. kpata (Pi. Fr. 8); further isolated forms: xpdteogt (K 156; probably
sg.), Kpatwv (x 305), Kpaoiv (K 152), Kpatac (E.); Kpata accus.sg. (0 92, trag.),
nom.sg. (S. Ph. 1457); new nom.sg. Kpdac (Simm. 4).
D. kdpa (antevoc.) as a nom.pl. (h. Cer. 12), Kapa [pl.] (¢, Sannyr. 3). On » kapnva
see s.v. and below.
eETYM The origin of the Greek forms has to be judged by the Skt. word for ‘head’.
The oblique forms are, e.g., sirsn-ds [gen.sg.], adverbial abl. sirsa-tds, which represent
a zero grade root Sirs-n- < *krh,-s-n-, ie. an s-stem enlarged with -n-. The disyllabic
nom.-acc. siras- (also Av. sarah-) derives from *krh,-os. Therefore, it appears that Gr.
Kpdatos represents earlier *krahatos (which may also be found in Myc. ka-ra-a-pi) <
*krh,s-yt-os, which by contraction gave Kpatéc (Kpntds, acc. to Zenodotus). The
antevocalic form *krdasn- is continued in » xpaviov. The explanation of the Greek
disyllabic forms has to start from the plur. xdpnva < *karasna < *krh,-es-n-h., which
formed the basis for the creation of the singular forms kapratoc, -ati (for earlier
*karahatos, -ti), if these were not innovated from the sg. xdpn. This nom.-acc.sg.
may go back to analogical *kdpao-a (like Svoua); from Kdpn; the forms kapn-tos, -TL
were constructed.
Beside the old s-stem, there are isolated forms without -s-: émi xdp ‘on its head’,
éykapos, tykpoc: éyKégados ‘situated in the head’ and kata (a0) KpiiPev ‘from the
head down’ (Hom., Hes.), »xprdepvov ‘head-band’. The explanation is debated:
kata Kpi8ev (whence and KpiPev) may stand for Kat’ dxpnB_ev (see especially
Leumann 1950: 56ff.), but this seems unncessary; Zyxapoc has been interpreted as a
learned innovation of kdpn after kepadn : éyKépadog; on >» Kprdettvoy, see s.v. An s-
less form Kap is supported by Arm. sar ‘hight, top’ < *krh,r-o-. Very extensive
treatment by Nussbaum 1986 (review by Beekes Kratylos 34 (1989): 55-59). Perpillou
KZ 88 (1974): 230-234 analyzes the form *krh,-s-r/n- ‘head’ and discusses the
possibility of a suffix -yer, -ywen-. See »Kapdw 1, > KapwW, > KapWTOV, » Képac,
> Kpavoc, > KpLOc.
Kanvooat = kamvdc.
Kapa - alk Hptepoc ToAvppryviot- b10 Toptvviwv...dAdot dé 1] ovKi}. “Iwvec ta mpdPata,
kai TI KepaAry ‘tame goat (Polyrrenian); others: fig-tree (Gortynian); cattle, head
(loniany (H.). <¢>
Kap [n.] indecl. ‘head’, only in émi kdp ‘on its head, topsy-turvy’ (IT 392) and ava xap
‘upwards’ (Hp. apud Gal. 19, 79). > Kapa.
642, KapaBoc
*ETYM The gloss is partly corrupt; see Latte. The meaning aif seems to be confirmed
by kapava; see on > Kdpryva.
KapaBos [m.] 1. ‘a prickly crustacean’ (Epich., Ar. Arist. cf. Thompson 1947 s.v.),
metaph. a light canoe (EM); 2. ‘a horned beetle’ (Arist.). < PG(V)>
*VAR okopdofvAoc KavOapos ‘kind of beetle’ (H.).
*DER Kapafic ‘kind of sea-crab’ (Gal., Sch.), ckapaBiov = é@oAxtov ‘small boat towed
after a ship’ (H. s.v. » €pdAxta, sch.); probably also kapaBaia: Sikpovv EvAov ‘forked
timber’ (H.). Further xnpagic = kapafic (Nic. Al. 394), secondary after the names in
-~(0)-, and n an epic imitation for a?
*ETYM Cohen BSL 27 (1927): 100 gives several similar Arabic words. Boisacq s.v.
suggests that -Boc is Macedonian for Gr. -pog < IE *-b'o-.
Fur. (index) connects it with several other words: xapBdapeot- Kapafot (H.),
additional prenasalized forms kapdutoc (Ar. Byz. Epit. 9, 11; v.l. Arist. HA 551b 17),
rKepauBve (Nic. Fr. 39, Hs s.v.), and kepduBrAov (H.); the suffix -nAo- is well-
known in Pre-Greek. These forms cannot be derived from Képac, as assumed by
Frisk. Fur. further posits *oxapaBaioc on the basis of Lat. scarabaeus, which seems
unavoidable. The form oxopdBvdog perhaps continues *oxapap-vA-, where both a’s
turned to -o- before the -v- in the following syllable (Fur. 340 discusses the
phenomenon, but did not see that it operated here); thus, we have evidence for
oxapaf-. Then there is » ypawaiog (Diph. Siph. apud Ath. 3, 106d) = xapaBoc, which
Fur. assumes to stand for *yapwatoc (doubtful). The word » oxopmiog does not seem
to belong here.
In conclusion, it is clear that we are dealing with a Pre-Greek word *(s)karab- with
several of its usual variants. From kapafoc came Lat. carabus ‘crab’, also ‘small boat’
(also Romance, e.g. MoFr. caravelle) and a Slavic word for ‘ship’, e.g. Ru. korabl’.
Kdpayos [m.] +6 tpaxb< woos, oiov mpiwv ‘raw sound, like a saw’ (H.). <GR?>
*ETYM Related to kéxpaya, like tapayog (-x1) to tétprnxa. See > Kpaw. Alternatively,
is it Pre-Greek?
kapadoxéw [v.] ‘to await the outcome of something (udxn, mdAEpOG, etc.), wait for
something, take care’ (Hdt, E, Ar, X, Plb.); in Hdt. perhaps an Atticism; cf.
Wackernagel 1916: 3’. <GR>
eCOMP Also with ano-, dia-.
*DER (Ato-)kapadoxia “eager expectation’ (Aq., Ep. Rom., Ep. Phil.).
*ETYM On the use of xapadoxéw, cf. Aly Glotta 15 (1927): 104f. Acc. to the traditional
assumption, properly ‘expect something with the hand strechted out’, which is
neither factually nor formally very convincing. Given dwpo-, Eevo-doKéu, etc. (do-
doxéw after ddot-nopéw), one would expect xapa- to be the object of Soxéw. DELG
remarks that «dpa ‘head’ may have been used in the sense of ‘end, outcome’ here, for
which we may compare kpaiatvw ‘to accomplish’.
kapdakaAdov [n.] ‘cap’ (AP, Edict. Diocl.). <Lw Lat>
eDER KapakaAAtov (pap. V-VIP).
*ETYM From Lat. caracalla. Probably originally Gaulish; see WH s.v.
Kapdapiov 643
Kdpavvosg *VAR Kdpavos, etc. = Kdpryva.
kapBav [?] ‘outlandish, foreign’. <Lw Orient>
eVAR Acc. -dva (A. Supp. 129 [lyr.], H.), KapBavog (A., Lyc.).
°DER kapBdcetv, kapBailerv, kappaviterv = BapBapitev ‘to behave like a foreigner’
eETYM Unknown. Acc. to Kretschmer Glotta 31 (1951): 250, it is from the toponym
Qarbana (= Herakleion) in Egypt, whence the captive Danaeans escaped to the
Peloponnese. Acc. to Hommel Phil. 98: 132ff., kapBav is identical with Hebr. kopBav
(NT), properly ‘sacrificial gift’, which became an epithet for Phoenician merchants,
but this is hardly convincing; see E. Masson 1967: 107. Perhaps there is a relation
with the name of the east wind in Cyrene, KdpBac. Arist. (Vent. 973b) has am0 tov
KapBav@v t@v Kata Morviknv. Phoenician, acc. to Thphr. Vent. 62. Acc. to
Neumann 1961: 92f,, it is from Hitt. kureyana- ‘foreign state that is not a vassal’ (on
the meaning, see Puhvel s.v.).
kapBativoc [adj.] ‘made of skins’ (Ph. Bel.). <EUR>
*VAR KapPativat [f.pl.] ‘shoes of unprepared leather’ (X., Arist.); also kapndativov:
aypo<t>KiKov b1ddnUA Lovddeppov ‘one-layer farmer’s sandal’ (H.).
eETYM Formation like deppudtivos, etc. it has been compared with words for ‘shoe,
etc.’ in Balto-Slavic, Germanic, and Celtic, e.g. Lith. kurpé ‘shoe’, Cz. krpé ‘id’, ON
hriflingr, OE hrifeling ‘id.’, Olr. cairem ‘shoemaker’, but the formations differ among
each other. Further, Lat. carpisc(u)lum ‘kind of shoe’ (IV”), which is considered to be
a loanword because of its late attestation. In yet other respects, these words seem to
be technical loans; cf. Beekes 2000: 28. From kapBdtivoc came Lat. carpatinus ‘of
raw leather’. See >» kpnnic.
KapBic [2] - paotpondc ‘pimp’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Unknown. DELG notes: cf. Lat carissa?
kapdapov [n.] ‘nose-smart’, ‘Lepidium sativum’ (X., Ar.). <PG?(S)>
eVAR Also mapdSapaAn (Phot.).
eCOMP As a first member in kapdauwpov, haplological for kapSay-duwpov [n.]
‘cardamony (Thphr., Dsc.; on the formation Schwyzer: 263).
*DER Kapdapic = KapSapov (Nic., Plu.), after xedpic, etc. acc. to Chantraine 1933: 343;
kapdapivr ‘id.’, also = ciobuBptov, etc. (Dsc. Chantraine 1933: 204); kapdapdrn
‘Persian cake from xapdauov (Trypho apud Ath; as duvydaAn, etc.); capdapiw “to
talk cress”, i.e. ‘to talk nonsense’ (Nic. Th. 617). By-form xapddavn ‘id.’ (gloss.), after
Botavr?
*ETYM Among the plant names in -apov (Schwyzer: 494, Chantraine 1933: 133), there
are several clear loanwords, and the same holds for kapdapov. Doubtful suggestion
in Stromberg 1944: 38: from *kdpdoq = Kpddoc ‘twig’ in Kapdidiov, dva-,
kataxapdtov. The solution of Grogelj Razprave 2: 41 is no better: related to
> oxdpodov. The suffix -ayov is known from Pre-Greek (Fur.: 647°’). The word has
been connected with Hitt. karsani ‘an alcalic plant’ (Fur.: 252).
644 Kapdia
kapdia [f.] ‘heart’, metaph. ‘soul, spirit’ (II.), also ‘cardiac orifice of the stomach’ (Hp.,
Th.), ‘heart of wood’ (Thphr., pap. Stromberg 1937: 125ff.). <IE *kér(d), gen. *krd-
(ios ‘heart’>
eVAR Ion. -i1), epic mostly xpadin.
eCOMP As a first member, e.g. kapdt-adyéw ‘to suffer from heartburn’, together with
-1¢; -la, -1K6¢ (Hp.); very often as a second member, e.g. 8pacv-Kapdioc ‘with daring
spirit’ (I1.).
*DER Kkapdtov [n.] ‘heart-shaped ornament’ (Delos III*), kapdixdc “belonging to the
heart’ (pap.), kapétatic [f.] Pythagoraean name of the number of five (Theol. Ar.);
kapdiwoow, Att. -otTtw = Kkapdiadyéw (Epich., Hp., Ar., Arist.) with kapdiwytdc
(Hp.), also kapdtdw (Kapdt6wvta Nic. Al. 581); kapdidw “to revive’ (LXX). Beside it
Kfip (epic), kéap [n.] (Pi. B., trag.), kip [dat.], knpdOt [adv.] ‘in the heart’, together
with knpaivw [v.] ‘to be afraid’ (E., Max., Ph.).
eETYM The word xapdia may be compared with other body parts in -ia, like kotiia,
aptnpia, AavKavin. The starting point is a monosyllabic neuter Kip < IE *kér(d) with
ablaut: cf. Lat. cordis < IE *krdés, which would have resulted in Gr. *kapddc¢ or
*xkpaddc. We often find an i-stem, which is probably old, in the genitive: Hitt.
kardias [gen.] next to nom. ke-ir /kér/. The i-stem also appears in Lith. sirdis (but
this is expected for an old root noun), Arm. srt-iw [instr.] beside sirt [nom.] < IE
*kérd, and in Skt. the -i is found in the nom.-acc. hardi, while the gen. is hrdds, like
Lat. cordis.
Disyllabic kéap was created by poets as a false archaism of kfjpt, based on éap (jp) :
Hipt ‘spring’. On the accent of Kfip, see Schwyzer: 377 and Berger MSS 3 (1953): 3.
Further, e.g., Olr. cride < kyd-io-, OCS sredv-ce beside OCS sréda ‘middle’ < PSlav.
*serda, Go. hairto, gen. hairtins (transformed into an n-stem like augo ‘eye’, auso
‘ear’, etc.), Skt. hfd-aya- [n.] = Av. zarad-aé- [n.]. The Indo-Iranian word shows a
secondary *f"- instead of *¢- < IE *k-, probably by contamination with another word,
while the original *é- is preserved in sraddhda- ‘to trust’. See now the collection of
different formations in Wodtko et al. 2008: 417ff. Cf. also on » kpaddw.
kapdorog [f.] ‘kneading-trough’ (com., Pl., Hom. Epigr., Nic. for the fem. gender, cf.
the instances in Schwyzer 1950: 34’; on kapdd6mn [Ar. Nu. 678] see ibid. 28"). < PG>
*DER Diminutive xkapdSémov (Delos II*); kapdSonetov ‘cover of a trough’ (H.; cod.
-tov), also ‘muzzle’ (Ar. Fr. 301); also xapitodoc (H.), with metathesis?
eETYM No clear etymology. Fur. 257%* suggests Hitt. harduppi with uncertain
meaning. No doubt a Pre-Greek word.
Kdpnva [n.pl.] ‘heads, tops, mountain tops’ (II). <IE *kerh,- ‘head, horn’, *krh,-es-n-
h»>
VAR Secondary sing. kaprvov (h. Hom.), kapavov (A. Cho. 396 [lyr.], Mosch. 1, 12).
*DER Hence kdpavvoc: kexpt@ados, kprdeptvov ‘headband’, Aeol; kapavw- tiyv aiya.
Kprites ‘goat (Cretan) (H.); Lacon. xapavog ‘chief (X. HG 1, 4, 3) is a Persian
loanword from *kdrana- ‘leader of the kara-’, acc. to Testen Glotta 69 (1991): 1736;
unclear is Képavvoc: BactAedc Maxedoviag probably an appellative. Denominative
Kapkapov 645
verbs: kapavow ‘to crown, complete’ (A.); *kapavilw ‘to behead’ in kapaviotiipes ...
dika opayai te (A. Eu. 186), Kapaviotic Ldpoc (E. Rh. 817).
eETYM From *karahna < *krh,-es-n-h,, which is also continued in Skt. sirsa. OHG
hirn(i), MDu. hersene ‘brain’ (from *kerh,snio-) also belong here. The alternating r-
stem is found in kapdpa: kepadn ‘head’ (H.) < *karasra, and probably also in Lat.
cerebrum ‘brain’ < *keras-ro- < *kerh,-(e)s-ro- (but see also Nussbaum 1986: 243).
Further relatives are » Kapa, » kpaviov, > kpaivw; see also » Képac.
KapOp0i - Kivijoetc ‘movements’ (H.). = okaipw.
Kapic [f.] name of small crustaceans; see Thompson 1947 s.v. <PG?>
eVAR Gen. -i50g¢ (Anan., old com.), -i6o¢ (middle com.); also xoupic, kwpi¢ (Epich.,
Sophr.).
*DER Kapidtov (Arist.), kapidapiov (Anaxandr.); kaptddw (tO oda) ‘to move (the
body) like a kapic; to wriggle, twist about like a shrimp’ (Anaxandr.).
*ETYM Ath. 3, 106b says dnd Tob Kapa: TO MAEioTOV yap LLépog TOD CWpATOG 1} Kear
annvéyKato, which is clearly folk-etymological. Ehrlich KZ 39 (1906): 556f. derived
Kapic from *kapoic and xoupic, kwpic from *kopoic, but there is no evidence for such
a form (cf. on » K6pon). Acc. to Frisk, it rather belongs to kapafoc as a popular short
form. xovpic and kwpic are unexplained; Chantraine (see DELG) pleads for
association with xwpa, Kovpa ‘girl’, but this is hardly understandable. The variation
may well point to a Pre-Greek word. Cf. Aéaryan 1937: 4, who considers xapic
together with Arm. kari¢ ‘scorpion’ as an Asiatic loan.
kapkadwv, -wvos [?] ‘the price paid to Charon by the dead for their passage’ (Phot.,
Suid.). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
kapkaipw [v.] only in Y 157 kdpKaipe dé yaia nddecotv dpvuptévwv, explained in
antiquity as éxpadaiveto, ceieto ‘trembled’, or as éydget ‘roared’ (details in Fraenkel
1910: 132', though with a wrong explanation). <IE *kerH- ‘praise (loudly) >
eVAR ExapKalpov: WO@ov TLva ametéhovv ‘produced a noise’ (H.).
*ETYM A yod-present with intensive reduplication (Schwyzer: 647), of onomatopoeic
origin. Sanskrit has an athematic reduplicated form car-kar-ti ‘to mention with
praise’. Not related to > kijpvé.
kapkapot [adj.] - tpaxeic ‘coarse, rough’ (H.). <PG?>
*ETYM Seems to agree with Skt. karkara- ‘hard’, but this is a late form; cf. Mayrhofer
EWAia 3 sv. On the other hand, cf. » kdpyapoc¢ and » kapkivoc. Fur.: 130 adduces
> Képyvoc ‘raw voice, hoarseness’ and ‘raw surface’, which would be a Pre-Greek
variant, with the interchanges a/ e and «/ x.
kapkapov [n.] ‘prison’ (Sophr. 147). <Lw Lat.>
eVAR Also -o¢ (D. S. 31, 9), -ov or -o¢ (Vett. Val. 68, 26); Kapkapot- deoytoi ‘fetters’
(H.), also Kkdpkapa, explained ia. with |tdvdpoi ‘enclosed space’, but the gloss is
corrupt.
eETYM From Lat. carcer; see WH s.v.
646 Kapkapic
kapkapic [?] - EbAwv 7] Ppvyavwv Poptiov ‘timber; a load of firewood’ (H.). <?>
eETYM DELG supposes it is a mistake for kaykavic; see » KAyKavoc.
kapkivoc [m.] ‘crab’ (Epich., IA), metaph. ‘ulcer, pair of pincers, kind of shoe, etc.’,
also name of a constellation (Scherer 1953: 167f.). On the mg. also Thompson 1947
s.v. <PG(V)>
*DER Diminutive xapxiwov (Arist. Hp.), also ‘kind of slipper’ (Herod.), xapkivac,
-d6o¢ [f.] (Gal. Ael.); kapktviac [m.] name of a precious stone (Plin; after the color;
like xarviac, etc., Chantraine 1933: 94); Kapktveutic ‘crab-catcher’ (Artem. 2, 14;
after dAtevtic, OpviBevtiic et al.); Kapktvwdnco ‘crab-like’ (Arist., medic.).
Denominative verb kapktvéw “bend, crook one’s fingers’ (Antiph. Thphr. cf.
Strémberg 1937: 65), -dopat ‘become cancerous, suffer from cancer’ (Hp.) with
Kapkivwpua ‘cancer’ (medic.), kapkivwoic ‘formation of dangerous growth’ (Aét.);
Kapkivw6pov (codd. -a8pov, -18pov) plant name, ‘Polygonum aviculare’ (Dsc. 4, 4;
after Strémberg 1940: 147 properly “Krebsmittel”, but rather after the roots spreading
like a crab.
eETYM Clearly connected with Lat. cancer ‘crab’, Skt. karkata- ‘id’, but not all
morphological details are clear. Like Lat. cancer from *car-cro-, kapkivoc may also
have undergone a dissimilation of r-sounds, and later added the suffix -tvo-. The
etymological connection with Skt. karkata- is doubted in Mayrhofer EWAia 1: 64
and by Fur.: 129. A loan from kapkivog is Skt. karki(n)- ‘the crab in the zodiac’
(perhaps karka- ‘crab’ [lex.] is a back-formation).
Connection with the adjective for ‘hard’ (see »Kdpkapoc, kpdtoc) was deemed
possible by Frisk, but this is a substrate word, like the present entry. Fur. connects it
with kdpyat- kapkivot, Kai <K>dxAot. LikeAoi (H.), not mentioned in Frisk or DELG,
which is completely self-evident. The interchange k/ x proves Pre-Greek origin. Fur.
doubts the appurtenance of Lat. cancer < *karkro-, and prefers to connect it with
yayypatva, yayyAtov. For kapxivoc, he also adduces (op.cit. 130) the PN Kepxivoc
and the HN Kepxivetc (Thessaly), with *xepxiv-. The suffix -tvo- can also be Pre-
Greek (Fur.: 129°4; Pre-Greek: Suffixes).
kapvn [f.] - Cyptia ‘punishment’ (H.). <?>
*VAR abtoKapvoc: abtoti os ‘self-punished’ (H.). '
*ETYM It has traditionally been compared with Lat. carindre ‘insult, ridicule’ (Enn.,
gramm.) and (without an n-suffix) several Celtic, Germanic and Balto-Slavic words:
Olr. caire ‘blame’, OHG harawén ‘mock’, Latv. karindt ‘tease’, Ru. kor ‘insult, scoff;
perhaps also ToAB kérn*- probably ‘to strike, afflict. Note that kapv- can hardly be
explained in IE terms (*r would give pa), which means that the word may be Pre-
Greek. The word xdpavvoc hardly belongs here, although glossed as Cnuia by H. (cf.
DELG), or *kapavitetv ‘to behead’ in kapawotrp, -tih¢, which is derived from
Kdpavov (see » KapI}va). See > KEPTOHEW.
Kapvos [?] - pip, Booxnua, mpdBatov ‘louse, beast, cattle’ (H.). < PG?; GR?
*ETYM In the meaning @0eip, it is related to Kdptc, etc. (see also » Kapov 1 and Kapdc);
in the sense ‘Booxnpa, mpdBatov’ perhaps with the group of »Képac? Fur.: 371,
Kapow 2 647
re however, connects it with dxapi ‘mite’. On Kdpvetoc [m.] epithet of Apollo on the
Peloponnesus, see Nilsson 1941(1): 532f. and Robert REGr. 80 (1967): 31ff.
kdpotvov [n.] name of a sweet wine (Edict. Diocl.. kapoivov Meoviov; Hippiatr.,
gloss.). <?>
*ETYM Grimme Glotta 14 (1925): 19 assumes a loan from Semitic: Akk. khurunnu
‘sesame wine’ (first from Hitt.); this is doubtful. Note oivoc kapvivoc (Gal; from
Maeonia); also, aBoAANG, xttTwV Kapdivoc (pap.), perhaps for Kapvivoc ‘nut-brown’?
kdpov 1 [n.] plant name ‘cumin, Carum carvi’ (Theb. Ostr. 135 [I?], v.l. Dsc. 3, 57). <?>
eVAR Also xapw [f.] (Dsc. l.c., Orib., uncertain Ath. 9, 371e; popular formation acc. to
Chantraine 1933: 116).
*ETYM Perhaps from xap- p0eip (H.), because a corn of cumin would resemble a
louse. -
Kapov 2 [n.] - weydAn axpic ‘big locust’ (H.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Also Kdpvoc (see Fur.: 371).
*ETYM See Gil Fernandez 1959: 148. Fur.: 341 compares dKopvdc = dkopvdc (H.), and
further mapvoc. Thus, it is clearly a Pre-Greek word.
kapog [gen.] only in tiw dé uv év Kapodc aioy (I 378), indicating something useless.
<>
eETYM The word Kapiwoipous also perhaps belongs here, explained by H. in two
ways: tod év jnded poipa, f ptoBo@dpous ‘serving for wages’. Most often
interpreted as “(cut off) piece, futile” and connected with keipw, but perhaps rather
from Kdp ‘louse’ (H.), which acc. to Frisk would be more visual and expressive.
Moreover, we cannot obtain kap- from the root of xeipw, which did not have a
laryngeal.
kapow 1, -doptat [v.] ‘to plunge into a deep sleep, stupefy, anasthesize’ (Hp., Antipho
Soph., Arist.), med. ‘to be stupefied’. <?>
eCOMP Also with bro-.
*DER Kdpwotc ‘heaviness in the head, drowsiness’ (Hp.), kapwtixdc ‘stupefying’
(Arist. Gal.), kapwdng ‘id., drowsy, soporific’ (Hp. on the formation cf. bnvwdn¢
| and the verbal derivations in -wdn¢ in Chantraine 1933: 431); kapwtides (aptipiat)
[pl.] ‘carotid arteries’ (medic.), also sg.; deverbal kdpoc [n.] ‘torpor, drowsiness’
(Arist. Phid, A. R.), cf. kapdc: kwpdc, oi 68 oxoTddtvoc ‘deaf, numb; dizzy’ (H.).
*ETYM The word is often taken as a denominative of kdpa, xdpn ‘head’: “to have a
heavy head”, like xapnBapéw. This is doubtful. The verb was originally intransitive,
and later joined the class of factitives in -dw. Cf. kapwOeic: tiv Kepadtyy oeto8eic,
jte8v08elc i} BaprGeic ‘shaken in the head, drunk or heavy (H.).
Kapow 2 [v.] ‘to estimate’. <?>
*VAR Only ptc. aor. kapovoavtes (IG 9(2), 1229: 25 [Thessal. II*]) and kapodo8a-
wveio8at ‘to buy’, Kapovptevoc: wvnodpevos ‘bought’ (H.).
eETYM Unknown. Cf. Bechtel-1921, 1: 206f.
648 kapTtaia
kapraia [f.] name of a mimetic dance in arms of the Thessalians (X. An. 6,1, 7, Ath. 1,
15f.). <PG(S)>
eVAR Also kamtpia: eid0¢ opytoews ‘kind of dance’ and kdpmea: dpynoig Maxedown
“Macedonian dance’ (H.).
*ETYM The description of the dance in Ath. Lc. (and in Max. Tyr. 28, 4 without
mention of the name) does not allow a comparison with kapmdg ‘fruit’ or with
Kapmtdc ‘root of the hand’. The variation -cta / -ea / -ta points to substrate origin; see
Pre-Greek: Suffixes: -at- / -e(1)-.
kaprdaAmog [adj.] ‘swift, eager’ (Il, h. Merc. 225, Ar. Th. 957 [lyr.], A. R:), epithet of
m6ec, of yévuEc (Pi. P. 12, 20). < PG>
eVAR Adv. kaprtaAipwe (Il.).
*ETYM On the formation, see Arbenz 1933: 28f. The etymology is unknown. Schrader
KZ 30 (1890): 473 connected it with kapmdc ‘root of the hand’ as “handy”, with
further connection to OHG hwerban ‘turn’, etc; see » Kkapmdc 2. Solmsen KZ 30
(1890): 602 does not connect it with xapmdc and starts directly from the meaning ‘to
turn’. Others recognize the base form in KaAmn ‘trot’ (with dissimilation of \ - \ to p
- d). A first syllable kapm- can hardly be of IE origin.
kdapraoov [n.] name of a plant with poisonous sap: ‘white hellebore, Veratrum album’
(med., Orph.). <PG(V)>
*DIAL Myc. women’s names Ka-pa-si-ja, Ka-pa-ti-ja.
*COMP Omto-Kapmacov (Dsc.; Lat. opocarpathon) = ondc Kapmdoov ‘sap of the k.’ (=
Lat. sucus carpathi, Plin.), after on0-Bddoapov; EvAo-Kapnacov (Gal.) after EvAo-
Baroapov (Risch IF 59 (1949): 287).
*ETYM Lat. carpathum with th instead of -o- points to foreign (Mediterranean)
origin. Both forms already existed in Mycenaean. A form with dental is found also in
the name of the island KdpmaQoc, which was named after the plant (Bogiatzides
AOnva 29 (1917): 72ff.); the TN Kapmacia (Cyprus) also belongs here. The s-form
also entered Latin (carpasum, carbasa). Derivation from kaprdéc (Brugmann Sdchs.
Ber. 51 (1899): 185) is not feasible. The variation 0/o is typical for Pre-Greek and
points to a palatalized phoneme -?-.
Kapraoos [f.] ‘a kind of fine flax (D. H. 2, 68, sch. Ar. Lys. 736), ‘cotton’ (Peripl. M.
Rubri 41). <Lw Ind.>
eVAR Also -a [n.pl.] ‘sails from linen’ (AP 9, 415, 6; after iotia). Also KaAmacoc
(pap.).
*COMP evdo-Kdapmacoc [m.] = » Kaxypu (Ps.-Dsc.,; s.v.).
*DER Kapmdotov ‘Spanish flax’ (pap. III”), kapmdaotvoc ‘made of k.’ (LXX, Str., D. H.)
= Lat. carbasinus. hivov Kapmdotov ‘from K. on Cyprus’ (Paus. 1, 26, 7).
*ETYM Reminiscent of Skt. karpdsa- [m.] ‘cotton bush’, but the exact relation is
unknown. The word xdapracog is usually thought to be a loan from Indic (cf. also
Mayrhofer EWAia s.v.), but acc. to Porzig ZII 5 (1927): 272ff, the origin is a
Mediterranean or Anatolian language. Lat. carbasus, -a was borrowed from
KdpTtacos, -a (either directly or indirectly); see WH and Fohalle 1925: 172-175. There
is no connection with the plant kapmacov. On ‘cotton’, see also » BayBaktoc.
KapTtdc 2 649
kapmiotov [n.] name of an aromatic plant from Anatolia, “Valeriana Dioscoridis’
(Gal., Alex. Trall.). <PG?>
*VAR kaprtinoia = Kapmtacoc (Paul. Aeg.; not -ov as given by Frisk).
*ETYM On the meaning, see Thiselton-Dyer Journal of Phil. 34 (1915): 310f on the
ending -1otoc, see Chantraine 1933: 41f. The etymology is unknown. Fur: 349
compares xépmtaQoc (Uran. 12), a kind of incense. The word can hardly be IE; thus,
probably Pre-Greek.
kapmdéc1 [m.] ‘fruit, fruits of the earth, corn, yields’ (II.). <EUR>
DIAL Myc. ka-po /karpos/.
*COMP Several compounds, e.g. kapmto-@dpog, d-KapTtoc.
*DER Diminutive kapmiov (Thphr., pap.); adjectives: kapmiog ‘giving fruit’ (trag.,
com., Hell; cf. Arbenz 1933: 45 and 47), kapmwén¢ ‘rich in fruits’ (imperial period).
Denominative verbs: 1. kapm6opat ‘to reap fruits, exploit’ (IA), -dw ‘to offer, produce
fruit’ = ‘to bring (burnt) sacrifices’ (A., LXX) together with kdpmwua ‘fruit, sacrifice’
and xdpmwoic ‘use, profit, sacrifice’, kapmwowoc (Hermipp. Hist.); cf. Bechtel
1921(1): 449 and 1921(2): 550. 2. kapmiCopat (-iGw Paros; Hell. inscr.) ‘to reap fruits’
(E., Hell.), -iGw ‘to fertilize’ (E. [lyr.]); xapmiopdc ‘yields’ (Arist. Thphr.). 3. kapmevw,
-evoual ‘to reap fruits’ (Hyp., Hell.) with kap7eia ‘profit, income’, kapretov ‘id’, also
= KapTtdc.
*ETYM Commonly compared with the root *kerp- of Lat. carpé ‘to pluck (off)’, Lith.
kerpu ‘to cut with scissors’, Hitt. karp(iie)-* ‘to take away, lift, pluck’, which would
imply that xapmdéc originally meant ‘what is plucked or reaped’. Another
comparandum is the Germanic word for ‘autumn’, e.g. OHG herbist (*karp-isto-
“best time to pluck”). However, the assumption is that the a in xapmdéc may
represent vocalic *r. Yet, in classical Greek, *y would normally have given -pa-, and
the Mycenaean form proves that there was no *r in Proto-Greek, as its normal reflex
between two stops is Myc. /-or-/ (see Garcia Ramon Minos 19 (1985): 195-226). This
has led to the assumption that PGr. *karp- is a secondary zero grade, but this seems
unlikely. DELG posits an “a populaire”, which means that the word is a loan,
perhaps from a European substrate? The connection with »xpwmtov is probably
wrong (the word is Pre-Greek).
Kapméc 2 [m.] ‘wrist’ (Il.). <2
eCOMP As a first member in xapmd-deapov, -deopoc, -déoptov ‘bracelet’ (pap., Luc.),
hypostasis bro-Kdpmtoc ‘under the wrist’ (Aristaenet.).
*DER kapmwtdg ‘reaching to the wrist’ (LXX); kapmifouat [v.] ‘to be taken by the
hand’, i.a. as a sign of manumission, émi é\ev0epia = ‘adseror in libertatem’ (gloss.);
Kapmiotis ‘emancipator’ (Arr.), kapmiopdc, -totia ‘vindiciae’ (gloss.).
*ETYM Has been connected with a Germanic verb for ‘turn, etc.’, e.g. Go. wairban,
OHG hwerban, hwerfan ‘to turn (intr.), whirl (see on » kapmtdAutoc). In this case,
the basic form would be *k”rpo-, from an IE root *k”erp- ‘to turn’ (cf. Schwyzer: 302
for the dissimilation *k” - p > k - p). However, the fact that the verb is limited to
Germanic makes the connection uncertain. Michler Herm. 94 (1966): 314-319
assumes that it is the same word as kapmdc ‘fruit’; see the remarks in Frisk Supp. s.v.
650 Kappov
kappov [n.] ‘wagon with four wheels, car’ (LXX, pap., Edict. Diocl.). «LW Lat.>
VAR Also -o¢ (Ed. Diocl.).
eCOMP As a first member in xappo-7m7y6<¢, -To1d¢ (gloss.).
*DER Diminutive kappiov (gloss.) and kappikdc yopoc ‘load of a wagon’ (Palmyra
II).
*ETYM From Lat. carrus (the Greek gender is after Gpya; late Lat. also -um), which
itself comes from Celtic. Further details in WH s.v. carrus.
Kdpotov [adj.] - TAdytov ‘sideways’ (H.). <GR>
VAR Also -iwe (Suid.).
eETYM Taken from éy-, > émucdpotoc.
kapta [adv.] ‘strongly, very’ (Ion., trag.). <GR>
*ETYM From *xapttcs = Kpatuc (cf. Kaptepdc, Kaptiotoc); see on » Kpdtoc. On the
ending -a, see Schwyzer: 622f.; on the ablaut type, see Ruijgh 1980: 189-198.
kaptatwvoc [m.] Indian word for the rhinoceros (Ael, N.A. 16, 20). <LW Iran.>
eETYM To be corrected to *kapydawvog; cf. MoP karyadan. See Benveniste 1929: 371-
376.
kaptainog [n.] ‘larger cattle, beasts’ (Gortyn). <GR>
eVAR Plur. kaptai-moda (Gortyn) like tetpd-moda (sing. tetpasoc Gortyn).
*ETYM Innovation of msc. *kaptai-nw¢ for kaptai-toug (Pi.) = Kpatai-ntovcg ‘with
strong feet’ (Hom. Epigr.). It also bears a short form, Kdptiyv (for -tav): tHv Botv.
Kpfitec (H.); see Bechtel 1921, 2: 787, Fraenkel Glotta 35 (1956): 86ff., and Fraenkel
1956a: 101; however, the gloss is probably corrupt (see Latte s.v. and p. 815).
kaptaddog [m.] ‘basket with pointed bottom’ (LXX, Hell., Ph., H.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Rarely -adoc.
*DER Diminutive kaptdAAtov (Hell.).
*ETYM Technical or popular word in -aAdog (cf. Chantraine 1933: 245ff.), which was
formerly connected with a root *k(e)rt- ‘turn’ (Pok. 584), “aber im einzelnen dunkel”
(Frisk). It was also supposed in » kbptoc. However, the variant with single -\- rather
points to a Pre-Greek word, and this would not be surprising, given the meaning.
DELG and Fur:: 352 suggest to connect Kaptaddtuov and KeptvAAtov.
kaptdg [adj.] ‘cut’, epithet of mpdcov ‘onion’, kpduvov ‘garlic’; TO Kaptdov ‘chive’
(Dsc., Gal., Gp.); also of clothes, perhaps ‘(finely) cut’ (IG 2”, 1514: 39f.5 of yAavic,
xAavioxtov). <GR>
eVAR kaptol: kexovpevptévol ‘who have had the hair cut’ (H.).
eETYM Zero grad verbal adjective of »Keipw. For the connection with onion, cf.
MoHG Schnittlauch ‘chive’ from schneiden ‘to cut’, and Knoblauch ‘garlic’, from
OHG klobo-louh, related to OE clufu ‘onion’ and OHG klioban ‘to split’; cf. also Lat.
sectile porrum ‘chive’. The vocalization kapt- is analogical after the full grade kep-.
Kapox«n [f.] name of a Lydian ‘soup of blood and spices’ (Pherecr., Ath., Plu., Hdn.).
<PG(V)>
eVAR Also -0Kxn.
Kap@w 651
eCOMP AS a first member in kapuKo-etdrj¢ (Hp.), -1to1éw (Ar.).
*DER Kapvx1vog ‘k.-colored’, i.e. “dark red’ (X.); denominative verbs: 1. kapuKetw ‘to
provide with «. prepare’. (Alex. Men.), also ‘to mix, confound’ (Erot., H.), with
kapvkeia (Ath.), kapvKevpia (Poll, comm. Arist.); 2 KapuKdlerv. tapdttetv ‘to
agitate’ (H.).
eETYM Unexplained. Frisk suggested Lydian origin; but the variation points to a Pre-
Greek (= Pre-Antolian) word; see Fur.150**. The structure xap-v«- fits the picture of
Pre-Greek (see Pre-Greek: Suffixes).
kapvov [n.] ‘nut’ (Epich., Ar., Thphr.). <PG(v)>
*COMP Kapvo-vattn¢ ‘who sails in a nut’ (Lyc.); kapvd-pvAdov ‘dried flower-bud of
the clove, Eugenia caryophyllata’ (medic.), acc. to Maidhof Glotta 10 (1920): 11 folk-
etymological adaptation of a loan (Skt. katuka-phala-).
*DER 1. kapva [f.] ‘walnut-tree’, especially ‘hazel, Corylus avellana’ (S., LXX, Thphr.,
etc; on the gender Schwyzer 1950: 30). 2. Diminutives: kapvdiov (Philyll. 19) with
kapvd6w ‘castrate’, kapvdwotc (Hippiatr.); xapvioxog (LXX). 3. Adjectives: kapv-
tvoc ‘of nuts, nut-brown, etc.’, -wd1¢, -npdc¢ ‘nut-like’ (Hell.); kapvwtdc ‘with nut-
like hump or fruit’ (= ‘date-tree’), kapv@tic [f.] ‘kind of date’ (Hell.); substantive
kapvitne ‘kind of Euphorbia’ (Dsc.; Stromberg 1940: 53, Redard 1949: 72). 4. Adverb:
kapundov ‘like nuts’ (medic.). 5. Verb: kapvatitw ‘play with nuts’ (Ph; after the
verbs in -ati¢w). A lengthened plural form in kapurpata: Kdpva. Adkwvec ‘nut
(Lacon.) (H, after tpayrpata et al; Chantraine 1933: 178).
*ETYM Several words have been compared, but they all differ from xdpvov and from
one another: Lat. carina ‘ship’s keel’ (since Enn. and Plaut.), ‘shell of a nut’ (Plin.);
Skt. karaka- [m.] ‘(shell of the) coconut’ (lex.), ‘jar for water’. For Lat. carina, a
Greek loan (from Kaptivoc = *‘like a nut-shell’ > ‘ship’s keel’?) has been supposed
(WH s.v.); for karaka-, the priority of the meaning ‘coconut’ beside ‘water-jar’ is
doubted by Mayrhofer EWAia 3: 59 (later form).
Beside kdpvov, we find dpva- ta “HpakAewttka Kapva (H.), which points to a Pre-
Greek word (interchange k-/ zero; Fur.: 391). The connection with a group *kar-
‘hard’ (Pok. 531f.) is completely hypothetical.
Kap@w [v.] ‘to dry up, wither, wrinkle’ (Od.). <PG?(v)>
eVAR Aor. kdpwat, fut. Kapyw.
¢comP Also with kata-, b10-.
*DER 1. Kap@og [n.] ‘arid stalk, twig, halm, hay’ (1A); diminutive kapgiov (Dsc.),
Kapenpds ‘consisting of arid stalks’ (E. Ion 172; cf. abypmpdc, adotnpdc et al.,
Chantraine 1933: 232f.), kap@itng ‘id’ (AP), kap@wdng ‘full of «.’ (gloss.), kapeta
[n.pl.] = xape@n [pl] (Nic. Al. 118); kappoopat (AP) = kappbvecBat- EnpaiveoOat,
OeipecBat ‘to dry up, perish’ (H.); see Fraenkel 1906: 294. 2. xapen [f.] ‘hay’ (X.,
Arr.). 3. kap@adéog ‘arid’ (Il.), like abadéoc; perhaps from xdp@oc, cf. Chantraine
1933: 253f. 4. katakap@rjs ‘withered’ (Nic. Fr. 70, 9).
eETYM There is no correspondence in the other IE languages to a zero grade thematic
root present kdp@w (does Kappos stand for older *kép@oc?). A widespread group in
Balto-Slavic and Germanic has been adduced, e.g. Ru. kordbit’ ‘to curve, bend’, refl.
652 Kapxaréoc
‘to writhe’, beside which (with anlauting s-) skérbnut’ ‘to writhe’, Lith. skrébti, 1sg.
skrembu ‘to get a thin crust, get stiff, Molc. herpa-st ‘to draw together convulsively’,
ON skorpna ‘writhe, wither’, etc. from a root IE (s)kerb"-, (s)kreb'- (Pok. 948f.).
Within Greek, we also find the glosses koppac: éhagpwc ‘light, small’ and xépBaka:
doOevi| ‘weak’ (H.). The problem with this Indo-European etymology is the
consistent a-vocalism of the Greek words. The comments by Frisk are illustrative
(“Die expressive Wortgruppe hat offenbar lautliche Entgleisungen und
Verschrankungen erlitten”), as are those of DELG (“Les rapprochements proposés
par les étymologistes ne donnent satisfaction ni pour la forme ni pour le sens”). It
seems, then, that the word is non-IE and it may well be Pre-Greek. In this context,
note the vocalism of kop@dac.
KkapxaAéoc [adj.] ‘arid, scorching, biting, sharp’ (® 541 [v.l. xap@-], Nic. Th. 691 [v.l.
kap@-], A. R.). <2>
*ETYM A cross of Kdpxapoc and kappadéoc? DELG remarks that the oldest sources
attest to the sense ‘arid’, which could mean that the readings with -g- are to be
preferred. See > Kdp@u, » Kapxapoc.
Kapxapos [adj.] ‘biting, sharp, raw’ (Alcm. 140, Lyc., Opp.). <PG(V)>
VAR With reshaped ending kapyxapéoc (EM).
*COMP Kapxapddwv (-ovc), -ovtog ‘with sharp teeth’ (IL, Hes., Ar., Arist. Thphr.; cf.
Sommer 1948: 93).
*DER kapxapiag [m.] ‘kind of shark’ (Pl. Com., Sophr.; cf. Thompson 1947 s.v.,
Stromberg 1943: 45).
*ETYM Onomatopoeic reduplicated formation (Schwyzer: 423; cf. Tichy 1983: 174?°),
which has been compared with Skt. khara- ‘hard, raw, sharp’, MoP xar(da) ‘rock,
thorn’; however, Skt. kh- does not correspond to Gr. -x-. Acc. to Leumann 1950: 156,
Kdpxapoc was taken from Hom. xapyapddovtec. An unaspirated form appears in
> KdpKapot - Tpaxeic Kal Séopot (H.).
Blanc REGr. 107 (1994): 686-693 thinks that the word is connected with xdpag
‘pointed pole’ and xapdoow ‘to sharpen, engrave, etc.’. Fur: 130 rejects the IE
comparison (see Mayrhofer EWAia 3: 139). The comparison with kdpkapot rather
points to Pre-Greek origin; Fur. refers to Urart. harhar ‘heap of stones’, Arm. karkar
‘slippery rock’.
kapxijorov [n.] ‘a drinking vessel which is narrower in the middle’, metaph.
‘masthead, top’, also ‘cage or chamber in a torsion engine’ (Sapph., Pi. IA). <PG?>
eVAR -Gotov (Pi.).
«DER kapyrotog [m.] ‘halliard of a ship, rope in general’ (Gal.).
*ETYM Foreign word of unknown origin; cf. Schwyzer: 470, Chantraine 1928: 3, and
Hermann Gott. Nachr. (1943): 1f. Borrowed as Lat. carchésium (see Friedmann 1937:
2off.), whence Sp. carquesia, Ital. calcese > MoFr. calcet. The word could be Pre-
Greek.
kapw [f.] ‘cumin, Carum carvi’ (Dsc., Gal., Orib.). <PG?>
*DER KapwtO6v [n.] ‘carrot’ (Ath. 9, 371e? Uncertain); Lat. carota (Apic.).
Kaotyvi{tos 653
eETYM A form of the word xdpov. Derived from Kdpr) ‘head’, like kepakwtdv ‘kind of
onion’ from KegaAn, by Frisk. However, the form in -w seems Pre-Greek.
-Kac adverbial suffix. = éxdc.
kaoaABadc, -dd0o¢ [f.] ‘strumpet’ (Ar.). <PG(V)>
*VAR KkaooaBac (EM).
*DER kaodAPiov ‘brothel’ (sch. Ar. Eq. 1825 v.l.), kacadBatw (Ar. Hermipp. Com.).
Also xaowpic with kaowpevw (Lyc.) and kaowpitic ‘id’ (Hippon., Antiph.),
Kaowpiov (Ar. Eq. 1285) = Kaowptikocg Sdog (uncertain conj. in Hippon. 74);
Kaoavpa: Kaowpic, mopvi ‘strumpet, prostitute’, also kacavpdc, with kacavpeia [pl.]
(H.). Short form xdooa (Lyc.).
eETYM Vulgar words. There seems no reason whatsoever to connect it with kaodc
‘blanket’. The form xac-wp- continues kac-avp- (a well known development in Pre-
Greek; see Fur.: 3013”). In turn, the form kaoavp- may continue kacaB-, with B
varying with v, F. The relation between kaoadB- and kaoaB- is unclear; Fur.: 305f.
thinks that the A is secondary, but he gives only little evidence. I am inclined to think
that the A is old, and suggest that kacaAB- originates from *kasal”-, with a labialized
phoneme /” that may easily have become w > b.
kaoas [m.] ‘horse-cloth’ (Agatharch., X. Cyr.). <Lw Orient.>
eVAR Acc. -av, acc.du. -d. Also Kkaotjc (PTeb.), also kdococ (Hdn. 1, 208), acc. to H.
ipatiov naxyd kal tpaxdb, mepiBddAatov ‘thick and coarse cloth, covering cloth’, and
Kdc: ... déppa ‘skin’ (H., PLond. 2, 402 V5).
eCOMP As a first member in kao(o)o-movdc (pap., Ostr.).
*DER KaowToc epithet of éo8rj¢ (Diog. Oen.).
eETYM An oriental loanword; cf. Hebr. kissé and k’siit, properly ‘cover, over-
garment’ (Guny MSL 19 (1915-16): 193f. and Nyberg in Bjérck 1950: 295). Borrowed
from Greek as Lat. casula; see Kramer AfP 45 (1999): 192-204 and Kramer AfP 46
(2000): 62-64.
kaoia [f.] “cassia, Cinnamomum iners’, a kind of cinnamon (Sapph., Melanipp., Hdt.,
Thphr.). <Lw Orient.>
eVAR Ion. -in (rarely -oo-).
*DER kacoilw ‘to smell or taste cassia’ (Dsc.).
*ETYM An oriental loanword; cf. Hebr. q’si‘ah, Assyr. kasia. Originally Austro-Asiatic
(Kretschmer Glotta 27 (1939): 250 after Gonda). Cf. E. Masson 1967: 48f. and Welles
1934: 342.
kaotyvytos [m.] ‘brother (of the same mother)’ (Il.). <IE *kmt-i- + *gnh,-to- ‘born
together’>
eVAR kaotyvijtn [f.] ‘sister, cousin’ also Corc., Cypr., Lesb. (cf. Bowra JHS 54 (1934):
65), Thess. katiyvettoc [m.].
*COMP avto-Kkaciyvijtos (Il.), -"tn (K 137), Matpo-Kaociyvijtos, -1T1 ‘uncle, aunt’
(Hom.), tatpo-Kaotyvijrat [pl.] ‘uterine sister’ (A. Eu. 962); ovy-Kaotyviytn ‘(own)
sister’ (E. IT 800).
654 Kkaokavé1e
*DER Short form (see below) kdotc, -toc [m., f.] ‘id.’ (trag., Call. Nic.), oby-Kaotc
‘(own) sister’ (E. Alc. 410 [lyr.]). Also kdotot (for -lec?): of &k tig adtiic ayéAns
adergoi te kai dvewtol. Kai emi Ondetwv obtwco ~Aeyov Adkwvec ‘brothers and
cousins who are from the same band; the Laconians also say it in the case of females’
(H.); cf. Leumann 1950: 307, where xdotc, kaciyvntoc are questionably taken from
poetical language. Unclear are kacev (Lacon. Knabeninschr.; see Kretschmer Glotta 3
(1910-1912): 270ff., Schwyzer: 625° [for xaQ’ év?]) and katvita: adeA@r, Katvitac:
adeAgovcs Kai adekpac (H.), perhaps Cyprian < kaotyvnt- (with itacism)? See von
Blumenthal 1930: 22. ;
eETYM From **kmti-gnh,-to-, so ‘born together’, i.e. from the same mother. On Kaot-
< *kati-, see on » Kal. See Ruijgh 1957: 137f and Beekes 19609: 210f.
kaoKavork [2] - 1) ynOvAXic ‘kind of onion’ (H.). <PG(s)>
*ETYM It has been connected with oxavaig, -ikoc ‘chervil’, oxavdvk, -dKoc (vl. Dsc. 2,
138), assuming reduplication and dissimilation of ox - ox (Brugmann-Delbriick 1897-
1916 1: 856, Schwyzer: 260). The word is Pre-Greek, in view of the a-vocalism and the
suffixation.
kaokdc [m.] + 6 puKkpdc SaktvAOsg ‘small finger’ (H.). <>
eVAR Also kaxkés ‘id.’ (H.).
*ETYM Unknown.
Kdopopos - SbotHvos ‘unhappy’ (H.). = Kdjipopoc.
Kaoodvépa [f.] daughter of Priamos (Il.). < IE *(s)kend- ‘raise’, *keNs- ‘order’>
eDIAL Ion. -n. Also Kacdvépa (first syllable always long), Keoavépa (Cor., Tarent.
vases.), Katavépa (Att. amphora). On the forms Sommer 1948: 189f. Cf. also Myc.
ke-sa-do-ro [Kessandros/, ke-sa-da-ra /Kessandra/.
*ETYM Heubeck Beitr. z. Namenforsch. 8 (1957): 272-274 suggested derivation from a
root Kao- in kéxaouat. DELG Supp. suggests to connect the Myc. PN ke-sa-me-no
and the root *keNs-.
Garcia Ramon 1992a follows Heubeck in connecting Kéxaopat, but reconstructs a
root *(s)kend- for this form. The name would be a Motionsbildung to Kassandros,
which is then a-tepwiBpotocg compound, i.e. *kyd-ti-, which we find in Kaott-
aveipa and Kaoo-avop, the group -ti- yielding -oo-. The Myc. PNs in /Kess-/, on the
contrary, would be derived from the root *keNs-, and are not cognate.
kaooitepos [m.] ‘tin’ (Il.). <PG>
eVAR Att. kattitepoc.
*COMP As a first member in kacottepo-molds ‘tinner’ (Ptol.).
DER Kaoottéptvoc (Katti-) ‘made of tin’ (Att. inscr., Arist.); Kacottepides vijoot “the
tin-islands”, probably South-West of Britain (Hdt. 3, 115, Str.); xaoottepac [m.]
‘tinner’ (pap.); Kaoottepdw ‘tin’ (Dsc.).
*ETYM Elamitie origin has been suggested, from *kassi-ti-ra “coming from the land
of the Kassi” (whence Kaooitipa island in the Indian Ocean [Dion. apud St. Byz.]?).
Further, Celtic names like Cassi-velaunus were also connected, with the
Kaoottepidec vijoot giving their name to the metal (cf. e.g. KUmpoc: copper), or vice
KAOTWP, -OPOG 655
versa. More recently, Freeman Glotta 75 (1997): 222-225 pleaded for Near Eastern
origin, referring to Kaooitepa in Steph. Byz.
The Greek word spread widely: Lat. cassiterum (after ferrum, aurum et al.), OCS
kositer®, Skt. kastira-, Arab. qazdir, etc. The group oo / tt is typically Pre-Greek, so
the word would have come from Greece or Western Anatolia, like the word for
‘lead’, > LOALBSoc.
kaocotw [v.] ‘to stitch, sew together like a shoemaker’ (Nic. Fr. 85, 6). <PG>
eDIAL Att. kattbw (com., Pl.).
eCOMP Also with év-, ém-, Mapa-, Ovv-.
*DER Kddovjla (Hp.), Kattvpa (com.) ‘sole of a shoe’, kattvc [f.] ‘piece of leather’
(Ar. Fr. 285).
*ETYM The form xatttc is not the basis (as per Kretschmer Glotta 1 (1909): 52f.), but
rather a back-formation from Kattbw. The “foreign phoneme” oo / tt, in
combination with the a-vocalism, shows Pre-Greek origin.
kaotava [n.pl.] ‘sweet chestnuts’ (Mnesith. apud Ath. 2, 54b, Gal. Dsc. v.1.). <PG?(s),
LW Anat.?>
eVAR Also Kdotavol (Gal.); sing. Kaotavov (Gp.), -o¢ (H. s.v. kapbat), Kaotaviat
(Dsc.).
eCoMP As a second member in BaAavo-kdotavov = Bddavocg kaotaviKkds (thus Gal.)
and BoABo-xdotavov ‘earth-nut’ (Alex. Trall.).
*DER Kaotdavaia, -ela [pl.] = Kdotava (Att. inscr.), kaotavén ‘chestnut tree’,
Kaotavewv ‘chestnut forest’ (Gp.), KaotawKkdc (Gal; see above), KaotavatKov
kdpvov (Thphr.); Kaotavic aia land in Anatolia (Nic. Al. 271; cf. Kaotavéa = mddtc
Mayvnotac EM).
*ETYM The ny in Kaotnvod (gen.) ‘chestnut-tree’ (Nic. Al. 269) is unclear. An
Anatolian word? Except for the TN mentioned, cf. Arm. kask ‘chestnut’, kaskeni
‘chestnut-tree’. From kdaotavov, -avera comes Lat. castanea (cf. e. g. picea), whence
OHG chestinna, and, via new borrowing, MoHG Kastan(i)e. Further, see WH s.v.
castanea. Fur.: 389 has a variation « / t, but there is no Pre-Greek material for this
(the k in Armenian may be due to assimilation). The variation -ata / -ela may,
however, be a Pre-Greek feature (Pre-Greek: Suffixes 6. -at-/-e(t)-).
kdotov [n.]? - EvAov. AOapdavec ‘timber (Athamanian)’ (H.). <PG?>
eETYM Fur.: 164 compares dkaotov 1) opevdauvoc ‘maple’, noting that the hard
wood of this tree is excellent for building; he further compares kdotov ‘wooden part
of a carrier’ (343). Several other proposals can be found in Frisk.
Kdotwp, -opos [m.] ‘beaver’ (Hdt., Hp, Arist.). <?>
*DER Kkaotép(e)tog ‘belonging to the beaver’ (Pi, X., Dsc.), kaotép(e)ov [n.] ‘castor
(= Bibergeil)’ (pap., Plu.); kactopidec [f.pl.] “Laconian race of dogs, initially elevated
by Castor’ (AP, Poll.), ‘beaver’ (Opp., Ael.); kactopitw ‘to be like castor’ (Dsc., Vett.
Val.).
eETYM Since Kretschmer 1909:121-3, it has been assumed that the name Kaotwp, who
was known as owtrp of women, was transferred to the beaver, presumably because
656 Kaovtas
of the medicinal effect of castor for women’s diseases. This idea has been uncritically
taken over, and in fact Kretschmer gives no specific argument. Gantz 1993: 323-328,
who discusses the Dioskouroi rather extensively, mentions nothing about a relation
with the beaver, so Kretschmer’s idea should be abandoned.
Schrader-Nehring 1917: 138 point out that the animal no longer existed in Greece; the
word would be foreign. It is first mentioned in Hdt. 4, 109 in the North Pontic area,
which is close to the supposed homeland of the Indo-Europeans, so the word could
in principle be inherited. A Pre-Greek word for ‘beaver’ may have been hdtak.
Kdotwp was borrowed by Latin, and thence it spread to the other European
languages. From kaotdp(e ov comes Skt. kastiiri [f.] ‘musk’.
kaobtasg [?] - Lvptaxov Botawov ‘Syriac plant’ (H.). <Lw Sem.?>
*VAR Also kadbtac (Thphr. CP 2, 17, 3) ‘Cassyta filiformis’.
eETYM From Arab. kasath; cf. Grimme Glotta 14 (1925): 19. Fur.: 256 remarks that the
assibilation to -ov- does not prove anything, and that the plant probably came from
Anatolia.
kaowpic = kacadBac.
kata [adv., prep.] “‘down(wards), against, along, through, over, across, concerning’
(IL). <1E *kmt- “down, with, along’>
eVAR As a prep. with gen. and acc.
eDER Also katat- in Katat-Batai (v 110), Katat-Bdatns epithet of Zeus, etc. (Thera,
Melos, Thasos, trag.); cf. » kataitvk.
eETYM Identical with Hitt. kattan [adv.] ‘below, underneath’, katta [postpos.] ‘along
with’ (for further distinction in Old Hittite, see Kloekhorst 2008 s.v.); the old Celtic
word for ‘with’, eg. OW cant, Olr. cét-, may belong here, too. The IE base form is
then *kmt-, possibly with further connection to IE *kom in Lat. cum, etc. (see
> Kolvdc). The by-forms xatat- and Arc. katv are best explained as analogical after
mapai and amv.
katadixtov [n.] name of a vase (IG 14, 427: I, 15, Tauromenion). <GR>
eETYM Hypercorrect form of *Kaddixtov. See » Ka5oc.
kataitvé, -vyog [f.] name of a leather helmet without ddoc or Adgos (K 258). <?>
eETYM Formally reminiscent of » dvtv§ The explanation by the sch. napa TO katw
TeTbXOal- Ad@ov yap ovd«k Exel is useless, as it is clearly constructed from the text; see
Triimpy 1950: 45. A loan, acc. to Bechtel 1914 s.v; Semitic connection proposed by
Lewy KZ 55 (1928): 29f., unconvincing according to Frisk.
Kat’ dkpac
eVAR Ion. kat’ dkpne.
eETYM See » &kpoc; on Kat’ dxpnPev, see > Kapa.
katappaktys- [m.] ‘down-swooping, sheer, waterfall, portcullis, movable bridge,
sluice’; also name of a bird, ‘cormorant’ (Hdt, S., Ar.). <GR>
eVAR Ion. -ppyKktns.
*ETYM From kata-ppattw, -ppricow; see on » pacow.
Kabat 657
kataokeve [v.subj.] ‘he kills’ (SGDI 4998: 1, 14f,, Gortyn). <GR>
eETYM Equivalent to Att. kata-Kteivy, with a special phonetic development of the
consonant group Kt- (Schwyzer: 325f., Strunk 1967: 99):
KATEV@NA eVAR Katévwna. = Eva@rta.
KatiALy, -tgo¢ [f.] mg. unknown, perhaps ‘ladder, roof-beam, upper story’ (Ar. Ra.
566); = ixpiwua ‘scaffold’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM For the formation, aiyidry, Bei have been sotniaredl fivthes unexplained.
katy ores [adj.] ‘with downcast eyes, ashamed, sad’ (w 432, Hp., E.). <GR?>
*DER katrpeta, epic Ion. -ein ‘being downcast, etc.’ (Il., Th.). xatnpéw (E., Arist.),
aor. -f\oa ‘to be downcast, be ashamed, etc.’ (II.); is katngric a back-formation? By-
forms: Katn@dvesg = Katnpées (OQ 253; see Schwyzer: 487, Chantraine 1933: 160);
Katngidaw = katnpéw (A. R., AP, Plu.), after the verbs in -14w.
*ETYM Uncertain. Acc. to Schwyzer 1908: 247ff., it is from agi, Gmtw as ‘having the
view downwards’; to the contrary, Kretschmer Glotta 5 (1914): 309. Blanc 1988: 33-48
(see DELG Supp.) connects the group of OduBos, etc., and assumes *kata-tnPrc
‘completely stupefied’; one would rather expect *-Onitnc, however.
kattdc, -ad0¢ ‘surgical lancet’ (Heliod. apud Orib. 44, 14, 4). <GR>
DER KaTiadtov (Aret., C. D. 1, 2).
eETYM Probably from KaQinut ‘to let down (into); the psilosis does not surprise in
Ionic.
katovAa [f.} juridical term of unclear mg. <?>
*DER KaTtovAéw.
eETYM Cf. 2EovAr (Schwyzer: 668).
katovAde, -ado¢ [adj.] epithet of the night (S. fr. 433, A. R. 4, 1695). <GR>
eETYM From xatethéw. Connected with odor by A. R. (folk etymology).
katpevc, -Ews [m.] name of an Indian peacock (Clitarch., Nonn.). <Lw Ind.?>
eETYM Unknown, probably Indian; for the formation, cf. épiWevc, xAwpeve, etc.
(Bofhardt 1942: 20). It hardly belongs to the Cretan town name Katpetc, Katpn, as
* per Bofhardt op. cit. 74. Cf. Thompson 1895 s.v.
Katta word for ‘cat’, which replaced atXoupos (Ar. Pl. 693). <?>
eVAR katTo¢ (sch. Call. H. Dem. 10a, p. 79 Pf.).
eETYM Origin unknown, but the word is found in Latin and most other languages of
Europe.
katwttov [n.] ‘lifeboat’ (pap.). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
KavaAds - LwWpoAdyos ‘speaking foolishly’ (H.). <PG>
*ETYM Perhaps related to » x6Badoc.
kavak - Adpoc (H.), name of a sea-bird, perhaps ‘seamew, tern’ (see Thompson 1895
S.V.). <PG(S)>
658 Kavns
eVAR Kavné, -nKoc [m.] (Antim., Hell.), also «né [f.] (0 479) and Kiv— [m.] (Babr.,
Dionys. Av.).
*ETYM Ending like in igpak, {png etc. (Chantraine 1933: 380). Has been compared
with bird-names like MW cuan ‘screech-owl’ and other Celtic words, whence Lat.
cavannus ‘id.’, OHG (with regular sound shift) hawo ‘owl’. Within Greek, one also
finds forms with internal velar: kavkahiac: dpvic motdc ‘kind of bird’, kavKidAne: ...
dpvic H., with which are compared Lith. kaukys [m.] name of a crying bird and
primary verbs like Skt. kduti ‘cry’, Lith. kaukti ‘to howl, moan’, etc. cf. on » kwkbw.
Is xavak: mavotpyoc ‘criminal’ (Suid.) a term of abuse from comedy? See
Kretschmer KZ 31 (1892): 354. The word with -ak- is probably Pre-Greek (the second
velar does not belong to the root). Cf. on » k@Bak.
kavyg [m.] name of a priest(ess) in Sardes (Hippon. 2). «LW Lyd.>
eVAR Acc. -17v [f.] (IG Rom. 4, 1755 et al; written -elv).
*ETYM A Lydian word; cf. Latte Phil. 97 (1948): 43. From Lyd. kaves, acc. to Masson
Jb. f. kleinas. Forsch. 1 (1950-51): 182-188 and O. Masson 1962: 107f.
kavkanic, -idog [f.] an umbelliferous plant, “‘Tordylium apulum’ (Thphr., Nic., Dsc.,
Gp.). <PG?>
eVAR Also kadxov (Ps.-Dsc. 2, 139) and kavxidAnc: Potavy Tic, dpoia Kopiw (cod.
kwp-) ‘a plant like coriander’ (H.).
*ETYM On the suffix -aXic, see Chantraine 1933: 251f. The plant was also called datKoc
dyptoc (Dsc. 2, 139); see Strémberg 1940: 153. Further hypotheses in Nencioni Riv.
degli stud. or. 19 (1940): 107f. Is it Pre-Greek?
kadKog [m.] ‘cup’ (gloss.). <?>
*DER Diminutive kavkiov (pap. VI’, AP 9, 749 in lemm., Just.). Also kavKdAtov ‘id.’
(Alex. Aphr. Pr.1, 94; after BavkdAtov).
*ETYM Identical with Lat. caucum [n.] ‘id’ (Script. hist. Aug.), but further unknown,
cf. WH s.v. Schrijver 1997: 295 compares Olr. cuach ‘cup’.
kavAdc [m.] ‘shaft, stalk, quill of a feather’ (1I.); on the botanical and anatomical mg.
Stromberg 1937: osff. and 49. <IE *keh,ulo- ‘shaft’>
eCOmP Often as a second member, e.g. Wovd-Kavdog (Thphr.; Strémberg 1937: 104f.),
rarely as a first member, e.g. in kavAo-Kivapa ‘the shaft of the artichoke’ (Gp.); see
Stromberg 1944: 7.
*DER Diminutives: kavAiov (Arist.), kavAioKosg (J., D. S., Dsc.); further kavAetov =
kavddc (Nic; after dyyetov et al.); kavAiac ‘sap of the shaft’ (Thphr.), like piCiac
‘root-sap’, cf. Strémberg 1937: 91, Chantraine 1933: 94f; kavAivng fish name = xAwpdcg
KwBtdc¢ (Diph. Siph. apud Ath. 8, 355c), after the color, acc. to Str6mberg 1943: 26;
formation like Aioyivyg; further kavAikdc, kKavA@6d¢ ‘like a stalk’ (Thphr.), kavAtvoc
‘consisting of a shaft’ (Luc.), kavAwtdég ‘with a stalk’ (Eudem. Phil. IV*; like abAwtdc,
etc.); KavArS6v ‘stalk by stalk’ (Opp.).
Denominative verb kavAiCopat ‘to have a shaft’ (Ar. Fr. 404); dtkavdéw ‘to have two
shafts’, éxxavAéw ‘to grow out in one shaft’ (whence éxkavdAnotc, -1h0) and
Kayacw 659
éxkavaitw ‘to remove the shaft’ (Thphr.) derive from virtual *5i-Kavdog, *€x-Kavdoc,
etc. (kavAێw only Suid.).
eETYM Old inherited word, also found in Latin and in Baltic: Lat. caulis [m.] ‘shaft’
(secondary i-stem); Lith. kdulas ‘bone, cube’, Latv. kails ‘id.’, also ‘shaft’, OPr. caulan
‘bone’; Olr. crial ‘faggot, bundle of sticks’ < *kauld. Not related to Skt. kulya- ‘ditch,
canal’ and the Gm. word for ‘hollow’, ON holr, Go. us-hulon ‘to hollow out’.
Kavvakns = yavvaknye.
kavvdc [m.] - KaKdc, oxANpdc, KAfpos ‘bad, hard, lot’ (H.); in the last mg. also Cratin.
194 and Ar. Fr. 660 (see Kock ad loc.). <?>
DER Stakavvidoat = SiakAnpdwoau ‘to assign by lot’ (Ar. Pax 1081).
eETYM In the meaning Kaxkdéc, kavvdc has been compared with a Balto-Germanic
word for ‘humble, shame, etc.’, eg. Go. hauns ‘lowly, humble’, MoHG Hohn, Latv.
kauns ‘shame, contumely’. However, the text of Hesychius is very uncertain; the
form oxAnpos (in this meaning taken as related to xaiw by Schulze KZ 29 (1888):
270) looks like a dittography (with o- from Kakdc) of the following KAfjpoc. DELG
splits the word in two, but this too is unclear. See Fur. 237
Kabpog [adj.] = Kaxdc (S. Fr. 1059, Phot. H.). <?>
eETYM Giintert 1914: 131 assumes a cross of matpoc and kavvdc = kako, Frisk thinks
that a cross of kakdédc and matpoc is possible. There is no support for these
suggestions.
kavoia [f.] name of a royal felt hat among the Macedonians (Hell.; see Hoffmann
1906: 55ff.). <?>
*ETYM Unexplained; a suggestion was made by Sapir AmJPh. 60 (1939): 464. DELG
connects it with kaiw. Fur.: 119 refers to yavoartocg and yavodmng; also, Lat. gloss on
gausa pe.
kavxdoztat [v.] “to boast, be proud’ (Pi., Sapph.). <?>
eVAR Aor. Kavxroac8a (Kavydo[a]ito Sapph. Supp. 4, 21), fut. kavynjoouat, perf.
Kekavyr][lal (2 Ep. Cor. 7, 14).
eCOMP Also with ék-, év-, kata-.
*DER kavya [f.] “ostentation’ (Pi. Nem. 9, 6; back-formation), Kad og [n.] ‘object of
boasting’ (Syria V’; back-formation); Kkabynua, -aua ‘id’ (Pi.) with Kavynpatiac
‘boaster’ (Ptol., sch.) and kavynjatikds (sch.), kavynotc ‘boasting’ (Hell.); kavyjpwv
‘boasting’ (Babr.); kavxrt1¢ ‘boaster’ with kavyijtikdc, Kavxitiaw (sch., EM).
*ETYM There is no direct parallel in the other languages; the connections with Arm.
xausim ‘to speak’ and Lith. Saukti, isg. Saukiu ‘to cry, call loudly’ cannot be
substantiated. The -au- remains unexplained.
KagwpHn = OKAPwpr}.
Kaxacw [v.] ‘to laugh loudly’ (1A, Theoc.). <1£ *kha kha ‘ha ha’>
eVAR Also kaxyalw, kayyatw (on the gemination and nasalization see Schwyzer: 315
and 647), aor. kaxdou, fut. Kayako (Theoc.).
eCOMP Also with prefix, e.g. dva-, éx-.
660 Kayegia
*DER kaxaouoi [p].] (Ar. Nu. 1073, v. 1.), kaxyadiat isyvoqwvot ‘thin-voiced’ (H.).
eETYM Reduplicated sound word with comparable forms in several languages: Skt.
(gramm.) kakhati, OCS xoxotati, OHG kachazzen ‘id’, Arm. xaxan-k‘ [pl.], Lat.
cachinnus ‘resounding laughter’, with cachinn6, -dre. Genetic relation of these forms
remains uncertain. See also » *knkdaCw.
kaxetia [f.] “bad condition of body or mind’ (IA). <GR>
*DER back-formation Kayéxktn¢ [m.] ‘in bad condition, ill, ill-disposed’, whence
KaxeKktikdc, -Téw, -tevouat (Hell.), also kaye&rjc (Phid. Rh. 1, 36 S.5 uncertain).
Opposite evetia with -EKTNG etc.
*ETYM A compound of kaxdc éxetv.
kaxetatpin [f.] ‘bad company’ (Thgn. 1169). <GR>
eETYM From xaxoi étaipot ‘bad companions’. Cf. Porzig 1942: 212f.
KaxAdtw [v.] ‘to splash, bubble’, of water (Pi., A.). <PG(V)>
eVAR Almost only present and imperfect.
COMP Rarely with prefix, e.g. dva-, biep-.
*DER KaxAaopdg (Zos. Alch., gloss.), avaxcyAaotg (sch.). Rare by-form KoyAdlw
(PHolm. 3, 1; conj. in Plu. 2, 590f.) with koyAaoua (H. sv. améBpacua, mou@orvé).
*ETYM Onomatopoeic word with intensive reduplication (Tichy 1983: 252f.); cf.
p> raprdtw. It has been compared with » xdyAné. There is no IE etymology, but the
variation a/ 0 (k6yAaoua) is typical of Pre-Greek.
KaxAné, -nKosc [m.] ‘small stones, gravel in a river-bed’, also collective (Th., Str., J.).
<PG(V)>
VAR Also kéyAak, -aKog (LXX); GyAak KayAné (Suid.), cf. Fur. 391.
*ETYM Formation in -1f, like tpdzené, vapOnf, et al. (cf. Bjorck 1950: 261f.). The word
has been connected with the Germanic word for ‘hail’, OHG hagal [m.], ON hagl
[n.], etc. However, the alternations a/ o and «-/ zero rather point to a Pre-Greek
word. Giintert 1932: 28' and Porzig ZII 5 (1927): 269f. are also in favor of foreign
origin.
Kaxpus [f.] ‘parched barley’ (1A), ‘winter-bud’ (Thphr.). <PG(v)>
VAR Gen. -voc, in Dieuch. apud Orib. also -vdog; acc. -vda. Also kaxpv [n.] ‘fruit of
the frankincense-tree, also the tree itself (Hp., Thphr., Dsc.).
eCOMP As a first member kaypvo-gdpog ‘with winter-buds’ (Thphr.), kaypv-pdpoc
‘bearing kdypv’ (Nic.; epithet of AiBavwtic).
*DER Kaypvwdnes ‘like winter-buds’ (Thphr.), xaypvdeig = Kaxpv~dpoc (Nic.);
kaxpvéta [pl.] ‘chaff of the kaypuc’ (Arist; on the formation Chantraine 1933: 70),
Kaxpvdiacg [m.] ‘kaxpuc-like’ (mupdéc, Thphr.), ‘made of kaxypuc’ (dptoc, Poll.);
KaypvdtaCouat ‘bud in winter’ (Cat. Cod. Astr.).
*ETYM Connected with xéyypoc ‘millet’ since Persson 1891: 103 and 124), but the
meaning of the present etymon rather points towards ‘parched, dry’, which suggests
connection with » kayKavoc ‘arid, barren’. Genetic connection is prohibited by the
-x- of kadypuc, but we may think of a substrate element *ka(m)k-. Fur. 277 points to
the variant kayxpuc (also -bédtov, -vdiac) found in the mss. This would point to
Kedlw 661
*ka"kru- -(with prenasalization); he also connects »Kéyypoc, but see s.v and the
objection above.
Kawa [f.]? « Kiotn, OrKn ‘basket, chest’ (Suid. cf. Phot.). <PG(V)>
*VAR Kaya: O}Kn, YAwoooKoueiov ‘chest, casket’ (H.).
eDER Kawdaptoc (inscr.), Kapiioy (pap.), KaCu)waKng (LXX), KAYWAaKLOV (pap.),
KaWaKlov: yAwoodKopLov ‘case’ (H.), KaiKdc (pap.).
eETYM DELG comments that it is a borrowing from Lat. capsa ‘box’; however, as the
latter has no etymology, it is rather a loan from Greek, where the prenasalization
points to a Pre-Greek word. For the structure of the word, cf. diya (note the short
-q).
kaypoi [?] - of toiyot ‘walls’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM No etymology.
Kaw ‘burn’. = Kaiw. .
ke [pcl.] modal particle (Aeol. Cypr.), equivalent of IA, Arc. div. 4IE *ken, kn modal
pel.>
eVARKev (Hom.); ka (Dor.; poetic Ka).
*ETYM Gr. ka is reminiscent of Ru. -ko (after the dative of personal pronouns and
after the imperative), also -ka (like xa). Further, the pair xa : ke is compared with ya
: ye. In this line, the final nasal in kev has be explained as an Ionic v égeAKvoTIKOv.
Alternatively, connection with the Skt. particle kdm and the Slav. preposition ke
(both from IE *kom) may be envisaged; note the comparison nui kam : vb kev. The
form Kev has been connected as a full grade, beside the zero grade xa < *ky before
consonant, and in Arcadian xav before vowel; xe has, in this view, been reshaped
after xa (Palmer 1962: 90-92). The phrase ob kav may have been changed to ovk dv.
See Forbes Glotta 37 (1958): 179-182 and Lee Am] Ph. 88 (1967): 45-56.
Kedtw [v.] ‘to split, pound, rub to pieces’ (II.). <1E *kes- ‘cut’>
VAR Aor. Kedo(o)al, pass. KeaoOijval, perf. ptc. pass. kexeaopévoc.
*DIAL Acc. to Palmer 1963: 186-8, Myc. ke-ke-me-na (ko-to-na) is also related in the
sense of ‘divided (land) (cf. also on » keipat).
eCOMP Also with du@r-, dta-.
*DER evKéatoc “easy to split’ (e 60, Theoc. 25, 248), kéapva- ofdipa textowka
‘carpenter's axe’ (after oxémapvov); uncertain Keddao [gen.] (B 847).
eETYM The disyllabic aorist kedo(o)at (with facultative analogical -co-) is formed like
EAGO(G)al, 1eTtAo(o)al, etc., and has been taken to derive from a root PGr. *kesa- <
PIE *kesh,-; the other forms (e.g. xed{w) are then recent creations. This supposed
PGr. *kesa- has been compared with Skt. sasi-s yati ‘he will cut’, but the value of this
form is doubtful, as the root sas- ‘to cut’ is anit. An alternative assumption would be
that the a(w-present is a Greek invention, and that the other forms are based on it
(thus LIV? s.v. *kes-). Another present formation is perhaps seen in Keiwv (& 425,
verse-final), if for xe@v < *xedwv (Schulze 1892: 434). -
662 KeBAy
Gr. xeo- and Skt. sas- show a full grade *kes-, as opposed to a zero grade in Lat.
castr6, -dre ‘cut’, where a is explained as an anaptyctic vowel in a sequence of four
consonants (Schrijver 1991: 496).
KeBAn [f.] ‘head’ (Call. Fr. 140, EM). <1E *g'eb'-I- Shead’>
VAR Also keBaAr (H., EM), Macedonian for kepaAn.
eCOMP As a first member in xeBAn-yovosg ‘born from the head’, epithet of Atputwvn
(Euph. 108) and of the moon (Nic. Al. 433).
*DER KeBAryviy 1] Oplyavoc ‘organy’ (H.), from the three buds close to each other of
the Origanums (Grogelj Razprave 2: 42); KéBoc: KvvoKé@ados, Kfytog ‘kind of
monkey’ (H.).
*ETYM On xeB(a)An, see Pisani Rev. Int. ét. balk. 3 (1937): 14ff., and especially
Kretschmer Glotta 21 (1933): 162 and Kretschmer Glotta 22 (1934): 100ff.; also, Krahe
IF 60 (1952): 297, who assumes Illyrian origin. Acc. to Mayer Glotta 31 (1951): 114ff.
and Mayer Glotta 32 (1953): 72) the Illyrian TN Cibalae is to be included here as well.
See also Chantraine BSL 61 (1966): 158 and 153. See on > Kegan.
keBAupic name of an unknown bird (Ar. Av. 303); also used as a nickname of
Themistocles (Hermipp. Com. V*). <?>
*ETYM Connection with » keBAn and sp (redpoll, “Hanfling’) is not comprehensible;
cf. Thompson 1895 s.v.
Kéyxpog [m., f.] mostly plural, ‘millet, grain of millet’, metaph. ‘spawn of fish, small
ball, speck in the eye, etc.’ (Hes. Sc. 398, Sapph. 5, 13 [?], Hecat., Hdt., Arist.). <?>
ecomp As a first member eg. in xeyypo-pdpoc (Str.). With metathesis or
dissimilation (cf. below) képyvoc (Anaxandr., Gal., H.); also the TN Kepy veia?
*DER 1. Keyxpic [f.] = Kkéyypoc (Hp.), also name of a bird fattened with millet, Lat.
miliarius (Ael; cf. Thompson 1895 s.v.) 2. keyxpiac [m.] ‘millet-like protuberances’
(gpm, Gal.) with ~diac ‘id. (Dsc.). 3. keyypivng [m.] ‘snake with millet-like spots’
(Nic., Lyc.); cf. kéyyptvoc below. 4. keyxpitns ‘id’ (Aét.), -itic ioyxdc “dried fig’ (AP).
5. keyxpauic [f.] ‘kernel of a fig’ (Hp. Arist, Thphr.), after kaAauic, oncapic et al;
not a foreign suffix as per Schwyzer: 494; also -6W6d1)¢. 6. Keyyp@pata [pl.] ‘small
openings on a shield, used as visors’ (E. Ph. 1386, cf. Chantraine 1933: 186; see also on
KEéPX VOG). 7. KeEyYpEewv, -Wvoc [m.] ‘place where iron is granulated’ (Docum. apud D.
37, 26). 8. Keyxp-tatog ‘of the size of a millet corn’ (Luc., Dsc.; Chantraine 1933: 49). 9.
Kéyxptvoc ‘made of millet’ (Dsc., Gal.). 10. keyypwdn¢ ‘millet-like’, of eruptions
(Hp.), of plants (Thphr.). 11. keyypwtdc ‘with corns, drips’ (pap.). 12. Keyypeai [pl.]
TN.
eETYM Mostly derived from reduplicated IE *g'er-g'r-o- “pulverized”, with old
dissimilation r- r > -r (or r- n), and further connected with yéppa, yepac ‘pebble,
gravel’, etc. The word xaypuc has also been adduced, to which MHG griz ‘corn of
sand or grain’, Lith. griidas ‘corn’, etc. can be connected. Niedermann 1927-1928:
uff. assumes *képx voc (with metathesis) < *kerk-sno-, connecting it to OHG hirso
‘millet’ < *hirhso; this is improbable. The etymology remains unclear. See on
> Kaxpuc, which is argued to be Pre-Greek. However, if kéyypoc is Pre-Greek as well,
Keil 663
one would also expect forms without prenasalization (*keyp-oc), and these do not
occur.
KéyXpwv, -wvog [m.] ‘name of a wind on the river Phasis, which is described as Bictoc
Kai xaAemi Kai Sepp ‘violent, troublesome, warm’ (Hp. Aér. 15). <?>
*ETYM Acc. to Pisani RILomb. 73 (1939-40): 496 (with von Wilamowitz), it is from
Képyx voc ‘hoarseness’, with metathesis. Schwyzer: 487 considers foreign origin.
keddaooat = oxedavvuult.
Kédpata [n.pl.] (Hp.); acc. to Gal. Erot. and H. = ai ypowdtepat dia8éceig voowdetc
mepi ta dp8pa ‘chronical limb-diseases’. <?>
eDER KeduaTtwdngs (Hp. apud Erot; uncertain).
*ETYM Connected with xe5do(o)au ‘to tear apart’ by Prellwitz, but one would expect
-xedaopata. The explanation is neither formally nor semantically satisfactory
(DELG).
xedvoe [adj.] ‘careful, trusty, cared for, noble, cherished, dear’ (II.). <1E? *keh,d-no-
‘cared for’> ~
*DER KeSvoovviy (IG 3, 1370; metrical inscr., imperial times; cf. Wyss 1954: 64). °
*ETYM A connection with xrSopat, Dor. Kado, epic kexadwv < *k(e)h.d- has been
considered impossible because of the -e-, but De Lambererie 1996 tries to revive this
proposal in the light of Lubotsky’s Law for Indo-Iranian: loss of a laryngeal before a
glottalized PIE stop (*d, g, g, 9”) plus a consonant. If this is true, a pre-form *keh,d-
no- lost its laryngeal before it colored the neighboring vowel to *a. Fur.: 195
compares oxeOpdc.
Kédpog [f.] ‘cedar-tree’ (€ 60). <?>
*COMP Few compounds, e.g. kedp-eAatov ‘cedar oil’ (Aét.), 0&0-xedpog [f.] ‘prickly
cedar’ (Thphr.; cf. Str6mberg 1940: 35).
*DER Kedpic [f.] ‘juniper-berry (Hp. Ar.); xé6pov [n.] ‘id? (inscr. EM, H.); xedpia
‘cedar oil’ (Hdt., D. S.), also kedpéa (pap., medic.; after undéa, ovKéa, etc.). kedpitis
(otvoc) ‘wine with juniper flavouring’; xé6ptvoc ‘of cedar-wood’ (Hp., E., Arist.), also
kedpiveos ‘id.’ (Nic; metrical reshaping), kedpwtdc ‘made of cedar-wood’ (E. [lyr.]),
Kedpeatic, -t60¢ [f.] name of Artemis in Arcadian Orchomenos (Paus. 8, 13, 2; after
Teyedtic, etc.). Kédpwortic, -ews [f.] ‘bryony’ (Dsc. 4, 182; after dypworic, s.v.).
Denominative verb xedpéw ‘to lay in cedar resin, embalm’ (Posidon., Str.).
*ETYM Unknown. The similarity with Baltic names of the juniper (e.g. Lith. kadagys)
is limited to the first syllable; connection with Ru. cad ‘vapor’, OCS kaditi ‘smoke’ is
also quite hypothetical. Borrowed as Lat. cedrus. Acc. to Fohalle 1925: 157ff., a
Mediterranean word for ‘cedar’, Lat. citrus “Thuia articulata’, and Gr. xé5poc¢ would
have been adapted to each other; doubtful. See also > kitpov, -Kitptov.
keitiat [v.] ‘to lie, be somewhere, happen, etc.’ (Il.). <IE *kei- ‘lie, rest’>
*VAR 38g. Keital, 3pl. Kéatat (Att. Keivrat), inf. Keio®a, etc. (further forms in
Schwyzer: 679).
eDIAL The interpretation of Myc. ke-ke-me-na is highly uncertain.
664 KElLTALOV
*COMP Very frequently with prefix in different mgs., dva-, katd-, mapd-, éy-, &-,
émti-, oby-Kelpal, etc.
*DER 1. Koitocg [m.] ‘layer, bed, sleep’ (Od.), xoitn [f.] ‘id, matrimonial bed, nest,
parcel, lot’ (Od.); often in compounds, e.g. d1td-, ovy-, uEepd-KotTOG, a-, Tapa-
Koitng (cf. on dkoitnc). From Koitoc, xoitn: Kottic [f.] ‘box’ (Men., J; cf. Schwyzer:
127) with kottidtov ‘id’ (sch.); kottaptov “bed’ (sch.); koitwv [m.] ‘sleeping room’
(Ar. Fr. 6, Hell.) with koitmvov, -wviokoc, -wvitns, -wvucdcs ; Kottatiptov ‘id.’
(Cyrene; cf. éotiatiplov s.v. » €otia); Kottatiog ‘lying on the layer’ (Decr. apud D. 18,
37, Plb.), xottdptog ‘belonging to the bed’ (Edict. Diocl.). Denominative verb
Kottacopiat ‘lay down, nest’ (Pi., Hell.), -4¢w ‘bring to rest, lay down’, also ‘partition
the land’ (from koitn ‘parcel’), Hell. Hence xottacia ‘living together’ (LXX),
Kottaouds ‘folding the cattle’ (pap.). 2. *xoiin or *koipoc, whence denominative
KoULdw ‘to lay to rest, put to bed’, koisdopat ‘to go to bed’ (I1.); thence xoipnots ‘lying
down, sleep (of deathyY (Pl, LXX, NT), koiunua ‘sleep, sleeping with’ (S.),
Kolntrplov ‘sleeping room, place of rest or burial’ (inscr.); also koipitw = Komdw
with Koiuotc, -topdc, -toTr\<¢, -totKdg; rather reshaped from Koidw. 3. KelrAtov [n.]
‘valuable, precious thing’ (Il.), secondary -tot [m.pl.] (Pl. Lg. 931a; apposition of
Matépec fH UNtépec); derivation in -nA- from a neuter *xeijia (Frisk Eranos 38 (1940):
42 and Frisk Eranos 41 (1943): 52). In the same mg. keunAtov (Alc. G1, 8)? Specht KZ
68 (1943): 145 (after *OeprAtov, Ggunda); but see on > Keds. Cf. also >» k@pa and
>Kawun. Verbal derivatives: iterative (stape)-Kéoxeto (& 521, @ 41); desiderative or
future forms keiw, xelgéuev, Kelovtec, etc; late lengthening katexeiaSev: katexolnnOn
‘went to sleep’ (H.), after Hom. petexiaQev.
eETYM The full grade middle athematic present Kettat, pl. kéatat may be compared
with Skt. 3g. Saye, 3pl. Sere, which goes back to an old stative paradigm sing. *kei-o,
plur. *kei-ro. Beside the stative, there was a regular middle, as evidenced by Skt. séte
(Av. saéte ‘lies’) and Anatolian, where we find Hitt. 3sg. kitta < *kei-to, next to Lyc.
sijéni, sijeni ‘id, << *kei-o.
The nominal formations in -t- and -m- are also found outside Greek: Bret. argud
‘light sleep’ < *are-koi-to-, Go. haims ‘village, home’ < *koi-mo-, Latv. sdime ‘family’,
Lith. seimyna ‘id.’, OCS sémpja ‘id.’, Olr. céim ‘dear’. Other derivatives of the verb
are seen in Lat. civis, Go. heiwa-frauja ‘lord of the house’, Skt. séva- ‘trusty, friendly,
dear’, and in Arm. sér ‘love’ with denominative sirem ‘love’.
KelnALov = Keipal.
keipia [f.] ‘girth of a bedstead, bandage (for wounds, dead), tapeworms’ (Ar. Av. 816,
LXX, pap., medic., Ev. Jo. 1, 44). <PG(V)>
eVAR Often plur. Also xipia, xnpia, katpia.
*ETYM Connection with kaiposg ‘string, snare’ or the like seems obvious, but then the
most common notations, «(e)ip-, Knp-, remain incomprehensible. Cf. Scheller 1951:
57f. The variation is probably Pre-Greek: a before a palatalized consonant is realized
as al, which becomes et and/or n (cf. Aai8apyoc, AjBapyoc). See Fur.: 235, 352 (who
had not yet seen the mechanism).
Kekadwv 665
Keipw [v.] “to cut (off), shave’, especially of hair; ‘to mow off, cut down, ravage’ (II.).
<IE *(s)ker- ‘cut’>
VAR Aor. keipal, epic also képoal, pass. Kapfivat (kap8évtec with v.l. kepSévtec Pi. P.
4, 82), fut. kepéw, kep@, perf. pass. KEKappal, new act. Kékapka (Hell.).
eCOMP Often with prefix, e.g. dmo-, dta-, mept-. Compound d-Kepoe-Kduns ‘with
uncut hair’ (Y 39), also d-Ketpe-Kdudc, -n¢ (Pi.); on the form Schwyzer: 442, on the
mg. Fink Phil. 93 (1938): 404ff.
*DER 1. képpia [n.] ‘cut-off piece, especially a small piece of money, change’ (Emp. 101,
1 [not quite certain], com., Hell.) with kepydtiov (Hell.) and xeppatiw ‘to change in
small money’ (Att. Arist.); from it keppatioti¢ ‘money-changer’ (Ev. Jo. 2. 14),
Keppatiopdc ‘cut into little bits’ (Olymp.); keppatoopat = -iCopat (Procl.). 2. koppdc
[m.] ‘cut-off piece, bobbin, trunk’ (y 196) with koppiov (Hell.), kopundov ‘in pieces’
(Hld.), kopydtw ‘saw into pieces’ (D. H.). 3. » koupa. 4. » kaptéc. Cf. also » kdpon,
> KOPLG, & KEPTOHEW, > KEAWP 2.
*ETYM Keipw < *kep-tw belongs to a widespread IE group of words, but there are no
exact correspondences to the Greek verbal forms. The nearest are Arm. k‘erem ‘to
scratch, shave’, Alb. sh-gerr ‘tear.apart’ (pret. sh-kora < IE *kér-); further, Hitt. kars-*
‘to cut off (with s-enlargement like in » kovpd). Forms with initial *sk- are frequent:
OHG sceran ‘to shave’, Lith. skirti, 1sg. skiritt ‘to separate’, Olr. scar(a)im ‘id’. Skt.
kyntati ‘separates’ shows an enlarged root *kert- (infixed nasal present; perfect ca-
kart-a); such a reconstruction would be possible for the aorist €xepoa (Risch 1937:
249).
The number of nominal derivatives in the separate languages is enormous; most of
them are independent innovations. Thus, formal agreement exists between Képpa
and Skt. cérman-, Av. caraman- [n.] ‘skin, hide’, OPr. kérmens [m.] ‘body’ (IE *kér-
men-); and only difference in ablaut grade between koppidc and OCS kroma [f.]
‘steering oar, back part of the ship’, Ru. kormd ‘puppis’.
keiw1 desiderative or future forms of > keipa. °
eVAR KeléHev, Kelwv, Kelovtec, etc. > Ketpal.
keiwv 2 ‘splitting’ (E 425). > KedCw.
kexadav [ptc.aor.act.] ‘robbing’ (A 334). <?>
eVAR Kexadroet [fut.] ‘he will rob’ (@ 153 = 170), Kexadijoal- BAdwal, Kaxdoal,
geioac8al, otepijoa ‘to damage, maltreat, spare, rob’ (H.); further med. 70 ...
kexadovto ‘they receded’ (A 497 = O 574) and the intr. plpf. éxexrdet
bre<ke>xwprket ‘had withdrawn’ (H.).
eETYM The difference of meaning between the active-transitive and the middle-
intransitive forms may perhaps be explained from the diathesis. The glosses
Kddvpoc: Kampoc dvopyic (suffix -vp-) and Kadapoc¢: tupPAdc. Zadapiviot (H.) rather
seem Pre-Greek.
Connection with xr5w ‘to care for, etc. is possible (see LIV? s.v. *keh,d-), but
semantically not evident; b10 ... kexadovto is sometimes connected with Lat. cado,
in which case the intransitive middle ‘to recede’ < ‘to fall back’ would be primary, the
active meaning ‘to rob’ going back to a factitive ‘to make fall’ (LIV? s.v. *kad-, where
666 KéKaopat
we would prefer a root reconstruction *kh,ed-). The connection with » xa{opar is
phonetically impossible.
Kéxaopat [v.] ‘to surpass, excel’ (II.). <1E? *kend- ‘excel’>
eVAR (2)KEKaoTO, Kekadpevos (Pi. O. 1, 27).
*DER Kddpoc: Sdpv, Ad@oc, domic. Kpitec ‘stem, crest, shield (Cretan)’ (H.), ice.
‘equipment’ (see Bechtel 1921, 2: 787)? Cf. also » Kadpoc.
*ETYM A synonymous active perfect is found in Skt. saSadtih ‘excel’, ptc. sasadana-
(though note that Kttmmel 2000b: 512-4 argues that the Skt. meaning is different).
Quite uncertain is the connection with MIr. cd(i)d ‘holy’, Gaul. caddos ‘sanctus’.
Within Greek, a present » kaivupat was created analogically from xéxaopat after
Saivypat : Sé5actat. The root xa5- could be from *kend-, seen in Sanskrit chand- ‘to
appear’ (see Garcia Ramon 1992a: 239-255). Heubeck BNF 8 (1957): 274-277 had
argued earlier that kao- is from *kms- (root *keNs- ‘proclaim, honor’, LIV? s.v.). The
gloss on Kddpoc seems unreliable; the proper names are also quite unclear.
kekagnota [ptc.perf.act. acc.sg.m.] with 6vupov (E 698, € 468); the mg. ‘exhausted,
tired’ is certain in later authors, and is also found in Homer; cf. Nehring Class. Phil.
42 (1947): 113ff. <1E *keh,b'- ‘get tired, be exhausted, die’>
*VAR In later epic (Opp., Nonn.) constructed with yvia, déuac or absolute; also
-16tac (Nonn.) and -nétt (of 8un@, tapo@; Opp., AP).
*ETYM The indicative is attested in xéxnge- té8vinkev ‘is dead’ (H.); on the pte. in
-1WWc, see Schwyzer: 770 and Chantraine 1942: 428. Further connections are
hypothetical: relation to éxartooev (woxr X 467), éyKkanter éxmvel ‘exhales’ (H.),
etc. (see on > Kamtvdc); or to KN@rV, Kweds ‘deaf (Solmsen 1909: 123, Bechtel 1914
S.V.).
Kekijvas [?] -Aaywous. Kpijtec ‘hares (Cret.)’ (H.). <1E *k(e)h,-s- ‘grey’>
*ETYM Uncertain. For the n-stem, cf. Aetyrv, KwAry, et al. (Chantraine 1933: 167f,,
Schwyzer: 487). Skt. sasd- ‘hare’ cannot be separated from the widespread name of
the hare (in Germanic, e.g. OHG haso, also OPr. sasins, W cein-ach < *kasni).
Lubotsky 1989: 56f reconstructed keh,-s-, *kh,-s- for this word, with *kh,s-no- > Lat.
canus ‘grey’. A dialectal assimilation of *k - s > *k - k has been assumed for Indo-
Iranian (Skt. sas-) and Greek (kex-), but no trace of such a development is found in
Modern Iranian and Pamir forms (e.g. Pashto sde, Wakhi siii; see Morgenstierne
1927: 66). This means that it is difficult to relate the Greek word.
kexpvb@adog [m.] ‘hair-net of a woman, envelopped by the &vadéoun) (IL), also ‘part of
the head-stall of a bridle’ (X., Att. inscr.), ‘pouch of the belly of a hunting-net’ (X.,
Plu.); ‘the second stomach of a ruminant, reticulum’ (Arist; Stromberg 1944: 63f.).
See Marinatos 1967: B 22. <PG>
eETYM Technical word of unknown, perhaps Asiatic origin, that may have been
reshaped after kptpa, kpbmtw. Unacceptable IE (xptmtw, kopvgr, Kpdkn) and
Semitic etymologies in Bq. No doubt Pre-Greek.
xéAado¢ [m.] ‘sound, noise, sharp sound’ (Il; on mg. and spread see Triimpy 1950:
155). <2
Kedépy 667
eCOMP Rarely in compounds, e.g. kehado-d5pduoc ‘who runs in the noise’ (Orph, of
Artemis), 5vo-xéAadoc ‘with terrible noise’ (II 357); on’Ey-KéAadoc s.v.
*DER Kehadetvéc (Aeolic -evvdc Pi.) ‘noisy, sounding’ (Il; Chantraine 1933: 195f.);
Kedadrtic ‘id.’ (yA@ooa, Pi. N. 4, 86); KeAddwv, -ovtos ‘id.’ (II.), also a river name (H
133; see Krahe Beitr. z. Namenforsch. 2 (1950-1951): 236; Krahe Beitr. z. Namenforsch.
3 (1951-1952): 162), rather a secondary formation in -vt- (cf. on itdc) than from a
denominative *xeAdéw (Schwyzer: 723, Bechtel 1914 s.v. KéAadoc). Denominative
keAadéw ‘to sound, make noise’ also transitive ‘to sing of (Il.), aor. keAadfjoa, with
ke ddnua (E.).
*ETYM Formation like 6uadoc, ypopuadoc, poipdoc, etc. (Schwyzer: 508, Chantraine
1933: 359f.). Not related to kahéoat, KAnt6c, which is from *kelh, and would give
-ehe-. It has been compared with > xedapvlw.
keAatvdc [adj.] ‘black, dark’ (IL). <?, PG?>
eCOMP As a first member e.g. in haplological xedat(vo)-ve@ric ‘with black clouds’, of
Zevc (Hom., Pi.); also of aipa (Hom.), of mediov, oxdtoc (Pi.); explanation in
Leumann 1950: 202ff. ;
*DER Denominative verbs: xeAatvoopat ‘to get dark’ (A. Ch. 413, lyr.), kedXatvidw “to
be black’ (Opp., Nonn.), after the verbs of disease in -tdw, Schwyzer: 732.
*ETYM Morphologically isolated and therefore difficult to assess. For the ending, cf.
TIEPKVOG, EpEuvos, et al., but keAat- remains unclear. Assuming a suffix -lo-, we arrive
at an n-stem *kel-n-, which may be found in Lat. colum-ba ‘dove’ (after its color). See
further > k1)Aic. One might think of Pre-Greek *kelan’-o-, with a palatalized nasal.
kedapvtw [v.] ‘to babble, murmur’, of water (II.). <?>
VAR Only present stem except aor. kehdpute (Lyr. Ades p. 90, 1).
*DER keAGpvopa ‘murmuring’ (Opp.), kehdpvkic ‘id? (H.).
eETYM Expressive sound-word in -(p)v(w, like tovOopt(w, yoyyttw, ororvlw,
KAvlw, probably related to Kéhwp: @wvr] ‘voice’ (H.) (also kehwpvetv, -pvoac H.),
first from an adjective *keAapés, -1¢ (as bowp : bdapric; see Bechtel 1914 s.v.), or from
a by-form *kéAap (cf. téxpwp : téxpap; cf. Bq and Benveniste 1935: 17); otherwise,
from KéAadoc? Certainly not related to kahéoat.
xeAea [f.] name of an agon for youths in Sparta (Lacon. inscr., imperial period), cf.
Bechtel 1921, 2: 376. <PG>
eVAR Also ntr.pl.? Also -eta, -ra, -o1a; KatAota, -va.
eETYM A hypothesis by Laum in Wahrmann Glotta 17 (1929): 242. The variation
suggests a Pre-Greek word; cf. on » ketpia. See DELG s.v. xeXota.
KedéBy [f.] ‘vase with a big opening, kind of mixing bowl (Anacr., Theoc., Call.).
<PG?>
*DERKeAebryiov (Antim. 17).
eETYM Hebr. koeloeb ‘vase’ was compared by Lewy 1895: 104, but the Semitic word
does not exist; see E. Masson 1967:107f. Cf. also Kretschmer Glotta 11 (1921): 284. Acc.
to Giintert 1932: 27’, it is related to Lat. calpar; see on » KaAmtc. Schréder Germ.-rom.
668 keheBbpd
Monatsschrift N.F. 10 (1960): 184 compares A€Bng with ‘movable k-’. More probably,
the word is Pre-Greek (though a suffix -eB- is unknown).
keheBpa [n.pl.] - Aenta kai vexpd Ktrvn ‘weak and dying herds’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM The gloss is reminiscent of kevéBpeta. Is it corrupt?
kedeic - ativn ‘axe’ (H.). = kededc.
-keAguv- >augiKérELvov, KEAEOVTES.
kedévdpvvov [?] - dpvivov, Kedatdov. Aéyetat dé Kai pvoKéAevdpov (?): kai TO Lakpdv
(H.); keAevépvova: a0 tod KeA€ovtog kai Tij¢ Spvdc wc Lakpodv Kai dacv (Phot. 154,
4). <PG?>
*ETYM These glosses are probably corrupt. The word(s) look Pre-Greek.
kedéovtes [m.pl.] ‘the beams of the standing loom’ (Ar. Fr. 795, Antipho Fr. 11, Theoc.,
Ant. Lib.), acc. to H. also ta 6nwoobv paxpa EvAa, Soxoi, iotol ‘wood that is long in
some sense, beams, masts or looms’. <IE?>
*ETYM Acc. to FriskIF 49 (1931): 97f., originally a pres.ptc. of *kehéw, which would be
a denominative of *kéAoc and mean “rising up” vel sim. Formally, the latter could be
compared with OCS €éelo ‘forehead’, and further connected with » koAwvoc. It does
not belong to KeAoi = EvAa (H.); cf. on »Kkededc. Fur. 245 assumes a pre-form
*keA€fovteg as a variant of *keAguoc, which stands beside -xeAguvo- seen in
> au@iKkéAELLVoV.
keAedg [m.] ‘green woodpecker, Picus viridis’ (Arist.). <PG(V)>
eETYM For the suffix see Chantraine 1933: 51. Perhaps it belongs to » KoAdmtw,
>KOAOc, together with keAoi = EvAa (H.) as “chopper, cutter” vel sim. (see
> KeAgovtec)? Some recognize a diminutive in kehetc: a€ivn (H.), “hacking”. Bechtel
KZ 44 (1911): 357 connected Lith. kilti ‘to thresh’, but acc. to Huber 1921: 16, the
variae lectiones kahtOc, KoAtdc, etc. are a sign of foreign origin. It is probable that
these variations are due to Pre-Greek origin.
kehétpa [f.] a term of land (IG 9(2), 521 [Larissa HI*]). <?>
eETYM The precise meaning is unknown. Frisk Symb. Oslo. 11 (1932): 64ff. analyzed it
as ‘drove’, connecting it with » kéAopat, » KéAAW. Unclear.
kélEv80¢ [f.] ‘road, path, course, journey’ (Il. also IG 5(2), 3: 23 [Tegea IV’]). <?>
eVAR Also ntr.pl. -a.
*COMP Rarely as a first member, e.g. keAev80-T016¢ ‘making a path’ (A.), more often
as a second member, e.g. immo-KéAev8o0c ‘making the road on a chariot, chariot-
fighter’ (IL, of Patroclus); » axdAov80c ‘following, attending’.
*DER KeAevOed [f.] ‘goddess of the road’, epithet of Athena in Sparta (Paus. 3, 12, 4),
after the nouns in -e1d; KeAevOeiac: tag évodiovg dSaipovac ‘the divinities [whose
statues were situated] on the way’ (H.); KeAevOnty¢ ‘voyager’ (AP 6, 120), after
ayvujytys, ToAujTN¢ et al.
*ETYM The difficulty of finding a parallel for the suffix -6- within Greek resulted in
attempts to connect KéAev8oc with the root édev8- (in éAevooua, etc.). For these old
KedAdc 669
attempts, see Frisk s.v. Specht 1944: 254 and 280 suggested direct connection with
KeAevetv, comparing th in Skt. pdnthah ‘road’ (see on » névtoc) and in Lith. kelitta
‘road’. Since the latter is clearly built on kéli-as ‘road, street, course’, it has no direct
connection with KéAevOoc; cf. Fraenkel KZ 72 (1955): 177. The word therefore
remains without etymology. On KéAev8o¢ and its relatives, see Ruijgh 1957: 1236.
keAevw [v.] ‘to urge, drive on, exhort, command’ (IL). <?>
eVAR Aor. keAevoat.
*COMP Often with prefix, e.g. mapa-, dia-, ém-, év-.
*DER Derivations from compounded verbs are frequent, but are not indicated
separately here: KéAev(o)ua ‘exhortation, command’ (IA), also ‘call of the
Kedevotijc’, KeAevopdc (IA), keAevopoobvn (Hdt.), KéAevoic (Att.) ‘id’; KeAevottic
‘commander of the rowers’ (Att.; on the mg. see Richardson Class. Quart. 37 (1943):
5sff.); xeAevotikdc ‘exhorting’ (Att.). Enlarged ptc. KeAevtidwv, -dwvte (-dwv,
-dovte) ‘stimulating, inciting’ (N 125, M 265), the model for which is unclear, cf.
Schwyzer: 732°.
eETYM If from > KéAopat ‘to incite, set in movement’, the -ev- remains unexplained; it
may be the same element as in xéAev8oc¢ ‘road’, and perhaps also in » teAevtH, but
we do not know.
KeAe@pdc [adj.] ‘leprous’ (Cat. Cod. Astr. 8 (4), 189). <LW Sem.>
eCOMP As a first member in keAvgo-Koueiov ‘hospital for lepers’ (BMus. Cat. Copt.
MSS. p. 453, Nr. 1077).
*DER KeAegia ‘leprosy’ (Cyran. 15).
eETYM Synonymous dA@dc ‘lepra’ has the same word-ending. Benveniste RPh. 38
(1964): 7ff. argued that the word was taken from Semitic, e.g. Syrian qalafa “cortex,
squama, putamen’, galafand ‘lepra’. Stromberg 1944: 99 thinks it is just a phonetic
variant of xéAv@os ‘shell’ (with oppositive accent), which is semantically possible but
seems improbable to me. See > KéAvgoc.
KéANG, -NTO<g [m.] ‘runner’ (1371), cf. Delebecque 1951: 49f.; also a fast-sailing ship (IA).
<1E? *kel- ‘run’>
eVAR Also Lacon. KéAné ‘runner’ (IG 5(1), 213 [Sparta V*]).
*DER KeAryttov ‘sloop, shallop’ (Th., App.); KeAnti(w [v.] ‘to ride on race-horses’ (O
679), KkeAntiav: KeAntiCety, immevetv ‘to be a horseman’ (H.).
*ETYM Perhaps a derivation in -nt- (or -nk-) from >» kéAopat ‘to incite’. From Greek,
Lat. celés, celox (after vélox) ‘fast-sailing ship’ was borrowed.
Kedddg [adj.] - wovd@8adoc ‘one-eyed’ (H.). <?>
eETYM A remarkable semantic identity as well as formal similarity are found in Olv.
coll, Skt. kand- ‘one-eyed’. These may represent IE *kol-no-. The geminate -AA- may
go back to -Av-, which in turn could be derived from an n-stem. The ending of
KedAdc is different; Frisk and DELG suggest that it could be the feminine of keAAoc,
which H. glosses as otpeBAdc, mAGytog ‘twisted, athwart’. The fact that the proposed
cognates have o-vocalism casts doubts on the comparison (or could it point to an old
n-stem?). Fur.: 354 connects it with xid\g (H.), which is rather improbable.
670 KedXtBac
KeAAiBas = KAAtBac.
kéAXq [v.] ‘to drive, incite’ (both trans. and intr.), ‘to pull (a ship) ashore, to land’
(Od.). <1E? *kel- ‘drive, incite’; (0)KkéAAw PG?>
VAR The present only attested in grammarians. Aor. xéAoat (Od.), fut. KéAow (A.,
E.), keA@ (H.).
*COMP One asssumes a prefix > 6- in oxéAdw [v.] ‘to pull ashore’ (IA), aor. OxetAal,
but this is unlikely (see >» 6-). Rarely with preverbs ér-, éy-, sio-, ovy-KéAoat (epic,
Hp., Ar.); é1t-éxetta Act. Ap. 27, 41.
*DER KéAopat [v.] ‘to drive on, exhort, call’ (Il, Dor.) rarely with é-, mapa-;
reduplicated aor. (€)kéxAeto (II.), to which a new present kéxAouat (A. R.), also aor.
(é)keAjjoato (Pi. Epich., Epid.), fut. ceAjoouat (Kk 296). Athematic kévto (Alcm. 141)
< *xé\to with dialectal Laconian devopment. See also > KéAnc, > keAevw; doubtful is
the appurtenance of » kAdvoc.
*ETYM It is often assumed (e.g. DELG) that xéAAw ‘to spur’ and KéAAw ‘to drive
ashore’ (in unprefixed form; the latter occurs only in grammarians) are cognate, and
that oxéAAw continues an old prefix 6-, also assumed in doc ‘branch’ < *Hosdo-. For
the meaning ‘to call’ of kéAopau, one has to assume that it secondarily developed
from ‘to drive on, summon, request’. However, this meaning is also reminiscent of
kadeiv, so we may also envisage two separate words for Greek: 1) (6)kéAAw ‘to haul
ashore’, which is Pre-Greek (“prothetic” vowel, and a technical term), and 2) keA- ‘to
drive, summon’. The question remains, then, whether some or all forms of the latter
derive from *kelh, ‘to call’ (thus, LIV? s.v. *kel- connect the reduplicated aorist
(é)kéxAeto with Kahéw).
Connections with other languages are scarce and rather doubtful. Semantically, the
secondary present Skt. kalayati (kdl-) ‘drives’ is close to Greek, but its appurtenance
is uncertain (it could belong to *kerH- ‘to strew’, acc. to LIV’ l.c.). In Tocharian, we
find PTo. *kal- relflected in ToB 3sg.pres.med. kalstdr “goads’ (only twice in this
meaning), from which perhaps the pres. ToB kalsdm ‘to bear, endure’, pret. keltsa
developed. Not connected is PTo. *kal*- ‘lead, bring’ from *k”elh,- ‘to turn’; although
it fits well semantically with the present root, its set-character precludes comparison
with xé\Aw ‘to drive’. A comparable nominal formation is Lat. celer ‘quick’.
The meaning of (6)kéAAw ‘to run a ship aground’, the usual way of landing (except
in a harbor), is so concrete that I would assume a separate Pre-Greek verb; but I see
no further indications for substrate origin.
kéAd@og [n.] ‘husk or skin of fruit, skin of an onion, eggshell’ (Ar. V. 545 [lyr.], Arist.,
Thphr., AP). <PG(S,v)>
*DER KeAvgiov (Arist.), KeAdgavov ‘id. (Lyc., Luc.), KkeAv~avwdig ‘like a shell’
(Thphr.); also koAv@avov: pdotdc, Aettbptov “bark; husk, skin., etc.’ (H.), perhaps
with -o- after KoAEdc, etc.
*ETYM For the neutral gender, which is rare in derivations in -@-, cf. the synonyms
oxitoc, vaKoc, dépoc, etc. On account of the semantic and formal similarity,
KéAvgog has been connected with the group of » xaktatw. Since the latter is Pre-
KEVEWV 671
Greek, the same must be true of the present entry. Note -vg-, which may be a Pre-
Greek suffix. Cf. on » Kod€ov.
kéhwp 1, -wpog [m.] ‘descendant, son’ (E. Andr. 1033 [lyr.], Lyc.). <1E? *kelH- ‘rise’,
*kelH-or>
*DER KeAwptov: taidiov ‘young child’ (H.).
eETYM The ending (cf. Awp, téxuwp) suggests an original neuter ‘descendance’.
Perhaps it arose from *xépwp by dissimilation, from the root *kerh,- ‘to grow, create’
in Arm. ser ‘generation, descendance’ (cf. » kopévvupt and » K6p1)). Alternatively,
Fur.: 212° suggested Pre-Greek origin, comparing other forms in -wp like dywp,
ixwp, Biatwp, Aeitwp, yo8wp, but there are no further indications in this direction.
Indo-European origin seems likely, and derivation from *kelH- ‘to rise’ seems quite
possible, cf. Lith. kiltis ‘clan’.
Kédwp 2 [m.] - Extopiac, yarAdAoc, odd5wv ‘eunuch’ (H.). <PG?>
*ETYM If dissimilated from *xépwp, the word may derive from »xeipw ‘to cut’.
However, given the meaning, one would rather expect a foreign word.
kéAwp 3 [?] - pwvi} ‘voice’ (H.).
*DER Kehwpvelv- Kexpayévat, Bodv ‘to cry aloud, shout’ (H., Phot.), keAwptoac:
gwvijoac, Borjas ‘having produced a sound, cried aloud’ (H.). = xeAapvlw.
Keude, -dd0o¢ [f] ‘young deer, young dog’ (K 361, A. R., Call.). <1£ *kemh,- ‘without
horn’>
eVAR Also keupdac (Q. S. AP, H; hypocoristic gemination?) and Keugdc (H.),
perhaps after the animal names in -@ac, -gog, like ypougac.
*COMP Kepado-o06dog ‘hunting young deer’ (Nonn.).
DER KeLrAtocg epithet of Dionysus (Alc. G 1, 8); other interpretations in Risch IF 33
(1913/1914): 195 (see also on > kelunAtov). Note also > képLwv.
eETYM A derivation in -dc¢, probably from an o-stem *xéuoc = Skt. sdma- ‘without
horn’ (cf. Ai8oc beside AL8dc). Cf. the Germanic word for ‘hind, doe’, e.g. OHG hinta
[f.] < PGm. *hin-di < IE *kem-ti- (enlarged like hund ‘dog’ < PGm. *hun-da- < IE
*kun-t6-; see on » Kbwv). Lubotsky 1988: 76 assumes a root *kemh,-. The zero grade
of the root is found in Lith. Smulas ‘without horn’.
Kéupepos [m.] - ayAvc, OuixAn ‘mist, fog’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
Képwv [adj.] - Etepd@BatLoc ‘one-eyed’ (H.). <1E? *skem- ‘mutilated’(?)>
*ETYM Unknown; cf. perhaps Pok. 929 *skem- ‘mutilated’. DELG suggests it is a
- mistake for kéAAwv; cf. on » KeAA Ac.
kevéBpeta [n.pl.] ‘carrion, especially of dead cattle’ (Ar. Av. 538, Erot., Phot.); also
‘dog-meat market’ (Erot.). <PG?>
VAR Also sg. (Ael. NA 6, 2).
eETYM Unknown. Cf. » ktvaBpa. It looks like a Pre-Greek word.
kevewv ‘hollow between ribs and hip, flank’. > Kevdc.
672 KEVOG
Kevoc [adj.] ‘empty, idle’ (Att.). <1E *ken- ‘empty’, *ken-u->
VAR Epic keve(F dc (also IA, Cypr. and Epid.), epic Ion. ketvdc (since I].).
*COMP Often as a first member, e.g. keve-avxéec [voc.pl.] (© 230), -éa (AP), Kev-
avxrj¢ (Plu., AP) ‘empty, vain’ (the second member belongs to abyéw ‘to boast’, if it
was not reshaped after this for earlier -evyéec after edyoc, medxopat; see
Wackernagel 1916: 65); kév-avdpoc ‘empty of men’ (A. Pers. 119 [lyr.], $. OC 917),
whence -ia (A. Pers. 730 [troch.]), cf. Sommer 1948: 191; kev-euBatéw lit. “tread on
emptiness”, ‘lack a solid foundation, reach a cavity’, whence KkevepBdatroic (Plu.,
medic.), as if from *Kev-eiBatijg (after other derivatives in -Batéw derived from
compounds with -Batns).
DER Kevewv, -@voc [m.] ‘the hollow space between hip and ribs’ (epic Ion., X., LXX);
Kevedti¢ (-votrs) [f.] ‘emptiness’ (IA); kevipiov = Kevotagiov (Hell.), probably
after hpiov, if not composed with it; thence wevdrpiov ‘id.’ (Lyc.). Denominative
kevdw, -vedw [v.] ‘to empty, make desert’ (IA), whence xévwotc, -véwotc ‘emptying’
(Ion. poet., Att.), kevwoytoc (Anon. apud Suid.), kévwpta, -véwtta [n.] ‘empty space’
(Hell.), kevwtixdc [adj.] ‘emptying’ (Gal.).
eETYM Att. kevdc and Ion. kxetvdc, both from *kevféc, may be compared with
otevpoc. Further, keverdc is reminiscent of étefdc. We should assume an old v-stem
*«xevuc (it is not found in De Lamberterie 1990: 187f.). Ruijgh Minos 20-22 (1987): 537
compares the ablauting pair with d\odc¢ << *ol-ewo- and obAog < *ol-wo-. The root
correspondence between Kevéc and the Arm. o-stem sin, gen. sn-oy ‘id. < IE *ken-o-
is noteworthy. See Clackson 1994: 138-9 on this lexical correspondence.
Kevtéw [v.] ‘to sting, goad’ (Pi.). <1E *kent- ‘sting’>
eVAR Aor. kévoat (Y 337), Kevtijoat (Hp.), kévtaoa (Theoc. 19, 1), pass. kevtnOrjvat
(Arist.), fut. kevtnOroopiat (Hdt.), kevtrjow (S.), kexévtrptct (Hp.).
eCOMP Also with prefix, e.g. kata-, mapa-, amo-, dta-.
eDER 1. Kévoat < *Kévt-cat points to a root Kevt-, which developed to xeo- before
dental. Thus keo-tdc¢ < *kevt-téc ‘stitched’ (epic); kéo-tpov ‘pointed iron’ (Plin.),
KeoTpwtdc and Kéotpwotc (H.), presupposing *keotpd6w, kéo-tpoc ‘kind of arrow,
etc. (Plb., D. H., H.), diminutive xeotpiov (Attica) and Kéotpetov ‘stock of arrows
(?Y (Delos III*); kéo-tpa [f.] ‘sharp hammer, arrow’ (S., Ph. Bel., Hero), also a fish
name = o@vpatva (Ar.; after the shape of the body, see Strémberg 1943: 35); Keotpevc
‘mullet’ (IA) and keotptvog, -tvioKog ‘id.’ (com.). 2. Kévtpov ‘sting’, as a geometrical
technical term also ‘leg of a compass, centre of a circle’ (Il.), perhaps a reshaping of
Kéotpov after kevtéw; thence many compounds and derivatives, e.g. Kevtp-1}veKr|c
‘driven by a goad’ (IL; cf. Soup-, 7105-1vexrjc); substantive > kévtpwv; adjectives like
KevTpiKdc, KevtTpwdrjc, Kevtpretc; fish and plant names like Kevtpivryc, Kevtpioxos,
kevtpityc¢; denominative verbs kevtpdw ‘to provide with a sting, to sting’ (IA),
kevtpiCw ‘to sting’ (X.); from xévtpov as a back-formation kévtwp [m.] ‘stimulator,
driver’ (Il, AP). 3. From kevtéw (kevtijoat, -ow): xévtnta ‘stitching, mosaic’ (Arist.,
inscr. Smyrna [imperial period]), Kevtnti¢ ‘mosaic-worker’ (Edict. Diocl.),
kevtitiplov ‘picker’ (Luc.), Kevtrtikds ‘stingy’ (Thphr.), xevtntéc ‘stitched, with -
mosaic’ (Epict., pap.). 4. kovtdc [m.] ‘pole, crutch, staff to spur on cattle’ (1 487),
which was borrowed into Lat. contus, percontor; thence Kovtd-Klov, -aptov, -ioc,
kepaic 673
-wt6¢, etc. Kovtdc ‘short’ (Adam.) arose by reanalysis of kovto-{idxoc, -Bddoc,
-Bodéw, where xovtéc was taken as ‘short’; likewise in kovto-1topeia (PIb.).
*ETYM The sigmatic aorist kévoat < *kévt-cat is old; the formation of the present
kevtéw is unclear (one would expect *kovtéw); thence kevtijoal, kevtrjou, etc. were
created. Other languages have only isolated nominal formations: OHG hantag
‘pointed’, derived from PGm. *handa- (identical formation with xovtéc), Latv. sits
‘hunting spear’ < IE *knt-o-. Celtic words like Bret. kentr ‘spur’, W cethr ‘nail’ were
probably all borrowed from Lat. centrum.
kévtpov ‘sting, goad, etc.’. = Kkevtéw.
KEVTPWV 1, -wvog [m.] ‘rogue’ (S. Fr. 329, Ar. Nu. 450).
eETYM From kévtpov; see » kevtéw. Originally meant “who bears the mark of the
KévTpoc”.
KEVTpWwv 2, -wvo¢ [m.] ‘piece of patchwork’ (Hell.). <Lw Lat.>
*DER KEVTpwvdptov (pap. -dptov) mg. unknown (POxy. 2, 326 [IP]).
eETYM From Lat. centé ‘id. and adapted to xévtpov. It cannot be established whether
> Kévtpwv 1 had any influence.
Kém@ocg [m.] name of an unknown water-bird, mostly identified with the stormy
petrel, Thalassidroma pelagica, but without sufficient reason (Arist, Thphr., Lyc.,
Nic.); also metaph. of a simple man who can easily be deceived (Ar., Call.). < PG(v)>
DER Kertpdoytat ‘to be deceived easily, be simple’ (LXX, Cic.).
eETYM A by-form is Ketimdc: Kob@oc, ELagpdc AvOpwros ‘stupid person’ (H.), where
the prenasalization shows that the word is Pre-Greek. For the semantics, cf. the
description of the bird Kémpoc in H.: eidoc dopvéov Kovgotdtov, etc. so ‘a
featherlight kind of bird’. Solmsen IF 30 (1912): 7 compared Lat. hebes ‘blunt’, but
the bird name is no doubt primary. See Thompson 1895 s.v. See » KdjtTtOG.
kepaitw [v.] ‘to destroy’ (l.). <IE *kerh,- ‘damage’, intr. ‘fall apart’>
eVAR Aor. kepaioat (Hdt.), -ifor (Nonn.), fut. inf. kepaikéuev (II 830 for Kepailéev
acc. to Bekker).
ecoMP Also with éx- (Call., AP).
*DER Kepatoti¢ ‘destroyer’ (h. Merc. 336; Zumbach 1955: 7), kepatoptdc ‘destruction’
(D. H.).
eETYM The secondary present kepaitw, which stands at the basis of the group, may
have replaced an older primary verb. Skt. retains a nasal present in synati ‘breaks’,
but the etymological connection (thus Frisk) with Olr. ar-a-chrin ‘to fear, perish’ is
not followed anymore in Matasovi¢é 2009. The disyllabic stem kepa- has an exact
counterpart in the Skt. aorist asarit and in the Olr. preterit do-cer ‘he fell’, from IE
kerh.-. In Greek, this stem is also seen in &-Képatoc ‘unhurt’, and possibly also in
> aknpatoc ‘id.’ (1 perhaps by metrical lengthening; cf. s.v.). The form » kepavvic is
an independent formation; » «rp does not belong here.
kepaig [f.] ‘black radish’, acc. to Thphr. a medical name of the wild radish, pa@avoc
aypia. <LwW Balkans>
674 Kepdic
eVAR Only acc. xepatv (Thphr. HP 9, 15, 5; cerain Plin. HN 19, 82); the accent given
by Frisk is probably wrong.
*ETYM The agreement with the Slavic word for ‘horse-radish, Cochlearia Armoracia’
(eg. Ru. xren, Cz. k’en) is due to a loan from a common source. See Schrader-
Nehring 1917(2): 55.
kepaiic [f.] ‘a small bird’ (Lyc. 1317). <1E? *kerh,-u- ‘horn’>
eVAR Acc. -t5a
eETYM Acc. to the sch., the name of a small bird that was put beside Medea in the
passage cited. The gloss kepatic:- kopwvn (H.) also refers to this. Originally a feminine
of xepadc ‘horned’, and therefore a bird of the Bucerotidae, says Frisk. However,
note that this pre-form would have to yield a short -a-, while DELG gives a long a
(s.v. Kepdic, but not s.v. kepadc).
kepaupvs, -vKoc [m.] ‘longicorn beetle’ (Nic. Fr. 39, H.); on the mg. see Goossens Ant.
class. 17 (1948): 263ff. < PG(S,V) >
eETYM Cf. onpaytBoc, KdAvpBoc, KdpuLtBoc, etc. (Chantraine 1933: 261) and BouBvé,
dptvé, etc. (Chantraine 1933: 383 and 397). Another formation is KepduBndov,
glossed as kavOapoc ‘beetle’ by H. and others; cf. nétnAoc, KiBdndoc, etc. The form
cannot be derived from Képac ‘horn’. If the word has prenasalization, which seems
probable, it is of Pre-Greek origin. Moreover, -nA(o)- and -vx- are Pre-Greek
suffixes. Fur. (passim) compares KapaBoc, kapa({t)Pioc, and KapaBidec, as well as
*oxapaBaiog (all names of beetles); the form with kepa- may have been adapted to
Képac by folk etymology.
képauioc [m.] ‘potter’s earth, tile, earthen vessel, jar, wine-jar, pottery’ (l.), in E 387
denoting a (subterranean) dungeon, a use which is Cyprian acc. to the scholiast (on
this topic Leumann 1950: 270”, 273, and Latte Glotta 34 (1955): 20off., who compares
oipdc: mic, Seoptwtnptov ‘large wine-jar, prison’ (H.) for the semantics. < PG?>
*DIAL Myc. ke-ra-me-u /kerameus/.
«COMP Kepatoupyds ‘potter’ (Hell.).
*DER A. material adjectives: kepda-,uvoc (Hdt.), -uiKdg (1A), -beog (PI.), -weods (Att;
after peotc to épéa), -Lobc (Hell.), -taioc (Plb.), -uto¢g (Str.), -pryioc (Nic.), -titt¢
(Hp. Plu.). B. Substantives 1. xepapyets ‘potter’ (Il.), to which Kepatetxdc [m.]
“potter’s market” (X.), also as an adjective = -puxdc, Kepaptevtikds “belonging to the
potter’ (D. S.), Kepapeiov ‘pottery’ (Att.), kepayebw [v.] ‘to make out of potter’s
earth, be a potter’ (Att.), with kepapeia ‘pottery’ (Pl.). 2. xepdtuov “earthen jar, vase’
(1A), KepaptwAAtov ‘small pot’ (Delos, pap., HI"). 3. xepapic [f.] ‘roof-tile’ (1A),
Kepatidiov (late) and Kepayuddw [v.] ‘to cover with tiles’ (Arist.). 4. kepap(e)wov
‘pottery’ (Ar. Lys. 200, Hdn. Gr. 1, 32; 40). Denominative verb xepatidw [v.] ‘to cover
with tiles’ (Att. inscr.), whence kepaptwtdc (PIb., Str.), kepdtwoig (Epid. IV’).
eETYM No certain etymology. Connection with xepdoal, Kepavvypu ‘to mix’ is
formally unproblematic, but semantically not very convincing. A verb *kerH- ‘to
burn, glow’ (Pok. 571f.), which is found in several Baltic and Germanic nominal
derivations, e.g. Lith. kdrstas ‘hot, glowing, burning’, Go. hauri [n.] ‘coals’, OHG
herd ‘hearth’, would be better from the semantic side. However, among the words in
KEpavvvlll 675
-(a),10-, several are suspected of being loans (Chantraine 1933: 133f., Schwyzer: 493f.).
Therefore, this technical term for tile-making may well be Pre-Greek (or Anatolian).
The Carian TN Képattoc should be noted in this connection (Kretschmer Glotta 11
(1921): 284, Schrader-Nehring 1917(2): 694).
kepavitan [v.] + KoAvLB oat, KvBLOTHCaL ‘to dive, tumble head first’ (H.). <PG?(v)>
VAR Also kpavitau ént Kepadtyv amtopptyat ‘to throw away on the head’ (H.).
eETYM The last word seems to be a denominative of kpaviov, and kepavifat would
then be a reshaping after képac. This seems improbable. The variation might point
to a Pre-Greek form. There is no (direct) connection with Lat. cernuus ‘head
foremost’.
kepavvuut [v.] ‘to mix, mix up’ especially of wine with water, ‘to temper’, of the
climate, etc. (com., Hyp.). <1E *kerh,- ‘mix’>
eVAR Also kepavvbw (com., Hyp.), «epaiw (I 203, Delph. V*), Kepaw (Od. subj.
képwvtat A 260), Kipvnu, -vaw (Od.), aor. kepdo(o)at (Il.), also (émt-)Kkprjoat (n 164,
Hp.), pass. kpaijvat, kpnOivat (1A), also kepaoOfvat (Att.), perf. med. Kéxpatat,
-kpn- (Sapph., Pi, IA), also kexépaopat (Arist.), fut. kep@ (Att.), kepdow (Them.),
pass. KpaOrjoopa (Att.).
DIAL Myc. ka-ra-te-ra /kratéra/.
«COMP Also with prefix, especially ovv-.
eDER A. From monosyllabic kpa- (kpr-): 1. Kpaotc, Kprioig (oby-, etc.) ‘mix’ (IA),
with *kpaoiov > MoGr. kpaoi ‘wine’. 2. kpayia (rarely also kpduia, after Baja, etc.),
Ion. Kpfjta, ‘mix, alloy’, also ‘mixed wine’ (Ion., Hell.), whence kpapdatiov (Dsc.) and
Kpat([jativoc ‘consisting of an alloy’ (pap.). 3. Kpatip, Kpntip [m.] “mixer”,
‘mixing bowl’, also metaph. ‘crater’ (Il.), whence kpatnpia ‘id’ (Dsc.) and the
diminutives xpatrptov, kpn- (Hp.), kpatnp-idiov (Boeot., J.), -icxog (Delos II,
Ath.); xpatnpitw [v.] “to drink a bowl”, ‘to intoxicate oneself (Sophr., D.). 4.
compounds like d-Kpa-tog (-n-) ‘unmixed’ (I1.), abto-Kpn-¢ “mixed with itself”, i.e.
‘unmixed’ (Nic. Al. 163), abt6-Kpac ‘id.’ (Poll.).
B. From disyllabic kepa-: kata-Képaoctc ‘mixing (with water)’ (Arist.), képaopia ‘id.’
(Hell.), ovy-xepaojtdc ‘id.’ (gloss.), Kepaotdg (ev-, éy-Kép.) ‘mixed’ (D. H., Plu.
API.), kepaoty¢ ‘mixer’ (Orph.), émt-, Kata-KepaotiKkdcg ‘causing a (real) mix’
(medic.), jet&-Kepac [adj., n.] ‘tempered, lukewarm’ (com.), abté-Kepag [adj., adv.]
‘unmixed’ (Poll., Phryn.; cf. on abtoxpniic). See also » daxipatocg 2. In the mg.
‘unmixed’ (oivoc; Dsc. 5, 6, 10), aKgpatog is a reinterpretation of dKépatoc
‘undamaged’; see > dkipatos 1.
*ETYM The set-character of the root *kerh,- is apparent from the verbal adjectives
(&)-Kpatoc and corresponding Skt. d-Sir-ta- ‘mixed’. Gr. kipvnju is from *k*rndmi,
which contains a schwa secundum and therefore did not vocalize the *7. The nasal
present found in Skt. srinati rather belongs with *kreiH- ‘to shine, excell’, acc. to
Narten KZ 100 (1987): 270-96. On the other hand, Av. sar- ‘to unite’ does belong
here, e.g. OAv. sdranté [3pl.pres.]. The old aorist kepdoat gave rise to analogical
innovations Kepaiw, Kepdw, Kepdvvyju, just like Kepd@, Kepdow, KepacOfval,
kexépaojtat (with analogical o); older forms are KpaOfjva, KéKpaytau.
676 KEpads
Kepads [adj.] ‘horned’, secondarily ‘made of horn’ (II.). <1E *kerh,- ‘head, horn’>
eETYM *Kepapfog is identical with several words for ‘deer’ and other horned animals:
Lat. cervus (like kepadc from IE *kerh,u-o-), MW carw ‘deer’ < IE *krh,u-o-, Alb. ka
‘ox’, Ru. koréva, SCr. krava ‘cow’ < *korh,ueh, with centum-treatment of *k from the
zero grade, which must consequently have been present in the paradigm), Lith. kdrvé
‘jd’; also, with palatalisation and zero grade, OPr. sirwis ‘roe’. We have to assume an
original paradigm *kerh,-u-o-, *krh,-eu-o-. A parallel formation is the Germanic
name of the deer, e.g. OHG hiruz, from QIE *keru-d-. All words derive from a word
for ‘horn’, e.g. Av. sri- [f.]; see Nussbaum 1986: 19-47 and 139-157. See » Képac.
képac [n.] ‘horn for blowing and drinking’, metaph. ‘branch (of a river), part of an
army, top, etc.’. <IE *kerh,-s- ‘horn, head’>
*VAR Gen. epic -paoc, Hdt. -peoc, Att. -pwe, -patoc, dat. epic -pai, Hdt. -pet, Att.
-pa, nom.acc.pl. epic -pa(a), Hp. and Att. -pata, gen. epic -pdawv, Att. -pwv, -patwv,
dat. -paot, epic also -pdecot; late epic gen.sg. -paatoc, nom.acc.pl. -paata (further
forms in Schwyzer: 515).
DIAL Myc. ke-ra-a /keraha/ [nom.pl.].
eCOMP As a first member in kepao-@dpoc ‘with a horn’ (trag.), also Kepato-pdpoc
‘id’ (Arist.); kepao-F6o¢ ‘polishing horn’ (A 110, AP), thematically reshaped e.g. in
Kepo-@dpos (E.), also Kepe-adxri¢ ‘with strong horn’ (A. R.). As a second member
mostly -xepwco [m., f.] < -Kepa(o)-oc, seen in byi-, d-Kepwe, etc; special feminine
form byt-, KAAAL-Képav [acc.] (B.); isolated -Képatos, e.g. d-Képatog (Pl, Arist; ti>
aKepatov beside trv axépwv Pl. Plt. 265b, c), also d-Képwtoc (AP), -Kepos e.g. in vij-
kepot [pl.] ‘hornless’ (Hes. Op. 529); Si-kepac [n.] ‘double horn’ (Callix.) and the
plant names aiyé-, Bov-, tavpd-Kepac [n.] (after the shape of the fruit, Strémberg
1940: 54); also aiyo-xépwe ‘Capricornus’, with metrically conditioned gen. -xeprjoc
(Arat, Q.S.).
*DER Diminutives: xepdtiov ‘little horn’ (Arist., Hell.), ‘name of a weight and a coin,
“carat” (Hero) = Lat. siliqua (inscr. and pap.); ta kepdtia ‘the fruits of the carob-tree’
(Ev. Luc. 15, 16, Dsc.); thence xepatia [f] ‘carob-tree’ (Str., Plin.), also -téa (pap.,
Gp.; after other tree names in -éa), kepwvia ‘id.’ (Thphr., Plin.), contaminated form
kepatwvia ‘id.’ (Gal., Aét.).
Further substantives: kepao-tr¢ [m.] ‘horned being’ (S., E.; of EXagog, Ildv, etc.),
name of a snake ‘Cerastes cornutus’ (Nic.), fem. -otic (A; cf. Fraenkel 1912: 209); also
epithet of the island of Cyprus (Hdn. 1, 104, 15: am6 tod moAAdc dxpac exetv, ‘because
it has many capes’); kepatitic (ukwv) ‘kind of poppy’ (Thphr., Dsc.); kepaitng [m.]
= Lat. cornicularius (Lyd. Mag.), kepditic [f.] “Hornpflanze” = tijAtc (Redard 1949: 41
and 72, Stromberg 1940: 54); kepaitns and Kepditic, however, rather belong to kepaia
(see below); xepatiac [m.] name of Dionysus (D. S.), also name of a comet (Plin;
Scherer 1953: 107); xepaia [f.] name of several horn-like objects, e.g. ‘yard, beam,
cornucopia’, as a sign of writing = Lat. apex (Att. Hell.); diminutive xepdadiov
(Attica, Delos; or xepaidtov?); Kepatwv, -Wvoc [m.] name of an altar on Delos
(Hell.); originally “place adorned with horns”; after the place names in -ov.
Adjectives: kepativoc ‘made of horn’ (X.,, Pl. Com.), xepativis [m.] ‘the fallacy called
KEpavvdc 677
the Horns’ (D. L., Luc.); kepatwdng ‘hornlike’ (Thphr.); kepdetc ‘horned’ (Anacr.,
Simon.); kepétvoc ‘id.’ (Aq., Sm.).
Denominative verbs: 1. xepati(w ‘to but with the horns’ (LXX); thence xepatioti¢
(LXX), kepdtioig (Apollod. Poliorc.); kepatiopds ‘loss upon exchange of solidi in
ceratia’, as if from kepatitw *“to change in ceratia’ (pap. VI, Lyd. Mag.); 2. kepatow
‘to change into horn’ (Ael.); 3. kepdw ‘to provide with horns’ (Arat.), ‘to form a wing’
(Plb.). Cf. also » kepadc, > kepaic, > Kepavitat, > KEpoUTIdw, » Képva.
*ETYM Beside the full grade root in xépac ‘horn’ < *kerh,-es-, we find a zero grade in
*kapac- in Kdpa, Kdpryva ‘head, top’ < *krh,es-, which also gave Skt. siras- [n.]
‘head’, and *xpao- < *krh,s- in xpaviov ‘skull. Cf. on » Kapa. The s-stem was
enlarged with a suffix *-ro- in Lat. cerebrum ‘brain’ < *keras-ro- < IE *kerh,(e)s-ro-.
Full discussion in Nussbaum 1986. The original meaning was probably ‘horn’,
whence ‘horned animal-head’ and ‘head’ in general. Further related forms are
discussed s.v. > Kdpa, » Kpaviov, P KpTSELLVov, » KPavoc,
Képaoos [m., f.] ‘bird cherry, Prunus avium’ (Xenoph., Thphr.). < PG?>
eVAR Kepacds (acc. to Hdn. Gr. 1, 209).
*DIAL Myc. PN ke-ra-so /keraso/ [f.], see Heubeck Kadmos 4 (1956): 138-145;
Chantraine 1968: 575.
*DER Kepaoia, -éa ‘id’ (Gp.), cf. kepatia, -éa s.v. > képac; Kepdotov ‘fruit of the kK.
(Hell.), *xepdotvoc [adj.] in Lat. cerasinus ‘cherry-colored’, as a subst. kepdouvov [n.]
‘cherry-colored paint’ (PHolm.).
eETYM As the improved cherry came from the Pontos area (cf. Kepaoodc “rich in
cherries”, town on the Pontos), the name is probably Anatolian as well. Given its
intervocalic o, the form must be Anatolian or Pre-Greek. For the suffix, cf. » ®iacoc,
> Kdpmacoc, which too are of foreign origin. Assyr. karsu has also been adduced. Cf.
on > Kpdvov ‘cornelian cherry’. Gr. képacog, -ia, kepdotov were borrowed into many
languages: Asiatic names of the cherry-tree and the cherry, like Arm. keras, Kurd.
ghilas, and in the West, Lat. cerasus, -ium, VLat. *cerasia, *ceresia, -ea; from Latin
came the Romance and Germanic forms like MoFr. cerise, OHG chirsa > Kirsche.
Lit.: Olck in PW 11: 5oof. and Hester Lingua 13 (1965): 356.
Kepavvoc [m.] ‘thunderbolt, lightning’ (I1.). «18 *kerh,- ‘shatter, smash’>
*COMP > tepml-Képavvos, éyxel-Képavvoc ‘who has the thunderbolt as a spear’ (Pi.),
after éyxel-Bpduoc ‘who thunders with the spear’; also kepavvo-eyyxijc ‘id.’ (B.).
*DER Kepavwioc [adj.] ‘belonging to the thunderbolt’, also ‘struck by a thunderbolt,
hurling the thunderbolt’ (trag.), also kepavvatoc (AP 7, 49; Steph. -etoc); Kepadviov
name of a mushroom “Tuber aestivum’ (Thphr., Gal.), conceived as protecting
against thunder, or as arisen from a thunderbolt; likewise kepavvia = deifwov ptkpdv
(Ps.-Dsc.), cf. Stromberg 1940: 79f.; also name of a stone Kepavviag, -vitn¢ (PHolm.,
Clem.). Denominative kepavvdopat [v.] ‘to be struck by lightning’, -dw ‘to slay with
a thunderbolt’ (Hes.); xepatvwotc ‘thunderclap’ (Str., Plu.).
*ETYM Thematic transformation of an r/n-stem *Kxepa-Fap, Kepa-vv- ‘shattering’,
from a verb ‘to shatter’ that was replaced by »kepai{w. For the formation, cf. on
678 KépBepoc
>éXavvw. Not to be included here are Skt. §dru- ‘arrow and Gm. words like Go.
hairus ‘sword’.
Képfepoc [m.] ‘name of the dog that guarded the underworld’ (Hes. 311, where he has
fifty heads). <PG?>
eETYM Traditionally connected with Skt. karbara-, Sdrvara- ‘spotted’, as an adj.
Sabdla- of the two dogs of the lower world (RV 10, 14, 10). This is doubted by
Mayrhofer KEWA s.v. karbarah, where, after Kuiper, an Austro-Asiatic origin is
considered for the Skt. word (see also Mayrhofer EWAia 3: 297). Thus, it has nothing
to do with the Greek word. Lincoln JIES 7 (1979): 273-285 follows Schlerath, who
showed that there were two hellhounds in the IE conception; this is most clear in
Armenian, where Spitak ‘white’ is the dog of life, Siaw ‘black’ the dog of death. He
ends with unfounded speculations. The dog may come from the East, he may as well
be Pre-Greek; for neither do we have any evidence.
Képdoc [n.] ‘cunning, wiles; desire to win, gain, profit’ (II.); plur. also ‘good advice’
(Hom.). <1E? *kerd- ‘cunning’>
*COMP Rarely as a first member, eg. kepdo-@dpoc ‘bringing gain’ (Artem.), as a
second member in aioypo-Kepdrje ‘full of lowly craving, greedy’ (IA).
*DER Diminutives xepddptov, kepddquov (gloss.). Further cepdoobvn ‘ruse’ (Hom.
Cleanth. Hymn. 1, 28), xepdw [f.] “the cunning one”, i.e. ‘fox (Ar. Babr.); PN
Képdwv, -wvocg (D., Argolis), whence Lat. cerdé ‘ordinary artisan’; also Kepdéwv
epithet of Hermes and Kepdein Tem (Herod. 7, 74); Kepd@oc epithet of Apollo
(Thessal., Lyc.), after Ant@oc; also of Hermes (Plu. Luc.), also said of the fox
(Babr.); kepdntikds ‘greedy’ (gloss.). Further xepdahéoc ‘greedy’ (Il.) and xepdaivw
[v.] ‘to gain, have profit’ (Pi. IA), aor. xepdfjvat, -Savat, -dijoa1. Comparative forms
kepdiwv ‘more profitable’ (Il.), képdtotoc ‘the most cunning’ (Hom.). The positive
has now been recognized in » kopdvc.
*ETYM The only connections outside Greek are a few Celtic words: Olr. cerd ‘art,
handwork’, also ‘aerarius, figulus, poeta’ < IE *kerd-h,-, MW cerdd ‘song’. The gloss
Knptea: ta Képdny (H.) is doubtful. R. Schmitt Glotta 51 (1973): 94-95 convincingly
connected it with kopdvc: mavodpyos ‘crafty’ (H.).
Kép@tocg [m.] name of a small bird with a clear voice, perhaps ‘treekreeper, Certhia
familiaris’ (Arist. HA 616b 28). <PG?>
eETYM Unexplained; the word hardly belongs to » xpé&. Perhaps Pre-Greek.
Képka [?] - axpic ‘locust’ (H.). <PG?>
VAR Képxae: igpak ‘hawk, falcon’, képkvoc igpak 7 dAektpvwv ‘cock’ (H.).
eETYM Fur.: 127 compares Kkep-k- with d-«p-15-, comparing for the morphology yeA-
y-t8- beside a-yA-t0-; doubtful at best. The words hardly belong to » képxoc ‘tail’, as
per Frisk. The word is rather Pre-Greek.
kepkads [2] - Kpe§ to Spveov ‘ruff, corncrake’ (H.).
VAR KepiBanic: Epw5tdc ‘heron’ (H.). = xpéé.
KEPKOVPOG 679
képkrpitc, -Ews [?] name of a water-bird (PCair. Zen. 388b, III*, BGU 1252, 30, II*), Lat.
cerceris (Varro LL 5: 79). <?>
DER Cf. » kepkiwv [m.].
*ETYM Compared with Lat. querquédula, which is paraphrased with kepxrdne (gloss.
3, 319, 13, etc.). It is uncertain whether képxnptc belongs to KépKoc or to the group of
pee.
xepxic -ido¢ [f.] “weaver’s shuttle’ (Il.); metaph. of comparable objects, eg. ‘great bone
of the leg, tibia’ (A. R., Heroph. Med.), ‘wedge-shaped division of the seats in the
theatre’ (Hell.); as a tree name ‘asp, Populus tremula, etc.’ (Arist, Thphr.). The mgs.
are discussed by Martin REGr. 80 (1967): 319f. < PG?>
eCOMP As a first member in xepxtdomouKr (téxvn) ‘the art of a Kepxtidomotdc
(Arist.); as a second member in napa-kepxic [f.] ‘splint-bone’ (Poll.).
*DER Diminutives kepxidtov (pap.); Kepxtdiaiov ‘wedge-shaped spool’ (Attica);
kepkitw [v.] ‘to use the weaver’s shuttle’ (Pl, Arist.), Képxiotc ‘weaving’ (Arist.),
Kepktotikt (tEXvN) ‘art of weaving’ (Pl.), Képxtotpa [n.pl.] ‘weaver’s wages’ (pap.).
Further also xepxadat [pl.] ‘the weavers’, name of a society of weavers (Argos).
*ETYM Unclear. A technical word that seems to be Pre-Greek. Vendryes REGr. 25
(1912): 461 took it as a diminutive of » xépxoc, assuming an original meaning ‘stave,
rod’.
kepkiwv [m.] name of an Indian speaking bird, kind of mynah (perhaps Acridotheres
tristis or Gracula religiosa; Ael. NA 16, 3; see Thompson 1895 s.v.).
eETYM The suffix of kepkiwv is found in nopgupiwv, dxavOiwv, and other bird and
animal names. Frisk derives it from Képxoc, following Ael., who argues émedi) kai
abtoc Staceletat TOV Gppov, Wc TMotodvtat oi KiyKAot ‘because it wags its tail itself
too, like the k. do’.
KepkoAvpa = KpEKW.
kepkopwvous [acc.pl.m.] name of an unknown Indian bird (Ael. NA 15, 14). <?>
eETYM Thompson 1895 s.v. assumes haplology for *xepko-kopwvn.
képkoe [f.] ‘tail of an animal’ (com., Pl. Phdr. 254d, Arist.), ‘penis’ (Ar. Herod.). <?>
*COMP KepKo-@dpos ‘with a tail’, d-KepKoc ‘tailless’ (Arist.); on »KépKovpoc and
> KEpKWY S.V.
*DER Diminutive xepkiov (Aq. Sm. Thd.); cf. »KepKic. Also the animal names
> KépKa - axpic ‘locust’ (H.), kepkdmn name of a cicada (Ar.), see Strémberg 1944: 16
and cf. on Képxwmec, probably also > KxépKag - igpa& (H.) and »KépKvoc : igépak, i
adextpvwv (H.). képkwots ‘tail-like growth’ (medic.); kepkétyc: TO pUkpov TNddALOV
‘small rudder’ (H; Paus. Gr. Fr. 118).
*ETYM As opposed to » obpd, Képkoc seems to come from the lower stratum of the
language and may originally have meant ‘stave, rod’ (but see on » Kepxic). Origin
unknown.
képkovupog [m.] ‘light vessel’ (Hdt., Hell.), originally Cyprian; also name of a sea-fish
(Opp, cf. Stromberg 1943: 48). <?>
680 Képkwmec
*COMP Compounds tavpo-Képkoupoc, Kepkovpo-oKagn names of different vessels
(Hell., pap...
*DER Diminutive xepkovpiov (AP 5, 43; also [f.] PN); xepxoupitng ‘sailor on a x.’
(Hell, pap.).
eETYM Properly a bahuvrihi, ‘having a KxépKoc-like back’, unless it is a folk-
etymological adaptation of a foreign word (cf. the animal names in -oup-, Pre-Greek
(suffixes). Semitic hypothesis by Movers in Lewy 1895: 152. See Chantraine 1928: 13f.
Latin borrowed cerctrus as a fish name (Ov., Plin.).
Képkwnes [m.pl.] ‘name of two mischievous dwarves’, which were fettered by
Heracles (Hdt.), metaph. [sg.] ‘teaser, rogue’ (Aeschin.); name of a long-tailed ape
(Manil.). <PG(s)>
*DER Kepkwmia ‘trickiness’ (Semon.), kepxwmitw [v.] ‘to tease, joke’ (Zenob., H.).
Also, with d-stem-enlargement, kepkwnny: téttiE OrAeta Ut] Pwvodoa ‘female cicala
producing no sound’ (H.).
*ETYM Interpreted as ‘with tail-like figure’, from » xépxocg and -wy (Schwyzer: 426*).
Gil Emerita 25 (1957): 312 considers kepkwmn ‘tétu& to be a compound *KepKo-Fwn-
1 ‘with shrill voice’, but this does not fit H.’s explanation above. Rather, -w7 is the
ending of several Pre-Greek names.
képva 1 [n.pl.] ‘transverse processes of the vertebrae’ (Poll. 2, 180). <?>
VAR Also -vat [f.pl.].
*ETYM Mostly analyzed as *kers-nd (cf. kapijva < *karasna). An exact parallel to this
form seems to be found in the Germanic word for ‘brain’, e.g. OHG hirn(i) (< IE
*kers-n-iio- beside ON hjarsi < *kers-on-). However, the formation was *kerh,-s-n-
with root-final -h,, which makes this derivation impossible. See Nussbaum 1986: 192.
It is semantically tempting to compare képva with ON hvern ‘the two boat-shaped
white bones in the brain of a fish’, but like Go. /uairnei ‘skull’, this derives from
initial IE *k”- and belongs to ON hverna ‘cooking utensils’, etc; cf. on » Képvoc.
Képva 2 [2] - divi ‘axe-head’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM Acc. to von Blumenthal 1930: 40, it is from Keipw, and to be separated from
kéapva (see on > Kedtw). DELG even proposes to read kéapva here.
képvog [n.] ‘earthen vase with nipples all around, used in mystery cult’ (sch. Nic. Al.
217; Ammon. and Polem. apud Ath. u1, 476f and 478c; H.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Plur. képvea: Ta TH pNtpl tov Bewv éemBvdpeva ‘that which is sacrificed to the
mother of the gods’ (H.); also -va (Poll. 4, 103); on the mg. Nilsson 1941(1): 128, 270f.,
726.
eCOMP As a first member in kepvo-@dpoc (Nic., Ath.), to which kepvo-opéw (sch.);
short form kepvac (AP 7, 709).
*DER Diminutive kepviov (Att. inscr., Theognost.).
*ETYM Several unsuccessful IE etymologies have been proposed: relation to képapoc,
Skt. carti- ‘kettle’, ON hverna ‘cooking utensils’; to Lat. scrinium ‘chest’, to Skt.
Sdrava- ‘plate’ (see the relevant litt. in Frisk). The by-forms képyvog (IG 1’, 313: 17;
KEPXVOG 681
314: 23), with kepyviov (IG 27, 1533: 19; 23), show that the word was Pre-Greek, as
Chantraine already saw (DELG).
kepovtidw [v.] ‘to toss the horns or head’ (Ar. Eq. 1344). <IE *kerh,- ‘head, horn’>
*DER Kepovtiaopds (Phot.).
*ETYM A denominative in -tdw. from *xepodtta ‘provided with horns’, which is
genuine Attic for kepodooa (S., E.) or kepdecoa (Anacr.), an epithet of the deer. It
may originally have meant “to behave like a kepodooa (€Aagoc)”. On the formation,
where we expect *kepat-, see Nussbaum 1986: 153.
képoa [?] - Aotavov évopa ‘an Asiatic name’ (H.). <Lw OP>
*ETYM Schmitt 1999: 53-57 states it is a loan from OP kr, a Persian weight, which
perhaps derives from *k’els- ‘to draw furrows’.
keptopew [v.] ‘to taunt, insult, mock, ridicule’ (almost only poetic, Il.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Aor. KepTopfjoat (rare).
eCOMP Also with ém-. Compound @iAo-Képtopog ‘loving mockery’ (x 287, Theoc., |
API.).
*DER Képtopoc “insulting, slandering’ (Hes. Op. 788, poet.), with keptopict [pl.]
‘mockery, slander’ (Hom.); also with suffix -to-xeptdoptog ‘id’ (Hom., S. [lyr.]);
Keptopnotc (S. Ph. 1236). From émeptopéw: émkeptou-nua (Demetr.), -nouc (Hdn.)
and, as a back-formation, émiképtopoc (Q. S.).
*ETYM Prellwitz assumed a univerbation of xeipetv and téuvetv, a type of formation
which remains hypothetical. Fur: 349 refers to kaptoptoti¢: yAevactic ‘mocker’
(H.). The varying vocalism points to Pre-Greek origin.
The root has been connected with Lat. carindre, and the words cited under > kdpvy
‘punishment’. Schrijver 1991: 429 is right to connect it with the group of oxepBdAdw,
-Boréw, KepBdAAOvoa ‘to insult, mock, slander’, which in turn is connected with
(0)Kképagoc, oxépagoc. All these words are clearly Pre-Greek, a conclusion which
Schrijver also reaches. It is unknown what the second elements were, or even if the
words were compounds at all. Fur.: 349*° suggests comparison with Hitt. kartimiie/a-
# ‘to be angry’, kartiminu- ‘to make angry’, which is possible, though the meanings
are not the same. For a different but less likely proposal: Perpillou RPh. 75
(2001):145f.
kepxvnic, -idog [f.] a kind of falcon, probably ‘kestrel, windhover, Falco tinnunculus’.
<i>
*VAR Also -1)c, -fj50¢ (Ar. Av. 304, 589); also Keyxpriic, -pic (Arist. Ael.), Kéyypn
(Arist.), Képyvn (FL).
*ETYM From képx voc ‘raw voice, hoarseness’, with the same variation as in xAwpnic
epithet of the nightingale (to yAwpdc), etc. (see Chantraine 1933: 345f.). Also xépyvn,
after the feminines in -1-. Did keyxpnic, etc. arise through metathesis? Hardly after
Kéyxpog ‘millet’ (defended by DELG); see Thompson 1895 s.v. Keyxprqic.
Képxvoc [m.] ‘raw voice, hoarseness’ (Hp., S. Ichn. 128), ‘raw surface, rough
excrescence’ (S. Fr. 279), also = 6 tav apyupiwv Kovoptés ‘silver dust’ (Poll. 7, 99).
<PG?> ,
682 KEOKEOV
*COMP G-Kepy voc ‘without hoarseness’ (Aret.), aipto-Kepyvov [n.] ‘cough with bloody
sputum’ (Hp, substantivized bahuvrihi). From dxepyvoc and Képyvw the adjective
Képx voc (Kepy vc?) ‘raw (of the voice), hoarse’ (Gal.) [??].
*DER Kepxyvwdng ‘raw, hoarse’ (Hp.), Kepyvaopdc ‘rawness, hoarseness’ (Gal.).
Denominative kepx voopat [v.] ‘to be raw or uneven’, -dw ‘to make uneven, engrave’
(H.), whence xepxvwpata [pl.] ‘unevennesses, elevated, embossed work’ (H.); to be
read as well in E. Ph. 1386 for keyypwpaot - cf. on Kéyxpoc; Kepx vwtdc ‘embossed,
engraved’ (H.); also képyvw [v.] ‘to be or make hoarse’ (Hp.). xepxyadéoc ‘raw,
hoarse’ (Hp.), also kepyvahéoc (Hp. v.L, Gal.). On » kepyvijig, see s.v.
*ETYM The derivation xépx voc < *képx-ovoc has been proposed, but the bird name
«pé— hardly seems comparable. Perhaps the word is onomatopoeic in origin; cf. Skt.
ghar-ghara- [m.] ‘crackling, rattling’, as well as, independently, Lat. hirrid ‘to
grumble’, OE gierran ‘to crack, creak, coo’, etc. (Pok. 439). If we connect these, we
could assume Képyvoc < *g'er-g'r-o-; kepyadéoc would be analogical after ioxvdc :
ioxadéoc vel sim. Fur. 340 compares Kdpyapoc. If the word is Pre-Greek, it could
simply be *KerK-no-, with automatic aspiration before the *n (cf. Fur. 110).
kéokeov [n.] ‘tow’ (Herod. 9a). <PG?(S)>
eVAR KEOKI<OV>: OTUTEIOV, TO ANoKTEVIOHA TOD Atvod ‘what is combed from flax’
*ETYM Mostly analyzed as *kes-kes-o-, from a root *kes- ‘to comb, hackle, scratch’ in
OCS ¢esati, 1sg. ceso, Hitt. kis-* ‘to comb, card’, with the verbal nouns Cz. pa-ces
‘tow’, Lith. kasa ‘plait, braid’ < IE *kos-h,-, Olr. cir [f.] < *kés-ra (for the apparent
lengthened grade, see the discussion in Matasovi¢ 2008 s.v. *kisrd). See also » Eéw,
mEaivw, >» bbw. A reduplicated formation *kes-kes- is an improbable structure in IE
terms. Word-final -cov may be the Pre-Greek suffix *-ay- (Pre-Greek Suffixes sub
-au-/ €(t)-).
keot0¢ [adj.] ‘stitched’. = Kevtéw.
KeVvOw [v.] ‘to conceal’, also ‘to be hidden’ (II.). <IE (s)keu-d"- ‘conceal, hide’>
eVAR Also kev0avw (I 453), kvvOdvet- Kpbrttet ‘hides, conceals’ (H.), fut. kebow, aor.
kevdoat, also x0Oe (y 16), reduplicated subj. kexbOwot (¢ 303), perf. Kéxevda.
eCOMP Also with ém- (évi-, du@t-).
*DER Kev8oc [n.] ‘hiding, cave, depth’ (Il.), often plur. -ea; kevOpwv, -u@vec ‘id’
(Od.), kevOudc, -poi ‘id.’ (N 28, Lyc., Call.); also kevOfvec: of Katay8dviot Saipovec
‘subterranean deities’ (Suid.).
*ETYM A close relative to ke¥Ow is found in Germanic in the OE yod-present hydan,
MoE hide. A further comparandum is Arm. suzanem ‘to dive, hide’, but this would
presuppose an initial palatal *k, which does not fit with the other words adduced,
like Skt. kuhi- [f.] ‘new moon’ (“the hidden one”), kuhara- [n.] ‘cave’, etc. (rejected
by Mayrhofer EWAia s.v. kitha). Beside the words from IE *keud"-, several forms
with root-final *t are found; see »KUtoc. See also on »KUvo80c, »KoTIC, and
> oKitoc and Pp oxdAa.
ke@aAn [f.] ‘head, the uppermost or top part, source, etc.’ (I].). <IE *g"eb"-I- ‘head’>
KABoc 683
*COMP Several compounds, e.g. kepad-adyia ‘headache’ (Hp.), also -apyia (Luc.) by
dissimilation; Bov-Képadog ‘with cow-head’ (Ar.); also as a plant name (Stromberg
1940: 54); as a PN Bov-xepaAac [m.] the personal horse of Alexander the Great (Str.,
Plu.).
*DER Diminutive kegaAtov (Att. inscr.), -idtov (Poll. pap.), keparic [f.] ‘bulb of an
onion, toe-cap of a shoe, capital of a column, etc.’ (Arist.), kepadic BiBAiov ‘scroll’
(LXX); xepaAatov [n.] ‘the main thing, capital’ (Pi, Att.); rarely adjectival kepdaAatoc
(Ar. Ra. 854, PMasp. 151, 16, VI), with kepadatwdng (adv. -wdac) ‘regarding the
main point’ (Hp., Arist. Hell.) and the denominative xepadatdw [v.] ‘to summarize
(the main points)’ (Att.), whence kepadaiwpya ‘sum, total’ (Hdt. 3, 159), -aiwotc
‘summary’ (sch.), -atwtr¢ = Lat. capitularius, also -tia (pap. Rom. Emp.); kegahaia
[f.] ‘chronic headache’ (medic.); kepadwdrn¢ ‘head-like’ (Thphr.), Kepadtkdc
‘belonging to the head, to life’ (pap., Dsc.); xe@aditng AiBoc ‘cornerstone, headstone’
(H.), Kepaditng yAnxwv probably ‘Mentha aquatica’ (Hippiatr.); ckepadivny ‘root of
the tongue’ (Poll.); xepahivoc fish name = BAeWiac (Dorio apud Ath.), see Strémberg
1943: 41, also Kép~adoc “Mugil cephalus’ (Hp. com., Arist.), on which extensively
Thompson 1947 s.v. Kepadwpa ‘sum’ (Messen., Delph.); after dvdAwpa acc. to
Bechtel 1921, 2: 156, but cf. also kepadaiwpa above; kepadwrtdc ‘with a head’ (Arist.,
Hell.), as a plant name ‘thyme’ (Ps.-Dsc.), see Stromberg 1940: 50; -wtdv (sc.
Tpacov) ‘onion’ (pap.); kepadnddv ‘per head’ (Priene IV?). Denominative xlepadiGw
[v.] ‘to behead’ (BGU 1, 341, 9); in a different mg. kepaAtopdg ‘table of multiplication’
(Arist.); Kepadéw in Kexe~adwpévocg ‘provided with a head’ (comm. Arist.);
Kegadtow in éxepahiwoav (Ev. Marc. 12, 4), which may mean either ‘to beat the
head’ or ‘to behead’. Furthermore hypostases mpoo- (Dor. moti-), bmo-KepaAatov
‘head cushion’ (IA), anoxeaditw [v.] ‘to behead’ (LXX, Phld.), -topdc, -topa, -toTH<.
*ETYM Old word for ‘head’, also found in Tocharian and Germanic: ToA spdl ‘head’,
OHG gebal [m.], MHG gevel ‘skull’, OHG gibilla [f.] ‘id’; additionally, in the sense of
front’, OHG gibil [m.], Go. gibla [m.] (n-stem), and ablauting ON gafl [m.] ‘side of a
facade’. This points to an IE /-stem *¢eb'-I-, but it is unclear from which root it is.
The Greek suffixal -a- is difficult to explain. Cf. also yaBakdv: éyKépadov i) KepaAry
(H.) and Macedonian (Illyrian?) keB(a)An s.v. » KeBAN.
Kéwe, -w [f.] one of the Cyclades (inscr., Str.). <PG(V)>
*DER Keiog, Ion. Krjlog inhabitant of Keos (IA); Kéog [f.] place on Salamis (Hat. 8,
76).
*ETYM Solmsen 1901: 125 suggests derivation from *Kf\Fos ‘fire’ (to » kaiw), which
must be wrong, as it is a Pre-Greek name. Fick 1905: 59 compares Kéwc Kroc Ketoc
with Téwe Trtocg and Kéwe¢ Ka@toc and Cret. Adtw¢ Adtioc, and notes as older forms
Knws Thws Kowe. 2
kijPos [m.] ‘monkey with a long tail’ (Arist., Str., Gal.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Also xijmocg (Agatharch., v.l. in Str. 16, 4, 16, Ael., where also Ketmoc) and
*«n@ocg because of Lat. cephus (Plin. Nat. 1, 18, 28 and 8, 70; cef(fjus Sol. 30, 22); in
Lat. also ceppus (Pol. Silv.), cae pus (v.l. Plin. Nat. 8, 70 = *xaimoc?); cf. Fur. 176, 232,
235.
684 Kidoc
eETYM The Greek, but also the Latin variants (see Fur.: I.cc.) point to a Pre-Greek
word. It was previously compared with Skt. kapi-, Hebr. qof, Old Eg. gefi ‘ape of the
land Punt’ and assumed to be a loan from an unknown source (acc. to Frisk, the
vowel suggests Egyptian origin), see Mayrhofer EWAia s.v. kapi-, E. Masson 1967:
87°, and Hemmerdinger Glotta 46 (1968): 244.
kij5og [n.] “care, mourning, funeral rites; connection by marriage, affinity’ (Il.). <IE
*keh,d-s- ‘care, grief; hate’>
eVAR Dor. kadoc. Primary superlative xrdiotos ‘closest, most dear’ (Hom.).
*COMP As a second member in 4-Kn6rj¢ ‘careless, unburied’ (Il), to which axndeta,
-in, axndéw, -14w; also a-Krdeo-tocg ‘id’ (Il.), mpoo-Kndrj¢ ‘careful, related by
marriage, friendly with’ (@ 35, Hadt. 8, 136, A. R.); on formation and mg. see Sommer
1948: 1107, Levin Class. Phil. 45 (1950): 110f. As a first member in Knét-Kpatne¢ (IV’),
perhaps after AAx1-, see Bechtel 1917b: 236.
*DER 1. Kndeotr¢ [m.] ‘relative by marriage’ (Att.), kndeot(e)ia ‘connection by
marriage’, kndgotpia [f.] ‘nurse’ (pap.); also xndéotwp ‘educator’ (Man.). 2.
Adjectives: «Se(t)og ‘worth caring for, beloved, relative’ (Il.), émuctdetog “belonging
to a corpse, belonging to grief (E., Pl. Lg. 800e), Knddovvosg ‘dear’ (E. Or. 1017) and
Kndoovvr (dat.pl. -odvnot) ‘grief (A. R.). 3. Denominative kndebw [v.] ‘to care for,
bury, marry’ (Att.), to which kjdevpa ‘connection by marriage’ (S., E.), -evotc ‘care’
(Ael., Plot.), -evtij¢ ‘who cares for’ (Arist.), -eia ‘relatedness, burial’ (E., X.), whence
krdetakdc ‘who buries the dead’ (Pergam. IIP).
Primary verb xrSopct ‘to care, be cared for’ (Il.), aor.ipv. xdeoat (A. Th. 139 [lyr.]),
fut. kexadroopat (© 353), perf. kéxnda (Tyrt. 12, 28); also with prefix, e.g. mept-, TIpo-;
also act. Krdw, fut. Kndjow “be grieved’ (Il.); «ndeumv ‘who cares for, educator,
protector’ (Il.), after tyye-udv (Schwyzer 522), to which kndepovia ‘care’, -poviKdc
‘caring for’ (Hell.), -ywovebw [v.] ‘to be protector’ (Just.); metrical enlargement
Krdepovetc (A. R., API.).
eETYM A related r-stem is supposed in Av. sadra- [n.] ‘grief, pain, disaster’, so from
PIE *keh,d-s-, *keh,d-ro-. Thieme 1938: 158f. recognized the s-stem in the obscure
word Skt. rigadas-, which he took to mean ‘caring for the foreigner’. This was
recently defended by Pinault Bulletin d’études indiennes 17-18 (1999-2000): 466ff.,
but remains uncertain. Further nouns have been adduced from Italic, Celtic, and
Germanic: Osc. cadeis ‘malevolentiae’ [gen.sg.], MIr. cais ‘hate, love’ (perhaps from
older ‘care’), MW cawdd ‘offensa, ira, indignatio’, Go. hatis [n.] ‘hate, anger’. The
Germanic words all have the zero grade of the root, so we have traces of a PIE s-stem
with root ablaut. There is no parallel to the verb kjdSopat in the other languages.
KnVic, -ido¢ [f.] “ballot box, dicebox’ (Poll. 7, 203; not quite certain). <PG(V)>
eDIAL Perhaps Myc. ka-ti /kat*is/, which Neumann Glotta 39 (1961): 176 thinks is
Luwian.
*DER Diminutive formations: k1Ptov, -etov, -iov (Hermipp. 27, Poll. H.), nn@dpiov
(Ar. V. 674), KnOidtov (Poll.); also with metathesis of aspiration xeittov beside
keiOtov (Eust. 1259, 36), and with loss of aspiration kntiov (Alciphr. 1, 39, 8, Ath. 11,
KijAaOTpOG 685
477d). Cf- xa00c: onupic ‘large basket, creel’ (H.), also » ka Ot5o1 (for -idec?)- bdpict
‘jars’ (H.).
*ETYM Comparison with k@Owv ‘beaker’ is improbable. If x1tiov is reliable, it points
in the direction of Pre-Greek origin. The change of aspiration is Ionic, but the
interchange 17/ et is also typical of Pre-Greek (see Fur.: 352).
*knkatw [v.] ‘to abuse, revile’, only aor. subj. knkdaon (Lyc. 1386). <ONOM>
VAR Kykadei (-cCet?): Nowdopei, yAevacet ‘abuses, scoffs’ (H.).
*DER KrKaopdc ‘abuse, scorn’ (Lyc.); Knkdc, -ddo¢ [f.] ‘abusing, scorning’ (yAwoon
Call. Fr. 253), also as an epithet of aAwzmé (Nic. Al. 185).
*ETYM Originally onomatopoeic; cf. the bird name x1§ (see > kabak) and m Kayacw;
see also kaKéc and *kak- in words for ‘crow, raven’ (Pok. 521). The comparison with
OHG huohon ‘to mock, scorn’, huoh ‘mockery’ (Frisk) is senseless.
knic, -id0¢ [f.] ‘anything gushing forth, ooze’, of blood, purple, pitch, fat (A., S.), ‘dye
from oak gall, oak gal? (Hp., D., Thphr.). <PG(v)>
eDIAL Dor. kaxic.
*DER Diminutive x1ykidtov (medic.). Knkiw [v.] ‘to gush forth’ (IL), xaxiw: idpoiv
dpxopat. Adkoves ‘begin to sweat (Lac.) (H.), only present-stem, also with dava-. It
appears to be a denominative to an t-stem.
*ETYM Traditionally compared with Lith. sokti ‘to jump, dance’, as if from IE *keh,k-.
The gloss kayxbAac Knkidac. Aiodeic is compared with Lith. sankis ‘nimble’, but
this cannot be connected here if the root was IE *keh,k-. The form Knkic, -ido¢ is
either from an *iH-stem (suffix -i5-, but this is also a Pre-Greek suffix), or a back-
formation from xnkiw. At any rate, the connection with sokti must be abandoned,
and the word is Pre-Greek, because of the prenasalization in kayxtAac. Thraco-Phr.
oiktv(v)ic ‘dance of the satyrs in honor of Dionysus’ (S., E.) does not belong here
either.
kijAa [n.pl.] ‘arrows, projectiles (of the gods) (Il:, Hes., Pi, Orph.). <?>
*ETYM It has been compared with some Skt. words meaning ‘cane, arrow’, like Sard-
[m.], Sdrya- [n.], Saryd- [f.], salyd- [m., n.], and further MIr. cail ‘spear’, ON hali [m.]
‘tail’ (n-stem). However, all these words go back to a root with short vowel, as
opposed to xfjAa with long vowel. Connection with » KaAov ‘wood’ is rejected by
Frisk and DELG. For further suggestions, see Pok. 552f.
KnNAac, -a [m.] name of an Indian stork, ‘Marabu, Leptopilus argala’ (Ael. NA 16, 4).
<Lw Ind.>
eETYM Formation like attaydac, éAeac¢ (Chantraine 1933: 31f.), probably from Indic
(cf. perhaps Hindi hargéla). Thompson 1895 s.v. suggests that the word was reshaped
after «An ‘tumor, hump’, because the bird had a great crop. On the accent, see
Bjorck 1950: 637.
KNAds = KnAic.
kipAaotpos [f.] ‘holly, Ilex aquifolium’ (Thphr.). <PG>
686 KNAEOG
VAR Also -ov [n.]; KnAdotpat oxagidec, dayyeia tropewKd. i Sévdpa ‘bowls, vessels
of shepherds; trees’ (H.).
*ETYM Formation like » dénaotpov, » Kavactpov, »Cbyaotpov; the suffix is Pre-
Greek (see Pre-Greek: Suffixes).
k1)Agog [adj.] ‘burning’ (Hom., Hes.). <1E? *keh,u- “burn’>
eVAR Only in mupi KnAéw (disyllabic), always verse-final except in © 217 and O 74
(ttupi knAsiw).
eDER mepi-KrAoc (Od.), KnAov: Enpov ‘dry’ (H.) and Kavahgov i) Kavahéc- b10
Aiohéwv 10 aiBoc, f Kataxekavpévov KTA. ‘fire (Aeolian); burnt completely, etc.’.
*ETYM If Delph. » «rua is correctly compared (which is quite uncertain; s.v.), KiA€oc
has to stand for *xnfadéoc (Shipp 1967: 54 suggests that knfadgov nip was originally
verse-final, like ai€dpevov mip, etc.); Aeol. *kafahéoc would then have a different
ablaut grade (perhaps *keh,u- beside *kh,u-). The form kndeiw may have replaced
the suffix -eoc with -etoc. The forms mepi-«ndoc and kavahéc were reshaped as well,
after the adjectives in -Ao- and -1c¢. See further > kaiw and » Knwdre.
knAéw [v.] ‘to charm, bewitch’ (IA). <1E? *keh,/- ‘enchant, deceive’>
VAR Aor. knAfjoat.
eCOMP Also with kata-, breEp-, &k-.
DER Verbal nouns: krAnOpdc ‘enchantment’ (A 334 = v 2), KAnotc ‘id.’ (PI.), KATA
‘charm’ (Ibyc., E.), kAnOpov ‘id’ (Phryn., H.); KnAnddovec [fpl.] name of mythical
singers who resembled the Sirenes (Pi.), KnArjtwp ‘enchanter’ (Orph.), -rtetpa [f.]
(Hes. Op. 464 evxnArtetpa; = tovydotpia ‘she who soothes’ H.), knAntriptoc
‘enchanting’ (S., E.), -rtixdc¢ (Ath., Ael.).
*ETYM Bugge Curtius Studien 4 (1871): 331f. compared a Germanic deverbative with
deviant meaning: Go. (af)holon ‘to slander, ovkogavteiv’, OE hdlian ‘id’, OHG
huolen ‘to deceive’ < *keh,J-, from which we may also mechanically derive the Greek
verb. Lat. calvor, -i ‘to deceive’, calumnia ‘trickery, false accusation, malicious
prosecution’ is formally different, but semantically it matches the Germanic words
well. Schrijver 1991: 95, 113 reconstructs *kh,J-u- for Latin, while LIV? s.v. *kelh,-
‘verlocken, bet6ren, betriigen’ assumes a Narten present *kélh,- / *kelh,-, presumably
because they want to connect it with *kleh,- ‘to call’, which is unwarranted.
KA [f.] ‘tumor; rupture, hernia’ (Hp., AP), ‘hump’ (Eup., Arist.). <IE *keh,u-l-
‘tumor, stalk’>
DIAL Att. KGAn (Arist, gramm.).
eCOMP As a first member in xnAo-topia ‘operation for hernia’; as a second member
in évtepo-, capKo-KTAN (medic.).
*DER KnArrtns [m.] ‘hernia patient’ (Str. Gal. Phryn.), Att. xadjtng (évtepo)-
KnAuxdc (Dsc., Gal.); kaAapa-: SyKog ‘distension’ (H.), see Chantraine 1933: 186f;
denominative verb kaAde- OyKodtat. Ayatot ‘is distended (Achaean)’ (H.). On
K)Adc¢ bird s.v.
*ETYM The difference between Ion. kA and Att. Kan (where the a is long, acc. to
gramm.) is unexplained. ‘Riickverwandlung’ of PAtt. n > a cannot be accounted for,
and it is unattractive to assume different ablaut forms *kaGf-eA-a > KHAN, *Kaf-eA-a >
KNOG 687
KdA1) as late as Proto-Ionic-Attic. Bjérck 1950: 70 therefore suggested that kaAn was
taken by Attic from another dialect, but there is no proof for this.
A remarkable correspondence is found in the Germanic term for ‘groin rupture’, ON
haull [m.], OE héala [m.], OHG hola [f.] < PGm. *haula(n)-, -6(n), and in Balto-
Slavic: CS kyla, Ru. (dial.) kilé (which also means ‘knag on a tree’), Lith. kilas ‘navel
rupture’, kiila ‘thickening, swelling, knag’. All forms mentioned must go back to an
ablauting /-stem *keh,u-l-, *k(e)h.u-el-, kh.u-l- (cf. on pijAtoc). The precise
derivation of the Greek forms, however, remains unclear.
KnAic, -t50¢ [f.] ‘stain (of blood), spot, defilement’ (trag., Antipho, X., Arist.). <IE?
1 ( )» Sp (trag P )
*keh,I- ‘white spot’>
*DER KnAtddw (KaA- Ecphant. apud Stob. 4, 7, 64) ‘stain, soil’ (E. Arist. Ph.),
KrpAtdwtdc (Suid., gloss.). Further knddc, -adoc [f.] epithet of storm clouds (Thphr.),
acc. to H. also yetmepivi] yugpa ‘stormy day’ and aif, iytt¢ Kata TO péTWHOV ONLLEIOV
éxet tvAoeldéc ‘goat having a knob-like sign on its forehead’; also KnArviy péAatva
‘black; (also) name of a disease’ (H.).
*ETYM Formation like KAnjic, Kvnpic, etc. (Chantraine 1933: 347), derived from a
noun. In Italic, we find an adjective with comparable meaning: Lat. calidus ‘with a
bless on the head’ = U (buf) kaleruf ‘boves calidos’, where it is unknown whether the
Lat. a is long or short. To the same semantic sphere also belongs Lith. kalybas, -yvas
‘white-necked (of dogs) and Olr. caile ‘stain’ < IE *kh,l-io-. Nussbaum 1999: 381f.
suggested that the Latin word was borrowed from a Greek pre-form *kalad-.
*kijAov ‘arrow, projectile’. = Kia.
KiAwy, -wvos [m.] ‘stallion, male ass’ (Archil., Cratin., Ph., H.) often metaph. ‘swing-
beam (for drawing water), swipe’ (Delos III’, pap.). <?>
*DIAL Dor. KaAwv.
eCOMP As a first member in knAwvo-otdotov ‘support or base for the swing-beam’
(PBerl. Leihg. 13, 14).
*DER KrAwveiov (Jon. -jiov) ‘machine for drawing (water) (Hdt. Ar., Arist.),
Kmwvetw [v.] ‘to turn the swing-beam’ (Hero, Ath. Mech.).
*ETYM A secondary formation in -wv (Chantraine 1933: 161f.). Vendryes REGr. 25
(1912): 461 proposed to start from KfAov in the unattested sense of ‘penis’, but this
cannot be further substantiated.
KL [m.] ‘muzzle, plaited lid of the balloting urn, fyke for fishing, cover for nose and
mouth, etc.’ (A, S. Ar. X.); on the mg. Schenkl WusS 5 (1926): 172ff. <PG(V)>
*DIAL Dor. Kapdc.
*COMP As a second member in evxapia-: hovxia, Frot ebprpia “quiet, silence’ (EM,
H.), as if from *edkapoc.
*DER K1}H16w [v.] ‘to muzzle’ (X., 1 Ep. Cor. 9, 9, sch.), kjpwotc: gipwotc ‘silencing’
*ETYM Unexplained. Connection with Arm. k‘amem ‘to press (out)’ (LIV? s.v. *kem-)
is formally possible, but is incompatible with the probable basic meaning of the
Greek word, ‘wicker’; the same holds for the Balto-Slavic and Germanic group
688 KAO
meaning ‘to press, etc.’, e.g. Lith. kamanos pl. ‘harness with bit’, Ru. kom ‘clump’,
MHG hemmen, hamen ‘to restrain, bind, hamper’. Fur.: 220 connects the adjectives
xaBdc and xapdc (both H.); the connection with » xaBoc ‘muzzle’ is self-evident, and
the interchange 1/ 6 points to Pre-Greek origin (see Fur.: 203-227). It seems evident
to connect Knpdc as well, and all variants derive from a pre-from *kdam-. Lat. camus
‘muzzle’ was borrowed from Dor. kayidc; Osman., Arab. gem ‘bit, mouth-piece of the
harness, bridle’ (which later gave rise to MoGr. 16 yéu ‘bridle’) are from KrH10c. See
> K@LOG, > KML.
kijpos [f.] a plant, Aeovtomdétov or Evax (Dsc., Orph.). <?>
*ETYM No etymology. See André 1956 s.v. cémus.
KE = kavaé,
kijtog 1 [m.] ‘garden, orchard, plantation’ (II.), ‘uncultivated piece of land’ (Cypr.).
<IE? *keh,p- ‘enclosure’, EUR?>
eVAR Dor. Kamtoc.
*COMP Often as a first member, e.g. knmoupdc ‘gardener’ (Att., Hell.) < *k110-Fopdc,
also xnit-wpdc¢ (Archipp.), probably after Ovpwpdc (see » Obpa); KNMO0-Adyavov
‘garden of vegetables’ (pap.) of the type istmo-7t6tay10¢, see »immoc and Stromberg
1944: 7, also xnto-Aaxav-ia ‘id. (pap.); Kn7t-epydc ‘gardener’ (Corycus), for -ovpydc
(Poll.) after Epyov. Also as a second member, e.g. mtepi-Kiy7tog [m.] ‘garden around
the house’ (Ptol. pap., D. S.), probably after itepi-ywpoc; aypd-Krptog (Att. inscr.,
Rom. Emp.), aypo-ymov (Str.) “field worked as garden’,
*DER Diminutives knmiov (Halic. V’, Th.), -ridtov (Plu. D. L.), -1ddtov (pap.);
Kntaiog “of the garden’ (Arist.), knmevc¢ ‘gardener’ (Philyll. Com. 14, AP), Dor.
Kamevs; Knmidec Nbpat ‘garden Nymphs’ (Aristainet.). Denominative xnrevw [v.]
‘to work in the garden, cultivate’ (E., Eub., Arist.), whence xrmeiat [fipl.] ‘gardens’
(Pl. Lg. 845d), plur. knmevpata ‘products or fruits of the garden’ (Ar. Av. 1100),
KnMlevtiig = KiyMEvc (gloss.), KIWMEvO'WLOG “grown up in a garden’ (Alex. Trall.), after
utevoutoc, see Arbenz 1933: 86.
*ETYM Except for the ending, PGr. *kapo- could be identical with a WGm. word of
comparable meaning, OHG huoba, OS héba, MoHG Hufe, Hube [f|] ‘piece of land of
a certain size’, MoDu. hoeve ‘farm’, from IE *keh,p-h,-. Alb. kopshté ‘garden’ (with
suffix -shté-) also belongs here. Further connections are either uncertain or wrong
(> Kdnetoc, Lat. capidé, OHG habaro ‘oats’). Could the word be from a European
substrate language?
Kijtog 2 ‘ape’. > KhBoc.
kip, knpdc [f.] ‘death, doom, goddess or demon of death’ (I1.), plur. ‘types of death,
accidents’. < PG>
*COMP kI1pecot-P~opntos ‘driven (into death) by the Keres’ (Q 527), knpt-tpegeic
‘brought up for death’ (4vOpwitot, Hes. Op. 418), Knpo-tpdgog ‘deadly’ (dic, Nic.
Th. 192); émi-xnpoc ‘fallen to death’ (Hp. Arist, Hell.); also dicjpatoc, with
aknpdotog and daxijptoc ‘unharmed’, see » ax1ipatoc 1 and Sommer 1948: 152.
Knpdc 689
DER Kn]péotov: OAEGptov, voonpov ‘deadly, diseased’ (H.), after Peoméotog; Knpaivw
[v.] ‘to damage, destroy’ (A. Supp. 999, Ph.), after myyaivw; knpdopat [v.] ‘to be
injured’ (EM).
*ETYM The main question is whether the long a in Alc. (kapi B 6 A 7) and Alcm.
(Kapa Fr. 56; Kapav was handed down) points to PGr. *kar. We may compare the
glosses Kap: Gavatog ‘death’ (H.), kapi@oar anoxtetvat ‘to kill’, and éxapiwoac:
anéktetvac (H.), where a was probably long. Further evidence is provided by the
Attic proverb O0pale Kapec, od ét’ AvOeotijpia. It has been suggested that Kapec
meant ‘Carians’, ie. ‘slaves’, but this is clearly an aetiological story made up in order
to explain the a. See also Brunel RPh. 41 (1967): 81-104. On the other hand, xfjpec and
kip occur both in Pi. Fr. 277 and in the choral songs of tragedy. In order to explain
this, an ablauting paradigm xrp, *kapdc has been suggested, from which a secondary
nom. *kap was formed, but this cannot be maintained. The most likely conclusion is
that the long a is original, and that the IA development n spread over a large area.
Since there was no IE root *kar-, the most likely conclusion is that the word is Pre-
Greek. See Beekes MSS 63 (2003): 7-10.
kip ‘heart’. =Kxapdia.
Knpagic = kdpaBoc.
Knpdc [m.] ‘wax’ (Od.). <PG?>
*COMP Frequent as a first member, e.g. Knpd-detoc ‘fixed together with wax’
(Theoc.), knpo-7tAdotn¢ ‘wax sculptor’ (Pl.), xnpo-taxic [f] ‘hot plate’ (to keep wax
paints hot) (PHolm. 6, 33; cf. Lagercrantz 1913: ad loc.).
As a second member eg. in micod-Knpog [m.] ‘propolis, a mix of resin and wax by
which bees stop up their hives, bee-bread’ (Arist., Plin.); also «1)p6-m000¢ “ointment
from wax and resin’ (Hp.), cf. Risch IF 59 (1949): 58, weAl-Knpoc “bee-wax’ (pap.);
ueXt-K1}ptov ‘honeycomb’ (Sm.), pedt-Knpic ‘id.’, metaph. ‘cyst or wen’ resembling a
honeycomb (Hp. pap.), the same metaph. in pedi-xnpa [f.] ‘spawn of the murex’
(Arist.).
DER 1. Knpiov ‘wax-cake, honeycomb’ (IA, h. Merc. 559), xpidtov (Aét.), x pid@dn¢
‘like a honeycomb’ (Thphr.), knpiwpa ‘tearing eyes’ (S. Fr. 715), knpidtw [v.] ‘to
spawn’, of the murex, as its spawn resembles a honeycomb (Arist.). 2. 11ptvocg ‘of
wax (Alcm., Att.), knpivn (sc. gumAaotpoc) name of a plaster (medic.); 3. Ki\pivOoc
[m.] ‘bee-bread’ (Arist., Plin., H.); 4. knpiwv, -wvog ‘wax-candle, -torch’ (Plu., Gal.);
5. KI|pwv, -Wvoc “‘bee-hive’ (sch.); 6. xnpic fish name, perhaps = kippic (Diph. Siph.,
Alex. Trall.; see » xippdc), probably after its yellow color; cf. Strémberg 1943: 2of.,
Thompson 1947 s.v. 7. Knpitic (Ai8oc) ‘wax-like stone’ (cerae similis, Plin. HN 37,
153); 8. *krpovooa in Lat. cérussa ‘white lead’ (Plaut.).
Denominative verbs: 1. knpdopat [v.] ‘to be covered with wax’, -dw ‘to cover with
wax’ (Hp., Herod., AP), whence kr}pwotc ‘bee-wax’ (Arist.); kjpwya ‘wax-ointment,
-plaster’ (Hp.), cf. Lat. céréma, with -patixde, -patitis, -patiotiy¢ Knpwt ‘id.’ (Hp.
Ar., Dsc.), knpwtdptov ‘id.’ (medic.); 2. «npitw [v.] ‘to look like wax’ (Zos. Alch.).
*ETYM Baltic has a similar word for ‘honeycomb’: Lith. korjs, Latv. kére(s); however,
these point to a pre-form *kdri-, and comparison with xnpdc¢ is doubtful because all
690 Kn)pvAOoc
Greek evidence points to PGr. *kéro-. As there is no evdience for Indo-European
apiculture, we have to reckon with foreign origin for knpdc, cf. Chantraine 1933: 371.
From xnpoc, Latin may have borrowed céra (details in WH s.v.); from Lat. céreolus,
Greek took knpiodog ‘wax candle’ (Ephesus II?). The word xripiv8oc “bee-bread’
seems Pre-Greek.
KnpvAog [m.] name of a bird, identified with or compared to the kingfisher ddkvwv
(Alcm., Archil., Ar. Arist.); see Thompson 1895 s.v. <PG?(S)>
eVAR In Ar. Av. 290f. it is written keiptAos, as a nickname referring to Keipetv.
*DER KnpvAoc: dponv Spvic ovvovoiactiKds ‘sociable male bird’ (H.).
*ETYM No etymology. With the root xnp- (or perhaps xnA- with dissimilation), it has
been compared with Skt. s@rd- ‘motley’, s@ri- a kind of bird, but such comparisons
amount to nothing. The suffix -vAo- occurs in Pre-Greek words.
Kiipovoc [m.] a throw of the dice (Eub. 57, 2). < PG?>
eVAR Also kdpuvvoc (Phot.).
*ETYM Unexplained. Probably Pre-Greek.
Knpv§ [m.] ‘herald, messenger’, also ‘trumpet-shell’ (II.). <PG(S,v)>
eVAR Accented xfipus in Hdn. (cf. Schwyzer 391); Dor. Aeol. kdpv§, -dKoc.
eDIAL Myc. ka-ru-ke /kartkes/.
*CcomP As a second member e.g. in Spojto-Krpvé ‘courier’ (Aeschin.).
*DER 1. Feminine: xnpvxatva ‘heraldess’ (Ar. Ec. 713), cf. Chantraine 1933: 108; 2.
Patronymic Knpvxidat [m.] “descendants of the Athenian family of the KripuKe
(Poll.). 3. Adjectives: knpv«xetog “belonging to the herald’ (S.), mostly ntr.
Knpv«(e)ov, Dor. kap-; Ion. knpuxKijiov ‘herald’s wand’ (IA Dor.); borrowed into Lat.
cadiceum, -eus, cf. WH s.v., also as a constellation (Scherer 1953: 200); ‘auctioneer’s
fee, tax on auction sales’ (Hell. inscr. and pap.); Kapuxrifiocg Boeotian name of
Apollo (Tanagra, Thebes, VI*); xnpvxikdc ‘regarding the herald’ (Pl.), -tvoc
‘belonging to the herald’ (pap., Suid.), -wdn¢ ‘like the trumpet-shell’ (Arist.).
Denominative verbs: 1. knptoow ‘to be herald, broadcast, announce’ (Il.), Att. -btTw,
Dor., etc. Kap-; Krpvyyta ‘herald’s cry, announcement’ (IA), knpvyptdc (sch.), knpvktc
(D. C.) ‘id’; 2. knpuKetdw [v.] ‘to act as a herald, announce’ (Att.), whence knpvxeia,
-yin ‘herald’s service’ (IA), knpvKxevua ‘announcement’ (A. Th. 651), -evoic ‘id,’
(Suid.).
*ETYM Traditionally compared with Skt. kdru- ‘singer, poet’. However, Beekes 2003:
109-116 showed that Greek does not have an ‘enlargement’ -x- (the examples in
Schwyzer: 496 are few and doubtful); furthermore, in this manner, the long 0 could
not be explained. Words in -vx- all have very different meanings and are probably
non-IE. Therefore, the word is most probably Pre-Greek. In this way, the gloss
Kopvync Kijpv— Awpteic (H.), hitherto unexplained, can also be understood: Pre-
Greek *a interchanging with *o before a following *u. The *a that we must assume
for the gloss was short, so this is another variant of the same word.
kijtoc, -e0c [n.] ‘big sea-animal, sea-monster’ (Il.), ‘whale’ (Arist.); also name of a
constellation (Arat.; Scherer 1953: 187). < PG?>
KNOY, -fvos 691
*COMP KnTd-Sopttos (cvp@opa) ‘giving the xrytea their evening meal’ (Lyc.); peya-
Krty¢ ‘with big xjtea (Hom.), epithet of mévtoc, also of Sedgic = ‘(being) a big
Kftoc, thence also of vaic (cf. Sommer 1948: 184f.), BaOv-KrtN¢ (Mdvtoc) ‘having
krtea in the deep’ (Thgn. 175), moAv-Kr\tn¢ ‘with many Krtea’ (Theoc. 17, 98).
*DER k1tetog ‘belonging to the xfjtoc’ (Mosch., Nonn.), kntwdne¢ ‘belonging to the
whale’ (Arist.); xnteta [f] ‘catching of krtea (tunnies) (Str. Ath, Ael.), after aAteia;
Kitna ‘salted tunnies’ (Diph. Siph. apud Ath. 3, 121b; uncertain), «nti TAotov
wéya We Ki}toc ‘large ship, like a sea-monster’ (H.) (cf. amrvn ‘wagon’, and the ship
name [Jetryvn); kntdopat [v.] ‘to become a Kijtog (Ael.). See » kn twWecoav.
*ETYM Unexplained. Probably a Pre-Greek word.
kytweooav [adj.] epithet of xoiknv Aaxedaittova (B 581, 6 1; verse-final), generally
taken as ‘full of crevices, abysses’, later said of the wooden horse (Q. S. 12, 314) and,
by confusion with «rtetoc, Kf\tos, said of mwea, paday— (Nonn.). <PG>
*ETYM Not well explained. Zenodotus (sch. on 6 1) read xatetdeooav in its place, and
understood it as ‘cahautvOwdr, derived from xatéta: KaAapivOn. Bowwtoi (H.) or
Katetacg (unaccented, Apoll. Lex. s.v. kntwecoav) = KkadapivOn, a sweet-smelling
plant. Call. (fr. 639 Pf.) calls the river Eurotas katetéetc. Other informants (see Str. 8,
5, 7 and Eust. 1478, 41) connected it with the gloss katetoi: oi dnd Tv cELoLav
pwxoi ‘clefts due to earthquakes’ and katétacg = » Katddac. This may be a learned
guess, but it is difficult to explain xnt- from it. Bechtel 1914 s.v. assumed a word
Kitog ‘crevice, abyss’. For kytweooav, a metrical lengthening of *xntéecoav was
assumed, but this is unnecessary if we follow Ruijgh Lingua 28 (1971), who posits a
pre-form *kntoo-fevt-, with Achaean w as a result of the first compensatory
lengthening.
It seems evident to connect Kalétac, Katddac ‘crevice in Sparta’. Fur.: 180° points to
the gloss duvococ Kijtoc. Adxwvec (see » BU80c), which shows that a crevice could
be called ito.
knwa [2] in Ovev ... tpixtevav Knvav (Delph., IG 2?, 1126: 34 [IV*]), meaning unclear.
<GR?>
*ETYM tpiktevav could belong to tpitto(t)a, tpixtva ‘sacrifice of three animals’.
Then xnvav may be an adjective belonging to kaiw ‘to burn’, perhaps from *Knf-tav
‘destined for burning’ (cf. knwdnc¢ and xijia, Keita: KaSdppata H.). The opposite
analysis (knva as a substantive) may also be considered; cf. Schwyzer: 459’, 349
(assuming *Krf-a). Unclear.
KivE name of a sea-bird. = Kava.
KNQIV, -Fvoc [m.] ‘drone’, often metaph. ‘lazy vagabond’ (Hes.), also used for Asiatic
peoples by the Anatolian Greeks, e.g. for the Persians (Hdt. 7, 61), like in Slavic
languages, Némec ‘German’ originally means “someone dumb”. <PG(S)>
eVAR Also kagav (H.).
*DER Diminutive xngrvov (Arist.); kn@nvwdn¢ ‘drone-like’ (Pl.). Further Kngevc
(Hdt.) and several short names like Kijgic, Kagic, Kagwv, Kagu; differently Bechtel
1914 S.v. P KEKagnWwe.
692 KAXOG
eETYM Perhaps a substantivization in -1v, -av of an adjective *xapdc, whence kwpdc
‘dumb, deaf with ablaut. Mechanically, one could reconstruct a root *ke/oh,b"- or
g'e/oh,b'-. However, it is impossible to connect Lat. hebes ‘dumb’, not only because
of its e-vocalism (as opposed to 4, 6 in kapav, Kw@dc), but also because of the vowel
quantity (*g"Hb"- would vocalize as hab- in Latin). DELG notes that ablaut *4/6 is
rare in Greek; note that a suffix -av is rare, too. The insect name may well be
original; the chances are high that the word is Pre-Greek. Cf. on » kexagnota.
KijXO¢ [?] only in the question mot Kijxoc, which acc. to some grammarians stands for
mot yij¢, acc. to others for mot 51 (Ar. Fr. 656, Pherecr. 165). < PG(V)>
eVAR Also Kfyxoc; KNVVXO¢
*ETYM The prenasalization clearly shows the Pre-Greek character of the words.
knwdre [adj.] ‘full of perfume, sweet-smelling’ (Z 483, after it D. P. 941). <IE? *keh,u-
‘burn’>
VAR By shortening of the vowel kewdnc- KaBapds ‘clear, pure’; kewWev Sle evwdei
eDER kiWetc (Hom., AP, Nonn.).
*ETYM For earlier *k1fwMdrg and *ki7Fdetc (with metrical lengthening), the words
have been derived from a neuter *xfifoc ‘fire, incense’, from the root of »Kaiw.
However, provided that this etymology is correct, the lengthened grade *kéu-
assumed by Frisk and DELG is wrong; the word is based on *kawV- > *keh,uV-.
Beside the s-stem *kawos-, Greek also had *kawion in xrjia and in keta- KaBdpptata
‘purifications’ (H.), cf. teixoc : tetxiov, and further, a form with -I- in »«ndéoc
‘burning’. For the interchange of suffixes, cf. »Etoc / » Etadov, » dyKoc / » AyKAAN,
Kid8w = Kiw.
KiPdSnAog [adj.] ‘false, fake, tampered’ (of gold, coins, etc.), ‘deceitful (Thgn., Pi. fr.
70b 3, IA). <PG?>
eVAR Fur. 316 quotes kiBadoc: 6 Anotij¢ ‘pirate’ (Su.) (but = dtaKkovoc ‘servant’ H.);
the connection is unclear (not mentioned by DELG).
«COMP Negated a-KiBdijdog ‘untampered’ (Hdt.,, Pl. Lg.).
DER KiPdijAia, -in falsification, deceit’ (Hp. Ar.); denominatives: 1. «BdiAebw [v.]
‘to falsify (E., Ar. Arist.), whence ipdrAevpa, -Aeia falsification’ (Pl. Lg.);, 2.
KiBdrAtaw [v.] ‘to look like forged gold; to have jaundice’ (Arist.), after the verbs of
illness in -tdw. Besides KiBSnc- Kaxotpyoc, <Ka>m1)A0c, xelpotéxvis ‘malefactor,
huckster, artisan’ (H.), xiBdwvec = tetaAAgic ‘miners’ (Poll. Moer.), xpd@vec
(Phot.). The basis is xiBSoc “dross of metal’ (Poll.); in the same mg. also KiBdrAtc
(H.), see kiBdnAt@vtac; on the suffix -nAo- see Chantraine 1933: 242.
eETYM It remains uncertain whether xiBadoc belongs here. In spite of Frisk, there
appears no basis to connect » KiBov + évedv. Idiot ‘dumb (Paph.)’ (H.). Of course,
the word is Pre-Greek (Fur.: 316); on the suffix -1)Ao-, see Fur.: 115°. In the root xiB6-,
-B6- was most probably one phoneme, for which we propose (the voiced
representative of) PG *p”. A final -do0¢ is also found in A¥ydoc ‘white marble’ and
KlyKAOG 693
> \t0AVBSoc ‘lead’. Von Blumenthal finds a related verb in kiwet- xaxomotet “does
wrong’ (H.).
kiBiots [f.] ‘sack, pack’ (Hes. Sc. 224, Pherecyd., Call.). Acc. to H. Cypr. for mpa
‘leather pouch’. < PG>
eVAR Also KiBrjotc (Suid. Orion), xbBeotc, kuBnoia (H., see Fur. 365); besides,
probably as a popular hypocoristic form with gemination, KiBBa- mpa, AitwAoi (H.,
see Fur. 305); further xipBa- mpa (cod. meipa), dipOépa. AitwdAoi ‘leather pouch
(Aetolian) (H.), MoGr. xipBéAAa ‘small sack’; see Kretschmer Glotta 11 (1921): 247.
*ETYM Given the variants, most probably of Pre-Greek origin. See > kiBwtdc.
kiBwptov [n.] ‘seed-vessel of the Egyptian water lily (koAoKacia)’; metaph. ‘cup; tomb’
K
(Hell.). <Lw Eg >
*ETYM Probably a loan from Egyptian (thus H.), but not attested there; see Meyer
1896: 140, Nencioni Stud. ital. fil. class. 16 (1939): 11. Lat. ciborium was borrowed
from the Greek; cf. E-M s.v.
iBwtd¢ [f.] “wooden chest, box, cupboard’ (Hecat., Simon., Att.), also of Noah’s ark
and of the alliance (LXX). <PG>
eVAR On the gender see Schwyzer 1950: 347.
*DER Diminutives kiBwrtiov (Ar., Arist.), -idtov (Delos IV*), -dptov (Hero).
eETYM Perhaps cognate with »xiBtotc ‘sack’, thus probably Pre-Greek. A shorter
form xiBoc (kiBoc?) is found in Suid. Semitic hypotheses in Lewy 1895: 99f. From
KiBwtdc, Syr. gébiuthd and MoP keébit ‘box’ were borrowed (cf. Bailey TPS 1933: 50).
Lat. cibus perhaps also belongs here; see WH s.v.
kiykaoos [?] - kuBevtiKdc Tic BOAOg ‘a cast of dice’, also kikkacoc: ...cai BOAOv Svopta
‘name of a cast of dice’ (H.). < PG(S)>
eETYM Fur.: 281 assumes that the interchanges are due to “spatgriechische
Geminatenauflésung”, referring to Schwyzer KZ 61 (1934): 230. Still, the word must
be Pre-Greek because of its suffix.
ktykAic, -ido¢ [f.] ‘latticed gate’, especially those through which knights or counsellors
entered the court of justice or the meeting hall (Ar., Luc. Plu.), also Oupo-KtyKAidec
(Attica). <PG>
*VAR Mostly plur. -idec.
eETYM Technical word without a certain etymology. Stromberg 1944: 15 assumed a
back-formation from xtyKdiGetv ‘to wag the tail, change continuously’ (Thgn. 303);
see on » KiyKAoc. It seems to be a reduplicated form with prenasalization «t-y-KAt6-.
Probably Pre-Greek.
kiykAog [m.] ‘dabchick’, acc. to H. dpveov muKvac tiv obpav xtvodv ‘a bird often
wagging its tail’ (com., Arist.); details in Thompson 1895 s.v. <PG(V)>
*VAR Also as a fish name kiyKadog (Numen. apud Ath. 7, 326a), perhaps after the
color, cf. Stromberg 1943: 116.
eCOMP As a first member in xtykAo-Bdtdc ‘going like a dabchick’ (pvO,tdc, Ar. Fr.
140).
694 Kidadov
DER KtykAiCw [v.] ‘to change constantly’ (Thgn. 303), perhaps originally “to move
like a dabchick”, with regard to the tail (cf. H. on xiykAoc: KtyKAiCewv, 6 got
dtaceieo8at ‘which means: to be shaken’), also trans. with dta- (Hp., Ar.) and mott-
(Theoc. 5, 117); thence xiyKAtots (Hp.), -topid¢ (Hp., Men.). Cf. on ktykaic.
*ETYM The variation xi(y)xAoc, kiykadoc, KéyKAos, etc. in the tradition shows that
the word is Pre-Greek. Not from *kéyAoc, related to Skt. caficala- ‘movable,
uncertain’, which rather derives from *cal-cal-a- (with dissimilation), and belongs to
cdlati = cérati ‘to move’ (see » méhojtat).
Kidadov [2] - Kpdpytvov ‘onion’ (H.). <PG?>
*ETYM Cf. oxtoTd: Ta ypdtptata. Kai Ta KpSpLLva “letters, also onions’ (H.); the words
are probably Pre-Greek.
xidaptc [f] name of a turban-like headgear, worn by the Persian kings only (Ctes., Ph.,
Plu.), also of the turban of the Jewish high priest (LXX); name of an Arcadian dance
(Ath. 14, 631d). <LW Orient>
eVAR Also kit(tT)aptc; gen. -Ewe.
*ETYM Grimme Glotta 14 (1925): 16 supposes Hittite or Oriental origin; Szemerényi
Gnomon 43 (1971): 63 mentions Hebr. ktr mlkwt and Aram. kitrd.
Kidagog [?] = dAwmné ‘fox (H.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Fem. Kidder; also Kivddgn, Ki(v)Sdgtoc; further oxivdagos [f.] (Ael.), oxdaqn
(Arc.).
*DER Adjectival: xiSagocg = ddAtog ‘cunning’, Ki(v)da@iog = tavotpyoc ‘knavish’
(H.). Denominative kidagevetv: tavoupyetv ‘play the knave’ (H.).
*ETYM Animal name in -@o- (see Chantraine 1933: 263); the adjectival function is
clearly secondary. Wood Class. Phil. 3 (1908): 76 compares it to Lith. skiedZiu, skiesti
‘separate’, etc. as “the cunning one”. Another variant is » kipaqog; all these variations
show the Pre-Greek character of the word.
Kidvaptat ‘to be spread out’. = oKedavvvt.
xi6v6v [adv.] - évOade. ITaqiot ‘(to) here, (to) there (Paphian) (H.). <IE? *ko, ke
‘this’>
*ETYM From the deictic particle PIE *ki in Lat. ci-s, Gr. » éxel, etc. but unclear in
detail. Bechtel 1921, 1: 349 assumes a derivative in -no- from a neuter *kid, by
comparison with Go. und hit-a “Ewe dptv. Pisani AnFilCl 6 (1953-54): 2136f. identifies
*«i6 with Go. hita as well, but -vov would be from vov ‘now’ (cf. Hitt. kinun ‘now’)
with Cyprian development of v to o. Blanca Présper KZ 108 (1995): 75-83 explains the
word as from *ki-dinom ‘at this day here’.
Kidpat = yidpov.
KeAAn [f.] - péyyos, avdyr, pwc: Maxvr OpixAn ‘light, sunlight; hoarfrost, frozen rain;
mist’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
KOdpa [f.] ‘lyre’ (IA). <PG>
KiKLVVOC 695
*VAR Ion: -pn; also Ki8apic, -toc [f.] (I].).
*COMP xKtiOapo-aoiddc (com.), usually contracted KiG8apwddc (IA) ‘lyre-singer’,
whence xiBapwdéw [v.], etc; d-KiBapic ‘without lyre’ (A.).
*DER Ki8apoc [m.] 1. ‘thorax’ (Hp. Loc. Hom.; after its shape); 2. name of a flatfish
(com., Arist.; after the shape); K.8dptov (Ptol. Euerg.); also xt8apwddc name of a fish
in the Red Sea (Ael.; after the patterning of the colors; Thompson 1947 s.v.,
Stromberg 1943: 38).
Denominative kiGapitw [v.] ‘to play the lyre’, also of string instruments in general
and of the accompanying songs (Il; on the mg. Dieh] RAM N.F. 89 (1940): 96f.), with
several derivatives: xi8apiotvc [f.] (IL), KiBaproig (PI), -topd¢ (Call.) ‘playing the
lyre, the art of the lyre’; attempt at semantic differentiation in Benveniste 1948: 69,
see also Porzig 1942: 181; Ki8dpiopia ‘piece of music for the lyre’ (P1.); KGaprotie
‘Tyrist, etc” (h. Hom. 25, 3, Hes.), -iotpia (Arist.), also -totpic (Nic. Dam.), -totiKxdc
(P1.), -totr\ptoc (Hell.) ‘belonging to lyre-playing’.
*ETYM Pre-Greek. Earlier explanations from IE and Semitic in Bq. are incorrect.
xiOpa [f.] a vase for preserving grapes (Herod. Med.). <GR>
eETYM See Rh. Mus. 57: 100 and 110. On xvOpa, see » yéw.
Kikéta [acc.pl.n.] name of a plant, acc. to H. (cod. ktkapia) similar to the kavkanic
(Nic. Th. 841). <PG>
eETYM Formation like BaAoatov, ofoaiov, etc. further unknown. No doubt Pre-
Greek.
kixt [n.] ‘castor oil’ (Hdt. 2, 94, Pl. Ti. 60a, pap.), which is oil from a tree, the ‘wonder-
tree, Ricinus communis’ (Str., Dsc.). <Lw Eg.>
eVAR Gen. -toc, -ewc; indeclinable in Mayser 1906-1938, I: 2: 24; also kiki (Hdn. Gr. 1,
354; 2, 766). In the last mg. also xixéa (Aét., Paul. Aeg.); after ovxéa, etc.
eCOMP As a first member in e.g. Kikto-@dpoc ‘producing ricinus oil’, of yi (pap.).
*DER kiktvog ‘originating from the ricinus’, of {\atov (Dsc., Gal.); Kiktov ‘the root of
the ricinus tree’ (Gal.).
*ETYM An Egyptian word, acc. to Hdt. 2, 94; cf. Hehn-Schrader 1911: 207 and Mayser
1906-1938, I: 1: 37. Perhaps the Egyptian word was téqi; cf. Hdt. tia (Loret in
Legrand [ed. Hdt.] ad loc.). See also Nencioni Stud. ital. fil. class. 16 (1939): 9.
ktkiBados [m.] a kind of shell-fish (Epich. 42); reading uncertain. <PG(V)>
eVAR kikoBavAitidec: KoyyvAiov TL yévoc HéAAV: Kal Ta Ex OTEATOSG OKWATKLA “species
of dark mollusk; little worm-shaped cakes of flour or spelt’ (H.).
*ETYM Pre-Greek. The variants point to kikVbal”-it-.
kixtvvog [m.] ‘curly hair, lock of hair’ (com., Theoc., AP). <PG(V)>
eDER PN Ktktiwvac, L. Robert 1963: 268.
eETYM See Schrader-Nehring 1917(1): 420, who assume a foreign cultural word
(Aegaean or Anatolian). From Greek came Lat. cincinnus (cf. WH s.v.). Fur.: 278 is
probably right in assuming a prenasalized form *ktyktvvoc as a source for the Latin
word. Pre-Greek origin must be asssumed.
696 KiKlppoG
kikippog [m.] - dAextpvwv ‘cock’; kikka: dAeKtopic ‘hen’; ktkkdc¢: dAektpvwv ‘cock’
(H.). <ONOM>
eDER PN Cicirrus, see WH s.v.
*ETYM Onomatopoeic words; cf. MoHG kikeriki, imitating the natural sound of the
cock, etc. Osc. Cicirrus, cognomen of Messius (Hor. Sat. 1, 5, 52), probably originally
meant ‘game-cock’, referring to the cock-masks used in lower Italy (WH s.v.).
ktkkaBad [exclam.] natural sound of the screech-owl (Ar. Av. 261). <PG(V)>
DER KikkaBn ‘screech-owl’ (sch.) and xixxafalw [v.] ‘to cry like an owl (Ar. Lys.
761, conj. Dobree for kaxxaBalw, -Bitw). Further kuxxaBn (gloss.), Kikuptoc, -vBoc
(H.), Kukvpwi¢ (Call. fr. 318), -wvic acc. to Latte ‘id.’; cf. Heubeck Wiirzb. Jb. 4:2
(1949-1950): 208ff. Note xixupiwvetv. SvoBAenteiv ‘to see badly’ (H.). Further
Kixuptoc AaytmtrHp ‘lantern’ i yAavKdc: dptoiwe Kai KikuBos ‘little owl, Athene noctua’
*ETYM Onomatopoeic words; on the suffix -$-, see Chantraine 1933: 261. Cf.
> KakkdBn and > Kikippoc; see also » KikKkaBoc and > Kvptvdtc; also, WH s.v. cucubio,
the sound of the screech-owl. The words kixvB/j10c¢ show the Pre-Greek interchange
B/ (1 (note, however, the doubts in Fur.: 221). There is also Lat. cicuma ‘screech-owl’.
There is no explanation for the interchange a/ v in, e.g., Kuck-aB- / KUK-D{L-.
kikkaBos [m.] comic name of a small coin in the Underworld, an eighth of a yw@ia =
three obols (Pherecr. 1, 167 apud Poll. 9, 83); also ‘niggard’ (Phot. s.v. kijtBikac). <2
DER KIKKGBt(0)v: EAGXLOTOV, OddEv ‘very small, nothing’ (H.).
eETYM Ending like in »KdAAvBoc with related meaning; as per Pisani Paideia 6
(1951): 291ff,, it is perhaps derived from the screech-owl, kixkaBad or KtkkaBn, after
the owl which was depicted on the back of the Athenian coin. The word *kixkoc
‘shell of the pomegranate’ is based on a conjecture for unclear xtkaiog in H; see
Pisani l.c.
kikkagos [m.] - 6BdAov Svopta ‘name for an obol’ (Phot.). < PG>
eVAR Cf. kikxacoc 6 &k TWV Tapayinpiwy idpwco pPéwv, Kal Bdrov Svorta ‘sweat
flowing from the inside of the thighs; name for a cast of the dice’ (H.).
eETYM DELG doubts the first gloss, and for the second, compares » KiyKkacog (for
which Fur.: 281 refers to ‘spatgriechische Geminatenauflésung; Schwyzer KZ 61
(1934): 230).
kikky [f] - cvvovoia, 1 amd tov aidoiwv ovvooptia ‘sexual intercourse, emitting the
same smell(?) from the private parts’ (H.). <PG>
eETYM See & KiKKaOOC.
KiKAToKW ‘to call, name’. = Kahéw.
kikous [?] - 6 véoc tétT1E ‘the young cicala’; xiEtoc: tétT1E “cicala’ (H.). <PG(v)>
eETYM Acc. to Gil Fernandez 1959: 126f., it is onomatopoeic, reminiscnet of Lat.
cicada. The variation «/ § rather points to Pre-Greek origin.
kukptBPivtic avdépayvn ‘purslane’ (H.). <PG(v)>
KAA 697
*ETYM Cf. Lat. cicirbita, a plant. The prenasalization points to Pre-Greek origin. See
Fur.: 273.
Kikvpwig = KikKkaBad.
kikus, -vog [f.] ‘strength, power’ (A 393). <PG?>
*COMP d-kKikug, -voc ‘without strength, weak’ (Od., Hp.).
DER Ktkbw = ioxtw (Hdn. Gr. 2, 533).
*ETYMMeier-Briigger (apud DELG Supp.) assumes a reduplicated form of *kueh,- ‘to
be strong’ in kvéw, kopta. This is accepted by de Lamberterie in DELG, but thelongt
cannot be explained in this way.
*kikw VAR in éxita. = Ktyavw.
KiAtkes [pl] 1. ‘Cilicians, inhabitants of the province in the south-east of Anatolia; 2. a
people in the valley of Thebes, OnBn, the town of Eetion, the father of Andromache,
south of Troy (Il). <Lw Assyr.?>
eVARSg.msc. Kidté, fem. Kidtooa (A.).
*DER KiArkiCeoBa- KakonPitecOat (H.), éyKiAkiCeatr KaxonOev_eta, KaKomorei:
dteBEBANvto yap emi movnpia oi Kidtkec (H.); xtAiktov ‘a coarse cloth of goat’s hair’
(Procop.). Kiit& mythical name; KiAtkdéc PN (Cyprus, see O. Masson Kuzpiaxat
Xnovdai 32 (1968): off. Ktduxia ‘Cilicia’ (Hdt.). xtAktoptdg ‘Cilician behaviour, i.e.
drunken butchery (Theopomp. Hist.).
eETYM The country Cilicia (in Hittite times Kizzuwatna) was called Hilakku by the
Assyrians since 858 (but the name may be local); later there were local kingdoms
where hieroglyphic Luwian was used. The Greeks arrived in the 8'-7 c. On the
Greek kingdom of Mopsos = Musa/us and its king Hiyawa, see now Oettinger 2008b.
KUAiBac, -avtos [m.] ‘three-legged stand, frame’ (Ar. Ach. 1121, Poll.). <PG>
VAR Usually plur. -avtec; also keAXiBac (pap.).
*ETYM Perhaps from xidXoc ‘ass’, with a suffix as in the synonymous oxpiBac (cf.
Schwyzer: 448). For the development of meaning cf., e.g., dvoc, dvioxog ‘winch’,
MoFr. chevalet ‘support’, MoHG Esel, Bock ‘id.’, etc. The suffix may be Pre-Greek;
connection with Baivw is probably folk-etymological.
KiAALE 1 [2] + otdytvos ‘jar’ (H.). < PG(v)>
*ETYM Fur.: 132 connects it with kbdé ‘id’; the interchange X/ AA points to Pre-Greek
origin.
KANE 2 [adj.] - Bots To év Képac éxwv Steotpayytévov ‘cow with one twisted horn’
(HL). <PG(V)>
*ETYM Fur.: 356 connects it with keAAov: otpeBAOv. TAGYLov ‘twisted, athwart’ (H.).
KtAAO¢ [adj.] ‘grey’ (Eub. 103, Phot., H., Eust.). <?
eCOMP As a first member, e.g. KtAA-aktrp: OvNAGTNS, KUvNydc ‘donkey-driver’ (Poll.
H; Dor.), Kt\\-axtwp PN (AP 5, 28; 44). As a second member perhaps in
- Macedonian’En6-xtAhoc (with éno- = Gr. inmo-).
698 KiAA<o>vpOG
*DER With shift of accent «iAAoc [m.] ‘ass’ (Sammelb. 5224, Poll. 7, 56, H.), metaph.
‘cicada’ (H.), after its color, cf. Stromberg 1944: u, Strémberg 1943: 100, Gil
Fernandez 1959: 100. Derivative KiAAtog ‘ass-colored, Ovdyptvoc (Poll.), probably
also KtA<A>iac: otpoVOdc dponv ‘male sparrow’ (H.). See » KiAA(o) pos.
eETYM For the root vocalism, we may compare mAvdc ‘grey’ beside medtdc ‘id.’.
Formally, KtAAdc is reminiscent of » xeAatvos, if this is from *kel-n-io- (but see s.v.),
and if the geminate AA derives from *-In- (though its most straightforward
explanation would be from *-Jj-). In sum, there is no convincing etymology.
KiAA<o>vpos [2] - cetconvyic ‘wagtail’ (H.). <PG?(s)>
*ETYM Schrader BB 15 (1889): 127f. connected it with a Baltic word for ‘wagtail’, Lith.
kielé, Latv. ciélava, OPr. kylo, which would be derived from a verb ‘to move’ (seen in
> kivéw, >Kiw); Lith. kielé could then be identical with Gr. *KiAAa < *KtA-ta, if this
was the first compound member. Another possibility is that the wagtail was named
for its grey color (see on > KtAAGc). In both cases, the second member would be otpa
‘tail’, but note that the o is only a conjecture. Moreover, -ovpoc is also a frequent
suffix in Pre-Greek words. DELG connects kiykAog, analyzing *keA-KAoc, but this is
completely uncertain. On unclear Lat. métacilla ‘white wagtail’, see WH s.v.
KiuPavet > otpayyevetat ‘loiters’ (H.). = oxuBacw.
Kipipr&, -txog [m.] ‘niggard, skinflint’ (Xenoph., Arist., Plu.). <PG(v)>
DER KutBikia: Mavovupyia, évdoracpdc (corrected to éveaoytdc) ‘villainy, perplexity’
(H.); also kwiB(e)ia ‘stinginess’ (Artist., H.).
eETYM Reminds one of the gloss oximdc: okwdc, 6 puKkpoAdyoc ‘dim-sighted,
penurious’ (H.), and of oxigia (H.) as an explanation of xyipeia. These variants, as
well as those found s.v. »kviw in the meaning ‘niggard’, point to a Pre-Greek word
(prenasalization, interchange of stops, etc.).
kivaBpa [f.] ‘smell of a (male) goat’ (Luc., Poll.). <PG>
DER kivaBpdw [v.] ‘to smell like a goat’ (Ar. Pl. 294).
eETYM Unexplained. Doubts about the usual connection with KevéBpeiog in
Schwyzer: 350. No doubt a Pre-Greek word.
kivaBevpata [n.pl.] - tavoupyetuata (H., see also Phot. kavva). <PG(V)>
VAR Kivagevetv: MavoupyeveoGat ‘to fabricate by ruse’ (H.).
*DER kivaBev_eoBat (-Bp- codd.)- 16 oxevwpeioB8at ‘fabrication, fraud’ (Phot.).
*ETYM The variants show that it is a Pre-Greek word; see Kuiper 1956: 245 and Fur.:
169f., who assumes a Pre-Greek word *kina po- ‘deceiver, fraud’.
kivadoc, -e0g [n.] Sicilian word for ‘fox’ (Call. Com. 1 D., sch. Theoc. 5, 25), ‘beast,
monster’ (Democr. 259), of people ‘cunning, rogue’ (Att.); acc. to H. = Onpiov, dgtc
‘wild animal, serpent’. <PG?>
eDER Diminutive xtvadiov (Harp.). PN Ktvadnc, Kivadwv (Bechtel 1917b: 582).
kivadpa: dAwmné ‘fox’ (H.).
eETYM Not related to » kvwdaAov. Reminiscent of » Kidaqocg ‘fox’.
ktvd@toua [n.] ‘noise, rustling’, of flying birds (A. Prom. 124 [anap.]). <PG?>
Kiv6vvoc 699
DER kivaGtopdg ‘id’ (Phot.); from Kivabiterv: idtalerv, anoBnoavpivev Kata LuKpdv
ovAAEyovta. vot pvupiferv Kai Ktveiv ‘to devote oneself to, to hoard up for a small
collection; to complain in a low voice; to move’ (H.). kiva8oc Onoavpioptdg
‘accumulation’ (Phot.), ktva8iac: Kpumtdc ‘hidden’ (H.).
eETYM For the initial syllable, cf. » ktvupdc. Probably Pre-Greek.
kivatdoc [m.] ‘lewd man, catamite’ (Pl, Herod.), also name of a sea fish (Plin.), a bird
(= ktvaidiov, Gal.). <PG?>
*COMPIn compounds, e.g. ktvatdo-Aoyéw (Str.).
*DER ktvaidtov (-to¢) name of the itvy— (H., Phot.), the wagtail (sch.), etc; xivardiag
[m.] a stone found in the fish xivatdoc (Plin.), -ia ‘lewdness’ (Aeschin.), -dn¢ ‘like a
k. (sch.); ktvatdiCw [v.] ‘to be ak” (Antioch. Astr.), ktvaidtoua (Eust.); also -dedopat
(sch.).
*ETYM Unexplained. Acc. to Archigenes apud Gal. 12, 800, it is a Syrian word.
Probably Pre-Greek.
kivapa [f.] ‘artichoke’ (Hell.). <«PG?(v)>
VAR Also kbvapa (S. fr. 348; also other plants); kbvapoc ‘white rose’ (S. fr. 718).
«COMP ktivapn-payos (Juba).
*DER Ktvapéwv (pap.) ‘bed of artichokes’.
*ETYM Unexplained. Does the variation t/ v point to Pre-Greek origin?
kivdak [adj.] - ed«ivntog ‘easily moved’ (H.). <PG>
eVAR Kivdakac: edxtvi}tous (H.).
*COMP Ovo-Kivédtoc (Eup.), -Sac (H.) ‘ass-driver’.
*DER Kivdaver (kivddvet, see Taillardat REA 58 (1956): 189ff.): Ktveitat, Kepaticer
‘move, butt with horns’ (H.), Kivéwv name of an owogdyoc (Ath. 8, 345¢).
eETYM Explanations from Indo-European, assuming a form with nasal infix *ki-n-d-,
should be discarded. Fur.: 291 compares oxiva, implying that the word is Pre-Greek.
This nicely illustrates that some forms of substrate words may closely resemble
inherited material. For the variation vd/v, cf. Kuiper 1956: 216, e.g. aOrjp / avOépue,
Kidagos / ktvdag@n. See » kivSvvoc.
kivduvoc [m.] ‘danger, risk’ (Thgn., Pi. IA; on the mg. Mette Herm. 80 (1952): 4ooff.).
On kivSvvoc = 1 év mp@pa ceric ‘bench in the prow of a ship’ (H.), whence MoGr.
(Naxos) ‘bed’, see Andriotis Glotta 25 (1936): 19f. < PG>
eVAR Dat. -vvi (Alc. Z 92); also gen. -vvoc (Sapph. 184)?
ecoMP Asa second member e.g. in émt-kivdvvoc ‘connected with danger’ (IA).
DER kivduvwdng ‘dangerous’ (Hp., Plb.), kivévvetw [v.] ‘to wage, take a risk’ (IA),
whence kivdbveupia ‘risk’ (S. E., Pl), -evtij¢ ‘dare-devil’ (Th. D. C.), -evtixdc
‘dangerous, adventurous’ (Arist.).
*ETYM The connection with Kivéak, dvo-Kivdétog (which do not belong to »kivéw;
s.v.) is formally attractive. For the semantics, Prellwitz 1892 and Vendryes REGr. 25
(1912): 461f., compare Lat. solli-citus ‘to be in danger’ < *‘to be wholly stirred’. See
also Taillardat REA 58 (1956): 189-194.
700 Kivéw
Attempts at an IE etymology should be given up (thus still, e.g., Knobloch Glotta 53
(1975): 78-81), and the old etymology *kun-du-no-, kbwv being an unlucky cast of the
dice (older litt. in Frisk), should be discarded. The Pre-Greek character is clear in
view of the ending -vv- in kivévv (Alc. Sapph.), with its long b, as seen by Kuiper
1956: 217. Debrunner in Ebert 1924-1932: 526 and Kretschmer KZ 55 (1928): 90f., too,
are in favor of foreign (Pre-Greek or Anatolian) origin. Cf. Chantraine 1933: 208.
KiEdGAANG, -ov 701
*DER ktvvaywnic [f.] a lesser kind of cinnamon (Gal.), ktwvapwptvoc ‘prepared with
cinnamon’ (Antiph.), -yiGw [v.] ‘to be similar to cinnamon’ (Dsc. 5, 121).
*ETYM From Phoenician (Hdt. 3, 111); cf. Hebr. qinnamon ‘id’. The ending was
modelled on that of the spice-plant Guwyov, or due to folk etymology, on that of
duwpos ‘blameless’. See Lewy 1895: 37 and Schrader-Nehring 1917(2): 695f.
Kivoptat ‘to move (intr.)’. = kivéw and kiw, as well as cevw.
<r rg . . > ie et _é is . > :
kivéw [v.] ‘to set in movement, drive away, shake’ (II.). <1E *keih,- ‘set in motion’> xtvépa [£] name of a stringed instrument (LXX, J.). 4uw Hebr>
eVAR AOF. Ktvioa.
eCOMP Often with prefix, e.g. dva-, dta-, UETa-, Mapa-, OVV-.
DER kivintia, Kivijolc ‘movement, agitation’ (IA), mapa-Kivnpatixds (Ph.), KiviytiKdg
‘moving, movable’ (IA), see Chantraine 1956a: 101; Ktv8L6¢ ‘movement’ (Pi.), on the
mg. Benveniste 1935: 201; Kiv® = Kivnoig (Emp. 123, 2; Doric acc. to H.); Ktvityp
‘mover, agitator’ (h. Hom., Pi.), of Poseidon; cf. Fraenkel 1910: 108; 153; Benveniste
1948: 39 and 42; thence Kiviytrjptog (A.); Kivqtis ‘id. (Ar. Plb.); xivn8pov (Poll.),
-1ytpov (Eust.) (stirring) spoon’; Ktvyjtyptov ‘brothel’ (Eup; from kiveiv in an
obscene sense). A back-formation from damo-xtveiv is d6Ktvog [m.] name of a comic
dance (com.). Further xivupat [v.] ‘to move (oneself), ktvéopau’ (II.), only present
stem, incidentally with év-, ém-, bmo- (Q. S.); an intensive enlargement in
kivbooouat [v.] ‘to be heavily moved, be excited’ (A. Ch. 196; Schwyzer: 716), whence
kivvypa ‘movable or light object, ball, toy’ (A. Pr. 158 [anap.]).
*ETYM Because of the athematic middle kivupat, a pre-form *kivéf-w << *Kt-vev-LL
has been assumed for the active xivéw. The present Kivupat is a poetic medium
tantum and means ‘to move to and fro, to shake (intr.)’ in Hom. (see Garcia Ramon
1993b: 125-139), while the active kIvéw occurs only in Attic (see Kélligan 2007: 35).
The non-presentic forms Ktvijoau, etc. are analogical formations. LIV? s.v. *keih,-
‘sich in Bewegung setzen’ follows Hardarson 1993b: 192 in assuming root final *h, on
account of the gloss kiato- éxiveito ‘moved’ (H.) and Hom. pet-exia8ov ‘followed’.
See > kiw, as well as » cebu.
ktvvaBapt, -ews [n.] ‘cinnabar, vermilion’ (Arist., Thphr.). <Lw Orient.?>
eVAR Also -tc [m.] (Anaxandr. 14, Ps.-Dsc. 3, 143) ‘serpent’s blood’ (painter’s color);
as a plant name = épvOpddavov (Ps.-Dsc.).
*DER ktvvaBdpiov name of an eye ointment (Gal.), -dpivoc ‘cinnabar, vermilion’
(Arist.), -apiCw [v.] ‘to be vermilion’ (Dsc.).
*ETYM Foreign word from an unknown (but probably Oriental) source; cf. Schrader-
Nehring 1917(2): 701f. From Greek, Latin borrowed cinnabaris, whence MHG
zinober, etc. A remarkable by-form is ttyyaBapt (Diocl. Com. 9, 10, Theognost. Can.
120, H.) with tyyaBaptvoc (Dam. Isid. 203), perhaps with ki- > ki- > tsi-?
ktvvapt@ptov [n.] usually taken as ‘cinnamon’ (Hdt., Thphr.), but acc. to Hennig Klio
32 (1939): 325ff. some other kind of sweet-smelling substance. «LW Phoen.>
eVAR Rarely -v-, also kivvapov (Plin.), -v- (Nic. Th. 947).
ecoMP As a first member in Ktvvapwpo-pdpog (Str.), of yf; Ktvvapo-Adyos [m.]
“cinnamon-gatherer”, name of a mythical bird (Plin.), also called ktvvdpwpov
(Arist.); see Thompson 1895 s.v.
*ETYM Borrowed from Hebr. kinnor ‘cither’ and adapted to ktvupdc. See Lewy 1895:
164; also, Grimme Glotta 14 (1925): 19 and E. Masson 1967: 69”.
ktvupdc [adj.] mg. uncertain; epithet of Bod¢ (P 5), of yoog (A. R. 4, 605), of nétNAA
(Nonn. D. 38, 95). <?>
DER kiv[vlupidec: Ta ptkpd dpwOdpta (H.), apparently ‘wailing, lamenting’; kivupitw
[v.] ‘to wail, lament (I 612, acc. to Zenodotus), kivbpopat [v.] ‘to gnash, lament’ (A.
Th. 123 [lyr.], Dict. 804, Ar. Eq. 11, A. R., Call.). PN Kwviprg (A 20), -pac (Tyrt.).
eETYM The meaning was already unclear in antiquity; cf. H. on P 5: ktvupt} ataAn,
véa, Aex@, oiktpd, Oprviti« ‘weak, young, woman in childbed, pitiable woman,
inclined to lament’ and (on A. R. 4, 605) Ktvupdv: Aentov, Kamtupdv, d€0, oiKTPdV
‘small, crackly (of sound), ia. sharp, pitiable’. The parallelism between «ivupéc,
kivvpiw, Kivdpopat and pvupdc, > ptvvpiw, ptvbpopat ‘to twitter, complain’ is clear.
Other mixed forms are ktvaiGerv, -topdc, > KivaBiopa and Kivaptfeo8at- Bpnveiv
weta tod yoyyvtelv ‘to lament together with grumbling’ (H.), perhaps after
KeAapv(elv (see Leumann 1950: 241°”). Given the age of the attested forms, Leumann
(1.c.) considers only Ktvupdc and ptvupiCw to be old; the other forms would have
arisen by contamination, as did uvpopat.
KLVVOOOLLAL = KIVEW.
ktiv@retov [n.] “venomous animal, especially a snake’ (Call. Jov. 25, Nic. Th. 27 and
195). <PG(V)>
eCOMP kKivwrnoti<, -od [m.] ‘id. (Nic. Th. 141), see below.
eETYM Endings like in épmetdv, daxetov, and épmnotis. Probably related to >kvwy
‘venomenous animal’ (thus Persson 1891: 177). The vocalism points to Pre-Greek
origin; cf. on » mivuTdc.
KiEaAAng, -ov [m.] ‘highway robber, pirate, thief (Democr. 260, SIG 38, 19 [Teos V*],
H.); Jo. Gramm. (in Hoffmann 1898: 208) has kittéAnc¢ = KAémty¢ (on the phonetics
see Schwyzer: 318). <PG(V)>
eVAR Cf. KiEac: tovc év 65@ Anotas ‘thieves on the road’ (Phot.).
*DER Ki€adAevw [v.] ‘to commit robbery’ (SIG l.c.), Eada: maoa Kakotexvia ‘any
malpractice’ (H.).
*ETYM The formation is reminiscent of kaBdAAng, SapdAng, etc. Acc. to Hoffmann
1898: 612, the word was Anatolian (Carian/ Lycian), but it is a clear example of a Pre-
- Greek word (alternations AX/ i, tt/ §). We could reconstruct PG *kik’aP-. See Fur::
286.
702 kipa
kipa [?] - dAwmné. Adkwvec ‘fox (Lacon.) (H.). <PG>
eVAR Kipagoc: GAw@mné (H.).
*ETYM Frisk IF 49 (1931): 98f. connected it with » xippdc = muppdc, épvOpdc, EavOdc
‘red, yellow’, suggesting that it was adapted from kidagoc. The form kipagos is from
Kipa, extended by the animal suffix -@oc.
kipBa [f.]? - mpa ‘leather pouch’ (H.). <PG>
eVAR MoGr. xipBéAAa ‘small sack’.
*ETYM Probably Pre-Greek; see Fur.: 305.
kipkaia [f.] scil. pita, ‘black swallowwort, Vincetoxicum nigrum’ (Dsc., Apollod.).
<PGP
eVAR = & ipkaia.
*ETYM Probably Pre-Greek; see > Stpkaia.
kipktog [m.] = Opackiac, the north-northwest wind (Agathem.), = Lat. circius. <PG?>
*DIAL kipkiac (conjecture Arist.), also xépxtoc (v.l. Arist. Mu. 394b 31), Lat. cercius
(Cato).
eETYM Unknown. Pre-Greek because of the variation? See Fur.: 356.
kipkog 1 [m.] a hawk or falcon (Hom., A., A. R.); see Thompson 1895 s.v. <2>
eETYM Unknown; cf. on » xpéé.
KipKkos 2 ‘circle, ring’. =Kpikoc.
KipVnl = KEpavvuLU.
Kippic = aktpic.
Kippdc [adj.] ‘red-yellow, yellow-brown’, said of oivoc, véxtap (Hp. Nic.), fem. xippdc
(Nic.). <2>
*COMP b16-Kippoc (Hp., Dsc., Gal.), y-Ktppoc (Dsc.), kippo-etdrj¢ (Apollod. Myth.).
*DER Kippwd1j¢ (Hippiatr.); kippic [f.] a sea fish (Opp.); cf. xnpic s.v. » KNPdc (KIppa
[for xippa?] H.); also = etdoc iépakog ‘kind of hawk or falcon’ (EM 515, 15); cf. Keiptc:
dpveov, igpak, oi dé dAKvova ‘bird, hawk or falcon, kingfisher’ (H.), whence Lat. ciris
‘sea-bird’, see WH s.v.; also kipic: ... 6pveov (H.).
*ETYM The geminate -pp- also occurs in » muppdéc. Unexplained. The comparison
with Lith. sitmas, Sifvas ‘grey is problematic, since Lith. -i?- is from a zero grade.
The group of CS séra ‘grey’ (see Derksen 2008 for a reconstruction), MIr. ciar ‘dark’,
etc. cannot be connected either for phonetic reasons.
ktpods [m.] ‘varicocele’ (Hp., Philostr.). <PG(v)>
VAR Also kptoodc (Hippiatr., H.), xpt&dc (Poll.).
eCOMP As a first member in Ktpoo-KnAn ‘varicocele’, kipoo-tojtéw [v.] ‘to operate a
varicocele’, whence -ia.
*DER Kipowdng ‘varicose’, Kipodopiat [v.] ‘to become varicose’, act. -6w (causative
mg.), whence kipowotc (med.).
*ETYM The variation o(0)/ § shows that the word is Pre-Greek.
Kio8oc 703
kiptog [adj.]? mg. unknown; corrected to oxiptog (Simon. 624 P). <?>
*ETYM Unknown.
kipwv [adj.] - dd0vatocg mpd¢ cvvovciav: Kai aidoiov BAGBH: Kai aneckoAvpILEvoc Kal
Kupiws lev 6 odtupos, Kai EvteTattévoc, 6 yvvaikiac, Kai [i] Svvdtevocs xpio8at
‘unable to have intercourse; injury of the penis; stripped off; mainly used of a lewd
man, one who has a penile erection, a weakling, one who is unable to use it’ (H.).
<i>
*DER DELG cites the PNs Kipoc, Kipwv, Kipwvidts (cf. Bechtel 1917b: 497).
*ETYM Unknown.
-kicg multiplicative suffix, in moAAG-Kt(¢) ‘often’ (II.), tetpd-K1(¢) ‘four times’ (e 306),
mlevta-Ku(c) ‘five times’ (Pi.), etc. <1E *k”i- ‘something’>
DIAL Epic, lyr., Dor. also -«t; Lacon. -xtv; Tarent. dpdtic ‘once’.
*ETYM The word mo\dd-Kt(c) agrees in meaning with Ved. purii-cid ‘often’. The
forms can be combined if we assume that the plural moAAd ‘often’ replaces older
*mo\d (which is unlikely), after which *k” was delabialized in Greek. This hypothesis
is confirmed by Tarent. did-ttc ‘once’ = Cret. dud-Kic (H.).
From moAAdxt(c), the forms in -x- spread to the numeral adverbs tetpaxt(c), etc; cf.
also obi. The final consonant of -K1c¢, Skt. cid reminds one of the correspondence
we ‘until’: Skt. yavat (see on »&wc 2); Greek added adverbial *-s (cf. Sic, tpic).
Etymologically, -«i/ -tt = Skt. cid are identical with the indefinite pronoun t
‘something’; see > tic.
kig, Kt6cg [m.] ‘weevil’ (Pi. Fr. 222, Thphr., gramm.). < PG?>
eVAR Acc. kiv; also nom. ic (Hdn. Gr. 2, 925). On the accent see Schwyzer: 378 and
Berger MSS 3 (1953): 8; on the quantity of the tin Ktdc, etc. Schwyzer: 571.
*COMP dxtWtatot ‘least damaged by weevils’ (Hes.).
eETYM Unexplained. Skt. kitd- [m.] ‘worm, insect’ is unrelated; see Mayrhofer
EWAia s.v. Probably Pre-Greek.
kionpte [f.] ‘pumice stone’ (Ar., Arist. Thphr.). <PG(v)>
VAR Also kiorAtc (pap.,; Luc.); gen. -ews, -150c.
*DER ktonptov (EM), ktonpo-etdi¢ and Ktonpwone ‘like «.’ (Diog. Apoll., Hell.);
Ktorpdojtat [v.] ‘to be changed into x.’ (Thphr.), -pi{w [v.] ‘to smoothen with x.’
(Nic. Dam.).
*ETYM On the matter, cf. Schrader-Nehring 1917(1): 146. Fur.: 117 compares Car.
yiooa and Caucasian (and Basque) forms. Without a doubt Pre-Greek, in view of the
variation p/ i.
xio8og [m.] ‘cistus’, family of low shrubs, of which the seperate types often produce
the resin-like substance AnSavov (Dsc.). <PG>
eVAR Also xtoOdc (Eup., Mnesim.) and xiotoc (Hp., Gal.), xic8apoc [m.] (Dsc.)
*DER bmoktobic (-tic) f. ‘Cytinus hypocisthis’, hypocist (Dsc., Gal.).
eETYM The suffix of kio8apoc may be compared with Kdptapoc, Kiooapoc, and other
plant names (Chantraine 1933: 227). The Cistus is a typical plant of the
mediterranean world. Fur.: 190, 257°° compares Ligurian kusti, MLat. custrus.
704 Kiolpvic
kiotpvic [2] - dpvic tod ‘kind of bird’ (H.). <PG>
VAR Cf. kiootptc: elo Opvéou ‘kind of bird’ (H.); also xiotvdtc (Su.).
*ETYM Unknown. Pre-Greek has additional words with a nasal added after p; see
Fur.: 487°, 215°, and 387.
kionpa [2] - 11Kpa TO MB0c, MaAiyKotoc. K@or ‘bitter disposition, spiteful (Cos) (H.).
<>
*ETYM Bechtel 1921, 2: 599 compares (with due reservation) Osc. kaispatar, of which
the meaning is unknown. Pre-Greek?
kiooa 1 [f.] ‘jay, Garrulus glandarius’, also ‘magpie, Pica caudata’ (Ar.); see Thompson
1895 s.v; also = ixO0c¢ motdc ‘kind of fish’ (H.); on the motivation of the name
Stromberg 1943: 115. <ONOM>
eVAR Att. KitTa.
DER ktooaPitw (-tt-) [v.] ‘to crylikea jay’ (Poll.), cf. t1ttuBiw, etc; also kicodw, see
> kiooa 2.
eETYM By comparison with vijooa ‘duck’ and other animal names (Chantraine 1933:
98), one scholar reconstructed PGr. *kikia, derived from an onomatopoeic root. For
this sound-imitation, bird names like Skt. kiki- (lex.), kikidivi- [m.] (RV 10, 97, 13;
TS) ‘blue jay’, and Gm. names like OE higora ‘magpie’ can be compared; the latter
were apparently not restored after Grimm’s Law.
kiooa 2 [f.] morbid longing of pregnant women, craving for strange food (Dsc, S. E.,
Sor., Gal.). <GR>
eVAR Att. KitTa.
DER ktoodw, Ktttdw [v.] ‘to suffer from k.’ (Ar., Arist.), ‘to become pregnant’ (LXX),
whence kiconots (Gal.). kioowdng “full of kicoa’ (Dsc.).
*ETYM The age and frequency of the attestations suggest that kiooa 2 is a back-
formation from xtoodw. The form ktoodw itself is a denominative of » kiooa 1 ‘jay,
magpie’, and refers to the well-known gluttony of the bird (dpveov ddngayov Kai
mappayov, sch. Ar. Pax 496); thus, xtoodw originally means ‘to behave like a
magpie’. The connection with Skt. kéta- ‘will, desire’ must therefore be given up. The
gloss koitat yovatk@v éO8uptiat ‘longing of/for women’ is only an incidental use of
koitn ‘marital bed, sexual intercourse’.
kto00¢ [m.] ‘ivy, Hedera helix’ (IA). <PG(v)>
eVAR Att. KITTOG.
«COMP Often as a first member, e.g. xtooo-pdpoc ‘having ivy’ (Pi, Ar.); also as a
second member, e.g. Kata-Ktococ ‘crowned with ivy’ (Anacreont.).
*DER Diminutive ktooiov = doKAnuds (Ps.-Dsc.); kiootvos ‘of ivy (Pi. E.), ktcoretc
‘id’ (Nic, Nonn.), on the formation Schwyzer: 527; kicowdng ‘enveloped with ivy’
(Nonn.); kiooevc epithet of Apollo (A. Fr. 341); kioowv “forest with ivy (Hdn. Gr.),
kigoapoc = Ktoods (gloss.). Denominative ktoodw (Att. -tt-) [v.] ‘to crown with ivy
(E., Alciphr.), whence kittwotc (Attica).
Ktxavo 705
*ETYM Pre-Greek. See Fur.: 256, who compares K@dpa in the sense of ‘ivy’ (Ps.-Dsc.);
and ibid. 257°° on the suffix -apocg in Pre-Greek words. We may reconstruct a form
PG *kib-.
ktoovptov [n.] name of a wooden drinking-cup (Od., Theoc., Call.), on the matter see
Brommer Herm. 77 (1942): 358 and 365f. <PG(V)>
VAR Also kioovgtov (IG 2”, 1424a: 265), acc. to Frisk after the diminutives in -vgtov,
but see below.
*ETYM The ancients connected it with kioodc, either after the material (Eumolp.
apud Ath. 11, 477a) or after the ornamentation (Poll. 6, 97). The word is Pre-Greek
because.of the variation B/ @, as seen by Schwyzer: 316 and 470; see also Debrunner
in Ebert 1924-1932 4:2, §46 and Fur.: 170.
kiotn [f.] ‘basket, chest’ (¢ 76, Ar.). 4EUR>
ecomp As a first member in Ktota-pdpoc ‘basket bearer’, -éw [v.] (Thrace,
Macedon.), ktoto-eidij¢ ‘like a chest’ (H. s.v. oyKiov).
*DER Diminutive xtotic [f] (Hp. Ar.), xtotidtov (Artem.).
eETYM MIr. cess [f.] ‘basket, causeway of wickerwork, bee-hive’, OW cest [f.] gl.
fiscina point to a pre-form QIE *kisteh,-. If these are conneted with Gr. xiotn, the
most likely scenario is a European loanword. From xiotn was borrowed Lat. cista,
whence most European forms, e.g. Ir. ciste [m.], OHG kista, etc.
kitptov [n.] ‘citron tree (Citrus medica), citron’ (Juba, J., Epidauros II’, Dsc.). <LW
Lat>
VAR Also xitpov ‘citron’ (Pamphil. apud Ath. 3, 85c).
*COMP xitpto-etdrj¢ (Gal.), Kitpd6-undov ‘id.’ (Dsc., Gp.).
*DER kitptvoc ‘belonging to the citron tree’ (D. C.), also Kitpeoc (pap. VI); kttpéa
[f.] ‘citron tree’ (Gp.), after [tnAéa, etc.; kttpadtov ‘citron drink’ (Alex. Trall.).
eETYM From Lat. citrium, citrum, citreus, citratus, which all go back to citrus ‘citron
tree’, which itself is somehow connected with Gr. » kédpoc and perhaps came from
Greek via Etruscan. See WH s.v. citrus with litt.
kigog [n.] Messenian for otépavoc (Paus. 3, 26, 9). <PG2(V)>
*COMP oxta-tdttog ‘who cuts oxiga’ (IG 5(1), 212: 63 [Sparta I*]), perhaps palms, for
widtvot OTEpavot.
*DER OKigiviov: TAEyHa EK Poivikos ‘plaiting of palm’ (H.).
*ETYM Unexplained; perhaps Pre-Greek because of the varying anlaut.
Kixavw [v.] ‘to reach, attain, hit, meet with’ (Il.). <1E *¢"eh,- ‘leave, abandon’>
°VAR Att. xtyy&vu; several aorists: a) athem. (éxixnv), -xetc, (€)Kixnptev, subj. kixeiw,
opt. -xeinv, inf. Kixrplevat, -xivat, ptc. Kixeic, -xMpevoc; b) them. 3sg. éxtxev, 3pl.
Extxyov, subj. Kixw, Kixno. inf. Ktyeiv, ptc. Kty@v; c) sigmatic KiyoaTo, act. pte.
Kixtoac (B. 5, 148); d) Dor. éxiEe = fveyKe (Simm. 26, 7), dméxiEav (Ar. Ach. 869;
Boeot.), Kifavtec: é\Odvtec, mopevOévtec ‘having come, been driven or carried’,
KiEato: etpev, é\aBev, tveyKev ‘found, took, brought’ (H.); fut. xxyroopat.
*DER Kix nots: 1 Afpic ‘taking hold’ (H.).
706 KixAn
*ETYM From a reduplicated root present *kixnt (like ti®ryu), found in xiynpev,
KLXNTHV, etc. (Exixelc after EtiMetc), which were taken as aorists when the new present
Ktyavw arose. Innovations are the them. aor. éxixev, etc. and sigmatic Ktyr\oaTo,
whence fut. Ktxrooptat (Il). Doric created a different s-aorist in éxike. The form
Ktxavw arose at a recent date after the analogy of pOdvw to épOryv, POroopat; the
nasal infix in Ktyyavw was modelled on AautBavw, etc, on which see Schwyzer: 688°,
698, as well as Chantraine 1942: 300, 392, 415, 446.
Except for the reduplication vocalism, *kixnpu < PIE *g"i-g"eh, corresponds nicely to
Skt. jahati ‘to leave (behind), abandon’, Av. zazaiti ‘to let go’; Skt. also has an old
root aorist ahds. It is unclear whether the Gm. verb for ‘go’ belongs here: OHG, OE
gan, ON gd (the same development of meaning is found in Skt. med.3sg. jihite, 3pl.
jthate ‘to go on, go away’). Remote cognates from the same root are supposed in
> XaCopta, » XaTEW, m xI|pa, » xwpoc. Ruijgh and Van Krimpen Mnem. 22 (1969): 113-
136 read the older meaning ‘to abandon’ in Myc. ke-ke-me-na /k*ek'emena/ ‘deserted
(land)’. They suggest that the transition in meaning occurred in sporting contests,
where a runner reaches and leaves, i.e. passes, another runner. LIV? considers ktyavw
together with Arm. gam ‘I come’, OE gan ‘to go’, and the other Gm. words under
* g'eh, ‘kommen, erreichen’ (with plain velar because of Armenian). This seems less
attractive than the connection with Indo-Iranian, which is formally and semantically
impeccable.
KixAn [f.] ‘thrush’ (x 468); also name of a fish, a kind of wrasse (Epich., Arist.), because
it changes its color with the seasons, like the thrush; see Stromberg 1943: 116.
<PG(V)>
*VAR Younger KixAd (Alex. Trall., Gp.), see Solmsen 1909: 260; Dor. xtxfAa (Epich.
157, Ar. Nu. 339). Cf. iyAa- kixa (H.). and toxAat = Kixdou (H.).
DER txAiCw [v.] ‘to giggle, laugh’ (Ar., Theoc., Herod.), xtyAtopdg; KtyAtd-tdw [v.] ‘to
have a desire to giggle’ (Com. Ades p. 1038; not quite certain).
*ETYM Hardly belongs to » yeAidwv. A by-form is ixAa (H.); the initial variation
points to a Pre-Greek word. See Thompson 1895 s.v. (also on the different names of
the bird), as well as Fur.: 130 on ktynAa.
kixopa [n.pl.] ‘chicory, Cichorium intybus’ (Nic. Al. 429, where I verse-initially). <?,
PG?>
eVAR KtxOpn [f.] (Thphr.), xtydptov [n.] (Thphr., Dsc., Plin.), -1a [pl.] (Ar. Fr. 293),
perhaps for -eta = Lat. cichoréa [pl.]?
*ETYM No etymology. See DNP s.v. cichorie, stating that the plant grows in the
Mediterranean area. Is the word Pre-Greek? However, one type of chicory comes
from Egypt.
kixprpt [v.] ‘to lend’, med. ‘to borrow from’ (D,, Plu.). <?>
eVAR Impv.3sg. Kiypétw, etc. (Delph. IV"), éoxixypéuev [inf.] (Thess. III*); also
kivyprytt ‘gives an oracle’ (Cret. II*), med. kixpaytat (Thphr., Plu., AP), aor. ypijoat,
Xprjoac8ar and fut. yprjow, -opat (IA), perf. Kéypryca (Hell.), -nprot (D.).
eCOMP Rarely with prefix dta-, ém-, éo-.
eDER kixprjotc (Tz.).
khayyh 707
*ETYM Like d(d1,u next to dfjoat, dtjow (see » Séw 1), the presents Kixpryt, Kixpapton
arose as innovations of the aorist ypfjoat and other sigmatic forms. We must start
from a middle aorist xprjoac8at with original mg. ‘to use’, from which a factitive
active xpfjoat ‘to. give in use’ = ‘borrow’ was created; later, xprjoao8at also came to
mean ‘to borrow from’. See > xpr).
kiw [v.] ‘to set in movement’, intr. ‘to start to move, move away’ (Hom., A.). <IE
*keih,- ‘set in movement’>
eVAR Present 2sg. xietg (A. Ch. 680), further only preterite and non-indicative forms:
exe (kie), kioptev, Kiov, ipv. kie, subj. king, opt. Kiot, ptc. kiwv. With enlargement -0-:
\tet-exiae, -ov ‘followed after, visited’. (Il.), with i by metrical lengthening; for the
vocalism cf. kiato: éxtveito ‘moved (intr. (H.).
eETYM Except for two occurences in Aeschylus, the verb is only epic. Originally a
thematic root aorist, interpreted as an imperfect, xie received incidental present
forms (see Chantraine 1942: 392f.), and it came to serve as a metrical variant for the
imperfect of eit (Kolligan 2007: 162f.). The nasal present > kivupat, > Kivéw was felt
to be closely connected with > cetw. On kta- < *kih,-e-, see on » kivéw. Cf. Strunk
1967: 88, 100, 114. Outside Greek, the root is only found in Latin, which has a to-
derivative citus ‘quick’, originally ‘set in motion’ (for which cf. con-citus, solli-citus,
etc.), while the present ciére (next to (ac)cire) probably developed from a causative;
see De Vaan 2008 s.v.
Ktwv, -ovog [m., f.] ‘column, pillar’, also metaph. (Od.); as a medical term ‘cartiledge,
wart’ (Hp.). <IE *(s)kiHu- ‘shin, post’>
eVAR On the gender see Schwyzer: 486, Schwyzer 1950: 37.
ecoMP As a first member in ktovd-Kpavov ‘capital of a column’ (v.l. in Str. 4, 4, 6; D.
S.) beside earlier and more usual Kté-xpavov (Pl. Com. X, Delos III’, etc.), by
haplology. Further axpo-, tetpa-, weta-, mpo-KlOv-tov (Ph.).
*DER Diminutives xi6viov (Ph. Bel.), -ioxoc (Hero, J.), -i¢ ‘uvula’ (medic.).
*ETYM Identical with Arm. siwn ‘column’ < *kiwon-, which like Greek reflects an n-
stem. One of the traditional exclusive correspondences between Greek and
Armenian, but the word has now also been recognized in other branches (see
Lubotsky JAOS 112 (2002)): Skt. asthivant- [m.] ‘shank, shin’; YAv. ascuua- [m.]
‘shank, shin’ < *asciua- reflect a compound PIlr. *ast-(s)tiHua- < QIE *h,est-
(s)kiHu- ‘shin-bone’; further, OE scia [m.] ‘shin, leg’, scinu [f.] ‘shin’ and MHG schie
[f.] ‘post’, OHG skena, skina [f.] ‘id’ can be traced back to a PGm. paradigm *skio,
*skinaz (Kroonen 2009); finally, Balto-Slavic forms like Lith. Seiva [f.] ‘spool,
forearm, shin’ and SCr. cijev ‘tube, spool, shin-bone’ point to PIE *koiH-u-, with
depalatalization of the initial *k- due to the s-mobile. Note that WGm. *skino is
reminiscent of the n-stem in Gr. and Arm, still, the semantic shift to ‘pillar’ may
point to a common development.
kAayyr [f.] (shrill) sound, cry of an animal, etc.’ (Il.). < EUR?, ONOM?>
VAR Also kAayyov ‘id.’ (Babr.); dat. also kAayy-i (Ibyc. 56; see below).
eDER KAayyndov ‘accompanied by crying’ (B 463), KAayywdre ‘full of sound, shrill
(Hp. Gal.). Further kkdCw [v.] ‘sound, resound, cry’ (IL), also with prefix, e.g. dva-,
708 KAadapdc
&ék-; aor. KAGyEaL, also kAayeiv (B. 16, 127, h. Hom. 19, 14, E,, et al.), fut. eAdyEw (A.),
perf. kexAryyovtec (Aeolizing) and kexAnywe, -@tec (Hom.), see Chantraine 1942:
430f; KéxAaya (Alcm. 7), kéxAayya (Ar. X.), perfect future kexAdyEoptat (Ar.).
Isolated presents: kAayyatvw (A. Eu. 131), -Avw (S.), -€w (Theoc. Ep. 6, 5), -aw (Poll.,
Porph.). To kAayetv: kAayepdc ‘crying’ (AP).
*ETYM As a yod-present, KAdtw may derive from *KAdyy-tw, from a root noun
k\ayy- seen in the dat. xAayy-i (or is this an innovation?). However, perhaps we are
dealing with a primary nasal present, which took -(w from other sound-verbs
(OAOAKLW, oiptwlw, etc; cf. Schwyzer: 716). The non-presentic forms «AdyEat,
KAdyEw, KéxAayya are innovations in any case. kAayyr functions as a verbal noun. It
is possible that kAayeiv and KéxAnya are original primary forms without a nasal
infix, but analogical innovation with loss of the nasal is possible too.
Material for comparison is provided by Lat. clango ‘to cry’ (almost only present),
which has a counterpart in ON hlakka ‘to cry (kk < *nk). Note that a pre-form *klag-
is impossible (PIE did not have *a, and *klh,g- would have resulted in Greek *KAGy-).
Schwyzer: 692 assumes expressive nasalization, but this does not help, as *KAay-
cannot be explained in this way. Cf. Fur. 274.
Wrong analysis in Pok. 599 and LIV’; the alternations cannot be accounted for in an
Indo-European framework. The root must have been adopted from a non-IE
language. See » KAW.
kAadapog [adj.] ‘invalid, infirm’, of dopdatia (Plb. 6, 25, 5; beside Aenta), of KdpaKes
(AP 9, 322 beside dkAaotot vl. KAaptapat), of ypapyuy Cwiypdpos (in palmistry, Cat.
Cod. Astr. 7, 241). <PG(V)>
ecOMP As a first member in KAadapdpvyxyoc ‘kind of peewit’ (Ael, H.),
KAadapdopytatot- evoetotot Ta Sppata ‘liable to shaking in the eyes (?) (H.).
*DER Further KkAaddoa oeioat, kAaddet oeiel, Kivei ‘shakes, moves’ (H.);
kAaddcooptat [v.] ‘to rustle, bubble, vel sim.’, of sweet blood (tépev aitia) through
the members (Emp. 100, 22); but Lobeck 1843: 89° corrects into KAvddooota;
Debrunner IF 21 (1907): 224 assumes influence of tapdcow.
*ETYM For the suffix, compare other expressions for ‘invalid, weak’, like mAadapoc,
wagapdc, xakapdc, Aatapdc (Chantraine 1933: 227); kAadapdc to kAaddw is like
mtAadapds to mAaddw, yahapdc to xaAdw, etc. Ultimately, it might be related to
> KAddoc, as well as to » kpaddw. The gloss kpadador- kAGSo1 ‘branches’ (H.) then
suggests that these words are Pre-Greek, with interchange p/ A.
kAddoc [m.] ‘branch, twig, sprout’ (IA, Arist. Thphr.). <PG?, IE? *kJdo- ‘(piece of)
wood’>
VAR Also a few cases of monosyllabic kAaéd- in k\ad-i, KAGS-a, -ac, and of an s-stem
in kAdSeot, -€eoot, -Ewv (perhaps after dévdpeot).
*COMP OAty6-KAadoc (Thphr.), kAado-toptéw (pap.).
*DER Diminutives kAddiov (Lib. pap.) and KAadioxog (Gal.); kAademv (Orph.),
KAadwv (H.) = KAddoq; KAadwdne ‘full of branches’ (sch., Eust.), «Addtvog = rameus
(gloss.). Denominative kAadetw [v.] “to cut off branches, clip’ (Artem. -éw Arr.),
whence KAddevoic (Aq., Sm., Gp.), kAadeia (Gp.) ‘cutting off branches, clipping’,
KAapapdav 709
kAadevtipta [pl.] ‘pruned leaves’ (gloss.), kAadevtis ‘pruner’ (gloss.), kAadevTHpLov,
-ta ‘pruning knife, pruning festival’ (H.).
*ETYM Connection with *kelh,- ‘to hit, cut off (see » kAdw) cannot explain the Greek
form, which presupposes a root *kld-. Connection with the Germanic word for
‘wood’, ON OE holt [n.], etc. to which also belongs the Slav. group of CS klada, Ru.
koldda ‘log, block of wood’, suggests itself. However, it may be accidental that all
forms can be derived from *kJdo-, since k\d5o¢ can also be connected within Greek
with » kpaddaw, which points to an interchange p/ ) and therefore to substrate origin.
Kuiper 1956: 121f connected KAddog with »KA@v, KA@vak, with nasalization
(replacement of a stop by the nasal of that series) of the 6; cf. kA@vak- KAddoc (H.).
Lat. cladés ‘destruction, etc.’ requires *klh,-d'eh,- and is therefore unrelated.
Independent of «Addoc is the 5-formation of » kAadapdc ‘invalid’; further, kahadia:
évKdvi ‘plane’ (H; LSJ and Frisk s.v. give pukdvn ‘plane-tree’, but this lemma does
not exist), with different ablaut grade.
KAdlw ‘to sound’. = KAayyn.
kAaiw [v.] ‘to lament, bewail, weep over’ (II.). <1E?, PG? *klau- ‘weep’>
*VAR Att. also KAGw, aor. KAatoat (I1.), pass. KAav(o) OF vat (Lyc, J.), fut. KAavoLAL
IL), KAavow (Theoc.), KAa(iyow (Att; cf. Chantraine BSL 28 (1927-1928): 15),
perhaps also kAavootte8a (Ar. Pax 1081; cf. Schwyzer: 786), perf. KéxAavpat (A., S.),
-ottat (Lyl., Plu.), fut. cexAavooptat (Ar.).
eCOMP Rarely with prefixes, e.g. [teta-, ovv-.
DER 1. KAavO Lc ‘weeping’ (Il.), with several derivatives: KAavO,twSn¢ “broken as if
by weeping’ (Hp.), kAavOujpdc ‘weeping’ (sch.), kAavOtiwv ‘place for weeping’
(LXX); kAavOpuvpiopat, -ifw [v.] ‘to moan’ (Hp., [Pl.] Ax.), a cross of kAavOudc and
utwpoptal, with suffixation after the verbs in -iojio (cf. Schwyzer: 644), to which
kAavOtvpiopidg (Is. Plu.). 2. KAavpata [n.pl.] ‘moaning, lamenting’ (Att.),
kAavopata (Porph.). 3. cAauptovat [f.pl.] ‘id’ (Pl. Lg. 792a; acc. to Stob. kAavOjtovat),
cf. mnpovai. 4. kAadotc ‘weeping’ (Hell.), whence kAavotdw [v.] ‘to long to weep’ (Ar.
Pl. 1099), kAavoi-yehwe [m.] ‘weeping combined with laughing’ (X.). 5. KAavotrp
‘crier’ (Man.) and kAavotikds (Apoll. Lex.); kAav(a)téc (A, S.). Highly uncertain is
the present kAav8ovtat (PTeb. 3, 7; epigram), perhaps an ad-hoc poetic formation,
cf. Schwyzer 703.
eETYM The present derives from *kAGf-tw, as is obvious from KAav-coptat, KAav-
Oydc, etc. Alb. klan, qan ‘to weep’ from *klau-n-i6, with a combination of nasal and
yod-suffix, is the only comparison that suggests itself; cf. Mann Lang. 26 (1950): 381.
If the word is IE, we may mechanically reconstruct *kleh,u-. However, since there is
no further connection with any IE language, the word could be Pre-Greek.
kAapapav [acc.sg.f.]? - thadapav, do8evi| ‘weak, feeble’ (H.). <PG?>
VAR Also kAqytapai as av.l. for KAadapati (AP 9, 322).
eETYM Belonging to the same semantic group as » KAadapdc, KAaptapdc has the
appearance of an expressive innovation. The comparison with Skt. klamyati ‘to get
tired’ and other words mentioned in Pok. 602f. is not very attractive.
710 kAaupdc
KAapuBdc [adj.] ‘cocked, cropped’ (of @ta, Hippiatr.). <PG>
*ETYM Formation like koAofdc ‘id.’, oka dc ‘crooked’, etc. (Chantraine 1933: 261).
The similarity with Lith. klumbas ‘limping, stumbling’ (to klubti ‘to stumble’), OE
lempi-healt ‘limping’, which Specht 1944: 130f. connected wih xAapbdc, is probably
accidental. The word is typically Pre-Greek; cf. on » oxapBdc.
kAapvotijoat [v.] - Borjoat, kakgoat ‘to cry aloud, call’ (H.). <PG?>
eETYM The formation in -vo-téw could be denominative from -votdc, ppp. to
*khaptwGw, which would be formed like keAapt(w, yoyyvtw, etc. This form was
connected with Lat. clamare ‘to call loudly, cry’, OHG hlamon ‘to rustle’, but this is
not possible since the Greek a is short. The word looks rather Pre-Greek.
kAaviov [n.] ‘bracelet’ (pap. imperial period). <PG(v)>
eVAR Also KAdwov, KAdALov (after wéAtov? rejected by Fur. 131°); kAavia: wéAta
Bpaxtovwv “bracelets for the arms’, also KAap<i>a- wéAta ‘armlets or anklets’ (H.),
probably by dissimilation. Cf. yAaviat- mepiBodat ‘garment’ (Fur. 131 objects that this
word belongs rather to yAavic) and yAavitidec: of Spot mapSEvwv ‘maidens’
necklaces’ (H.).
*ETYM Connection with » kAdw seems improbable, in spite of kAaotéc ‘frizzly head’,
éykAaotpiéta ‘earring’. The forms with y- have been explained away by assuming
association with yAavic ‘upper garment’, but see Fur. 131, who argues that yAavitidec
cannot be explained in any such way. The variation between voiceless and aspirate
shows the Pre-Greek origin of the word. Fur. 388 further compares mAavic: TO Tic
vbuens Xpvoodv diadnpa ‘golden headband of the bride’ (H.).
kAanat [f.pl.] ‘wooden shoes’ (D. C. 77, 4, Suid.); also euphemistically ‘stick’, as a
means of punishment (sch., Tz.). <?>
eVAR Also -ot [m.pl.].
*ETYM No etymology. Perhaps sound-symbolic, after the clattering?
KAdw [v.] ‘to break (off) (II.). <PG?>
eVAR Evi-KAGv, KaT-ékAwv (I].), aor. KAdo(o)at, pass. KAaoOFVvat (Il.), athem. pte.
&mo-Khac (Anacr. 17), fut. KAdow, perf. pass. kéxAaopat (IA).
eCOMP Often with prefix, e.g. dva-, KaTa-, TEpl-, OVV-.
*DER KAdotc ‘breaking’ (IA), kAdopa “broken piece’ (Att.) with KAaopdtiov (Delos
III"), ava-KAaopds “bending back’ (Heliod.), kAdotnc: dmeAoupydc ‘vine-dresser’
(H.), also doto-KAdotn¢ (Cyran.), etc, KAaotiptov ‘knife for clipping the vine’
(Delos II*); secondarily kkaotatw [v.] ‘to clip the vine’, metaph. ‘to chastize’ (Ar. Eq.
166). On » KAwv, KAwvdc [m.] ‘sprout’ (Att.), see sv; on KAMpak, amdKAwpa see
below. With different ablaut grade: » «Aja ‘twig, tendril of the vine’, » KAijpoc
(KA&poc) ‘lot’, » KA@pak ‘heap of stones’, dndkAwua. dmoAoyia é7i 10 yeipov ‘defense
on behalf of an inferior’ (H.). Very doubtful is the appurtenance of KAaCopevai TN
(Anatolia), which acc. to Fraenkel KZ 42 (1909): 256; Fraenkel KZ 43 (1910): 216
would be a “place where the waves break” (just fantasy).
*ETYM The verbal system is based on *kla(s)- and may be the result of analogical
developments. There is an IE root *kelh,- ‘to hit, strike’ (LIV? s.v.), to which belong
KAgic 711
Lith. kdlti, isg. kalu ‘to beat’, Latv. kalt ‘id.’, OCS klati, 1sg. koljg ‘to kill’, Ru. kolét’ ‘to
prick, stab’, which point to Proto-BSl. *kolH-, as well as Lat. -cellé ‘to hit’ < *-k(e)l-n-
h,- (De Vaan 2008 s.v.). LIV? states that dmoxAd¢ may have been built on the
generalized stem *kla- and replaced older athematic *kalant- < *klh,-ent- (cf.
taAavt-), but there are no indications for this within Greek, so it should be rejected.
It is unclear how we can derive any of the above forms from a root *kelh,-.
Chantraine 1942: 354 considers the present xAdw to be secondary as opposed to the
aorist KAdoat. The passive aorist KAaoOfvat seems to suggest a root *klad-
(Schwyzer: 761), but analogical extension of the aorist stem KAao- is more likely
(Chantraine 1942: 404f.). Since there is no good etymology, the verb may well be
Pre-Greek. See » kAadapdc, » KAd5oc, » KdAOG.
KAetvoc ‘famous’. = KAgoc.
Asis [f.] “bar, bolt’ (secondarily ‘rowing bench’, Leumann 1950: 209), ‘hook, key,
collar bone’ (Att.). <1£ *kleh,u- ‘lock’>
eVAR Gen. KAetddc, acc. KAeiv (late KAeida), older KArjc, KAnddc, KAfjSa (on the
notation Schwyzer: 2o01f.), epic Ion. KAnic, -i50c, -i6a, Dor. KAdiic, -id0¢ beside -ido0¢
(Simon., Pi; perhaps Aeol., cf. Schwyzer: 465); also KAGE (Theoc.), gen. KAauKos, acc.
-ka (Epid., Mess.).
eDIAL Myc. ka-ra-wi-po-ro /klawi-p*oros/.
*COMP kAéi6-obxo¢ (or KANd-) [m., f.] ‘key-holder’ (inscr.), xata-KAeic, -KAnic ‘lock,
case, quiver’ (Att.), from kata-K\giw.
*DER Diminutives nAeidiov (Ar. Arist.); KAeiSac [m.] ‘locksmith’ (pap. inscr.,
imperial period); late denominative kAeddw (Smyrna, pap.), whence kAgidwotc
(sch.), -wpa (Suid.).
Old denominative kAeiw [v.] ‘to shut, block’ (often with prefix, especially ano-,
Kata-, ovv-), OAtt. KArw, Ion. KAniw (Hdt.), late KAntw (Hymn. Is., AP), Theoc.
KAGCw, aor. epic Ion. KArioa, KAniooa (Od.), OAtt. KAfjoat, Att. KAgioat, pass.
KAnio8fvat (Ion.), KAno8ijvat, KAEoBivat (Att), KAaoOFvat (Theoc.), fut. KAfow
(Th.), KAeiow, perf. KéxAnka (Ar.), KékAetka (Hell.), med. KékAnuat (ipa),
KékAeiat, Dor. KékAavtat (Epich.); after this Dor. aor. KAaikot, KAGEat, pass.
KAatxOeic, fut. rAaE@ (Theoc. Rhod.), backformed present ztott-kAdyw (Heracl.).
Thence KArji8pov, KAFPpov, KAei8pov, KAaBpov ‘lock, block’ (IA, h. Merc. 146, Dor.),
kAei8piov (Hero), kAe8pia ‘keyhole’ (Luc.), kAdiotpov (Pi.), kAeiotpov (Luc.) ‘lock’,
KAfjotc, KAeiotc (Th. Aen. Tact.), kAeiopa, kAetopdc (Hell.); also andkAnote, etc. from
amo-KAgiw, etc; verbal adj. KAniotéc, KAnotdc, KAgiotég (epic IA), KAatKkTdc¢
(kaKtdc) ‘what can be locked’ (Argiv., Mess.). On KAetofov see > KAI vu.
eETYMIA kAn(f)i-6- and Dor. KAa(F)I-K- are enlargements of an t-stem that is still
found in denominative KAniw. Att. kAeiv can be explained as analogical to KAgic¢ <
KArjc (after vaic: vadv, etc.). A corresponding formation is found in Lat. clavus ‘nail,
pin’, next to clavis ‘key, block’, with the same meaning as the derivation KAnic. The
Latin forms presuppose an old root noun *kleh,u-, while Greek made an I-stem
*kleh,u-iH-, just as kvmpt-6- is based on Kvijpn, and xeipt-6- on xelp (cf. Chantraine
1933: 346f.). Further, there is a Celtic group, perhaps borrowed from Latin, or simply
712 KAétotov
inherited (which is equally possible): Olr. clé, plur. cldi ‘nail’, MW clo [m.] ‘lock,
bolt’. Slavic has a number of words pointing to *kleu-, which has to replace *klaHu-:
OCS kljuéo ‘key’, SCr. kljtika ‘hook, key, clamp’, etc. The original meaning of the
word was probably ‘nail, pin, hook’, instruments that were traditionally used for
locking doors.
KAetoiov ‘hut, shed’. = kAivw.
kAettopic, -i50¢ [f.] ‘clitoris’ (Ruf., H., Suid.). <IE *klei-‘lean’>
DER kAettoptdCw [v.] ‘to touch the clitoris’ (id.).
eETYM A medical term, formed like dAextopic from dAéKtwp, daxeotopic from
axéotwp, etc. We may assume an original meaning “small hill”, from *«Aeitwp ‘hill
(known as the name of an Arcadian town), a verbal noun from »kAivw ‘to lean,
incline’. For the semantics, cf. kAettbc ‘slope, hill’, Lat. clivus ‘hill’. See Grodelj Ziva
Ant. 3 (1953): 201; also, Schwyzer: 531’ and Benveniste 1948: 34.
KAett6c ‘famous’. > KAvw.
KAsiw 1 ‘to celebrate’. = KAéoc.
KAsiw 2 ‘to lock’. = KAgic.
kAeppte, -voc [f.] ‘turtle’ (Ant. Lib. 32, 2, H.). <PG(v)>
*ETYM The formation is similar to that of synonymous yéAvc, éuvc. Probably a
foreign word; speculations in Frisk about folk-etymological adaptation to kAéuma,
KAémtw “to conceal’, because turtles can hide their body under their shell. Acc. to
Giintert 1914: 144, it is a cross of guvc¢ and unattested *kAwudc, which would
correspond to Skt. kiarmd- ‘turtle’, with -uy- from KAgupa. This is too far-fetched.
Fur.: 131 compares Kpéug ‘a fish with a hard head’ and xpéuve: 6 dvioxog ix ‘kind
of gadus or cod’ (H.); these variants confirm that the word is Pre-Greek. On
geminates in substrate words, see Fur.: 387, where this word can be added.
KAéog [n.] ‘rumour, fame, renown, reputation’ (II.). <1 *kleu-s- ‘word, fame’>
eVAR Phoc. xAéFoc.
«COMP Especially in PNs, e.g. KAeo-pévij¢ (shortname Ki€éop()tc), with transition to
the o-stems, beside KAet-o8évng (from *KAefeo- or *KAefi-o8évijg), Tipo-KAéFns
(Cypr.), etc; see Fick & Bechtel 1894: 162ff., Bechtel 1917b: 238ff.; on -KAéac for
-khénc in Thess., etc. see Kretschmer Glotta 26 (1938): 37.
*DER Adjective kAeivdc, Aeol. kAgewvoc (< *xAefeo-vdc) ‘famous’ (Sol., Pi.), with PN
Kketviac, etc. Enlargement after the nouns in -(1)dav (cf. Schwyzer: 5209f.,
Chantraine 1933: 361): KAendwv, -dvoc [f.] (Od.), KAnndwv (6 312; metrical
lengthening), kAndwv (Hdt., trag.) ‘fame, (divine) pronouncement’, by contraction
or adaptation to KAr Cw, KiKAroKw; thence KAnddviog (sch., Eust.), rAndoviopat, -iGw
[v.] (LXX), -topa, -Lopdc.
Denominative verbs: 1. «Aeiw (Il.), kAéw (B., trag. [lyr.]}) [v.] ‘to celebrate, praise,
proclaim’, Hell. also ‘to call (after KAnCw, see below), KAgopat “to enjoy fame, be
celebrated’ (Q. 202), Hell. also ‘to be called’; mostly derived from *k\efeo-1w >
*kAe(F)éw, whence kAeiw, KAéw by hyphaeresis; but see Frisk GHA 56 : 3 (1950): 3ff.,
KAETNTW 713
discussing the possibility that kAéw (whence, only in epic poetry, kAeiw by metrical
- lengthening) is a back-formation of kAéoc after webddw : yeddoc. Alternatively, Agu,
kAgouat would be an old primary formation *kleu-e/o-, see Chantraine 1942: 346° and
DELG. From KAeiw, kAéw as an agent noun: KAew, Krew, -ob¢ [f.] “she who gives
fame”, name of one of the Muses (Hdt,, Pi.). 2. kAeiCw [v.] (Pi.) ‘to celebrate, praise,
proclaim’, also ‘to call’ (after KixAnoKw, KadAéw; thence the notation KAn-), also
eviAcitw from ev«Aerjc (Sapph., Tyrt.); forms: xAnitw (Hp. Hell.), «AnCw (Ar.), aor.
KAgiEat or KAnioal, KAtjoat, KAeioa, fut. KAEiEw, KAniow, KAfow, etc; probably from a
basis *kAefeo-iCw with hyphaeresis.
*ETYM Old s-stem of the root *kleu- ‘hear’, found in several languages: Skt. srdvas-
[n.] ‘fame’ (kAéoc GpOitov: dksiti srdvah), Av. srauuah- [n.] ‘word’, OCS slovo [n.]
‘word’; also, Olr. clit and ToA (fiom)-klyu, ToB (fiem)-kdlywe ‘fame’, Illyr. PN Ves-
cleves (= Skt. vdsu-Sravas- ‘having good fame’; cf. Ev-«Ajjc). The denominative
kAe(w, if from *kAefeo-Lw, corresponds to Skt. sravasydati ‘to praise’, and may
therefore be old. Further forms s.v. > Ab.
KAénas [adj.] - votepdv, 1nAWdec, 1) Saod, } Dypdv ‘moist, muddy or clayey, bushy,
wet’ (H.). <?>
eVAR kAértoc: bynAdv, votepdv, Saod ‘high, moist, bushy’ (H.).
eETYM The meaning votepov suggests connection with Olr. cluain ‘meadow’ and the
Baltic group of Lith. slapti ‘to become wet’. Acc. to Matasovi¢ 2008, PIE *klopni-
would have regularly given PCI. *klowni-. Still, the formation of the Greek gloss does
not match that of the proposed cognates, which makes the etymology uncertain.
kAéntw [v.] ‘to steal, conceal, do secretly, cheat, deceive’ (II.). <1E *klep- ‘steal’>
eVAR Aor. KAéyat (Il.), pass. kAepOFvat (Hdt., E.), xAanijvat (Th., Pl.), pte. KAerteic
(pap. IIP), fut. cAéyw (h. Merc.), perf. xéxAoga (Att.), ptc. cexAeBws (Andania I*, but
cf. Schwyzer: 722), med. KéxAeupau (S.), KéKAaupat (Ar.).
eCOMP Also with prefixes like amto-, éx-, dta-, bm0-. As a second member in Bob-KAey
(S. fr. 318), as a first member in governing compounds, e.g. KAeyi-epwv ‘guileful’ (of
Hermes, h. Merc.); from KAéwou, cf. Knecht 1946: 38, Zumbach 1955: 21; on
> KkAewbdpa s.v.
*DER A. With e-vocalism: KAémoc [n.] ‘theft’ (Sol. apud Poll. 8, 34). 2. kAgupa ‘theft,
deceit, ruse of war’ (Att.), xAeuuddtoc ‘stolen’ (PI.), after aupdadioc, kpumTadioc, see
Chantraine 1933: 39. 3. KAentia: KAomn ‘theft’ (Phot.). 4. kAéntnyg [m.] ‘thief (IL.),
superl. KAentiotatocg (Ar.), see Leumann Mus. Helv. 2 (1945): 10ff. Diminutive
kXentioxog (Eup.), -tapiov (Charis.), jocular patronymic KAentidng (Pherecr.); fem.
KAéntic (Alciphr.), kAéntpia (Sotad. Com.), formally from KAentijp, see Fraenkel
1910: 75; KAentiKd¢ [adj.] ‘thievish’ (Pl, Luc.); xAento-cbvn ‘thievishness’ (t 396,
Man.). 5. kAentip ‘thief (Man.). 6. kAgmpoc ‘smuggled’ (pap. III*), hardly to the rare
word kAértoc, as per Arbenz 1933: 100, but rather from KAdmmog with € from KAémTU;
7. kNewipaiog ‘acquired by theft’ (LXX), a juridical term.
B. With o-vocalsim: 1. KAomt ‘theft, secret act’ (trag., Att.), kAomatog ‘acquired by
theft’ (Att.), «Admpocg ‘id., thievish’ (Ps.-Phoc.), -twaiog = KAewytaiog (Luc. Ant.
Lib.), see above; KAomKdg ‘thievish’ (of Hermes, Pl. Cra. 407e; cf. Chantraine 1956a:
714 KAewbdpa
142); émi-KAomog ‘deceitful (Il), émxAonin (Nonn.); EmAdmetoc epithet of Zeus
(H.); on b16-KAortog see below. 2. KAomdc ‘thief (h. Merc. 276, Opp.), KAdmTLOG
‘deceitful, thievish’ (v 295, AP, API.). 3. kAomtevc ‘thief, secret author’ (S.), xAomebw
[v.] ‘to plunder’ (App.), kAomeia (Str, v.l. -w-), -elov ‘stolen good’ (Max.). 4. iterative
present bmo-KAoméotto ‘to hide’ (x 382), cf. b7o-KAéntelv (Pi.), b7d-KAoTIOG
‘deceitful, false’ (B.) and Schwyzer 1950: 524.
C. With w-vocalism 1. kAwy ‘thief (Hdt., E., X.), whence kAwmuxds ‘secretly’ (E. Rh.
205 and 512), see Chantraine 1956a: 119, kAwmtjiog ‘id.’ (A. R., Max.), kAwrebw [v.]
(X., Luc.), -eia (Att.); 2. iterative present kAwWMdouaL = KAEMTOLAL (H.).
*ETYM Not related to »kadvmtw. The s-aorist xAéwat is paralleled by Lat. clepsi, but
kAéntw is probably recent for an older thematic root present found in Lat. clepé, Go.
hlifan ‘to steal’, although a pre-form *klép-ie/o- is also presupposed by the ToB subj.
kédlyp- ‘to steal’ (acc. to Adams 1999 s.v.). Isolated nominal derivatives may have
been preserved in MIr. cluain “deceit, flattery’ < *klop-ni- and Slavic, e.g. CS po-klopo
‘cover’, za-kle po ‘closure’. With a different anlaut, there is Lith. slépti ‘to conceal’, 1sg.
slepiu, perhaps from *skl-, or alternatively influenced by other words with sl-; the
root was preserved in Baltic, as shown by OPr. au-klipts ‘concealed’. It is possible
that *klep- ‘to steal’ is a special development in the Western languages of a root
*kle p- that is probably found in ToB Klep- ‘to grab, touch with the hand’ and kdilp- ‘to
get, obtain’; see Adams KZ 102 (1989): 242-3.
kAewbdpa [f.] ‘water clock’, constructed like a sandglass (IA). < GR>
eVAR Ion. -p1}.
*ETYM A governing compound from KAéwou (kAewi-) and téwp, with zero grade of
the second member (as in dvudpoc, etc.) and derivation in -a (on which see
Schwyzer: 452).
KAéw ‘to celebrate, call’. = KAéoc.
KAndewv ‘fame, call’. = KAéoc.
«An8pa [f.] ‘alder, Alnus glutinosa’ (Od., Thphr.). <2?
eVAR Ion. -pn.
DER KAn|Optvos ‘of alder’ (Ath. Mech.).
*ETYM It has been connected with MoHG (dial.) lutter, ludere, ludern ‘Alpine alder,
Betula nana’, as if from QIE *kldd"ra-. Cf. Schrader-Nehring 1917(1): 259, who
comments on other IE names of the alder. Unclear.
KAnivw 1 ‘to lock’. eVAR KA Cw. = KAeic.
KAnivw 2 ‘to celebrate, call’. VAR KATCw. = KAéoc,
kAjjua [n.] ‘twig, sprout, tendril (of the viney (IA); also as a plant name ‘Polygonum
aviculare’ (Dsc.), see Stromberg 1937: 184). < PG?>
eVAR Acol. kAGupa (Alc.), with geminate pt, see Hamm 1957: §73c). Inscr. kAaua [n.]
‘fragment, kAdoua’ (Aigina V*), rather kAGua than KAdua.
*DER KAnpatic, -idoc [f.] ‘twig of the vine, faggot’ (IA), also name of several plants,
like ‘Clematis vitalba’ (Dsc.); KAnuatitic [f] plant name (Dsc.); KAnpdtivoc
KhiBavoc 715
‘consisting of (vine-)twigs’ (Thgn.), KAnpatoeic ‘id’ (Nic.), KAnLatwdy¢ full of
twigs, like vine-branches’ (Dsc., Gal.), KAnpatikds ‘belonging to a vine-branch’
(gloss.). Denominative verbs: kAnpatdoopat [v.] ‘sprouting’ (S., Thphr.), mAnpatiqw
[v.] ‘to clip vines’ (LXX).
eETYM Connected with »KAdw, but the meaning ‘break’ does not fit a sprout. For
kAdw, we do not find evidence for a long a, and must conclude that this verb is
rather of Pre-Greek origin. The form KAdopa may rather belong to KAdw. Cf. on
> KAipos.
kAjfiposg [m.] ‘lot, allotment, inheritance, piece of ground’ (Il.), (Christian) clergy’
(Just.). <PG?>
eVAR Dor. KAdpoc.
*COMP KAnpo-vopos ‘heir’ (IA; Dor. also kAGpo-), whence -vopéw, -vopia, -vouuKdc,
etc; d-KAnpos ‘without lot, without inheritance, poor’ (A 490); but vat-KAnpos,
-khapos arose by dissimilation from vadkpapos (s.v. » vavKANpoc). One also derived
OA6-KANpos ‘complete’ (IA) from *6A6-Kpapocg (Debrunner Phil. 95 (1943): 174ff.),
but it was rather derived from the present entry, see den Boer Mnem. 3:13: 1436.
*DER Diminutives xAnpiov (AP, pap.), Dor. xAdpiov ‘notes for debt’ (Plu. Agis 13);
kAnptkdc [adj.] ‘belonging to the KAfjpoc’ (Vett. Val.); denominative verb KAnpdw,
KAapdw [v.] ‘to cast lots, choose by lot’, med. ‘to draw lots, obtain by lot’ (IA, Dor.),
whence KArpwots ‘election by lot’, xAnpwrtrptov ‘urn for casting lots, room for
voting’, kAnpwtdc ‘who is elected by lot’ (IA).
eETYM Originallly a shard of stone or a piece of wood that was used as a lot. Formally
identical with a Celtic word for ‘plank, etc.’: Olr. cldr, OW claur; also, as an
expression of the cartwright Bret. kleur ‘pitch-fork of a wagon’. However, the
relationship is doubtful for semantic reasons. The word is usually connected with
> KAdw ‘to break off, with the same ablaut grade as in » kAijpa, but see doubts s.v.
KAfjots ‘call’. «VAR KAntip, KAntwp ‘herald, witness’, etc. = kahéw.
KAtBavoc [m.] ‘baker’s oven’, properly an earthenware or iron pot, less wide on top
and provided with air holes, in which bread was baked; metaph. of comparable
objects, e.g. ‘pot for drawing water, rock hole, etc. (Hdt. Epich., LXX, pap. NT).
<PG?(V)> :
*VAR Also KpiBavoc [m.] (com.), KpiBavov [n.] (Str., Ael.), probably with A > p, see
Schwyzer: 259.
*DER Mostly from KAtB-: KAtBavios, -tKd¢ ‘of the baker’s oven’ (pap.), -tov ‘oven for
baking’ (pap.), -itn¢ (dptoc) ‘bread baked ina «.’ (com.), xpiBavwtdc “(bread) baked
in an oven’ (Alcm. 20, Ar.), kpiBavac: mAakodvtac tivac ‘flat cakes’ (H.); KAtBaveve
‘baker’, -eiov ‘bakery’ (pap.). Hypostasis émucAtBaviocg (Sed) ‘ruling over the oven’
(Carneades). KAtBavaptoc (IV?) is from Lat. clibandrius (thus Frisk; short i acc. to
DELG) ‘armored knight’, and may derive from the soldiers’ language, or perhaps it is
after Aram. tantir ‘oven, armor’, cf. Schwyzer: 39. Acc. to Rundgren Orientalia
Suecana 6 (1957): 49f., the Latin word has nothing to do with the Greek group, but
derives from MP griban ‘coat of arms’ (comparing griva-pdana- ‘neck-protector’).
716 KAivw
*ETYM A technical loan in -avoc (see Chantraine 1933: 200 and Schwyzer: 489f.), of
unknown origin. Unconvincing proposals: Walde 1910 s.v. libum suggested
connection with the Germanic word for ‘loaf of bread’, Go. hlaifs, etc. as a loan from
the north; Lewy 1895: 105f. proposed Semitic origin. It is unknown whether p or A is
original; Fur.: 387 lists the words among examples of the interchange of p and ) in
Pre-Greek words. Substrate origin is probable.
KAivw [v.] ‘to bend, incline, lean on, sink’ (II). 15 *klei- ‘lean’>
eVAR Aor. KAivat (IL), pass. KAtOFvat (Od.), KAtvOFvat (IL); see Chantraine 1942:
404’, Schwyzer: 761; also KAtvijvat (Att.), probably for *kAt-fivai, see Schwyzer 760;
fut. KAiv@ (Att.), perf. med. xékAipat (II.), to which act. xéxAika (Plb.).
eDIAL Myc. ki-ri-ta-de, /klitas-de/ [acc.pl.], ki-ri-ta-i /klita"i/ [dat.-loc.pl.], see Meier-
Briigger Glotta 68 (1990): 167.
*COMP Very frequent with prefix, e.g. dva-, kata-, Mapa-, év-, d70-.
°DER 1. From the root with suffix -6-: » ducdidec [f.] ‘two-winged [doors], éykAic: 1
KaykedAwtt) Ovpa ‘railed door’ (EM); mapa-, éy-KAld6v ‘turning aside, inclining’
(Od.). 2. From a prefixed present, with ending after the s-stems (Schwyzer: 513):
Kata-, éMl-, Am0-, Ek-, Ovy-KALvI¢, etc. ‘bending downwards, slanting, etc.’ (Hp., A.),
to which ém«Aiv-e1ra (Heliol. Med.), ovykAtv-ict [pl.] (Plu.). 3. Compounds with
suffix -tn-: mapa-, ovy-KAi-t1)¢ ‘who lies beside or together [at the table]’ (X, Plu.),
éti-KAlv-try¢ ‘moving to the side’ (Arist.). 4. kAettb¢ (also KXitUs after KAtvw), -boc
[f.] ‘slope, hill’ (Il.), on the notation see Schwyzer: 5067). 5. KAitog [n.] (A. R. 1, 599),
KAitog [n.] (Lyc., LXX, AP) ‘slope, side’. 6. kAiotc, mostly in prefixed compounds, e.g.
ava-, Katd-, amd-KAtoic ‘leaning back, etc.’ (IA). 7. KAipa [n.] ‘inclination, slope,
quarter, land’ (with Hell. i for et, see Schwyzer: 523), also éykAt-ua, etc. (Arist);
thence KAwatiac ‘inclining’ (Heraclit, Amm. Marc.), kAatikdg ‘belonging to a
given compass point’ (Vett. Val.). 8. «Aipak, -aKog [f.] ‘staircase, ladder, climax, etc.’
(Od.), whence kAtpaktov (IA), -ic (Att. inscr., Hell.), cAtwakioKxot maAatoua toidv “a
kind of grip in wrestling’ (H.); «AmwakiCw [v.] ‘to use the grip called KAipag& in
fighting’, metaph. ‘to bring down’ (Att.); KAwaxwtdc (Plb.), -wd1¢ (Str.) ‘like a
stairway’ also KAiwak-tHp ‘rung of a ladder’ (IA), ‘critical point of a man’s life’
(Varro), to which kAwaktnpikds, -trypitw (Gell, Vett. Val.); on the formation of
kAipak (with t from KAtvw analogical for *k\ei-ua) Rodriguez Adrados Emerita 16
(1948): 133ff; on KAwaKthp Chantraine 1933: 327f. 9. KAtopdg ‘armchair’ (Il, Ion.
poet.), whence KAtopiov, -dKtov (inscr., Call.), ‘inclination, slope’ (Arist.). 10. ava-
Kd8pov ‘back of a chair’ (Ptol.). 11. KAita: otoai ‘roofed colonnade, storehouse’,
kAitav (kal tav cod.): otodv (H.), originally “leaning”; thence KAtoia, Ion. -in ‘pile
dwelling, barracks, chapel; armchair, resting place, tomb’ (II.), «Aiotov ‘annex, stoa’
(w 208, Delos III*), ‘annex, shed, chapel’ (Lys., Paus.); often written kAetoiov (inscr.),
also kAetoia [f.] ‘tavern’ (epic), perhaps by adaptation to KAeiw ‘to lock’; thence
kAetordadecg (Ovpat) ‘doors of the KA(e)oia, of the KA(ejtoiov’ (Hdt., Ph, D. H., Plu.)
details on «Atoin in Frisk Eranos 41 (1943): soff., Scheller 1951: 61. 12. (y-,
ék-)kAttiK6¢ ‘inflecting, etc.” (gramm.); to (y-, €k-)kAtoic. From the present: 13.
kXivy ‘layer, bed, litter’ (IA), cf. Chantraine 1933: 192, whence KAtvic, -idtov, -iov,
-dplov (com.), KAiveloc ‘belonging to a KAivi7? (D.), -pijc ‘censorius’ (Ph., J.); as a
KAOvoG 717
second member in oby-KAtvog ‘bedfellow’ (Men.). 14. KAtvtrp, -fjpoc [m.] ‘id? (Od.),
whence kAtvtiptov, -idtov, -ickog (Ar.), dvakAtv-trp ‘neighbour at table’ (Ps.-
Callisth.); napaxdiv-twp ‘id’ (AP); ava-, énti-KAtv-tpov ‘back of a chair, etc.’ (Erot. in
Poll., Ar., inscr., etc.).
*ETYM The yod-present KAtvw < *klin-je/o- (a Greek innovation) goes back to an
older nasal present, which is found in various forms: Lat. clindre ‘to bend’, Gm., e.g.
OS hlinén, OHG hlinén > MoHG lehnen ‘to lean’, Balt., e.g. Latv. sliet, 1sg. slienu,
Eastern Lith. slifiti, sg. Slinu ‘to lean’, Av. srinu-, ptc. srita- ‘to lean’ ( Arm. linim ‘to
become, be’, given by Frisk, is now derived from *k”el(h,)- ‘to turn’).
On the question of what the original form of the nasal present was (*kli-n-eH-, *kl-n-
i-, vel sim.), see LIV’ s.v. Indo-Iranian and Baltic have a thematic root present, Skt.
Srayati = OLith. (also dialectal) Slejit ‘to lean’. The nasal, which was originally only
presentic, conquered the entire inflexion in Latin and Germanic, but did not reach
the perfect in Greek (xéxAttay cf. Skt. sisriyé). The Greek nominal derivations are
innovations except for the following: the to-ptc. (4)-KAttog = Skt. sritd-, Av. srita-
‘leaning’, KAioig which is formally equal to Lith. Slitis “shove-shed’, kAitov, which
matches OHG lit ‘cover’ and MoE eye-lid. The full grade of xAet-tU¢ is found, e.g., in
ON hid [f.] ‘slope’.
kAotdc [m.] ‘collar for dogs, iron collar for prisoners’ (com., E. Cyc., X., Babr.). <PG?>
*VAR Also KAwoc (Ar. V. 897, E. Cyc. 235).
eDER KAolwtij¢- 6 Seouwrigs ‘prisoner’; KAoiwtd- Secpoic StetAnpéeva ‘arrested in
chains’ (H.).
*ETYM Probably from a preform *kléwjé-, but without a good connection. Often
connected to «Asi ‘key’. Alternatively, the word could be Pre-Greek.
kAOvic, -tog [f.] Shaunch’ (Antim. 65). <IE? *klouni- ‘buttocks, hip’>
*DER KAdviov-: ioxiov, paxic, Oogts ‘hip-joint, chine, loins’ and KAowotip-
TLaApaprplos Edxatpa, tapicxtov ‘dagger worn at the hips’ (H.), cf. Lat. cliindc(u)lum
‘cultrum sanguinarium ..., quia ad clunes dependet’ (Paul Fest. 50).
eETYM The word resembles an old IE word for ‘buttock, hip’, found in Skt. sréni-,
Lat. cliinis, MW clun, ON hlaun, Lith. slaunis, all from IE *klouni-. Phonetically,
kAowg cannot be combined with these forms, but the word may have been folk-
etymologically adapted to KAdvoc (sch. A. Pr. 499: ag’od Kai KAOwG dvonaCeTat Sia
TO detkiviytov, scil. cops has been compared). Cf. Schulze 1892: 105" and Schwyzer:
38’; doubts in Pok. 608. Different hypotheses in Petersson IF 35 (1915): 269ff. and
Holthausen IF 62 (1956): 157.
kAdvoc [m.] ‘excitement, throng, turmoil (of battle) (I1.), on the mg. see Triimpy 1950:
157f. < PG?>
*COMP Rarely in compounds, e.g. &-«Aovoc ‘without excitement, quiet’ (Gal.), of the
pulse.
eDER Denominative kAovéw [v.] ‘to excite, urge’, pass. ‘be pressed, get in excitement’
(Il.), mostly present, also with prefixes like bmo-, ovv-, émi-; thence KAdvnotc
‘excitement’ (Hp.).
718 korn
*ETYM Mostly derived from xéAopat, with a formation KA-dvoc that is also assumed
in » 8pdvoc. This explanation is doubtful: words in -ovoc are rare, and the analysis of
Opdvoc is also uncertain. Rather a Pre-Greek word.
kAon ‘theft’, etc. = KAéntw.
kAotoretw [v.] only T 149 together with Statpiperv; the mg. was uncertain already in
antiquity, cf. kAotomeverv- TapahoyilecBat, anata, KAEWyapEiv, oTpayyev_ecBat ‘to
misreckon, deceive, seek illicit love, loiter’ (H.), who further cites kAotonevti¢
sEadAaKtns, draCwv ‘vagrant, charlatan’. < PG(S)>
*ETYM Kuiper Glotta 21 (1933): 287ff. thought that the word was Bie Greek, and
compared tyep-on-ebw for the suffix *-op-. The suggestion in DELG, that it is a
cross of KAémtw, KAOmN and tdrtoc, tondCw, is useless.
KAtvBpatic [f.] plant name = éAkivn, ‘bindweed, Convulvulus arvensis and Smilax
aspera’ (Nic., Dsc.). <PG(V)>
*VAR By-form KkovAvpdteta [f.] (Nic.), perhaps for *koAvBateta? See Fur. 181. Cf.
also KoAbpBatos [f.] a plant (Gp.) and koAvpBac, -dd0¢ = otoiBr (Gal. 14, 18).
*ETYM Fur.: 207 further compares KAtpevov (Dsc. 4, 14) with dissimilation B-v > p-v.
The inserted -o- may derive from PG *a, i.e. a pre-form *k(a)lu(m) p-at-.
KAvtw [v.] ‘to wash (away), clean’, pass. (intr.) ‘to wash, surge, drench’ (Il.). <IE
*kluH-, *kleHu- ‘wash, purify’>
eVAR Iter. ipf. kAUCeckov (¥ 61), aor. pass. KAvo@ijvat (I].), fut. rAvo(o)w (h. Ap. 75;
Pi.), aor. act. kAvoat (IA), perf. céxAvKa, KéKAVOPAL (Att.).
eCOMP Often with prefix, e.g. ém-, KaTa-, TEpt-, TpOO-.
*DER KAbvotc ‘washing’ (Hp.), mostly to the prefixed verbs: énixAvotc, etc. (IA);
kAvoua (also KataKAvoua, etc.) ‘liquid by which something is rinsed, clyster’, also
‘surge, shore’ (IA); KAvopdtiov, -patikédg (Hp.); (émt-, Kata-, etc.)KAvOUds
‘inundation, etc.’ (IA); kAvotiip, -fipos [m.] ‘clyster-pipe’ (Hdt.), whence -trptov,
-tnpidtov. Further ovy-xAvc, -do¢ ‘washed together, thrown together’ (Th., Pl.),
KAvd-a [acc.sg.] ‘beating of the waves’ (Nic. Al. 170; perhaps an archaizing
innovation), KAbd-wv, -wvocg [m.] ‘undulation, surf, turmoil’ (u 421), KAVS@wov (A.,
E.), KAvdwv-iGopat [v.] ‘to be thrown around by the waves’ (LXX, J.), kAvdwvicpdg
(Hdn.), -topa (Suid.). Expressive enlargement (2y-, ovy-)kAvdaCopau ‘to splash, etc.’
(Hp.), -attouat (D. L.), to which KAvdacpdc, (ey)KAddakic, éyxAvdaotiKdc (Hp.).
Further kAvddw ‘to be soaked, soft, moldable’ (Arist.), of otaic, mnAdc, probably after
prvddw.
*ETYM The present KAv(w is either derived from nominal forms with -6- (KAvéda,
KAbdwv), ie. denominative *klud-je/o-, or arose as an independent enlargement in
-¢w, in which case kAvdwv, etc. should be analyzed as back-formations (which is the
preferable explanation). Germanic also had an JE enlargement in *-d-, e.g. Go.
hlutrs, MoHG lauter < *klid-ro-, but we find forms without -d- in Celtic, Latin, and
Baltic: W clir ‘clear, pure’ < *kli-ro-, and OLat. cluere ‘to purify’ (hapax Plin. 15, 119),
clodre ‘id’ (glossed in Servius, hapax), the reconstruction of which is debated (see
the discussion in De Vaan 2008 on the derivation of clo(u)aca ‘subterranean drain,
Krwlw 719
sewer’). For Lith. sluoti, 1sg. slo ju “to weap, wipe’, one would like to reconstruct PIE
*kloHu-. In Greek, there is no evidence for long 6, which also makes a reconstruction
*kleHu-, *klHu- preferable. Greek would have generalized the zero grade *klHu-
(which under certain conditions, apparently, did not undergo metathesis to *kluH-).
kAbw [v.] ‘to hear, understand, obey’ (Il.), also (with eb, xaxdc) ‘to have a (good or
bad) reputation’ (trag.). <1 *kleu- ‘hear’>
eVAR Pres. since Hes. Op. 726; aor. &kAvov (Il.); athem. ‘tiie ipv. KADOL, -te (Hom.,
Pi, trag.), KékAvOl, -te (Hom.), also KékAbKe (Epich. 190), ptc. KAbpEvos ‘famous’
(Antim., Theoc.), PNs KAtpevoc, KAvpévn (Hom.).
eCOMP Rarely with prefixes é7t-, b1t0-.
*DER kAvtdc [m.] (also [f.], see Schwyzer 1950: 32°) ‘famous’ (Il.), often as a first
member, e.g. KAvTO-tokos ‘with famous bow’ (of Apollo), xAvté-mwAog ‘with famous
foals’ (of Hades); also KAvtat-urjotpa, -pn (Il.), with second member derived from
unotwp, and the first member reshaped after Kpatat-, TlaAat-, etc. (see Schwyzer:
448, Sommer 1948: 147’). With different ablaut kAevtdc¢ ‘famous’ (Hom., Pi.) from
*«Xefetdc (see below).
eETYM The present kAbw is an innovation of the thematic root aorist kAvov, which
corresponds to Skt. sruvam [aor.]. Both languages innovated this thematic aorist
from an older athematic aorist, which is still seen in Hom. ipv. kAdO, -te and pte.
kAtuevoc. An exact counterpart of AiO (which is always verse-initial and has
metrical lengthening for *«AO) is Skt. Srudhi. In Greek, kAbte was innovated after
KAO, perhaps for older *kAedte = Skt. srdta. Reduplicated xéxAvOt, -te may be
innovations after tétAGOt, etc.
The to-ptc. kAvtd¢ seems to be an old formation, preserved in several languages, e.g.
Skt. Srutd- ‘heard’, Lat. in-clutus famous’, Arm. lu ‘known’, Olr. cloth [n.] ‘fame’, PIE
*klu-to- (Gm. words like OHG hlat ‘loud’ and ON hiljéd ‘hearing, etc. continue a full
grade formation *kleu-t6-). The forms *KAefetéc > KAettéc (cf. Schwyzer: 502) and
the old verbal noun »KAégoc continue an ablauting full grade *kleu-eto-. The other
languages have various present formations, e.g. a nasal present in Skt. syndti, Av.
surunaoiti, ToB kalnem ‘to resound’; note the stative in Lat. cluére ‘to be called’.
Further, Greek has a denominative «\€w ‘to celebrate, praise’; see on » KA€oc.
KAwBdc [m.] ‘bird-cage’ (AP, Babr.). <Lw Sem.>
eVAR Also kAovubdc (POxy. 1923, 14 [V-VI?], where mg. uncertain, Tz., gloss.).
*DER Diminutive kAwfiov (-ov-) ‘small cage, twined basket’ (Hdn. Epim., pap.).
*ETYM A Semitic loan; cf. Hebr., Syr. k‘lib ‘bird-cage’. See Lewy 1895: 129, Grimme
Glotta 14 (1925): 19, and E. Masson 1967: 108+.
KA@btc [m.] - KAENTHs ‘thief (H.). <2>
eETYM Unknown. Latte thinks it could be a mistake for >» kvwy.
KAwtw [v.] ‘to cackle, clack’ (D., Alciphr., Poll.). <ONOM>
*VAR Only present stem; also kA@oow (Suid. s.v. pwAdc, uncertain, perhaps a back-
formation from khwypoc, see Debrunner IF 21 (1907): 248).
*DER kKAwypldoc (Cratin., X.), also KAwopds (Ph. 2, 599 beside -y-, Harp.) ‘cackling’.
720 KAWBw, -opat
*ETYM For Aw, cf. cAdCw (> KAayyr}) and, on the other hand, » kpwtw. Like these,
kAwlw is onomatopoeic.
kA@Bwa, -opat [v.] ‘to spin’ (II.). < PG?>
eVAR Aor. KA@oat, -Woac8a (QO 525 and Od.), pass. KAwoOijvar (PL), KéxAwopat
(com., LXX); kAwokw (H.), cf. Schwyzer: 708.
*COMP Also with prefix, especially ém-.
*DER kA@Oec [f.pl.] ‘spinsters’ (1] 197), KAw®w [f.] “the spinster”, one of the Moirai
(Hes.); kAwotnp; -fpos [m.] ‘yarn, clew, spindle’ (Att., Theoc., A. R.), kAwotrplov
‘band, yarn’ (Ostr. 1525 [?], Suid.); kAwotd&c [m.] ‘spinner’ (Sparta); kA@opa ‘thread,
clew’ (LXX, Nic.), kA@otc ‘id.’ (Lyc.), ‘spinning’ (Corn., M. Ant.).
*ETYM The supposed connection with » ka4AaQo¢ ‘basket’ cannot be supported in any
way. Connection with Lat. colus ‘distaff has also been considered (see WH s.v. and
colum). The word is probably Pre-Greek.
KAwkvdd [adv.] - 16 Kabijo8au én duqotépoic mociv ‘to be placed or seated on both
feet’ (H.). < PG?>
eETYM DELG reminds us of dkAdCw, but the word can hardly be cognate with this. It
could be Pre-Greek.
KAG@pak, -aKog [m.] ‘heap of stones, rock’ (Lyc. 653). <PG(S,V)>
*DER KAwpaKdeooa ‘stony, rocky’ (B 729), of 18wun.
*ETYM Formation like Ai®ak, BoAaE, etc. (see Chantraine 1933: 379). It is usually
connected with KAdw (KAA, KAdpoc) ‘to break’, by assumption of a verbal noun
*«A@pLo¢ ‘crack, split’ and comparison with mepixexAaopévosg ‘lying on uneven, rocky
grund’, said of témot, 1t6Aetc, oikiat (Plb.). This is unlikely, especially given the by-
forms kp@pak ‘id’, KpwuaKdetc: KprVWwSn¢ ‘precipitous’ (H.), Kpwuaxwtdc¢ (Eust.
330, 40; Paphlagonian). Belardi Doxa 3 (1950): 210 connected it to Lat. grimus ‘heap
of earth, hill as a word from the Aegaean substrate (i.e. Pre-Greek). The form with p
could show Pre-Greek variation p/ \ as well.
KA@v, -wvd¢ [m.] ‘sprout’ (Att.). <PG(V)>
*DER Diminutives KAwviov, -idtov, -aptov, -ioxocg (Thphr,, Hell. inscr., Gp.), further
kAwvitne ‘with sprouts’ (Hdn.), kA@vak = KAddoc (H.), KAwvitw [v.] ‘to clip’ (Suid.).
*ETYM Not from *kAa-wv (Schwyzer: 521), as a sprout can hardly be called ‘broken’.
Kuiper 1956: 221f. connected the word with » kAddoc ‘branch’. See further » KAdw.
KA@OoW = KAwCW.
KwéAeOpa [n.pl.] ‘beam’ (Pamphil. apud EM 521, 34, H.). <PG?>
eETYM The resemblance to »uéAabpov can hardly be accidental and strongly
suggests substrate origin. Cf. on » kaydpa.
KvadaAAetat = -Kvalw.
-kvaiw [v.] ‘to scrape, scratch’ (Hp., trag. [lyr.], Att.). <1IE? *kneh,- ‘scratch, plane’,
PG?>
KVGMTWw 721
eVAR Only with prefixes d1a-, dmo-, éx-, Kata-Kvaiw; Att. inf. kvijv, Kvijo8at (also
exists as a simplex), 1 and 3sg. pres. kv@, Kvfj, ipf. émti ... vi) (A 639), also Kvav
(Hdt.), kvao8a, kva (Hell.); further «viOw (Arist., Hell.), also with kata-, év-, émt-,
etc. Non-presentic forms: -Kvaioat, -Kvoio8ijvat, -Kvaiow, -Kexvatopévoc (Ar. E.
[lyr.], Pl, Theoc.); more usual (both as a simplex and in compounded verbs) is
Kvijoat, Dor. kvacato [opt.med.] (Theoc.), cvno8fvat, kvijow, kékvnopat (TA).
*DER Action nouns: 1. kvijotc ‘scratching, tickling’ (Pl.), whence kvyjotdw [v.] ‘to wish
to tickle’ (Ar., Pl.), also kvnotidw ‘id. (Gal, Jul.), after other verbs in -t1dw; kvnbiaw
‘id’ (Hdn., EM), after kviOw (cf. Schwyzer: 732). 2. kvijopa ‘id.” (Hp., X.), rarely
Kvia; 3. Kvtjopovn ‘id’ (medic.), cf. mia: movi, etc; 4. Kvnopds ‘id.’ (Hp.,
Arist.), Kvnowwdns ‘affected with itching’ (Hp., Arist. Str.). 5. kvnOudc ‘itching’
(Nic.). Agent nouns and instruments: 6. kvijotic [f.] ‘knife for scratching, cheese-
grater’ (A 640, Nic., Opp.), also ‘spine’ (x 161; cf. » dkvnotic s.v.), perhaps from
*«vijotys [m.]; 7. «vnotip ‘scratching knife’ (Nic.). 8. kvnjotic -id0¢ [f.] ‘hollow
hairpin’ (Plu.). 9. kvijotpov ‘stinging plant, Daphne oleoides, 9vpedaia’ (Hp., Dsc.);
Kvnotpiov ‘scraper’, (Edict. Diocl.). 10. kvnottKdc [adj.] ‘scratching, itching’ (sch.).
eETYM Of the presents, «vrjOetv may be an innovation from Kkvijoat, etc. after mAfjoau:
TANOw, Afjoot: ArOw, etc; ‘the pair Kvijv: kvateww matches the formation of the
semantically close wijv: watetv ‘to rub, etc.’; -<vaiw is probably secondary. The form
«viv, which originally was probably athematic (see Schwyzer: 675f. and Chantraine
1942: 297 and 307), is usually connected with Baltic, Celtic and Germanic: e.g. Lith.
knoti ‘to peel, tear’ < athematic *kneh,-, OHG nuoen ‘to make smooth by scratching,
to make fit together’ and Olr. -cnd ‘to bite, gnaw’ < yod-present *kneh,-ie/o-.
It has not been proposed that the words could be Pre-Greek. We may compare
kvaddAAetar Kvietat (H.), to which belong, as variants, yyaqaAAov, yvopalov;
these are clearly Pre-Greek (see > kvdrtw). Is kvad- a variant of kvn9-? For kva6-,
no PIE pre-form can be reconstructed (cf. on » yva80c). The formation of kvijowv
‘scratcher’ (inscr. Delos II’, see DELG) is reflected in the Latin loan cndsonas [acc.pl.]
‘scratching nails’ (Paul. Fest. 52), which must have been borrowed from Hell.
*kvaowv (cf. the gloss kvaoat ddéoat, AvTijoat ‘to perish, grieve’ (H.), and see
Leumann Sprache 1 (1949): 207). Verbs with a formation in -aiw are further
unknown in Greek. See further >» kvéwpoc, > kyon, > Kv@dahov.
kvamntw [v.] ‘to card, comb, full (clothy as a technical term, also metaph. ‘to mangle,
tear to pieces’ (IA). <PG(V)>
eVAR Rarely xvdumtw, cf. » yvauntw and Giintert 1914: u5f., » yvantw (late Att,
Hell., Ion.).
DIAL Myc. ka-na-pe-u /knap*eus/.
*COMP Sometimes prefixed with dava-, ém-.
DER Late Att. has yv- for kv- in most derivatives: xvdqoc [m.] ‘fullers’ teasel’, also
‘tangle; carding comb (an instrument of torture)’ (Hdt, Hp., com.), kvagetc ‘fuller’
(IA), also as a fish name (Dorio; on the motive see Strémberg 1943: 93); kvagetov,
-iov ‘fuller’s shop’ (IA), kvagevtixr] (téxvn) ‘art of fulling’ (Pl), kvagpetw [v.] ‘to
ful? (Ar.) and, as a late feminine formation, kvagiooa ‘female fuller’ (pap.), see
Chantraine 1933: 110; kvagikdc ‘belonging to fulling’ (Dsc., pap.). yvayic ‘fulling’
722 Kvawy
(Pl), yvantwp = kvagevs (Man.). yvag~addov ‘cushion of wool’ (pap. and ostr.),
with yvapad(A)wdn¢ ‘like a y.’, yvapdaAdtov, -addic plant name ‘Diotis maritima’
(Dsc., Plin.), see Stromberg 1940: 105; also kvépaAAov ‘cushion’ (com. E.; vl. kvag-,
yvag-) and yvogadAov (Alc. Z 14, 8), beside [t6A8axov. Verbal adjectives: 4-yvartoc
(Pl. Com., Plu.) and d-yvagocg (NT, pap.) ‘unfulled, new’, éni-yvagoc ‘fulled again’,
of clothes (Poll.), to ém-yvantw.
*ETYM The initial sequence has been compared with > -Kvaiw, kvijv, > kvilw, > Kvbu;
the ending with partw, which also denotes a technical operation of the clothing
industry (kvda@ocg is reminiscent of pagr, etc.). The forms with yw cannot be
explained in an inherited word (even if they are mostly younger), so they point to
Pre-Greek origin. Note that Schwyzer: 414 unconvincingly took Kvantw as
assimilated from yvamtw, and also the typical o for a in yvé@aAAov (Alc.) and the ¢
in xvégpaddov, which can hardly be due to old ablaut (cf. Schwyzer: 343).
Outside Greek, a Celtic word for ‘fleece’ has been cited as cognate, e.g. MW cnaif
[m.], Olr. cnai [f.] < PCl. *knawi (cf. Matasovi¢ 2008, who considers a relationship
with PCl. *kna-ie/o- ‘to chew, bite’ probable); forms in Germanic and Baltic are
semantically farther away, e.g. ON *hnafa, pret. hnof ‘to cut off, Lith. knabénti ‘to
pick (with the beak)’. However, the variation «/ y, a/ o rather points to Pre-Greek
origin (not in Fur.). See » kvigr, > Kvow.
kvay [?] = ddAoc ‘piece of half-burned wood’ (Hdn. Gr. 1, 404). 42>
*ETYM Unknown.
kvégas [n.] ‘evening twilight, dusk, morning twilight’ (IL, X.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Gen. -aoc, -ouc, etc. (on the inflection Schwyzer: 514f.); secondary nom.acc.
kvégoc (H., Suid., Phot.), perhaps from xvéous, -el.
*DER Kvegatog ‘of the dusk, dark’ (trag., com., Hippon.); kvepatw [v.] ‘to become
dark’ (A. Ag. 131 [lyr.]).
eETYM Often connected with the Indo-Iranian word for ‘night’, Skt. ksdp-, Av. xsap-,
which belong with Hitt. ispant- ‘id’; nevertheless, it is unknown how this
comparison would work. The word »wégac is a rhyming formation; cf. also
> dvdgoc. The word is no doubt Pre-Greek, but the variation is not known from
other examples.
kvéwpog [m.] name of a stinging plant, ‘Daphne, Thymelaea’ (Thphr., Dsc., Plin., H.).
<GR>
eVAR Also -ov [n.]; cf. perhaps k<v>ewpetv- nacyntiav ‘to feel (unnatural) lust’ (H.),
as per Fraenkel Glotta 4 (1913): 42.
*ETYM Connected with xvijv, like synonymous xvijotpov. Perhaps from a pre-form
*kna-oro- (i.e. *kvij-ovpoc, containing the plant suffix -ovpoc), with quantitative
metathesis. See > -kvaiw.
Kv Ow = -Kvaiw.
kviqkos [f.] ‘safflower, Carthamus tinctorius’ (Hp., Arist., Thphr.). <?, 1? *knh,ko-
‘yellow (like honey, gold)’>
eDIAL Myc. ka-na-ko /knako-/.
KV LOG 723
eCcOMP As a first member e.g. in kvnko-@dpog ‘carrying safflower’ (pap.).
eDER Adjective kvnk6c, Dor. kvakdc ‘yellow, safflower-colored’, usually of a goat
(Thespis, S. Ichn. 358, Theoc. AP), but also of the wolf (Babr.). kvrjktov ‘clover,
odupovxov’ (Dsc., Ps.-Dsc.); kvaxwv, -wvoc [m.] ‘he-goat’ (Theoc.), kvaxiag [m.]
‘wolf (Babr.); kvrjktvoc ‘from safflower’ (pap., Dsc.), kvnkwdnc ‘safflower-like’
(Thphr.); kvnkitns (Ai80c) name of a yellowish stone (Hermes Trism.); kvnkic, -i50¢
[f.] ‘bleak spot’, especially in heaven (Call., Plu.), cf. knAic and Chantraine 1933: 347;
also name of akind of antelope (H.).
eETYM Skt. kdicana- [n.] ‘gold’, OPr. cucan ‘brown’, and the Germanic word for
honey, OHG honag, etc. resemble words for ‘yellow, etc.’ or yellowish material; but
the varying vocalism is unclear. The Greek word was probably originally an
adjective; the plant was probably (Schrader-Nehring 1917(2): 270) introduced from
Egypt. The appurtenance of the Skt. word is doubted by Mayrhofer EWAia s.v.
(nicht tiberzeugend erklart”), and a PIE paradigm cannot be reconstructed.
kvijun [f.] ‘part between knee and ankle, leg, shank’ (II.), ‘tibia’ (Gal., Ruf.), metaph.
‘stem between two joints’ (Thphr.), see Stromberg 1937: 48, ‘spoke of a wheel’ (Hom.,
etc. in compounds, Poll., Eust.). «IE *konh,-m, *knh.-m- ‘bone, tibia, shank’>
eVAR Dor. Kvaud.
ecOMP As a second member e.g. in Ox td-Kviog ‘with eight spokes’ (Il.), mayv-
kvtyHos ‘with thick shanks’ (Ar.). Substantivized hypostasis: dvticvi-tov [n.] ‘what
is over against the shank’, i.e. ‘tibia’ (IA).
*DER Kvmlic, -td0¢ [f] “greave’ (Il.), Aeol. kvayuc, kvaidec [pl.] (Alc.); also kvnpidta
[pl.] (Att. inscr. mg. uncertain); see Triimpy 1950: 19f. «vnjtia [f.] ‘spoke’ (Lys.),
plur. = ta tij¢ GudEnc mepiOéuata ‘what is put around the wheel’ (H.), etc; Kvnu-
(Yaioc ‘belonging to the shank’ (Hp., Gal.).
*ETYM kvauid corresponds with Olr. cndim ‘leg, bone’ (i-stem), both of which derive
from *knam- < IE *knh,m-. A different ablaut grade is found in a Germanic word for
‘shank, back of the knee’: OHG hamma, OE hamm, ON hom, which may have
assimilated from hanma-. We may therefore assume an ablauting paradigm nom.
*konh.-m(-), gen. *knh,-m-os, which was thematicized in different ways. On
> KVI]LLOG, see S.Vv.
kvnpdsg [m.] geographical term (Hom., h. Ap. 283, Orph. A. 465), e.g. "ISng év kvnotot
(il.), mg. uncertain, probably ‘projecting part, shoulder of a mountain’; Snudotoc
Kvnpldg ‘public grove’ (TAM 2: 1, 64, Telmessos; not quite certain); also = dpiyavoc
(Arg., Eust. 265, 40). <IE? *knh,-m-, *konh,-m- ‘mountain-forest’>
*DER Denominative KkvnpiWoat mepty@oat, ppdtat, POeipat, KAgioat, eADeiv ‘to be
exceedingly angry, fence in, destroy, enclose, come’; kvnpotpiat- pOeipouat ‘perish’,
KvnwOivat- pPapivat ‘id’, dtexvnu@oato- diépOeipe ‘ruined completely’ (H.). In
the sense ‘encircle, etc.’ cf. kvnttdc ‘grove’; in the sense of pOeipat it remains unclear
(cf. kvnttiat- pOopai ‘destruction’ H.).
eETYM The meaning of kvnpdc recalls MoLG hamm ‘mountain forest’ (cf. Fick KZ 21
. (1873): 368), but this word rather belongs with MLG ham “fenced in piece of land’,
MoLG hamme ‘fenced in field’, and therefore can be explained differently.
724 KVi}V, KVFOTIG
Connection with xvi as “shank of a mountain” (Eust. 1498, 42 explains it as ‘what
is above the foot’) remains uncertain.
KVi}V, KViJOTLG = -Kvalw.
Kvn [f.] ‘itch’ (LXX De. 28, 27, H. s.v. Edopta, Suid. s.v. Appoditn). <PG?>
*DER Kv Paw = prurio (gloss.).
eETYM Connected with xvijv ‘to scratch, itch’ with a suffix --, for which one
compared > akaAnpn. Direct connection with kvagoc, » kvantw is improbable. Note
kvigea: kvidac (H.), with an -t- that is explainable by analogy with kvidn, > Kvilw.
The word oxvijgat (probably for akaAf@at) as an explanation for kvida (H.) is
doubtful; if it is correct, we may compare oxvip beside kviy for the variation.
Kvidn [f.] ‘nettle, sea-nettle’ (Hp., Arist, Theoc.). < PG?>
*DER Kvidetoc ‘of a Kvidi? (Theognost.); kwdatat (kvnd- cod.): Sakvetal, tows amd
Tij¢ mdac ‘be stung, perhaps by a grass’ and kvwid@vtec (-dovtec cod.)- Kvidy
Lactiyovvtec ‘whipped by a nettle’ (H.); kwdwoets [pl.] ‘itching, caused by a nettle’
(Hp.), as if from *xviddéw; cf. the numerous formations in -(w)otc in medical and
technical terms. See Chantraine 1933: 284ff.
*ETYM Taken with »xvilw ‘to scratch, sting’; yet the t of xvid is long, which may
point to Pre-Greek origin. See » kvioa.
«viCw [v.] ‘to scratch, pound, chop up, provoke’ (Pi. IA). <1E? *knid- ‘scratch’>
eVAR Aor. Kvioal, pass. kvioBijvau, fut. kviow, perf. pass. KEKVLOLLAL.
*DIAL Dor. aor. kvi€au (Pi.).
eCOMP Also with prefix, e.g. dmo-, kata-, Dm0-.
*DER Kvloyloc, Kviopla “scratching, provocation, etc.’ (Ar.), amdkviopta ‘piece’ (Ar.),
ané-, émi-Kviotc ‘scratching’ (Thphr.). As a back-formation *kvic, acc. kvida (Opp.),
plur. kvidec (LXX) ‘nettle’, kvifa ‘id’ (gloss.). Compound with a verbal (aoristic)
second member 1A6-kvicos ‘desirous’ (AP), also kwiodtepog (Ath. 12, 549).
eETYM The basis is kw6- or kwit-, aor. Kvio-, which points to a root that seems to be
found in Baltic and Germanic verbs, e.g. Latv. knidét ‘to itch, geminate, creep’, ON
hnita, pret. hneit ‘to push against’, both from root final *-d- (also in MIr. cned
‘wound’ < *knida). A root-final -t- (which may also be continued by the Greek
forms) is found as well, e.g. in Lith. knisti, sg. knintu, pret. knitati, ‘to scratch, itch,
tickle’; a root-final -s- occurs in Lith. 1sg. knist ‘to grub up’. The forms »xvidn,
> kvioa, with a long vowel, are probably not cognate.
kvioa [f.] ‘steam and odor of fat, smell and savor of burnt sacrifice, fat caul’ (IL, Arist.,
Hell.). <1E? *kniHd-s- ‘fumes’>
VAR Epic kvion; also Kvicog [n.] (Com. Adesp. 608, sch.), after Atrtog, etc.
*COMP ToAb-Kvicos ‘with rich smell of the sacrifice’ (A. R.).
DER KVLOT|ELG (K 10, Pi.), KvIowtdc (A. Ch. 485), kwiorpdc (Achae. 7) ‘smelling of fat’,
kviowdne ‘id., fat’ (Arist. Gal.), kvioahéog (H.), kwodc (Ath. 3, 115e), = Kvtorjetc.
Denominative verbs: kviodw ‘to fill with the smell of fat’ (E., Ar.), kviodoptat ‘to be
changed into the smell of fat’, -6w ‘to give the smell of fat’ (Arist., Ph.).
KvvCa 1 725
*ETYM Often compared with Lat. nidor [m.] ‘smell of roasted meat, vapor, smoke’,
which may continue *knidds. This points to a neuter s-stem *knid-s-h, [n.pl.] for
kvion, whence secondarily kvioa (Solmsen 1909: 238), so it is ultimately from IE
*knidos- [n.] (cf. on » poy). Close to this form is ON hniss [n.] ‘strong smell, bad
taste in eating’, from IE *knid-to-. This word belongs to hnitan ‘to push against’ (cf.
Go. stigqan ‘to push’ = OHG stincan ‘to stink’), and one assumes a comparable
origin for nidor and xvioa, ie. connection with » kviGw. However, for kvidn, Kvioa,
and nidor we have to start from a form with long vowel, which is quite problematic
for IE.
kviy, Kvimdg [m.] name of unknown insects (small ants acc. to Arist. Sens. 444b 12),
that infest several trees and plants (Ar. Arist., Thphr., LXX). <PG?>
eVAR Also oxviy, oxvintds, plur. also oxvigec. ,
eCOMP As a first member in kwito-Adyos [m.] name of a woodpecker, oxwito-payoc
‘eating oxvimec (Arist.).
*DER kvimtetog ‘belonging to a xvi’ (Zos. Alch.). Several expressive words have been
put in connection to xviy, oxviy, rarely found in literature, that indicate especially
avarice or different eye diseases: kvitdc (AP), oxwmdc (Anon. in EN, H.), oxwpdc¢
(Phryn.) ‘niggard’; xvutevw [v.] ‘to be stingy’ and kwteia (Doroth. Astrol.); further
in the mg. ‘feeble-mindedness, etc.’ kvitég (Semon.), oxwdg (H.), bm6-oKvutos,
-OKW@os, -oxvi@os ‘slightly short-sighted’ (pap.), kvind- mtiAn “[female] suffering
from a disease of the eyelids’ (H.); with xvitét19¢ ‘eye-inflammation’ (Hp. Loc. Hom.
13, Erot.), kvutdoztat [v.] ‘to be inflamed, of the eyes’ (H. in kexwitutévon), also ‘to be
infested with mildew’, of fruits’ (H. ib.). Beside the names for eye diseases, etc., there
are expressions for ‘dark’: oxvigaiog (v.l. -matoc) adjunct of 6dit1¢ ‘who walks in the
darkness’ (Theoc. 16, 93), perhaps after kvepaioc; oxvipoc: TO oKdtTos ‘darkness’ (H.).
Further two denominatives: kvuteiv- oeietv, Everv péha8pa Kai doKxovc ‘to shake,
scratch or scrape balks and beams’ (H.), perhaps originally of the kvirtec; oxvintetv-
voooetv ‘to pierce’ (H.).
*ETYM Formations rhyming with xvi, oxviy are » Opip and > ty. Both (o)kviy and
the words for ‘niggard’ could go back to the idea of pinching and stinging (cf.
>oxvintw). Perhaps the terms for diminished sight come from closing the eyes, or
perhaps from plant diseases caused by xvinec (see »>Kvutdopat). It has been
compared with words for ‘pinching, etc.’ in Baltic and Germanic, e.g. Latv. kniébt,
knipét, MLDu. nipen, but these are rather European substrate words. The whole
picture is that of a Pre-Greek word: very small animals, the long i, the variation 11/9,
prothetic o-.
kv6oc, kvoics [m.] ‘the grinding sound of the wheel against the axle’, also (A. Fr. 237)
‘the sound of feet when marching’; also (by confusion with yv6n) ‘axle-box, nave’
(H., Phot.). <?>
eETYM Not well attested and therefore hard to judge. It is most often considered to be
a full grade noun from > kvtw ‘to scratch’.
kvb(a 1 a plant. = Kdvula.
726 Kvvla 2
Kv0la 2 ‘scratch’. = kvbw.
kvvéouat [v.] ‘to whine, whimper’, of dogs and children (S., Ar., Theoc., Opp.,
Nonn.). <ONOM?>
VAR Also -Cdopat, -Copat; also act. -éw.
*COMP Rarely with mpoo-, b1to-.
*DER Kvut19pL6¢ ‘whining’, also of wild animals (1163, A. R., Opp., Ath.); kvitnpa
‘whimpering of children’ (Hdt., Him.).
eETYM Onomatopoeic; coincidental similarity with Lith. kniatikti ‘to miaow’. See
> KvUCOw. ,
kvvldw [v.]<IE? *kneu-g-, -k- ‘become somber’>
eVAR Only kvvlwow (v 401), kv0Gwoev (v 433), of the eyes of Odysseus, that, while
earlier meptkadAéa édvta, were made dim and dark by Athena.
eETYM The basic form seems to have been preserved in kvv(oi- oi Ta Spuyata
movobvtes ‘who have trouble with the eyes, xvufév. dépa éntvégedov Kai
Tvevpatwdn ‘cloudy and windy air’ (H., unclear Anacr. 87); cf. Biichner Herm. 75
(1940): 156’. Connection with xvia ‘scratch’, »kviw is quite probable; the
correspondence with kvu(doua is therefore probably accidental. A remarkable
parallel gives Lith. kniduktis ‘to get cloudy, cover oneself (of heaven), take a gloomy
aspect’ beside kniaikti ‘to miaow; niairas ‘cloudy, somber, troubled’ is comparable,
as well as ‘grumbling, nasalizing’, niauréti [v.] ‘to growl, of bears’. The word can be
of independent (onomatopoeic or other) origin or show semantic analogy; this can
hardly be decided.
«vbw [v.] ‘to scratch’ (Ar. Th. 481, Men. 1021). <1E? *knu- “scratch’?>
VAR TtEpt-K vbw ‘to scratch round about’ (Phot.).
*DER kvopa [n.] ‘scratching (Ar. Ec. 36, Gal. 19, 112) and ‘scratch’; kvvoc [n.] (Hes. fr.
KOBaAOG 727
yva8ou ‘jaws’, kvadadAetat: kviPetat ‘gnaws’.(H.) belong here too. The words do not
belong to Lith. kdndu ‘to bite’, as this is formally impossible (see on » yva8oc); they
are no doubt Pre-Greek, since kva6- cannot continue an IE pre-form. I am not sure
that xvwdak belongs with the other words. See also > kvwp.
kv@oow [v.] ‘to sleep, slumber’ (6 809). <?>
eVAR Only present stem.
*COMP Also with évt-, kata-.
*ETYM Like > ebdw, without etymology. Formally, cf. the opposite éyprjaow (A 551),
related to » éyeipw.
kv@y, kvwnds [m.] a wild animal, of snakes, etc. (Nic. Th.). <PG(V)>
*DER Kvwitevc¢: dpKtoc. viol KvoumTtEts ‘bear’ (H.); also kuvotmec: dpKtosg (for -ol?).
Makeddvec ‘bear (Maced.)’ (H.). Further also xtvwitetov ‘poisonous animal, snake’
(Call., Nic.), with anaptyctic vowel. :
*ETYM Not a cross of xvwSadov and another word (eg. Khow, Kvi, orp), as
suggested by Frisk. The variant forms point to a Pre-Greek word. On secondary
vowels in Pre-Greek, see Fur.: 383f.
Koaktrp [m.] name of a servant in the Spartan mysteries. = koiov.
KoaAEpos [m.] ‘blockhead’ (Ar., Plu.), also name of a demon of stupidity (Ar. Eq. 221).
<PG(V)>
°VAR Cf. Kkavahdc: pwpoddyoc ‘speaking like an idiot’ and xdahor- BapBapor
‘foreigners’ (H.).
eETYM Ending like in » idAeuoc; on the phonetics, see Schwyzer: 302. Bjérck 1950: 46
and 258 refers to onomatopoeic ko-. The word is clearly Pre-Greek because of the
variants. See » KdBadoc,
29, 1), kvboa [f.] (Herod. 7, 95 as a term of abuse; cf. deioa, 10Ea, etc.), kvita (Philox. Kod interjection imitating the croaking of frogs (Ar. Ra.). <ONOM>
Gramm. apud EM 523, 2, Eust.), cf. da, oxva, xvila, etc. Note the glosses in H. | *ETYM A sound imitation, like MoHG qua(c)k, quaken. Lat. coaxare [v.] ‘to croak’
Kvb80c¢: dkavOa puxpd ‘small thorn’, kvvO6v- opixpdv ‘small’ (cf. tutOdc, -6v and (Suet.) is probably a literary imitation of kod& (cf. WH s.v. coaxd). See > koi, > Koifw.
plant names in -80c, Chantraine 1933: 367f.); back-formation kvi- 10 éddytoTtov
‘smallest’, like ypd, Bpi. On » kvdoc, Kvods, see s.v.
eETYM Like in the case of »-kvaiw, Kvijv, > Kvdittw, »KviCw, words formally
comparable to kviw can be found in Germanic and Baltic: OHG hniuwan ‘to
squash’, ON hnjodda ‘to push, hit, etc’ < *kneu-, Latv. kniidu, and knistu ‘to itch’.
kéadot [m.pl.] - BapBapot ‘barbarians’ (H.). <PG>
*ETYM Perhaps related to » kavahdc or » KOBadoc. See » KOGA ELLOS.
k6BaBoc [m.] a vessel (PLond.). <PG>
*ETYM Fur.: 346 compares k0BeOpov ‘beehive’ (H.) and xtaOoc ‘vessel, scoop’. If
kvwdadov [n.] ‘wild or harmful animal’ (p 317). < PG> correct, the word is Pre-Greek.
*DER Kvwdadwdn¢ (Tz.). kvddak, -axoc [m.] ‘pin, pivot’, also ‘sockets for an axe’ KoPaktpa [n.pl.] - KoAaketpata, mavovpyrpata ‘pieces of flattery, knavery’ (H.).
(Hero, Ph. Bel.), kvwSdxkiov, kvwdaxilw [v.] ‘to hang on pivots’ (Hero). kvwdwv, <PG>
-ovtog [m.], plur. ‘teeth of a sword or a javelin’, sing. ‘sword’ (S., X.).
eETYM The pair kvwdadov : kvwdwv recalls pairs like dyKahn : dyKwv, Ouarde : Lat.
umbo6 (Chantraine 1933: 246). Given the meaning ‘teeth’, kvwdov-t- may well be | ae : poe ; ; ee :
secondary for *kvwdov- after d6ovt- (cf. Schwyzer: 526). Frisk assumed that KOPaoc [m.] ‘rogue, mischievous knave’, also (parodic) of mischievous genies (Ar.,
kva@dahov and kvwdwv, kvwdak go back to a verbal noun *«kvwd(o-) meaning ‘tooth, Arist. D. C.). Sd ; : ; sae
biter, gnawer’, belonging to kvijy, etc. (see -> kvaiw). The glosses kavador- oiaydovec, *VAR As an adjective kopahov, -a [n.] “knavish tricks’ (Pherecr., Ar.).
eVAR KGBak: navoipyos ‘crafty, knavish’ (H.).
*ETYM The element ka/of-ak- is clearly Pre-Greek.
728 KdBetpoc
*DER KoBaAeia (Din.), kobdAevpia (Et. Gen.) ‘roguery’; (€x)koBaAtkevouat [v.] ‘to
swindle, deceive’ (Ar. Eq. 270), kopadtkebpata [pl.] (Ar. Eq. 332), derived from
*koBadikdc (koBaAikotol is a conj. in Timocr. fr. 1, 7 Diehl). Also koBadetw [v.] ‘to
transport’ (pap., EM), MoGr. xovuBad@ ‘id.’, coBadtopds ‘transport’ (pap.).
eETYM Words from the vulgar language of comedy. Bjérck 1950: 46f. and 258f.
assumed an original meaning ‘porter, transport worker’, whence contemptible
‘rogue’. This original meaning would have been introduced into koine as a non-IA
element. Against connection with Lat. caballus (Grégoire Byzantion 13 (1938): 287ff;
cf. on KaBadAr¢), see Bjorck l.c. The word is probably Pre-Greek.
KdPetpog [adj.] - yehouaoti¢, okwrtrc, Aowoptoti, ‘jester, scoffer’ (H.). <PG(V)>
*VAR KOBetpa: yedota ‘jests’ [n.pl.] (H.).
eETYM Hemberg 1950: 326 refers to the grotesque pictures of the Kabeiroi in Thebes.
Since a may vary with o in Pre-Greek words (Fur. 341-5), our word must be identical
in origin with » KdBetpoc.
Koyxn [f.] ‘mussel, cockle’, also as measure and metaph. of several shell-like objects,
e.g. ‘hollow of the ear, knee-cap, brain-pan, case round a seal, knob of a shield, etc.’
(Emp., Epich., Sophr., IA). <PG?, Lw?>
eVAR Also Koyxog [m.,, f.].
*COMP Some compounds, e.g. koyxo-O8rpac [m.] ‘mussel-fisher’ (Epich.).
*DER 1. Diminutives xoyyiov (Antiph., Str.), koyxdptov (Str., Aret.). 2. Koyywtdc
‘provided with a knob’ (pap. III"). 3. koyxitn¢ (Ai80c) ‘shelly marble’ (Paus.). 4.
KoyyahiCev: nettointa amd tod iyou Tv Koyxwv ‘[a form] created after the sound
of the mussel-shell’ (H.), possibly after kpotaAiCetv: kpot-aha: Kpdtos (Frisk); 5. As a
back-formation Kdéy§ interjection, used for the sound of the sherd falling in the
voting urn, etc. (H.). 6. koyxiGw [v.] ‘to paint purple’, whence koyxtotij¢ ‘painter’ and
koyxtotikt ‘trade of purple-dyeing’ (PGrenf. 2, 87), for *koyyvAilu, etc. (see below).
7. koyxdAtov [n.] ‘mussel’, the animal and the shell, also ‘murex, purpura’ (Epich.,
Sophr., Hdt., Hp., Arist.), from koyyvAn (which only occurs as a v.l. in Ph. 1, 536 and
AP 9, 214); from KoyybAtov: KoyxvAiag (Ar.) and KxoyyvAlatnys¢ (X. Philostr.) =
koyxitns (Ai8oc), see Redard 1949: 56); KoyyvAlwdng ‘like a «. (Str.), KoyxybAtog
‘purple-colored’ (pap.), koyxvALatdc, -twtd¢ ‘painted with purple’ (pap., gloss.); also
KoyxvAevc ‘purple-worker’ (Korykos), either for *koyyvAtev¢ or from KoyybAn, to
which xoyyvAevttjs ‘murex fisher’ and koyyvAevtikn ‘trade of murex fishing’ (Just.).
eETYM The word Kéyxoc is compared with the similar Skt. Sankhd- [m.] ‘mussel’, but
a common pre-form cannot be reconstructed. Latin borrowed concha, conchjlium,
conchita from Kéyxn, KoyxvALov, koyxitn¢. The word is clearly cognate with Kdx\oc,
which suggests that the forms are Pre-Greek (prenasalization); this is confirmed by
thevariants kokdA1a, vl. -kx- and kwkdAta (Arist. HA, see Fur. 131). Alternatively, if
the comparison with Sanskrit is correct, the word may be a common loanword (Fur.:
278). See » KOX)oG.
Kddaha [?] - ixObc, keotpetc ‘fish, mullet’ (H.). <PG?>
KOBo0vp0G 729
eVAR KodadeveoBar- Evdov Siatpipetv ‘to waste away inside’, kodadavopiat- EvSouvyo
‘to lie hidden’, kodahevopévi; apeokevopévn, dmpayotoa ‘obsequious, subservient;
remaining quiet’ (H.).
eETYM Unknown. Perhaps Pre-Greek.
kodopietc [m.] ‘one who roasts barley’ (Poll., H.). <PG?>
*VAR Special feminine forms koSoun and -yevtpia (also Phot. and Suid.). Remarks
on the relation between these words in Bofhardt 1942: 84.
*DER kodopetw [v.] ‘to roast barley’, kodopeia and kodopetov ‘pot for barley’ (Poll.,
eETYM Comparison with the Slavic word for ‘smoke’, e.g. OCS kaditi, cannot be
upheld. A similar meaning is found in xidvat- ai €yywptot neppvypéevat KplOai ‘barley
roasted on the countryside’ (H.), but this has a different vowel. Probably Pre-Greek.
Kodvptadov = Kvdwvia.
kodoved - cdka yelepiva ‘winter fruits’ (H.). = kvédavea.
koéw [v.] ‘to remark, learn, hear’ (Anacr. 4, 14, Hellad. apud Phot.). <IE *(s)keuh,-
‘note, see, hear’>
eVAR Probably also in H. [cod. xo8et].
eDER Also xodw, in Kod: dkovel, mevOetat ‘hears, takes notice’; xoapec: fKovoapeEVv,
émvOdue8a; exodOn énevorjPn, épwpd8n ‘was contrived, discovered’; Kodoat-
aic8éoBat ‘perceive’ (H.); éxd1oev (Call. Fr. 53). A primary verb seems to be found in
éxouev- elSouev, EwpM@pev, foOdue8a ‘saw, watched, perceived’ (H.), see below.
Verbal adjective in » dvaxdc. Aao-kdéwv, evpv-Kdwoa ‘who learns from afar’ (Euph.
112, H.), etc. (cf. Bechtel 19174: 37f.).
*ETYM On koing, etc. see » kotov. The form ko(f)éw is identical in origin with Lat.
caveo ‘beware’, which derives from *covére < PIE *kouh,-éie- by Thurneysen-Havet’s
unrounding of oy in pretonic position; see now Vine KZ 119 (2006) on Thurneysen-
Havet. A zero-grade primary formation is seen in Skt. a-ktivate ‘to have in view;
further forms in LIV? s.v. *(s)keuh,- ‘wahrnehmen, schauen’. The gloss dxevet t)pei
(H.) rather belongs to » dkobw; éxouev is unclear, on which see Schwyzer: 721'° and
740. Additionally, there was (s)keuh,- with s-mobile; see » Sv00K6oc.
Kd8o0pvoc [m.] ‘high boot, footware with high base for actors, tragic cothurn’ (Hdt.,
Ar.). <PG2>
*ETYM Lydian, acc. to Jonkees JHS 60 (1940): 80, but more probably Pre-Greek.
k68oupoc [adj.] epithet of xiprjv or the drone, ‘without sting’ (Hes. Op. 304). <?>
*VAR KO8ouptv (cod. -o0-)- dA@meKa ‘fox’ (H.).
*ETYM The formation recalls k6\ovpoc, fem. -pic ‘with cut (short) tail’, said of the
fox, etc, which is a compound of xdAoc and ovdpd. Frisk connects k690upoc “ohne
Zweifel” with ko8w: BAGBn ‘damage’ (H.), which is further unclear. In H., we also
find kop8w- BAGBN, which led to the assumption that xd8oupog stands for *kop8-
ovupos, and that xo8w was back-formed from x680vpoc. Comparison of this kop8w
with Skt. kydhu- ‘shortened, mutilated, invalid’ is formally impossible (*krd'-u-
730 Kol
would have given **xpa@-v- in Greek). Fur: 198 connects xovtéc, Kovddc with a
similar meaning (s.v. > kevtéw).
kot interjection, imitating the sound of young pigs (Ar. Ach., Hdn. Gr.). <ONOM>
DER koiCewv [v.] ‘to squeak’ (Ar. Ach.).
eETYM Like MoE squeak, Ru. kvicdt’ ‘id’, and other sound-imitations in various
languages. Cf. » kod— and > ypd, ypvtw.
koltaktI}p mystery servant in Sparta. = koiov.
KoLKvAAw [v.] ‘to gape about’ (Ar. Th. 852). <?>
*DER KoixvAiwv PN (Ael.).
*ETYM Debrunner IF 21 (1907): 96 suggested relation to » kUAa “bags under the eyes,
eye socket’. Cf. the synonyms devdihAw, Savdaivw, mantaivw, etc., which are of
similar formation. Tichy 1983: 298 corrects the meaning to ‘im Selbstgesprach die
Lippen bewegen, munkeln’. This would mean that the connection with kvAa is folk-
etymological.
KoiAog [adj.] ‘hollow, hollowed out, spacious, deep’ (II.). <1E? *keuH- ‘hollow’>
eVAR kOtXog, see below.
*COMP Often as a first member, e.g. kolAo-yaotwp ‘with an empty stomach, greedy’
(A.); on the formation see Sommer 1948: 150.
eDER A. Substantives: 1. xotAia [f.] ‘abdomen, belly, body cavity in general’ (IA),
KoiAww@dn¢ ‘like a belly’ (Arist.), kotAtaKdéc ‘belonging to the belly, suffering from
diseases of the belly’ (Plu., medic.), koiAitiKt) (vd00c) “disease of the belly’ (Cat. Cod.
Astr.); diminutive KotAidtov (Str.). 2. KotAdc [f.] ‘hollow, ravine’ (Hell.), adjectival
‘hollow’ (Tryph. Ep.). 3. xotAdtn¢ ‘hollow’ (Arist.). 4. xotAioKog [m.] ‘hollow, scoop-
shaped knife’ (medic.), cf. ypagioxocg and other names of instruments in Chantraine
1933: 408. 5. Koihwpa (Arist, Hell.), koiAwotg (Hp.) ‘hollowing, deepening’, cf.
Kothdouat below.
B. Adjectives (to tO kotAov ‘hollow, cavity’): 1. kotAw@dn¢ ‘rich in cavities’ (Babr.). 2.
kotAalog = KotAog (Gal.).
C. Verbs: 1. kotAaivw ‘to hollow out, excavate’ (IA), aor. kothGvou (-fvat), perf.
Kekoihaoual, whence xoiAavoic (Alex. Aphr.), koidaoua (LXX, Hero), kotAacia
(Hero) ‘excavation, etc.’. 2. kotAdopat, only in kexothwpevos ‘hollowed’ (D. S., Dsc.);
also koiAwua, koiAwotc (if not directly from KoiAoc, see above).
*ETYM kOtAoc can be or must be trisyllabic at all Homeric attestations, except verse-
initially at x 385. The basic form *Kdéptdog is probably a derivative in -Ao- from the
root found in Kdor- Ta xdouata Tij¢ yic, kai TA KOIAM@paTa ‘the depths of the earth,
cavities’ (H.) and Lat. cavus ‘hollow’ < *kouHo-, MIr. cia ‘hollow’, and other Celtic
forms. Other cognate derivatives in -I- are Arm. soyl ‘cavity’ < IE *keu-lo- (vel sim.),
PGm. *hula- < *kuH-I6- (with pretonic shortening), found in ON holr, OE, OFri,
OS, OHG hol ‘hollow’ (G. Kroonen p.c.). The root is reconstructed with a laryngeal,
because this is required by the cognate formation » xtap ‘eye of a needle, orifice in
the ear’ < *kuH-r. Alb. thellé ‘deep’ may, like Greek, derive from a pre-form *kowilo-
ot
KOIE, -ikoc 731
(thus first Pedersen KZ 36 (1900): 332), but.could be a loan from Greek. The word
>«vAa is probably not connected. See » kWoc,.
koiAv [n.sg.] - 10 Kaddv ‘sth. good or beautiful’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Connected with a word for ‘whole, unhurt, healthy’ with representatives in
Germanic and Balto-Slavic, eg. Go. hails, OCS célv ‘whole’, OPr. kailistikan [acc.sg.]
‘health’ < PIE *keh,i-lo- or European substrate *kailo-. Frisk and DELG rightfully
doubt the appurtenance of the Greek gloss, since the definition is open to many
interpretations (does it stand for koiAov, with Latte?).
Koutdw ‘to lay to rest’. -VAR komilw. > keipat.
Kotva - xdptos ‘pasture, fodder’ (H.). <1E? *koino- ‘grass, hay’>
eETYM The gloss corresponds nicely to a Balto-Slavic word for ‘hay’: Lith. siénas,
OCS séno ‘yéptoc’. However, Latte supposes that yéptoc should be taken in the
sense of ‘common ground’; in that case, it is simply a form of » kotvdc.
kotvoc [adj.] “common, public, usual, impartial’, 16 koivév ‘the community, common
good, public, leading authority, league’ (IA, Hes.); Hom. has Evvdc. <1E *kom ‘with’>
*COMP Numerous compounds.
*DER 1. *kolvawv (see Chantraine 1933: 163) > Dor. Arc. Kolvav, -Gvoc [m.] (Pi.
Locris, Tegea), Att. kotvewv, -@vog [m.] (E. HF 149, 340), kotvwv, -@vocg [m.] (X.
Cyr.) ‘fellow traveler, companion’, after ko.vwvéw, etc; thence Dor. xotvavéw (Dor.
treaty apud Th. 5, 79, 1 Argos, Delphi), Att. kotvwvéw [v.] ‘to be a participant,
participate’ (for *koivewvéw), Kkotvavia (Pi.), Att. kotvwvia ‘community, share’,
kolvwvdc ‘companion, etc.’ (probably a back-formation, see Leumann 1950: 224);
thence kotvavkdécg (Archyt.), KotvwwiKkdcg (Att.) ‘common, social’; Kkoivwvipatoc
‘regarding the community’ (pap. Chantraine 1933: 49); from koivwvéw also
kowv@vina (PL, Arist.). Further nominal derivations: 2. xotvétig [f.] ‘community,
affability’ (Att., Hell.); 3. xotvetov ‘public hall, community, etc.’ (inscr.); 4. Kotvaptov
diminutive of xotvév (written cynarium CIL 13, 10021, 199). Denominative verb
Kolv6w, -dopat ‘to make communal, share’, also ‘to make profane’, med. ‘to act as
member of a community, participate, ask for advice’ (IA), aor. Kotvaoat (Pi.),
Koivwud, -Ldttov ‘joint, band’ (Ph. Bel.), koivwotc ‘intercourse’ (Plu.).
eETYM The word kotvdc may be related to the preposition and prefix found in Lat.
cum, com- (con-), Gaul. com- ‘with, together with’, Gm. ga-, from IE *kom ‘together,
with’. We have to assume that an adjective *kom-id- > *konid- was formed (see Rix
1976: 67).
KOik, -ixog [m.] a kind of palm, ‘Hyphaene thebaica’, and a basket made from its leaves
(com., Thphr.). <PG?,; Lw Eg.?>
*VAR kOic (Epich., BGU 972, 5).
*DER koiktvog ‘made of x.’ (Str.).
*ETYM Fraenkel Phil. 97 (1948): 170 thought that oxoixtov ‘vessel, receptacle’ (Cyrene,
_ Hell. pap.) was derived from this word, but it is improbable that the o- was taken
from oxetoc or onvpic. This interchange o/zero rather points to Pre-Greek origin. A
732 KOtoV
by-form is »Kovb«t [n.] (pap. Plin.), which may point to Egyptian origin, see
Hemmerdinger Glotta 46 (1968): 214.
kotov [?] kwiov- évéxupov ‘pledge’ (H.). <LW?, PG?>
eVAR Also ova, k@a- évéxvpa (H.).
*DER kold(et- évexvpdtet ‘takes a pledge from’, Kovdoat évexupidoat, Kwdlev-
éveyupatev, Kwaeic: EvexvpiacBeic (H.). As an agent noun ko(l\)jaKtrp, name of a
mystery servant in Sparta (IG 5(1), 210ff.), meaning éveyvpao-ti¢ (Fraenkel 1910: 158
after Meister)? Alternative explanations in Bourguet 1927: 112f. ;
eETYM von Blumenthal 1930: 41 analyzed it as *Kd6f-tov, related to Koéw ‘to remark,
pay attention’, with the same semantic development as in Lat. caveé, from ‘to regard,
take care of to ‘to serve as a surety’. He also connects xoitc, Kons: ieped¢ KaBeipwv,
6 kaBaipwv govéa ‘priest of the Kabeiroi, who purifies a murderer’ (H.) with
KoloAre: 6 igpets (H., Suid.), covdtar iepatat, KoLWGATO: APLepWoatTo, KABLEPWOaTO
(H.). However, cf. also Lyd. kaves (Masson Jb. f. kleinas. Forsch. 1 (1950-51): 182ff.).
DELG tentatively adds xwtapyxnjc ‘priest’ (Didyma). Even more uncertain is Koto =
apt8udc¢ (Ath. 10, 455e) which is supposed to be Macedonian. The group could well
be Anatolian or Pre-Greek. The hypothesis connecting Hebr. kdhén ‘priest’, etc.
(Lewy 1895: 258) is now abandoned.
koipavos [m.] ‘ruler, commander, lord’ (Il.). <1E *kor(i)o- ‘war, army’>
eCOMP Rarely as a second member, e.g. moAv-Koipavos ‘ruling many’ (A. fr. 238, lyr.)
with moAvKotpavin ‘lordship over many’ (Rhian. 1, 10) but B 204 = ‘the presence of
many rulers’ with the first member as a subject, and the second member as a verbal
noun to kolpavéw.
*DER kotpavidat [pl.] ‘sons of rulers, members of the ruling house’ (S. Ant. 940);
Kolpavijog and Kxoipawkds ‘belonging to the ruling house’ (late poets); kotpavin
‘dynasty’ (D. P., API.); xoipavéw [v.] ‘to rule’ (Il.).
eETYM Derived from a word for ‘army, host of warriors’ found in Go. harjis ‘army’,
Lith. kdrias ‘id’, MIr. cuire [m.] ‘crowd, group’, Gaul. ENs Tri-, Petru-corii
“consisting of three/ four tribes”, from IE *korio-. The Greek word seems to have a
close counterpart in ON herjann, epithet of Odin, and in the Old British EN
Coriono-totae (see Peters 1980a: 170ff., with an attempt to clarify the derivational
history of these words). It is debated whether the suffix *-no- is old in the type Lat.
dominus from domus, Go. biudans ‘king’ from piuda ‘people’, etc. In Greek, the base
form *korio- still existed in proper names like Koipd-paxoc, Koipatadac. Beside IE
*kor-io-, there was *kor(o)- in Lith. karas ‘war’, OP kdra- ‘army, people’. In Greek,
the old word xoipavoc was replaced by the substrate words » d&vak and > Baotetc.
koK(k)daAta [n.pl.] ‘small crustacaeans (Arist. HA 528a 9). <PG(V)>
eVAR Also kwk-.
eETYM On the meaning, see Thompson 1947 s.v., who points to similar Italian names
like cocciole, cozzule. The word should be connected as Pre-Greek together with its
variant > KOyy1).
KoKval 733
koKkog [m.] 1. ‘kernel of fruits, especially of the pomegranate’ (h. Cer. IA), cf.
Stromberg 1937: 185; 2. ‘berry (gall) of the kermes oak, scarlet, kermes oak’ (Thphr.,
Gal., Dsc.), see Michell Class. Rev. 69 (1955): 246; 3. metaph. ‘pill’ (medic.). < PG?>
*COMP Koxko-Bagri¢ ‘painted with scarlet’ (Thphr.), kaAdi-koxkog ‘with beautiful
kernels’ (Thphr.); koxx6-dagvov, Sapvd-KoxKkov (medic.) = KdxKog Sagvrjc, Sagvic
(Stromberg 1944: 7).
eDER Diminutives koxxiov, koxkdpiov (medic.); KdkKwv, -wvoc [m.] ‘kernel of the
pomegranate’ (Sol., Hp.), ‘mistletoe berry’ (H.), kéxkaAog [m.] ‘kernel of the stone-
pine’ (Hp., Gal.), see Chantraine 1933: 247; koxxidec [pl.] ‘scarlet slippers’ (Herod.),
-ida- atyeipov ‘black poplar’ (H.); Kékktvog ‘scarlet’ (Herod., pap., Arr.), whence
KoxktviCw [v.] ‘to be scarlet-colored’ (sch.), koxxnpdg ‘made of scarlet’ (Edict. Diocl.),
cf. oivipds, éAaupdc; KoKKiCw [v.] ‘to take out the kernel’ (A., Ar.).
*ETYM Etymology unknown. Alessio Studi etruschi 18 (1945): 126 adduces Span.
cuesco ‘nut’ and considers a Mediterranaean loan *kosko-, from which x6xkoc would
also derive; this is rejected by Fur.: 293*. Probably Pre-Greek.
Kkoxptvdwv = Kopdvc.
koxk0 [interj.] cry of the cuckoo; also a cryin general (Ar.). <PG?, ONOM>
eCOMP As a first member in koxkv-Bdac dpvic name of the cock (S. fr. 791; codd.
Eust. koKko-).
*DER Koxkvw of the cry of the cuckoo and of the cock (Hes.), koxkvo}.d¢ ‘shrill cry’
(Nicom. Math.), koxxvoti ‘crier’ (Timo); koxkv6, -byoc [m.] ‘cuckoo’ (Hes.), -vyoc
[nom.] (Alc.), also metaph., e.g. as a fish name (Hp., Arist.), a fig (Nic.); see
Strémberg 1943: 116, Strémberg 1940: 73. From Koxkvé: Koxkvyiov name of a
mountain (Paus.); kokkvyia: dvetwvr. Kpotwviatat ‘poppy anemone (Krotoniate)’
(H.), “cuckooflower” acc. to Stromberg l.c.; koxxvyéa ‘Rhus cotinus’, a tree (Plin,
conj. in Thphr. HP 3, 16, 6). With labial suffix the PN Koxxvy, Koxxovfiac (Boeot.),
cf. Bechtel 1921, 1: 262f. Here perhaps also xOxkuc: Adgog (H.), if to be interpreted as
‘cock’s comb’.
eETYM Cf. » koxKUurAov. Onomatopoeic, like Skt. kokild- ‘cuckoo’, kukkuta- ‘cock’,
Lat. cuciilus, MoE cuckoo, etc. On koxxv&, see Thompson 1895 s.v. The word could
well be Pre-Greek.
kokKbunAov [n.] ‘plum’ (Archil.). <PG?>
eDER KokkupAéa [f.] ‘plum tree’ (Arar. Com., Thphr.), -undAwv [m.] ‘plum garden’
(gloss.).
eETYM Connection with kdéxkocg as ‘stone fruit’ seems probable (see Schrader-
Nehring 1917(2): 182); the -v- would have to be folk-etymological after koxxv€, but
no motivation for the replacement is indicated (cf. Str6mberg 1940: 73). Note kodv-
waov (s.v. » KVd@via). The word could be Pre-Greek.
kokvat [pl.m., f.] ‘forefathers’ (AP, Call., H.). <?>
eVAR V1. xoxk-. Cf. kovka: 1a1twv ‘of ancestors’ (H.).
- ETYM Groselj Razprave 2: 12 and Schmidt ad loc. compared » yvyai - mammot (H.).
Cf. also Pfeiffer 1949-1953 ad Call. fr. 340.
734 KOKXOG
KOKxXo¢ [?] = Lat. coculum ‘a vessel for cooking’ (PHamb. 12, 36). <LW Lat.>
*ETYM From the Latin word, which is derived from coqué ‘to cook’ (DELG).
k6AaBpos [m.] name of a song which accompanied the dance koAaBptopidg (Ath.), =
xotpidiov ‘little pig’ (H. [cod. kotNidtov], Suid.). <PG(V)>
*VAR KaAaBpioptds (v.l. codd. Ath. 14, 629d). Cf. koAdBptov ‘little pig’ (Ar. Byz. apud
Eust. 1817, 19), Fur.: 343.
*DER KoAaBpiletv) oxiptav ‘to leap, bound’ (H.), pass. ‘to be derided’ (LXX),
KoAaPptopids (Ath., Poll.); codkaBpevopévy KwAotc aAAOLEvN ‘twitching with the
limbs’ (H.). See Lawler and Kober Class. Phil. 40 (1945): 98ff. with hypotheses on the
etymology.
eETYM Poll. 4, 100 calls the dance Thracian or Carian, so the word is probably
foreign. Cf. Suid. koAaBpioBein: yAeiaocVein, extivayGSein, atyLac8ein- KoAaBpocs yap
6 tUKpdc XOtpoG ‘was mocked, kicked out, dishonored; for a «. is a small pig’. Fur::
343 compares KoAdBptov ‘little pig’ (Ar. Byz. apud Eust. 1817, 19), which means that
the word is Pre-Greek. For the dance, he compares kaA\afic ‘a passionate dance’;
note the v.l. kadkaBpioptdg (codd. Ath.).
KoAdtw ‘to chastize, punish’. = KdA0c.
KoAaék, -axog [m.] ‘flatterer, fawner’ (Att., Hell.). <PG(s)>
*COMP Often as a second member (com.), e.g. kvico-Kolak; see Risch IF 59 (1949):
277.
*DER KoAakeia (Democr., Pl.), koAakic [f.] (Clearch., Plu.), koAaxtkdg ‘flattering’
(Pl.) and xoAaketw ‘to flatter’ (Att. Hell.); koAdkevpia (X.) ‘flattering’, koAaKevtiKdc
‘id? (PL), KoAakevtic = KOAak (gloss.).
*ETYM A word from Attic everyday language without established etymology. As the
suffix -ax- originates from Pre-Greek, the same probably holds for this word.
koAdntw [v.] ‘to peck (of birds), strike, carve, engrave’ (IA, Aeol.). <PG>
eVAR Aor. KoA au.
eCOMP Also with prefix, especially év-, éx-.
*DER éy-KéAawic ‘inscription’, éx- ‘obliteration’ (inscr. Arist.), éy-KdAqyLa
‘inscription’ (LXX, Priene), (€y-)koAatt6c ‘carved out’ (inscr., LXX); xoAamtrp [m.]
‘chisel’ with dta-koAantnpitw ‘to engrave with a chisel’ (Lebadeia); also dpu(o)-
koAdnt-[t]n¢ ‘woodpecker’ (Ar., Arist. see further » Spic), a compound of ddpv and
KoAdmtetv with suffixal -ty¢, similar kpavo-KoAdnty¢ name of a venomous spider
(Philum.).
*ETYM Frisk and DELG assume that koAdmtw derives from an IE root *kelh,-, and
that it replaces a primary verb by adding -antw after verbs with similar meaning, like
oxantw, dapdantw, Kdmtw; the resultant form perhaps replaced a primary verb
preserved in Lith. kdlti, isg. kalt ‘to forge, hammer’, OCS Klati, koljo “opatteiv’, Ru.
kolot’ ‘sting, split, chop’. Several other Greek words have been connected with this
root; see discussion on » KOAoc, » KeAgdc, » KAW. Cf. LIV? s.v. *kelh,-. However, as
long as the origin of the labial enlargement is not further clarified, it is best to
assume that koAdmtw is derived from » kéAagoc and, therefore, of Pre-Greek origin.
KoOAiac 735
k6Aagoc [m.] ‘punch, buffet’ (Epich. 1 as a name of a matdotpibnc, H., EM). <PG>
eVAR KOAagoc: KOvévA0g ‘knuckle’ (H.).
*DER KoAagitw ‘to punch, to box on the ear’ (NT, Sammelb. 6263, 23); KoAagidtov
Att. woman’s name, see Fraenkel 1912: 86°).
eETYM A lowly word without clear etymology. For the formation, it has been
compared to »Kpdtagoc (Chantraine 1933: 264). Frisk and DELG argued that
KOAag@og derives from >» KoAdMTw as a back-formation, if the two are cognate, but it
remains unclear why they do not consider k6Aagoc as basic. The word is no doubt
Pre-Greek, with xoAdntw as the accompanying denominative. Latin borrowed the
word as colap(h)us (Plaut.); see Ernout RPh. 77 (1951): 155f. It received a wide
distribution in Vulgar Latin and in the Romance languages (VLat. colpus, Ital. colpo,
MoFr. coup, etc.); it perhaps also appears in Go. kaupatjan ‘kodagilev’.
kodéa [f.] - mod tig Spxnotc ‘kind of dance’ (H.). <PG?(S)>
eVAR Konia: Opyxrjaews etdoc ‘id.’ (H.).
*DER KOAtdoat: OpxroacGat ‘to dance’ (H.), ipf. éxodiate (IG 12 Supp. 244; cf. Latte
Glotta 32 (1953): 39f.).
eETYM The variant in -éa suggests Pre-Greek origin.
koAekavot [m.pl.] - todto é7ti pjKoug obv AentétyTt EtdoceTo ‘used in the case of
length combined with thinness’ (H., citing Strat. 64). <PG?>
eVAR KoAOKavol edunkeis Kai Aerttoi ‘tall and thin, narrow’ (H.).
eETYM Unknown; probably Pre-Greek.
koAgov [n.] ‘sheath of a sword’ (II.), see Triimpy 1950: 62. <PG?>
VAR Also -dc [m.], lengthened xovd-.
*COMP Also in compounds, e.g. koAed-ntEpos ‘sheath-winged (of beetles)’ (Arist.),
ot6npo-K6Xeog ‘with iron sheath’ (pap. III*).
eDER Denominative koAedlovtec: WBobvtes cic KoAEdv, Tepaivovtec ‘thrusting into
the sheath, penetrating’ (H.) (likewise Ath. Mitt. 59, 66; Syrus V*), koAeaotdc: tO
nepaiveoBat ‘penetration’ (H.). It is unlikely that k6Av8por [pl.] ‘testicles’ (Arist.)
belongs here too; K6Av@pov, -tpov also means ‘with ripe figs’ (Ath. 3, 76f.); cf. on
> oKOAVOpov.
*ETYM The suffix recalls » eiAedc ‘hole, den, etc.’. Acc. to Meillet BSL 30 (1930): 115’,
KoAedv comes from a Mediterranaean language, like Lat. culleus ‘leather sack’; cf.
WH s.v. Therefore, it is probably Pre-Greek. Connection with > kaAbmTw, > Kéehd@og
as an inherited word (*xodefdév) is formally impossible; these too are substrate
words.
koAetpaw [v.] ‘to trample on’ (Ar. Nu. 552). <PG?>
eETYM Acc. to H., a term from oil preparation: dm6 T@v Tac éAaiacg natovvtwv, 6 S17
A€yovot koAETpav ‘after those treading olives, which is called «.’. This presupposes a
substantive *xéAetpov or *koAétpa, which could be an instrument noun or nomen
loci, but the meaning of which remains unknown. Connection with Kddoc, KoAdntw,
. etc. does not help much. Probably a technical Pre-Greek term.
koAiasg [m.] name of a mackerel-like fish, “Scomber colias’ (Epich., Ar. Arist.). <?>
736 KOAAG
*DER Diminutive koAidéiov (medic.).
eETYM Formation like dxav@iac, §@iac, and other fish and animal names
(Chantraine 1933: 94); further unexplained. Cf. Thompson 1947 s.v.
KOAA& [f.] ‘glue’ (Emp., Hdt., Hp., E.). <PG?, IE? *kol- ‘glue’>
eCOMP As a first member e.g. in xoAA-ewdc ‘glue-boiler’ (Att. inscr., Poll.); as a
second member in tavp6-, iy8v6-KoAAa “bull-, fish-glue’ (Plb., Dsc.); but moti-, ovy-
KodAog, etc. (Pi. A.) are back-formations to moti-, ovy-KoAA dw, etc.
*DER KoAAnevta [n.pl.] (O 389 Evota, Hes. Sc. 309 Gppata) ‘well-fixed’, cf. KoAANTOs
below; KoAAWSng ‘gluey, sticky’ (PL, Arist.). Denominative verb koANdw ‘to glue,
stick together, make one, unite’ (Pi., Emp. IA), often with prefixes like ovv-, mpoo-,
év-, KaTA-; KOAANUA “what is glued together, etc.’, plur. ‘papyrus leaves that form a
scroll’, koAAnoic ‘glueing together, soldering’ (IA) with (ovy-)KoAArowos, -ov ‘glued
together’ (pap.); (ovy-)koAAntij¢ ‘who glues together’ (Ar. pap.); KoAANTHplov ‘glue’
(Ph. Bel.); k6AAntpa [pl.] ‘cost of soldering’ (pap.); koAAnTdc ‘glued together, well-
fixed’ (Il.), Ammann 1956: 16, KoAANTIKdg (Dor. -at-) ‘gluey, gluing together’ (Arist.,
Epid.,, pap.), KoAAntiKa Epya ‘plumber’s work’ (pap.). As a second member in the
back-formation mpwtd-KoAAov [n.] ‘the first fixed (glued) leaf of a papyrus scroll’
Just.). Rarely émt-KoA\aivw ‘to stick to’ (Thphr.), koAAiGw (Gp.), KoAALO THI (gloss.).
eETYM KOAAG may be a derivation in -ia from a root *kol-, but further details are
obscure. The similarity with a Slavic word for ‘glue’ (e.g. CS kléjv, klejv, Ru. klej <
PSI. *kléjv; *klojv) is only apparent (there is no evidence for *koléjv, *kolvjv with
reduced vowel). The Germanic verb MDu. and MLG helen ‘stick’ < PGm. *haljan is
limited to a small area, and is hard to connect with KoAAa. Because of the geminate
-hA-, the Greek word could be Pre-Greek in origin, i.e. *kol’a. It was taken over by
Romance, e.g. Ital. colla, MoFr. colle, etc. See » yhotdc.
K6AAaBog [m.] a kind of bread or cake (Ar., Philyll.); also = K6AAow (Luc., Iamb., H.).
<PGP
*DER KoAAafiCw “to play KOAAaBoc”, ie. one holds his eyes, while the other strikes
him, and asks him to guess by which hand he has been struck (Poll. 9, 129); the
naming motive is obscure.
*ETYM Popular word in -Boc (Schwyzer: 496, Chantraine 1933: 261f.) and, like so
many words of the same formation, without etymology. Could the word originally
mean ‘buffet’? See » KdAAow. Cf. further » KOAME and »KoAAvpa. The word is no
doubt Pre-Greek; cf. also Guilleux RPh. 75 (2001) s.v.
KOAALE, -ixog [m.] ‘round, coarse bread’ (Hippon., com.), ‘tablet’ (medic.). < PG>
*COMP KOAAIKO-@ayos (Ar.).
*DER KOAAiktoc dptog (Ath.), KoAAiKtov (Greg. Cor.).
*ETYM The word is no doubt Pre-Greek, because of the suffix -ik-.
KoAOBO<G 737
eETYM Stromberg 1943: 48 proposes that the word replaced *k6A-ovpoc ‘with stump
tail’, with expressive gemination; as a marsh-plant, the mallow would have been
called after the fish (ibd. 25). André RPh. 45 (1971): 216f. separates koAAoupic from
the fish and and connects it with koAA(o)vpa ‘small, round flat bread’, given the
similarity of the fruit of the mallow with a cake. Probably Pre-Greek, given the
geminate -A- (which is not a sign of expressiveness) and the suffix -ovp(oc).
KAO, -ortoc [m.] ‘peg or screw by which the strings of the lyre were tightened’ (@
407, Ar., Pl. Luc.); ‘thick skin on the upper part of the neck of oxen or pigs’ (Ar. fr.
646 and 506, 3); ‘bar by which a windlass was turned’ (Arist. Mech. 852b 12); metaph.
‘avdpdyvvos, cinaedus’ (Hell. com., AP). <PG(S,V)>
eVAR Also K6AAaBog (in the first mg.).
*COMP KoAAorto0-diwKtN¢ (sch. Ar. Nu. 347, Eust., Suid.).
*DER KoAAoTtetw ‘to be a KoAAoy’ (Pl. Com.); other denominatives: koAAomiCetv-
KadéXketv ‘to draw. or carry down’ and xoAAon@oat KataKkoAAfjoat ‘to glue upon’
(H.), with folk-etymological connection with » koA)a.
eETYM A technical term, which was analyzed by H. as da 10 gic KdAAav ev0eteiv
(referring to the thick part of the neck of animals). Others have proposed relation to
Lat. callum ‘thick skin, callosity’; Bq suggested to connect it with »oxdAoy ‘pole’.
The word is clearly Pre-Greek because of its suffix; this is further confirmed if
KOAAaBos is a variant (-on-/ -am-/ -aB- is a Pre-Greek suffix variation).
KOAAvBo¢ 1 [m.] ‘small change’ (Ar., Eup., Call.), ‘small gold weight’ (Thphr.); ‘rate of
exchange’ (Hell., inscr., pap., Cic.). < PG(S)>
VAR Also -ov [n.] (Poll. 9, 72).
*DER KodAvftotig ‘money changer’ (Men. NT, pap.), from *KkodAvBila;
KoAAvPtotiKdc and KoAAvBtoTHplov ‘exchange office’ (pap. and ostr.).
eETYM Explained as Semitic by Lewy 1895: 119f, who compared Hebr. hdlap
‘exchange’. However, the element -vB- (which cannot be explained from the Hebr.
word) rather points to a Pre-Greek word.
KoAAdpa mg. uncertain, probably ‘cake, tablet’ (Ar. Thphr., LXX, pap.), cf. KOAME
and K6\aBoc. <PG(S)>
eVAR Also koAAotpa.
*DER Diminutives KoAAvpic and KoAAvptov (-ov-) (LXX, pap.); KoAAvpLov (-ot-)
usually ‘eyesalve, salve in general’, in the form of a tablet (Apoc., Arr., medic., inscr.
and pap.); KoAAvptkdc ‘made from koAAtpaw’ (Plaut. Pers. 95), KoAAvpitw ‘to bake k.’
(LXX), KoAAvpidouat in KexoAAvpiwpévov (cod. -pdpEevov): AEvK@ KEXplouevoV
‘anointed with white’ (H.); koAAvpiwv [m.] name of a bird, probably ‘thrush’ (Arist.);
also kopvAAiwv (H.), naming motive unknown (cf. Thompson 1895 s.v.).
*ETYM Like other words in -tbpa (dyxtpa, yépupa, AEmdpov), probably Pre-Greek
, . (see Pre-Greek: suffixes). If the variation v/ ov is old, this also points to Pre-Greek
KoAAdpoBov = kahatpow. origin
kK6AAoupos [m.] name of an unknown fish (Marc. Sid. 22). <PG(s)> ; , j
*DER koAAoupic ‘marshmallow’ (gloss.). KohoPagivas evan Kohehdpivor: = ON
KoAoPdc [adj.] ‘curtailed, maimed, short’ (Pl., X., Arist., Hell.). <PG(s)>
738 KoAoLdc
eCOMP As a first member e.g. in koAoB6-KepKog “with docked tail’ (LXX).
*DER koAdBtov [n.] ‘jacket without sleeves’ (pap.), also koAdBak (gloss.); kohoBwdng
‘stunted, stumpy (Polem. Phgn. [v.l]), KodoBdtng ‘stuntedness’ (Plu.).
Denominative verbs: 1. koAoBéw ‘to stunt, shorten’, koAdBwotg ‘mutilation’,
KoAdBwpa ‘maimed, amputated member’ (Arist.); 2. koAoPiCw ‘id’ (Thera I*-I?).
*ETYM An enlargement of kddog ‘id.’; see also on » KAqytBdc. Since the suffix -(0)Bo-
cannot be explained in IE terms, the word is probably Pre-Greek.
koAotdg [m.] ‘jackdaw, Corvus monedula’ (Il., Pi. Ar. Arist.). <PG(v)>
*DER KoAaWSn¢ (Plu.), KoAotdw (Poll. 5, 89), -waw (B 212) ‘to cry (like’a jackdaw)’,
Kodwéw ‘id’ (Antim. 37); back-formation koAwde ‘screeching’ (A 575, A. R. 1, 1284),
KoAoU} Pwrvi} ‘voice’ (H.).
*ETYM Onomatopoeic origin cannot be further substantiated; neither does the word
belong to kaAéw. It would be highly unsatisfactory to separate kohwdw, -wdoc¢ from
KoAotdw, -o16c, but an explanation of the notation with -w- (in éxkoAwa B 212) has
not been found (cf. the hypotheses in Frisk and DELG). Cf. also xoAovav- Bopupeiv
‘to make noise’ (H.). These variants may be of Pre-Greek origin. See » koAoigpvE.
kodortia [f.] tree that grew on the Liparian islands ‘Cytisus aeolicus’, also ‘sallow, Salix
cinerea’ (Thphr.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Also xodovtéa, KoAvtéa [f.] “Colutea arborescens’ (Thphr.), whence Lat.
colitea [n.p].] ‘its fruits’; in H. also koAottéa, KoAwtéa, Kothwtéa: Sévdpov Tt ‘a tree’.
eETYM Clearly a Pre-Greek word, given the variation. Cf. on » koAoKbvOn.
Kodoigpvs [?] -Tavaypaiog dAextpuwv. kai Spocg Bowtiag “Tanagrian cock; mountain
in Boeotia’ (H.). <PG?>
eETYM The second element is not in any way related to pdpv&. Probably Pre-Greek.
koAdkupa [n.] ‘large heavy wall’ before it breaks, said of the threats of Cleon, only (Ar.
Eq. 692). <?>
eETYM Explained in various ways since antiquity: kKoAov Kbpia ‘blunt wave’ (sch. ad
loc.); TUPASV or LLaKpov Kipia “blind or high wave’ (H.); kw@dv Kdpta Kai [}
énixayAdcov ‘silent wave, not gurgling’ (Suid.). See the suggestion by Taillardat 1962:
§343 in DELGs.v.
koAokbvOn [f.] ‘round gourd, Lagenaria vulgaris’ (Hp., com., Arist., pap.). <PG(S)>
eVAR Att. -tn, later -vv0d, -vvtd (Solmsen 1909: 263), late also -vvO0g (-vvtoc,
-tvtoc) [m.].
*COMP KoAokvvOapbtatva [f.] ‘spoon from «.’ (pap.).
eDER Diminutives koAokbvtiov (Phryn. Com.), -vvOic ‘koAdKkuv8a daypia’ (Dsc.,
Gal.), -bvOwvoc (-bvtivog, -ivOtvoc) ‘made with «.’ (pap., Luc.), -vvOtdc [f.] ‘id’ (AP),
-Wv ‘plantation of «.’ (pap.); AmoKoAoKbvtwotg ‘transformation into a pumpkin’
(Seneca, D. C. 60, 35). KoAoxvv0 [f.] PN; see Schulze 1933a: 3009f.
eETYM The suffix -vv8oc, -tvOoc, frequent in plant names, points to Pre-Greek origin.
Cf. also kbKvov. Tov otKvdv, KUKUIGa: yAUKeia KOAOKUVTa ‘sweet gourd’ (H.). An
informant in Ath. 2, 58f. says that it was introduced from India, but the comparison
KoAOG06G 739
with Skt. kalinda- [n.] ‘watermelon’ and Kurd. kalak ‘melon’ is not very informative.
On the names of the gourd and cucumber, see Schrader-Nehring 1917(1): 652ff.
KOAov [n.] ‘large intestine, ileum’ (Ar. Eq. 455, Arist. Nic, Poll.); name of food
preserved in a pot (PSI 5, 535; 39; 46, III*), acc. to Ath. 6, 262a = ) tpo@r) ‘food’. <>
eETYM No convincing explanation. Bq hesitantly pointed to kvAAdc ‘curbed’, xeAAdv-
otpeBAdv ‘twisted’ (H.); others have connected it with > kaAidta - évtepa. Kdmptot
‘entrails (Cypr.y (H.). Late Greek had the form x@dov, influenced by x@hov
‘member’. Fur.: 131 connects yod¢ ‘intestines’, and further ydAtkec, yOAa: évtepa.
Maxeddvec (yoda codd.), yadda: évtepa, ydAAoc = xo; none of these is really
convincing.
kOAog [adj.] “hornless, with stunted horns’, of cows and goats (Hdt., Theoc., Nic., H.),
of a spear ‘without point’ (II 117), of battle ‘broken off (sch.), as a name of book ©.
<PG?>
COMP As a first member in k6Aovposg ‘with short tail’ (Plu.), as a mathematical and
astronomical term ‘blunt’ (Hipparch. Astr. Hero, Nicom.); koAovupatiog ‘broken off,
steep’ (of nétpa, Call.), xoAovpa ‘hill, etc.’ (Hermione, Epid.), koAovpia: TH atotoptia
‘in a piece?’, KoAoupitic¢: yf. LuceAoi ‘earth (Sicilian)’ (H.), koAovpwots = KoAdBwotc
(lamb.); Lat. LW clira ‘(kind of) monkey’ (WH s.v., Leumann Sprache 1 (1949):
206°).
*DER KOA-epog ‘with short-sheared fleece’ (Arist.), opposed to ev-, ém-epoc, perhaps
after KOAovpoc; see on > eipoc; further KoAdxetp: xelpapyoc (H.). Derived from
kO)Xog or closely related are two verbs: 1. koAdCw ‘to wring in, chastise, punish, cut’
(IA), aor. KoAdou, rarely with ovv-, dvtt-, mpo-; thence probably denominative
kddaots ‘chastisement’ (IA), -aopta (Ar. X.), -coptdg (Plu.) ‘id’; xoAaotr¢ ‘punisher’
(trag., Pl. Lys.), also koAaothp ‘id’ (Arr.), fem. koAdotpta (Ezek.), koAdoteipa (AP);
koAaotnptov ‘punishment’, -oc [adj.] ‘punishing’ (X., Ph.), koAaotikdg ‘punishing’
(P1.). 2. KoAotw ‘to mutilate, limit’ (II.), aor. KoAoboal, sometimes with mept-, kata-,
ano-; formation unclear (cf. Schwyzer: 683, Chantraine 1942: 374 and see on
> KwAbw). From it kdAovotc “docking, cutting short’ (Arist.), kohovoptata- KAdopLATA
‘fragments’ (H.).
*ETYM The archaic word Kédog was replaced by koAofdc, and also by kdAoupos, It is
usually taken as a verbal noun from a Balto-Slavic primary verb: Lith. kdlti, 1sg. kal
‘to beat, forge’, OCS klati, 1sg. koljo ‘to butcher’. In Greek, the root may have left
some traces in »KAdw, but see sv. In any case, connection with »KxeAedc¢ and
> KoAdmtw is improbable. The barytone accent may be connected with the passive
meaning (Schwyzer: 459); perhaps K6Aog was originally a substantive. The fact that
KoAdmtw and »KoAdobtw are of unclear formation might point to a Pre-Greek
complex.
koAoco6c [m.] ‘gigantic statue, colossus’ (Hdt. [only about Egypt], Hell.), also ‘statue’
in general (A, Hell.), ‘figure, puppet representing someone absent’ (Cyrene, SEG IX,
72, 117 and 122), cf. Buck 1955: 112. <PG>
eVAR -tt- (D. S.), -o~ [f.] (Cyrene).
ecOMP As a first member’e.g. in kohoooo0-Ttotdg (Hero).
740 KoAoouptdg
eDER KoAocotatog (D. S. [-tt-], Ph., pap.), -tkdg (D. S. [-tt-], Str., Plu.) ‘having the
size of a k,, colossal’.
eETYM Ample discussion of the word by Benveniste RPh. 58 (1929): 118ff. The
element -oo- typically points to Pre-Greek origin: it could represent PG *% or *k’,
like in » 84Aao0a. Bq compared >» koAekdvot (also -ox-) ‘tall, meager man’ (Stratt.,
H.), which is possible if we start from *kolok’- / *kolok’-n-, with depalatalization
before the nasal.
koAoouptdc [m.] ‘noisy rabble, tumult, uproar’ (I]., Hes., Ar.). <?>
*DER koAoouptei: Sopufei, tapdooet ‘makes troubles, agitates’ (H.).
eETYM Frequently analyzed as koAo-ovp-téc (cf. Kovioptdc, dutaeitdc, BovAvtéc for
this use of the suffix -16-), of which the second member would be from » ovpw ‘to
draw, sweep’ (Suid. s.v.), and the first member remain unexplained.
koAovata [n.pl.] ‘gastropod mollusks’ (Xenocr. apud Orob. 2, 58, 79). < PG?>
eVAR Also in Lat. coluthia (Plin. NH 32, 84, 147).
eETYM Unknown.
KoAobw =KOXOC.
KoAO@awv, -@voc [m.] ‘summit, top, pinnacle’, only metaph. (Pl. com. Adesp., Str.),
acc. to H. also = xoAtdc ‘green woodpecker’ (i.e. » keAedg; s.v.) and ix8dc¢ Bakdcotoc
‘sea fish’. <PG>
eDER KoAo@wvéw [v.] ‘to crown a work’ (Steph. in Hp.). Also a TN, town in Ionia;
Kodowwiog ‘from K., inhabitant of K.’.
*eETYM A connection with KoAwvodg ‘hill via an analysis *koAapav < IE *koly-b'o- is
highly doubtful; the Anatolian toponym rather points to substrate origin. See
Chantraine 1933: 162.
KOAnog [m.] ‘bosom, lap, gulf, bay, vale, womb’ (Il.), also ‘fistulous ulcer under the
skin’, = koArtdptov ‘id.’ (medic.). <1E *k”elp- ‘curve, vault’,> *k”olp-o->
eCOMP As a second member e.g. in BaO0-KoArtoc ‘with folds of the garment falling
down deep’ (II.).
eDER KoAr@di¢ ‘bosom-like, full of bays’ (E., Plb.); koArtiag ‘puffing up’ (sé1Aog, A.
Pers. 1060), ‘wind blowing from the bay’, éyKoArtiac ‘id.’ (Arist.); KoArtitng¢ [m.] old
name of Phoenicia (Steph. Byz.), plur. “inhabitants of the coast”, name of an
uncivilized people living by the Red Sea (Philostr.), cf. below on StaxoArutetw;
KoATt6ojtau, -dw ‘to puff up’ (B, Hp.), KdAnwotec, -wua ‘puff, -wtdc. Several prefixed
forms in various functions, of which most are Hell.: éy-, é7tt-, bm0-K6A TOG, ava-, éy-,
éml-KoATIOW, éy-, KaTa-, Mept-KoArtiw, etc. However, note (dta-)KoAmtetw ‘to
smuggle’ (PTeb. 709, 9; 14 [II*]), which hardly belongs to kdéArtog ‘bosom, etc.’, but
rather with the ethnonym KodAritat “inhabitants of the coast” (see above); likewise
éhatov KoATUTIKOV (PTeb. 38, 12 and 125 [II*]) ‘smuggled oil’.
*ETYM If we connect K6A1tog with MoHG wéolben as a verbal noun to the primary
verb preserved in ON holfinn ‘vaulted’, causative ON hvelfa, OHG (h)welben ‘to
vault’, we have to assume dissimilation *k” ... p > « ... 1 for Greek (see Schwyzer:
302, Lejeune 1972: $723). Germanic also has a verbal noun ON hvalf, OE hwealf [f.]
KoAWVh 741
‘vault’, which would be identical with xéAmoc. The comparison of OE heofon-hwealf
‘vault of heaven’ with ai®égpoc KdAmot (Pi. O. 13, 88) is not compelling, as the Greek
expression could be based on the image of a bosom and the Germanic on that of a
vault. Vulgar Latin borrowed x6Amoc¢ as colphus > Ital. golfo, MoFr. golfe, etc.
KoAcaoBal - ixetedoat ‘to supplicate’ (H.). = K@Aov.
KoAvPdatva [f.] ‘kind of crab’(Epich. 57). < PG(v)>
eETYM Cf. xodvptBatva ‘id’, see on »KdAvLIBOc. A typically Pre-Greek word, with
interchange B6/ 6 and prenasalization. There is no reason to assume influence of
toAbBSatva “bull of lead’.
KOAvBosg = KaAvTTW.
KOAvOpot ‘testicles’. + koAedv and oKdAvOpov.
KoAvttBos [m.] ‘little-grebe, Podiceps minor’ (Ar.), see Thompson 1895: 158, also a
back-formation of > koAyptibaw. < PG(V)>
VAR Note kodupipaw (EM 526, 2). In the same mg. koAupific [f.] (Ar. Arist.), -ac [f]
‘id’ (Ath.), but more commonly of olives pickled in brine (Diph. Siph., pap.);
KoAvuBatva = KodAbPdatva (Archig. apud Gal.), koAvptiBatoc name of a plant (Gp.),
naming motive unknown, cf. Strémberg 1940: 113, and KoAuptBdc name of a shrub
(ototBr) in Gal.
*DER Denominative verb KoAvpBdw ‘to dive, submerge, jump into the water, swim’
(Att., Hell.), often with prefix, e.g. éx-, kata-, dva-, dta-, KoAvLBHOpa ‘bathing place,
pool, cistern’ (PL), koAduBnotc ‘diving’ = ‘pearl fishery’ (Peripl. M. Rubr.), back-
formation KdAvpBoc = KoAvptBnots (Str. Paus., Plu.) and -"89pa (Hero); koAvuBytHp
(A.) and -1ytH¢ (Th., Pl.) ‘diver’ (cf. Fraenkel 1912: 14 and 17f.), koAvpBNTUKH (tTEXVN)
‘art of diving’ (P1.); also xoAuptBioti¢ (sch.); KoAvLBITEbW (= -17Tebw?) ‘to throw into
the water’ (pap.).
*ETYM Lat. columba ‘dove’ is similar, but a common pre-form would make no sense.
Apart from the suffix -vpB-, the variant koAyupdw proves that the word is Pre-
Greek. The variation 18 / Bd is most easily explained from *p’, the palatal feature of
which was lost after prenasalization, giving 1B (cf. Fur.: 307", although » tt6AvBdo¢ /
plumbum must now be given up). ;
KoAVpPatos [?] - PAotdc, Aeridtov “bark, capsule’ (H.). <PG(V)>
*ETYM Referring to a part of a plant, the gloss must be identical with KoAvptBatocg
(see > KOA ULtBos), with well-known Pre-Greek variation.
koAvtéa plant name. = Kodottéa.
KOAxtkov [n.] name of a venomous type of saffron, ‘Colchicum speciosum’ (Dsc.).
<GR>
*ETYM Named after its homeland, KoAyic; see Stromberg 1940: 122.
kodwvn [f.] ‘hill, height, heap of stones, mound, etc.’ (IL, Pi. S.), also as a TN (town in
Troas, Att. deme). <IE *kolH-n- ‘rise, height’>
eVAR KoAwvéc [m.] (A. Ceér., Hdt. X. A. R.).
742 KOA@6¢
ecomP As a second member in KaAAt-koA@vn hill near Troy (IL.), byt-KdAwvoc
‘towering high’ (Opp.).
*DER KoAwvia: tagoc. "HAeio ‘funeral rite, tomb (Elean) (H.), alphabetically
misplaced, so perhaps for -wva (Schmidt); KoAwvétat [pl.] EN derived from the
deme-name (Hyperid.).
*ETYM The forms koAwv-n beside koAwv-d¢ point to an old n-stem. This is also seen
in Lith. kdlnas ‘mountain’, Lat. collis ‘hill < *kolnis, OE hyll, MoE hill < PGm. *huln-
i-. The n-stem *kolH-n-, *klIH-n- belongs to a primary verb ‘rise up’, from which Lat.
-cellé < *-kel-nH- forms a nasal present (see De Vaan 2008), and for which Lith.
kélti, 1sg. kelit ‘to lift’ proves a root-final laryngeal. On the suffix -wvn, -wvdc, see
Chantraine 1933: 207f. and Schmeja IF 68 (1963): 36ff.; they probably arose by
extending the vocalism of the nominative to the other cases.
KoAwos ‘screeching’. = KoAotdc,
Ko"aKTWwP, -opos [m.] mg. uncertain (Rhinth. 9, Inscr. Magn. 217 [I*]). <Lw Lat>
*ETYM Probably from Lat. coactor ‘exactor pecuniae’ (Fraenkel 1912: 7of.). Not from
Osc. *comahtor, as per von Blumenthal Glotta 18 (1930): 149.
kopapides [acc.pl.f.] “a fish’ (Epich. 47). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
KopLapos 1 [f., m.] ‘strawberry tree, Arbutus unedo’ (com., Thphr., Theoc.). < PG>
eVAR Also ktptapos (H.).
*DER KOl(w)apt [n.] ‘red paint from the root of the plant Comarum palustre’
(PHolm., Alchim., etc.), also -ptc [f.], -pov [n.]; cf. Lagercrantz 1913: 197f, the i-stem
reminds of kivvaBapt(c), etc.
eETYM Stromberg 1940: 58 derives it from K6un ‘crown of a tree’, with an added suffix
-apo-, for which he compares xio8apoc to Kto8dc. However, the variant with Kvj-
shows that it is a Pre-Greek word (Fur.: 362).
KOU(W)apat = Kapt(Ldpoc.
koufa [f.] - kopmvn. ToAvpprviot ‘shearwater, crow (Polyrrhenian)’ (H.). <PG(v)>
*ETYM Bechtel 1921, 2: 788 connects it with KdpBnoav: mov rxov ametéAgcav
‘produced a certain sound’ and KkoptBakevetat Kdjittouc Aéyet ‘brags, boasts’ (H.). It
has been compared with » k6jtm0¢ ‘loud noise, bragging’ and » BduBoc, which are
sound-imitating words, but at the same time Pre-Greek variants. If the bird name
> Kvn 3 is related, it is yet another variant.
k6uBos [m.] ‘band, belt’ (Anon. apud Suid.). <PG>
ecomP As a first member in KoptBoAdtH¢: Badavtiotéjtog ‘cutpurse, footpad’ (H.),
KoptBoOnAeia [f.] ‘buckle’ (sch.), from K6piBoc OAAUG (or OrAEIa); also KouTtIO-OnAaia
‘band, belt’ (sch.) and koito-O8nAvKa [pl.] (Hippiatr.), vl. for mépmaxac, which were
thought to be influenced by x6i1to¢ ‘boast’, but see below.
*DER KopBiov = mepdvn ‘buckle’ (Eust., Sch.), KoptBwoac8at- otoAicacBat ‘to equip,
dress’, KOpuBwpa- otdAtopLA ‘garment’ (H.), KopiBwpLata = KahAwniopata, etc. (Suid.
H.). Better attested is the hypostasis €ykouBdopict [v.] ‘to bind on, put on’ (Epich.,
KOUN 743
Hell. Com, 1 Ep. Pet. 5, 5), whence éyk6utBwjta ‘protecting upper garment worn by
slaves’ (Longus, Thd.); further dvaxojiBdopat [v.] ‘to gird on (intr.y (Gp.).
eETYM The old comparisons with Balto-Slavic words for ‘hang’, e.g. Lith. kabinti ‘to
hang, hook on’, kibti ‘to hang oneself, hook on’, CS skoba ‘fibula’, Ru. skobdé ‘iron
hook, clamp’, and, within Greek, with oxauiBdc ‘crooked (legs)’, are quite dubious.
As Frisk remarks, “Das Resultat dieser Vergleiche ist offenbar eine sowohl lautlich
wie begrifflich wenig befriedigende Approximation”. MoNw. hempe ‘string, strap,
handle’ can hardly be separated from hamp ‘hemp’.
The forms KoptPoOnAgia, Kopmto8nAaia, Kopmo8nAvKa clearly show that there was a
variant with -n-, which points to Pre-Greek origin (confusion with Kdéittog ‘noise,
bragging’ is improbable). Also, note the variation in the suffix: -eta, -ata, -vKa, which
are found more often in Pre-Greek (Pre-Greek: suffixes -at/-e(1)).
Kopéw [v.] ‘to care for, ply’ (Il). <1E *kemh,- ‘get tired’>
eVAR Only present-stem, with iterative ipf. xojtgeoxov; prefixed with cuii- (AP);
further koptiqw [v.] ‘to care for, attend, look after, loot, save, fetch, bring, transport’
IL), aor. Kopio(o)at, -acBat, Dor. (Pi.) KopiEcu, pass. Kopuc8fvau, fut. Kopud, -odprat
(since 0 546), see Schwyzer: 785, Chantraine 1942: 451; Hell. kojtiow, -iooptat.
eCOMP Very frequent with prefix, e.g. dva-, dmo-, eio-, EK-, KATA-, Tapa-, OVV-.
*DER (diva-, dito-, etc.)Kopudr ‘attendance, care, support, loot, rescue, supply, escape’
(Il.); dat. xopd4 [adv.] ‘exactly, definitely, certainly’ (1A); koutotip, -tH¢ ‘who takes
care, provider’ (E.), fem. koptiotpia (AB, Orph.); kdtotpa [n.pl.] ‘reward for saving
or transportation’ (trag., inscr.); kopuotiKdéc ‘fit for care, for transporting’ (IA); éx-
KoLttoptdc ‘export, burial’ (Str., Phld.), pteta-Kdjuotc, eio-Kdptopta, etc. (sch., gloss.).
As a second member in several compounds -x61o<, e.g. eipo-KdpLoc ‘processing wool,
spinner’ (I 387, AP), immoxdéttoc ‘who takes care of horses, groom’ (IA). On the
semantic development of Kkoptitw and derivatives see Wackernagel 1916: 2109f.,
Hoekstra Mnem. 4:3 (1950): 103f.
*ETYM Iterative deverbative koptéw from primary »>Kdtvw (type gopéu; see
Schwyzer: 719), which was enlarged to Kojti(w, whence as a back-formation Kopudy
(Schwyzer: 421°). See further s.v. > Kapvw.
K6un [f.] ‘hair’ of the head, also of the manes of a horse (II.), metaph. ‘foliage’, also of
growth in general (Od.), ‘tail of a comet’ (Arist.). <?>
eCOMP Bahuvrihi immd-Kojtoc ‘covered with horsehair’, of a helmet (Il), opposed to
governing inmo-Kdjtoc, see »KoLéw; KOLla-tpopéw [v.] ‘to grow one’s hair’
(Amorgos, Str.), also with compositional -o-.
*DER Diminutives koptioxa (Alcm.) and x6,uov (Arr.). Further kopuytys [m.] ‘with
(long) hair’ (1A), ‘comet’ (Arist.). see Scherer 1953: 105 and 107f., also a plant-name
‘tOvpLaAAOc, Euphorbia’ (Dsc.); Kopiretc ‘with leaves’ (Orph.). Denominative kopaw
[v.] ‘to have long hair, show off (IL), Ion. -éw; late with dva-, kata-, etc.
eETYM Not explained with certainty. The word x6) may be taken as “well-tended
hair”, in opposition to » OpiE, and connected with » kopéw ‘to take care of. Thus, it
would originally mean ‘care’. Schwyzer: 725'° considers a back-formation from
koptaw, which could be a by-form of kouéw. However, since kopidaw is always
744 KOU
connected with hair and is never used in a different sense of ‘to care’, the assumprion
is not very probable. Borrowed as Lat. coma; see WH s.v.
kOuut [n.] ‘gum’ (Hdt., Hp., Arist., Thphr.). <Lw Eg.>
VAR Indeclinable, but also declined -ews, -et (-t61).
*DER Koputidtov (Hippiatr. sch.), kopyu(d)w@dn¢ ‘rubber-like’ (Arist. Thphr.),
Kopptilw [v.] ‘to be like «.’ (Dsc.).
eETYM From Eg. kemai, kema, kmjt, Copt. kommi (see Schrader-Nehring 1917(1):
417). From «6,yu, Latin borrowed cummi(s), younger gummi. The other European
forms came from Latin. Independent loans from Egyptian (as assumed by Fohalle
1925: 171; cf. Kretschmer Glotta 16 (1928): 166) would hardly have resulted in the
same form in both languages.
koppdopat [v.] ‘to embellish, adorn oneself (Eup., Arist., Them.). <PG?>
eCOMP With ém- (Them.).
*DER KOU[twpta ‘ornament’ (Luc.), -wotc ‘ornamentation’ (Ath., H.); back-formation
KOLYLdc¢: mMEpiepyoc KdoLtI}OI¢ ‘elaborate adornment’ (Suid.); -wtr¢ ‘dresser’ (Arr.,
Luc, Plu.), kopytwtifw- emyteAooptat ‘to take care of (Suid.), -wtpia [f.] ‘servant-girl’
(Ar, Pl), -wtpiov ‘cleaning product’ (Ar.), -wttkd¢ ‘belonging to cleaning,
polishing’, -wttkr (téxvn) ‘art of cleaning’ (Pl, Hell.); koptpw: 1) Kooptodoa 16 &50¢
tijc AOryvac iépeta ‘priestess arranging the (seated) statue of Athena’ (AB).
eETYM As a typical culture word, Kojytdw is suspected to have been a fashionable
innovation or a loan. The similarity with kdojtog and Kotydc led to unconvincing
attempts to connect these two words. Solmsen RhM 56 (1901): 5o1f. assumes that
Koyt@ is the oldest form, derived from *xouw (to, Kopeiv) with hypocoristic
gemination. For lack of a clear solution, it seems best to assume that we are dealing
with a substrate word.
k6umog [m.] ‘echoing noise, clattering when something is struck, any loud noise,
bragging’ (Il.). <ONOM>
*COMP brtép-KoLtTO¢ ‘extremely noisy, bragging’ (A., Men.).
DER Kopim@d19¢ ‘ostentatious’ (Th., Plu.), kopimtdc [m.] ‘resplendent, vaunting’ (E.),
on the accent see Schwyzer: 459), Kopimnpdc ‘ringing loudly’ (comm. Arist., sch.).
Denominatives: 1. kopitéw [v.] ‘to clash, ring’ (M 151), ‘to rattle, strike’ (D. L.), usually
‘to flaunt, boast’ (Pi.), on the formation see Schwyzer: 726°. 2. kopimdw [v.] ‘to flaunt,
boast’ (B. and A.), ‘to strike (a pot) to try its quality’ (pap.), whence Kojtmdopata
[pl.] ‘boasting’ (A.), rarely sg., Koptmaopdc ‘bragging’ (Plu.), Koltnaoia ‘rattling,
striking’ (pap.), Kojimaotr¢ ‘parader’ (Ph, Plu.), Koptmaotixds (Poll.), Kdpimtacoc
(Hdn.), Kopmacetcs ‘belonging to the district of Képtmoc (Ar.). 3. koptmdojtat [v.] ‘to
show off (D. C.).
*ETYM Probably onomatopoeic; cf. on »Bd,tBoc, » KovaBoc and » KdpiBa. Fur.: 380
compares KévaBoc with interchange a/ zero, but there appears to be no basis for this.
Kkouwos [adj.] ‘fine, elegant, to the point, cunning’ (Att.). On Kopwoc as a stylistic
notion see Wersd6rfer 1940: 105f., 127f. < PG?>
*COMP Trepi-KoLwos ‘very fine’ (Ar.).
KOvdbA0C 745
*DER Koupotne ‘elegance’ (Pl.), kouwevoutat [v.] ‘to be cunning or clever’ (Pl.), also
-evw, with kopweia (Pl, Luc.), kopyevpta (Arist., Luc., Gal.) ‘sth. to the point, clever
remark’.
eETYM The old connection with Lith. svdnkus ‘decent, reasonable, etc.’, as if from
*kuonk”-so-, is meaningless, since etyma in this kind of meaning are never old (thus
Fraenkel 1955 s.v.), and since there is no suffix *-so-. The latter objection also
excludes connection with »xKotéw ‘to take care’, » Koptdoptat ‘to adorn’ (as per
Chantraine REGr. 58 (1945): 9off., DELG s.v.). The word can hardly be IE, so Pre-
Greek origin is probable.
kovaPéw [v.] ‘to din, ring, clash, resound’ (AP). <PG?>
VAR Aor. kovaBijoat (Hom., Hes.), kovaPitw (Il, Orph.), only ipf. On the metrically
conditioned use of the different forms see Schwyzer: 105 and 736, Chantraine 1942:
340 and 350.
*DER Probably as a-back-formation xdévaBoc¢ [m.] ‘clang, clash’ (k 122, A. Th. 160
[lyr.]); kovaBnd6v ‘with clattering’ (AP).
eETYM The ending recalls other sound-words like dpaéw (to dpaBoc), dtopéw
(StoBoc), Bopupéw (OdpvBoc), etc. (Chantraine 1933: 260, Schwyzer: 496). Fur.: 343
assumes a Pre-Greek sound-word, comparing kavax1 ‘clattering, rattling, etc.’ with
the interchanges a/ o and y/ 6.
kovapov [adj.] - etvtpagr, tiova, Spactiptov ‘well-fed, fat, active’ (H.). <?>
*DER KovapWtepov: SpactiKwtepov ‘most active, efficacious’; kovapixov: yAa@updv
‘hollow’ (H.).
*ETYM In the sense of dpaotiiptoc, probably related to » éy-kovéw. It is unknown
whether the glosses evtpagi}, miova refer to a different word kovapév; they could be
different suggestions for an obscure passage. On the Thessalian PN Kévapog, see O.
Masson 2000: 145.
kovdak, -aKoc [m.] name of a gambling game, played with a blunt dart (AP 5, 60 [sens.
obsc.], Cod. Just. 3, 43, 1, 4). <PG(S)>
*ETYM A different name for the game is Kkovdo-\tovoBoAov (Cod. Just. ibd.). Cf.
Kovdo Kepaiat ‘horns’ (H.), covdoxépatog ‘with short horns’. The word xdvdak
must be Pre-Greek, in view of the suffix -ax-; the structure (prenasalized consonant)
fits this supposition well. On xdvdor dotpdyahot ‘vertebrae’, see » KOvSvAOG.
kovdv, -vog [n.] ‘name of a drinking-vessel (Hell.); acc. to H. = motiptov BapBaptkdv,
ku tBiov ‘foreign drinking-cup, small cup’. <Lw Sem.?>
eDER Diminutive kovévMov (Hell.).
*ETYM Like many words in -v, it is a loan (cf. Chantraine 1933: 119). Fur.: 181
compares KoTUAN ‘beaker’; cf. kovébAtov. Szemerényi Gnomon 43 (1971): 674 refers
to late Babylonian kandu ‘vessel’.
kévdvAog [m.] ‘knuckle, joint, bony knob, clenched fist, swelling of the gum, etc.’ (IA).
<PG(S,V)>
eCOMP As a second member e.g. in povo-, dt-xdvdvAo¢ (Arist.).
746 KoviAn
*DER KovdvAwdrg¢ ‘like a knuckle’, kovdtAwhta, -otc ‘hard swelling, tumor’ (Hp.),
kovévAwtoc ‘with «.’ (Att. inscr. [IV*]), kovévAdopua [v.] ‘to swell’ (Aspasia apud
Aét., H.). kovdvAilw [v.] ‘to hit the face with the fist, buffet, maltreat’ (Hyp., LXX),
KovévAtopdc (LXX).
eETYM Other body parts in -vAog are SaKtvdog and o@dvdvAog (cf. Giintert 1914:
116ff.); the bare stem is seen in Kdvdotr dotpdyahot ‘vertebrae’ (H.). Most
connections outside Greek, like Skt. kanda- [m.] ‘tuber’, kanduka- [m.] ‘playball’,
kanduka- [n.] ‘cushion’ can be rejected straightaway (cf. Mayrhofer KEWA: s.wv.,
who considers Dravidian origin). Lith. kdanduolas ‘kernel’ belongs to k@sti ‘to bite’;
see Fraenkel 1955 s.v. The word is probably Pre-Greek because of its structure, xov6-
vA- < *ka"t-ul-. Moreover, the gloss kavOvAac: Tac dvotdijoetc. AioytbAog Darayuviatc
(Fr. 220) ‘swellings’ (H.), may show variation a/o and 6/0 (Van Beek p.c.).
kovitn [f.] a kind of aromatic plant, ‘Origanum, marjoram’ (Nic., medic., Dsc.).
<PG(S)>
*ETYM Formation like Cwptidn, [tapiAn, etc. (Chantraine 1933: 249, Schwyzer: 483);
further unclear. Borrowed into Latin as cunila, for which Fur.: 361 assumes a Greek
variant *kvvikn, given that o remains before n in Latin. He further compares (1972:
120) yov@vi} Opiyavoc (H.), and perhaps yovijc, K@vijytEc: Bbpoot (H.) (op. cit. 121),
with variation y/ x. On -t\- as a Pre-Greek suffix, see Pre-Greek: suffixes.
Kovic [f.] “dust, ashes’ (I].). <IE *konis- ‘ashes’>
VAR Gen. -toc, -€w¢ (-€0¢); dat. -t, -el.
*COMP As a first member in kovi-optdc [m.] ‘cloud of dust’ (IA), from ép-vuut with
suffixal -to-, MoGr. kopwiaxtd¢ (Hatzidakis Glotta 3 (1910-1912): 7off.); Kovl-cadoc
[m.] (= kovio-oakog, cf. below) ‘cloud of dust’ (II.), ‘dust mixed with oil and sweat of
a wrestler’ (Gal.), also name of a priapic demon (com., inscr.) and a lascivious dance
(H.); kovi-moSec [m.pl.] ‘kind of shoe’ (Ar. Ec. 848, Poll.), name of the slaves in Epid.
(Plu.); French parallels in Niedermann KZ 45 (1913): 182.
*DER Denominative verb koviw (-iopiat) ‘to cover with dust, cover oneself with sand’
(Il; on the formation below), also with év-, dta-, etc; fut. koviow, Hell. kovodpa,
aor. kovioat (Kovicoat), perf. med. kexdvi(o)pat. Further k6vyia (Delphi ITI*), -topta
(Cythera) ‘dust of the wrestling arena’, kéwotc ‘production of dust, training at the
wrestling arena’ (Arist.), évcowotdc [m.] mg. unclear (inscr. Thebes), koviotpa
(Arist.), koviotrptov (Pergam. [II*]) ‘wrestling arena’, koviotikds ‘fond of rolling in
the dust’ (Arist.). Enlarged form xovileo@at- kvAieo8at, p8eipecBat, KovioptoboBat
‘to roll, be destroyed, be covered with dust’ (H.). Further derivatives: x6viog ‘dusty’
(Pi.), ‘creating dust’ (Paus.), epithet of Zeus, koww6rg ‘like ashes’ (Hp.). kovia ‘dust,
ashes, sand’ (Hom., Hes. Sc., A., E.), ‘alkaline fluid’ (Ar., Pl, Thphr., medic.), ‘chalk,
whitewash, plaster’ (LXX, Hell.); epic Ion. -in, metrically lengthened -tn, cf. kévva-
omoddc ‘ashes’ (H.), which might be Aeolic. Thence kowdw [v.] ‘to plaster,
whitewash’ (D., Arist.), coviatta ‘chalk, plaster’ (Hp., D., Hell.), xoviaoig ‘whitewash’
(Hell. inscr.), kowatip ‘whitewasher’ (Epid. IV’), kowatij¢ ‘id.’ (inscr., pap.);
Kowatdécg ‘whitewashed’ (X., Thphr., pap.), kowatixa (pya) ‘stuccowork’ (pap.,
inscr.). Also kovidoptat [v.] ‘to be covered with ashes’ (Gp.).
Kovula 747
eETYM The form kdéuc differs from Lat. cinis, -eris [m., f.] < *kenis- by its o-vocalism.
The s-stem seen in ciner-is and cinis-culus can also be assumed for Kovio-oaAoc,
KEKOvLO-Llal, Koviw < *konis-je/o-, Kovi-a < *konis-h,. The word may be an original
neuter is-stem, of which ToB kentse ‘dust’ < *koniso- is a thematisation. The basis is
unknown, but > -Kvaiw is unrelated.
xovic [f.] ‘eggs of lice, fleas, bugs’ (Arist. Antyll. apud Orib., Hdn.). <1& *knid- ‘eggs of
lice’>
eVAR Mostly plur. xovidec.
*DER Kowdtopdc “disease of the eyelids’ (Cyran.; on the formation Chantraine 1933:
142ff.).
*ETYM The closest cognate is Alb. théni ‘louse’, which also goes back to IE *konid-;
the Gm. group of OE knitu, OHG (h)niz ‘nit’ goes back to *knid-. Cf. further the BSI.
group of Ru. gnida, Latv. gnida, which may have gn- from kn- by regular
development, thus *knid- (the Slavic forms with Winter’s Law). Lith. glinda ‘id, has
-l-, perhaps by dissimilation from *gninda. Other forms: Lat. léns, lendis ‘id’, MIr.
sned [f.] ‘id’ < *snidd, Arm. anic ‘louse’ < *Hnid-s-, ON gnit ‘louse’. Because of folk-
etymological, euphemistic or taboo changes, no uniform proto-form can be
reconstructed for PIE. Connection with kvaiw, »«viGw poses a problem for Alb.
théni, which has an initial palatal.
kKOvvapog [m.] name of a thorny evergreen shrub, ‘nadiovpoc, Zizyphus Spina Christi’
(Theopomp. Hist.). <PG?>
*VAR KOvvapov: KapTtog SEvSpov Spotocg (GpLoiov?) mahtovpw ‘fruit of a tree like the
tt.’ (H.).
*ETYM Formation like » kd,tapos, etc.; otherwise obscure. Probably Pre-Greek.
Kovvéw [v.] ‘to know, understand’. <PG?>
eVAR Only in Kovveic, Kkovv@ (A. Supp. 130 andi64) and Kovveiv- ovwévat,
értiotao8at ‘understand, know’; kovvotot- yivwoxovotv ‘know’ (H.).
eETYM Similarity with kév- eiddc¢ ‘appearance’ and éxopev: eldouev, Ewpapev,
108628 ‘know, see, perceive’ (H.), as well as with » koéw ‘to remark, learn’, has
been noticed, but the details of any of these comparisons remain unclear. With its
geminate, the verb looks non-IE, and might well be Pre-Greek.
Kévvog [m.] ‘beard’ (Luc. Lex. 5), acc. to H. = 6 nwywv, f dmv, fH xaptc ‘beard,
moustache, grace’, similar in mg. to oKOAAUvG, HaAAdc. 42>
eDER Further plur., beside wéAAta, as the name of an ornament for girls (xdvot Plb.
10, 18, 6, -vv- Suid.). PN Kévvoc, Kévwtov, Kovvac, see L. Robert 1964: 168.
eETYM Unexplained.
Kovtdg ‘pole’. > Kevtéw.
kévv¢a [f.] name of a plant with a strong scent, ‘fleabane, Inula (viscosa, graveolens,
britannica)’ (Hecat., Arist., Thphr., Dsc.). <PG(S,V)>
eVAR Also oxdévua (Pherecr.) and xvi(a (Theoc.), giving MoGr. (Calabr.) Kliza
(Rohlfs ByzZ 37 (1937): 53, Rohlfs 1930 s.v.).
748 KOTLG
DER Kovut etc ‘like the x.’ (Nic.), kovutitns (oivoc) ‘seasoned with x.’ (Dsc., Gp.).
eETYM Formation like other plant names, such as uwAvla, pdavuta, dpvta, Kdputa,
etc. The assumption that it was formed from »kovic with this suffix -vGa, with
dialectal kviGa remodelled after kvbw, is unwarranted. The form xvvta has also been
analyzed as *knug-ja, and compared with ON hnykr ‘stench’ < PGm. *hnuki- < IE
*knugi-. The variation rather points to a Pre-Greek word; note the prothetic o-. See
Fur.: 183, 381.
Kom ‘prater, liar’. > KOmTw.
koénna [n.] ‘name of the character g, which originally stood between 7 and p in the
alphabet’ (Parmeno 1); also a sign for ‘90’ (pap.). <LW Sem.>
*DER kormatiag [m.] “horse with a kémma burned into it’ (Ar.), with allusion to
Konta, cf. ottypatiag; also xomma-pdpog (Luc.).
*ETYM From Phoenician; cf. Hebr. qéph.
KOmpos [f.] ‘excrement, ordure, dung, filth’ (Il.). «12 *kok’-r ‘dung’>
*COMP Komtpo-Adyog “dung-gatherer’ (Ar.), xompo-gopd ‘loaf of dung’ (Amorgos
IV*).
DER A. Substantives: k6mplov = kémpocg (Heraclit., Hp., inscr. pap.) with kompiwd1¢
‘dung-like, full of dung’ (Hp., Thphr., pap.), comptaxdg ‘belonging to dung’ (pap.);
Kompava [pl.] ‘excrements’ (Hp., Aret.); kompia ‘dung-heap’ (Semon., Stratt., Arist.);
komtpwv (Ar.), -ewv (Tz.), wv (Gortyn) ‘privy’; kompootvn ‘manuring’ (pap. VIP);
Kompetc herald of Eurystheus (O 639); Kompeaiog jocular PN (Ar.); konpiat [pl.]
‘buffoons’ (D. C.), whence Lat. copreae.
B. Adjectives: Kémpetog “belonging to the demos Kémpog’ (inscr.), also referring to
KOmpog (Ar.), Kdémptog ‘id.’ (Is.); k6mpivog ‘living in k.” (Hp.); kompwdr¢ ‘dung-like,
dirty’ (Hp., PL, Arist.).
C. Verbs: kompéw “to manure’, only fut. ptc. komprycovtec (p 299; v.l. kompicoovtec);
(éx-, émt-)kompitw ‘id? (p 299 v.l, Hp. Thphr.), whence xdzptote, -topdg ‘manuring’
(Thphr., pap.); kompdw ‘to defile with dung’ (Arr.) with kémpwoig ‘manuring’
(Thphr.), éxxompéw and -wotc (Hp.); konpebw = kompitw (Chios V-IV*), conpetoat:
gvutedoat ‘to plant, bring forth’ (H.).
*ETYM A thematization of an old r/n-stem PIE *kok”-r, preserved in Skt. saky-t, Sakn-
ah ‘dung’. A primary verb is assumed in Lith. sikti, isg. siku ‘to shit’ from a root
*kek”-. See also on » oxa@p, which is an old collective *sk-6r with a similar formation.
kontw [v.] ‘to strike, smite, hew, hammer, disable, tire out’ (Il.). <IE? *kop- ‘strike,
smite, hew’>
eVAR Aor. Kowa (I].), pass. komijvat (Att.), perf. kéxoga (Att.), epic ptc. kexom@c (N
60 with v.l. -@w> and -mwv, which may be Aeolic, Schwyzer: 772, but see Chantraine
1942: 397), med. kéxopipat (A.), fut. Koww (Alc, Hippon.).
*COMP Very frequent with prefix, in various shades of mg., e.g. dm0-, &k-, 1p0-, Tlept-,
ovv-.
*DER 1. KOm0¢ *‘stroke’ (thus perhaps E. Tr. 794 for mss. ktUmog; cf. also A. Ch. 23),
‘pain, trouble, labor’ (IA); konwé1g ‘tiring’ (Hp., Arist., Hell.), komnpdc ‘id.” (Hdn.);
KopaALov 749
Kondo, -dw ‘to get tired, tire’ (J. Plu, etc.), Komwoig (LXX), xond%w [v.] ‘to get
tired, leave off (Ion. Hell.), whence xénaopa (Tz.), komdw (éy-, ovy-, mpo-) [v.] “to
get tired’ (IA), komtapdc ‘tiring’ (Arist, Thphr.), komdtng ‘excavation worker,
digger’ (Cod. Theod., Just.), kommédng = konwdn¢ (Hp. Arist.), komiat hovyiat
‘quietness’ (H.). 2. (amto-, ék-, Mapa-, mpo-, etc.)komr ‘hewing, etc. (IA), Kdémtatov
(Alciphr.), komddiov (gloss.) ‘piece’, komdpiov ‘kind of probe’ (medic.), (éy-,
éx-)komtev¢ ‘oil stamper, chisel’ (Hell.). 3. koupa (also with did-, am6-, mtepi-) ‘stamp,
coinage; piece’ (IA), koppatiov ‘small part’ (Eup.), Koupiatiag ‘who speaks in short
sentences’ (Philostr.), -atixé¢ ‘consisting of short sentences’ (Luc.); 4. Kopidc
‘beating the breast in lamentation, dirge’ (A., Arist.). 5. Kdmtc, -iSo¢ [m.] ‘prater’
(Heraclit. 81 [?], E. Hec. 132 [lyr.], Lyc.), cf. wtoKxomet Kepadadyel, évoyAet Aah@v
‘suffers from (or causes) a headache, troubles by talking’ (H.), and the expression
KONTELV TV dkpdaciv, So-Kdomo0g = SrENyopoc (H.), “hitting the ears of the
public”, etc; hence (or perhaps from K6m0¢) komitetvy yeddeo8at ‘to be deceived’
(H.); 6. komtic, -i60¢ [f.] ‘butchering knife, curved sabre’ (Att.), also name of the meal
on the first day of the Hyacinthia in Sparta (com.), whence kom7i(w ‘to celebrate the
K’ (Ath.); 7. xomdc, -ddo¢ [f.] ‘pruned, lopped’ (Thphr.), ‘bush’ (Hell. pap.), ém-
komtdc ‘land cleared of wood’ (pap.). 8. Kometd¢ = Koupds (Eup., LXX, Act. Ap.). 9.
Tpd6-, amd-, Mpdo-Kowlc, etc. from mpo-Kdmtetv, etc. (Sapph., Hp. Arist.). 10.
KOmavov ‘butchering knife, axe’ (A. Ch. 890), ‘pestle’ (Eust.), whence konaviCw ‘to
pound’ (LXX, Alex. Trall.), komavopdc, konavotiptov (H.); émkdmavov ‘chopping
block’ (Hell.). 11. komtdg ‘pounded’ (Cratin. Antiph.); contr (onoapic) ‘cake from
pounded sesame’ (Hell. epic), ‘squill, 8addco.ov mpdoov’ (Ath.), which Fur.: 318°
considers to be Pre-Greek, also ‘pastille’ (Dsc.); 12. ém-x6mti¢ ‘satirist’ (Timo), mept-
‘stonecutter’ (pap.), TIpoxéntac = poxpovortng (B. 18, 28); 13. (amo0-, Mapa-, Mpoc-,
etc.)kontixd¢ (medic.). 14. k6mtpa [pl.] ‘wages of a hewer’ (pap.); 15. KomTHplov
‘threshing place’ (Hell. pap.). 16. Two plant-names: komioxog = AiBavog optAtwtdc ‘a
kind of frankincense-tree’ (Dsc. 1, 68, 1), K6mn8pov- PuTOV Aayav@dec daypiov ‘wild
plant of the vegetable kind’ (H.). Further verbal nouns like am6-, émi-, mapa-, bmép-
komtog and compounds like 61,10-K67to¢ (cf. on 5. above).
eETYM The present kémtw may correspond to Lith. kapti, isg. kapiu ‘to hew, fell’,
intr. nasal present kam pu, pret. kapai ‘to be cut down, get tired’, and umlauted Alb.
kep ‘hew’ < *kop-eie-. Lith. and Greek point to an IE yod-present. Further, there is a
secondary formation in Lith. kapéti ‘chop, hew’, Latv. kapat ‘id’, and the Slav. group
of Ru. kopdt’, isg. kopdjo ‘to hew, dig’. Alternatively, if related to »oKkdntw,
> oKémapvos, etc. the word might be from the Pre-Greek or European substrate, with
interchange a/ o.
kopadAtov [n.] ‘coral’ (Peripl. M. Rubr., Dsc.). <PG?(V), LW Sem.?>
VAR Kopaatov (S. E.), koupdAtov (Thphr.), kwpaA(A tov (Att., acc. to Hdn. Gr. 2, 537).
*DER KopaAAtkoc ‘coral-like’ (Ps.-Democr.), -i@w ‘to be like x.’ (Dsc.).
*ETYM Schrader-Nehring 1917(1): 628 considered univerbation from K6pr (Kovpn)
aAdc “daughter of the sea”, which would be a calque of a similar Indian expression.
The varying notations kop-, kovp-, kwp- are ascribed to association with Kdpn, etc.
Semitic etymology in Lewy 1895: 18f. (Hebr. goral ‘small stone’); criticized by E.
750 Kopag, -aKoc
Masson 1967: 110, although it looks convincing. See L. Robert 1963: 277-283. From
Greek, Latin borrowed corallium, ciralium; cf. WH s.v.
Kopak, -akog [m.] ‘raven’ (Thgn., Pi.), also Képakog métpn ‘raven rock’ (v 408), often
metaph. ‘hook (of a door), grappling-iron, etc.’ (Hell.); also as a fish name (Diph.
Siph.) and the name of a constellation (Eudox.), see Scherer 1953: 191. <IE *kor-
‘raven’>
*COMP Kopako-eldrj¢ ‘raven-like’ (Arist.), 6&v-Kdpakoc ‘with a sharp hook’ (Paul. Aeg.).
eDER Some fish and plant names, acc. to Strémberg 1943: 114f., Stromberg 1940: 119
after their color or voice, or after the place where they grow: diminutives kopdKtov
‘small hook’ (pap.), the plant igpdxtov (Arist.), kopakicxoc (gloss.), Kopaxivocg [m.]
‘young raven’ (Ar.), but usually a fish name ‘Sciaena nigra’ (Epich., Ar., Arist.), fem.
kopaktvic (Gp.), diminutive -tvidiov (com., pap.); Lat. LW coracinus > Ital. coracino,
etc. Kkopakiac [m.] ‘chough, Pyrrhocorax alpinus’ (Arist., H.), Kopaxtai [pl.] TN on
Delos (inscr. III"), with oppositive accent; kopaxetc- eidog iyOvoc ‘kind of fish’ (H.);
KopdKews [m.] = xopwvews ‘fig-tree with raven-black fruits’ (Hermipp. 51), cf. on
EplvEews s.v. Eplvedc; Kopaknoia plant name (Pythag. apud Plin.), Kopaxrjoiwov TN
(Pamphylia), -rotog, -1owtiKd¢ (pap. III*); on -fovog Chantraine 1933: 42, Schwyzer:
466; Kopaxwér ‘raven-like’ (Arist.), kopakdc ‘raven-black’ (Str.), xpakoc fish name
(Xenocr.), with a suffix -co- (Schwyzer: 516, Chantraine 1933: 434); (kata-)Kopakow
‘to lock (with a door hook)’ (Mon. Ant.), kopd&ar dyav mpooAinapfioat. nemoitat
Tapa tod<s KdpaKac ‘to persevere excessively, built on kopa® (H.), probably with
original mg. ‘to hook oneself onto’; back-formation képaxoc [m.] ‘plaster’ (Paul.
Aeg.)? oxopaxitw originally “to wish to go to the raven (&¢ Képakac)”, ‘chase away,
revile’ (Att., Hell.) with oxopaxtoptdc ‘revilement, curse’ (LXX, Plu.), cf. Schwyzer
413. Extensively on xdpak, kopaxiac, kopaxivoc Thompson 1895 and Thompson 1947
S.VV.
eETYM Cognate with the different formations in Lat. corvus ‘raven’, Gr. kopwvn, Lat.
cornix ‘crow’, Gr. kopagocs bird name (H.). Greek -af is a productive suffix, so there
is no need to derive it from *-y4-k- and connect it with the nasal in Lat. cornix, Gr.
Kopwvi. T. Pronk (p.c.) suggests that the same formation is found in Balto-Slavic,
e.g., Ru. sordka ‘magpie’, both branches continuing *korh,k-. The alternation
between suffixes (containing) *-n- (kopwvn, cornix) and *-u- (corvus) is often found
in animal names. See » kopwv1).
Kopdak, -aKoc [m.] name of a dance in old comedy (Ar., Thphr.), also in the cult of
Apollo (Amorgos) and Artemis (Sipylos, Elis; Paus. 6, 22, 1). <PG>
*DER Kopddaxa [f.] epithet of Artemis in Elis (Paus. l.c.), kopdaxtkdc ‘like «.’ (Arist.),
kopdaxilw [v.] ‘to dance the kx” (Hyp.), whence -toptd¢ (D.), -toua (H.), -totr¢
(Amorgos, pap.).
*ETYM A Doric word (Bjérck 1950: 61) of uncertain origin. It is reminiscent of
> xpaddw ‘to swing’ and derivatives. Note that the ending -a& is typical of Pre-Greek.
KopSvAn [f.] ‘tumor, swelling’ (Semon. 35, EM); name of a hairdo = Att. kpwRvAoc
(Creon apud sch. Ar. Nu. 10, EM); ‘club, kopbvn, pomadov’ (H.). Frisk notes that the
mg. is the same as that of tbAn. < PG(V)>
KOpPEVVULL 751
eVAR Also oxopdvan (Arist.) and kop¥ddAtc (Numen. apud Ath.).
eCOMP As a first member (with haplology) in kopdv-BadA@dec (méd0v, Luc. Trag.
222) ‘pavimentum’; ‘young tunny’ (Str.), cf. in Lat. cordjla (Plin., Mart.), cordula
(Apic.), on the mg. see Thompson 1947 s.v.
*DER Denominative ptc. éykexopdvAnplévoc “évtetvAtypévoc, wrapped up’ (Ar. Nu.
10).
*ETYM Formation like kavOv0An, oxevdvAn (see Chantraine 1933: 251). The mg.
‘younger tunny’ may go back to ‘club’; see Strémberg 1943: 36. Proposals like those
by Giintert 1914: 117f, who assumes a cross of » kdvdvAoc ‘swelling’ with Kdpuc,
KOpvgr, KOpon, or Kopbvn, are mostly incorrect. The prothetic o-, the suffix -dA-,
and the anaptyctic v (Fur.: 384) point to Pre-Greek origin. The form kopd- might be
from *kard- with 0 < *a before *u.
KdpdvA0¢ + Bardcotoc ixOvc. Eviot KopSUAN ‘a sea fish’ (H.). < PG>
eETYM The suffix -vA- and the meaning make Pre-Greek origin plausible.
kopdvAoc [m.] probably ‘water-newt, Triton palustris’ (Arist.). <PG(V)>
*VAR Also koupvAoc (Numen. apud Ath.).
eETYM Perhaps related to kopdvAn ‘swelling’, after the crest on the back. Probably
Pre-Greek.
Kopduc [m.] - navodpyos ‘crafty’ (H.). 415? *kerd- ‘cunning’>
eETYM Fur.: 362 proposed connection with koxptédwv-: Anotwv, KAettwv ‘robbing,
stealing’, but this should be forgotten since Schmitt Glotta 51 (1973): 24f. argues that
Kopduc is the Aeolic positive of képdtov (which also means ‘more cunning’), kop6-,
coming from *krd-. This is accepted by Minon RPh. 74 (2000): 271. See » képdoc.
Kopévvuutt [v.] ‘to satiate, fill, be satiated’ (epic Ion.). <IE *kerh,- ‘feed, grow’>
eVAR The present (also -tat) only Them., Orph, other presents kopéw, kopéoxw
(Nic.), Kopioxopat (Hp.); aor. kopéo(a)at, -ac8at (Il.), pass. xopecOAjvat (Od.),
perf.ptc.act. (intr.) kexoprywe (Od.), perf. med. kexoprpat (II), kexdpeopat (X.), fut.
Kopéw (II.), copéow (Hdt.).
*COMP Sometimes prefixed with tmep- (Thgn., Poll.), amo- (gloss.). As a second
member in d-xopoc¢ ‘insatiable, untiring’ (Pi.), dxopia ‘unsatiated condition,
moderation’ (Hp.), ‘insatiability’ (Aret.). did-, katé-, mpdo-, bnép-Kopos ‘satiated,
etc. (IA); also as an s-stem d-, dta-, tp00-Koprc, whence the verb mpoo-KopiCopiat ‘to
vex, annoy’ (sch.). As a privative also d-Kdprytoc (Il), d-Kdpe(o)toc (trag.).
Uncertain the appurtenance of Aiyt-Kopetc [m.pl.], Aiyucopic [f.] name of one of the
old Ionic phylai (E, inscr.), cf. Hdt. 5, 66.
DER With lengthened grade: xwpa- bBptc ‘excess, insolence’ (H.). kdpog [m.] ‘satiety,
surfeit, insolence’ (II.). On Kxépog (epic Kotpoc, Dor., etc. K@poc) ‘youth’ see » Kdpr]
‘young girl’.
eETYM The starting point of the whole paradigm was the aorist kopéoat: thence pass.
KopeoOFvat (Chantraine 1942: 406), perf. kexdprytat, -eopat (Schwyzer: 773), fut.
Kopéw, -éow, and finally also the presents kopiokoptat, Kopéw, -EoKw, -Evvupu, which
are sparsely attested and late. The formation of xope- (with o-vocalism) is also found
752 Kopéw
in otopéoat, Dopetv, podetv, mopeiv, and is mostly explained from root-final *-h,.
This gave rise to the aorist *kero-s-, which apparently underwent a metathesis of
some sort to yield kopé-o-.
In other branches, we find Lith. sérti ‘to feed’, the acute accent confirming the
laryngeal, and Arm. ser ‘origin, gender, offspring’ < *kér-o-, serem ‘to produce’. It is
uncertain whether Lat. cred ‘to procreate, etc.’, crésc6é ‘to grow’, and Cerés ‘goddess of
the growth of plants’ should be connected (see De Vaan 2008 s.wv., in which Cerés is
connected and the two verbsare separated).
kopéw [v.] ‘to sweep out, purify’ (v 149, com.). <?>
VAR Also *kopiCw, in kexoptopévos ‘purified’ (BGU 1120, 40 [I*]); aor. kopfjcat.
*COMP Mostly with ék-, rarely with dva-, mapa-, amo-. As a second member in onko-
KOpoG ‘groom’ (p 224, Poll.), vew-Kdpog (Att.), Dor. va(o)-xdpoc¢ ‘warden of a
temple’ (inscr.), whence derivations in -xopéw, -ia, -i1), -eiov, -ov (Att., Hell.).
*DER Kdprpa ‘dirt, broom’ (com.), k6prOpov ‘broom’ (Luc.), as a back-formation
also Kdpoc ‘broom’ (Bion, H.). On » Cakdpos, see s.v.
*ETYM An iterative deverbative verb, lacking a good etymology.
k6p1, [f.] ‘young girl, daughter’ (since h. Cer. 439), metaph. ‘pupil’, in architecture
‘female figure’, also name of the daughter of Persephone (IA, Arc.). <IE *kerh,-
‘grow >
VAR Epic Ion. xovpn (Il.), Dor. kwpa, Képa, Arc. Cor. Kdpra.
*DIAL Myc. ko-wo /korwos/, ko-wa /korwa/.
*COMP Some compounds, e.g. kopo-7tAd8o¢ [m.] ‘sculptor of female figures’ (Att.).
*DER Several diminutives: ké6piov, Dor. (Megar.) kwptov (Ar., Theoc.), xkopidtov
(Delphi, Naupaktos); xopioxn (Pl. Com.), -ioxtov (Poll.); also Kopioxog [m.] name of
an arbitrary man (Arist.), also as a PN (D. L.); kopdotov (Hell.), whence -acidiov
(Arr.), -acig (Steph. Med.), -aciwdr¢ (Com. Adesp., Plu.); KdpidAa, Kodptvva
(Boeot.), see Chantraine 1933: 252 and 205; kopvdtov (Naupaktos).
Adjectives: kovpiétog (Il, Ion.. poet.), original mg. ‘of a young lady, untouched’,
thence ‘matrimonial, lawful’ (aAoxos, mtdotc, A€XOs, etc. on the mg. see Bechtel 1914
s.v., on the formation Schwyzer: 467, Chantraine 1933: 40; kouprlog ‘of a young lady’
(h. Cer. 108); Képetog ‘of Kdpr’, Kdépetov ‘temple of Kédpr, -a [pl.] ‘festival of K,’
(Attica, Plu.); xopaiog ‘of a girl (Epic. in Arch. Pap. 7, 8), xopikdg ‘id.’ (Hell.).
*Kopitng (-ti¢) ‘servant of Kdpr’ in Kopeithat [pl.], which may stand for *Kopitetat
‘service of Kdépn?’ (Lycosoura).
Verbs: xopevouat [v.] ‘to pass one’s maidenhood’ (E.), ‘to lose one’s maidenhood’
(Pherecyd.), képevpa ‘maidenhood’ (E.), kopeia ‘id’ (D. Chr., AP); xopiGouat ‘to
caress’ (Ar.), originally “treat like a child”, bmo- ‘to call by endearing names, address’
(Pi, Att.).
Beside xdpn, or perhaps derived from it (see below): Kdpog (trag., Pl. Lg., Plu; also
Dor.), epic kobpoc, Theoc. k@pocg [m.] ‘youth, boy, son’ (Il.). Compounds, eg. a-
Kovpog ‘without son’ (1) 64), Kovpo-tpd@ocg ‘educating youths’ (Od.); on
> Atéoxovupot s.v. Derivatives: kovprytec [m.pl.] ‘young warriors’ (IL), Koupijtec,
Dor. Kwp- (Hes., Crete, etc.) “Kuretes’, name of divine beings who dance in armor
KOpOuG, -vO¢G 753
around an infant Zeus (Hes. Fr. 198, Crete, etc.), whence Kovpntikds, -ftI¢;
Kovpnytevw, Kouprtiopds (Hell.); on the formation of kobpntes see Schwyzer: 499,
Chantraine 1933: 267. From kotpoc also kovpwdn¢ ‘boy-like’, probably also kovptoc
‘youthful’ (Orph. A., Orac. apud Paus. 9, 14, 3), Kovpoobvn, Dor. -a ‘youth’ (Theoc.,
AP), -ovvoc ‘youthful (AP). kovpitw ‘to be a young man or maiden’ (x 185), ‘to
educate a youth’ (Hes.), kovpt(opevoc: buevarovpevog ‘singing the wedding-song’
*ETYM The more limited attestation of msc. xodpoc, K6poc, compared with general
Kovpr, KOpn, seems to indicate that the msc. was an innovation from fem. PGr.
*korwa. However, the Mycenaean evidence shows that the masculine is old as well.
In the meaning ‘boy’, Greek also had staic and veaviac.
It is generally accepted that xépfa and *Kdpfoc derive from the root of kopévvup,
but the exact semantic development is difficult to reconstruct. Perhaps an abstract
formation “growth, flourishing”? The rare meaning ‘sprout, branch’ is hardly old for
K6po¢ (Lysipp. 9, Hp. apud Gal. 19, 113), and may have developed from ‘son’ or the
like; alternatively, it may derive from xeipw, for which see » kobdpoc. Note Kdpvk:
veavioxog ‘boy’ (H.) (beside kdpuy ‘id.’ and Képvy Boeot. PN; see Bechtel 19174:
29f.), which could continue the u-stem from which Myc. ko-wa, ko-wo were derived.
See > KOpEVVULLL.
kopOikat [pl.] in kopBirac moleiv (IG 2”, 2493: 16 [IV*]), of garden work, but exact mg.
unknown. <PG?>
eVAR Cf. xopBidac kal KdpOtv- Tods Cwpovs. Kai Tv ovoTpo*r ‘heaps, mass’ and
KopOéAal- cvotpogai, owpoi ‘masses, heaps’ (H.).
*ETYM Connection with (the root of) » yéptoc is most certainly wrong. Probably a
Pre-Greek formation; cf. » kdp8uc.
kopBiAos [m.] - dpvic, Sv tives Bacthiokov ‘a bird,’ (H.). <PG?>
*VAR kOpO- (cod.).
*ETYM Formation like tpoxiAoc, onopyiAoc, and other bird names (Chantraine 1933:
249). Related to xdpOtc, xopOikau? Fur.: 195 derives it from Kdpuc ‘helmet’. The form
looks Pre-Greek.
KdpOtc = KopBiat.
Kop8uc, -voc [f.] ‘heap (of grain?), sheaf(?)’ (Theoc. 10, 46: Kdp8vog a tod); cf.
Kdp8vac Ta Kat’ OAiyov Spayyata ‘handfuls little by little’ (H.); ‘heap, cwpd¢’ (EM
530, 3), of sand, dupov KdpOv¢ (Anon. apud Suid. s.v. kopOvetat). <IE? *kerd'.,
skerd"- ‘herd’>
*DER KopOvVopat (kdua I 7, Bdwp A. R. 2, 322) ‘to form a heap or sheaf(?), rise up’;
KopObvw ‘to raise high’, aor. cop8icat, in: Zed¢ KdpOvvev édv pEévoc (Hes. Th. 853);
edté pe Ovudc KopObon (Hymn. Is. 150).
eETYM Frisk assumes that Kdp8uc and » kopGikar are related. Related to Skt. sardha-
[m.], sdrdhas- [n.] ‘band, troop, host’, and Gm. words like Go. hairda ‘herd’.
Connection of MW cordd [f.] ‘troop, band, family’ is less probable, as this may also
derive from PCelt. *koryo- ‘troop, tribe’ (Matasovi¢ 2008 s.v.).
754 Kopiavvov
kopiavvov [n.] ‘coriander, Coriandrum sativum’ (Anacr. com., Thphr.). <PG(v)>
*VAR Also kopiavdpov (gloss.), dissimilated koAiavépov (Gp. sch.); KkopiapBAov
(H.); shortened kdptov (Hp., Nic., pap.).
*DIAL Myc. ko-ri-ja-do-no, ko-ri-a,-da-na /kori*adnon, -na/.
*ETYM It is doubtful that the forms in -avdpov and -atBAov are folk-etymological, as
Frisk supposes. Szemerényi Gnomon 43 (1971): 674 points to the comparison with
Akk. hur? anu ‘id’, but this does not explain the Myc. -d-. The cluster -dn- rather
points to a Pre-Greek word. It is possible that PG *koria"dro- dissimilated to
*koria"dno-, with subsequent (post-Mycenaean) assimilation -ndn- >.-nn- in the
classical form.
kopiakos [m.] ‘a kind of fish’? (Alex. Trall.); acc. to Strémberg 1943: 115 rather ‘spiced
meat’. <PG?>
eETYM If ‘spiced meat’ is the correct translation, does it belong to Kdptov,
> Kopiavvov? However, the formation remains unclear in any case. Probably Pre-
Greek.
Képtc, -toc [m., f.] ‘bug, Cimex lectularius’ (Ar., Sor., Phryn.); also a fish (Dorio, Boeot.
inscr.), see Lacroix 1938: 52; called after its flat shape acc. to Strémberg 1943: 124. As a
plant name ‘Hypericum empetrifolium’ (Dsc., Aét.), after the shape of the leaves acc.
to Stromberg 1937: 50. <IE *(s)ker- ‘cut’>
eVAR Gen. also -t60c, -ews.
*DER Denominative kopitw [v.] ‘to be full of bugs’ (gloss.).
*ETYM The i-stem also occurs in tpémic, tpdgic, Tpdxic, etc. (Schwyzer: 462).
Identical with Ru. kor’ [f.] ‘moth’, and traditionally analyzed as an old verbal noun
from *(s)ker- ‘shave, split, cut’ seen in > keipw, etc. (s.v). However, an old isogloss is
highly improbable for a word of such a specialized meaning. Literature: Jouanna
RPh. 50 (1976): 32-40; Gil Fernandez 1959: 109.
kopkopas [?] - dpvic. Ilepyator “bird (Pergaian)’ (H.). <Lw Anat.?>
*ETYM Neumann 1961: 42 connects it with Hitt. kallikalli- falcon’, with a borrowed
as o and interchange of / and r.
kopkopvyr [f.] ‘dumb sound, battle cry’ (A, Ar.). <ONOM, PG?>
*DER (Sta-)kopkopvyéw [v.] ‘to fill with noise, storm, rumble’ (tiv yaotépa, Ar. Nu.
387 with sch.); kopkopvypdc ‘rumbling in the belly’ (Ps.-Luc. Philo patr. 3).
*ETYM Onomatopoeic word with reduplication; the ending like in BopBopvyn, -yp6c,
odoAvyN; -yudc (see Chantraine 1933: 401). See Tichy 1983: 275f.
Kopitdc ‘piece cut off, clump, trunk’. = keipw.
Kdpvoy, -o70¢ [m.] ‘locust’. = mapvow.
kOpoc 1 ‘satiety, surfeit, insolence’. = kopévvuLU.
K6poc 2 [m.] ‘youth, boy, son’. eVAR Ion. kobpoc. = Kdpn.
KOpoc 3 [m.] name of a measure of capacity for grain, flour, etc; acc.to J. AJ 15, 9, 2 it
equals 10 Att. medimnes (LXX, J., Ev. Luc., pap.). <LW Sem.>
ee RE
ms
KOpvdoc 755
*ETYM A loan from Semitic; cf. Hebr. kér, originally a round vessel (Lewy 1895: 116).
kopon [f.] ‘temple, hair on the temple’, metaph. ‘parapets, etc.’ (Il.); mainly poetic,
except in Att. expressions like natdooetv, timtetv, paniferv emi KOppnc; prose usually
has kp6tag@os ‘temple’. <IE *(s)ker- ‘cut’>
VAR Att. kdppn Aeol. kdpoa, Dor. kdppa.
*COMP mupodKopoos “with red temples (hair)”, ie. ‘with red manes’ (Aéwv; A. Fr.
110), wido-Kdpons [m.] “bald-headed’ (Call., Hdn.); kopoo-etdij¢ (Ai80c) “with the
color of the temples”, ie. ‘gray’ (Plin.); cf. MiGr. kopoityc, see Redard 1949: 56;
Koppi-ptayoc (Thess.), see Kretschmer Glotta 2 (1910): 350.
*DER Kkopoeia, Kdpoea [pl.] ‘temples’ (Nic.); koporjetg = kopooetdij¢ (Orph. L. 498
[?]).
wg Probably from *kors-6- ‘that which is shaven’ (H. has kopodc: koppdc ‘cut-off
piece’ and Kopoodv- keipetv ‘to shave’; cf. the -s- in d-Kepoe-KOyNs, s.v. » KoUpA).
This interpretation goes back to antiquity, eg. Poll. 2, 32: kai kdpoac tivéc Exddeoav
tag tpixac dia TO KeipecBat ‘some called hair xdpoac because it was shaven’.
However, ‘hair’ is not the original meaning; we have to start from ‘haircut (at the
temples)’. For parallels, see Frisk 1951: 14ff. Cf. Forbes Glotta 36 (1958): 191-205.
Kopods, -6w, KopowrTrp, etc. = koupa.
Kopvtfavtec [m.pl.] “‘Corybantes’, priests of the Phrygian Cybele (E., Ar., Str.), sg.
Koptfac-: ‘Péac iepetc (H.); also KipBavtec, sg. -ac (Pherecyd., S.). <PG(v)>
*DER Kopupdvtetog ‘Corybantian’ (AP), -avtiKds ‘id’ (Plu.), -avtic [f.] ‘id’ (Nonn.),
-avtwdng “C.-like’ (Luc.), -avtetov [n.] ‘C.-temple’ (Str.); kopuBavtidw [v.] ‘to be
filled with frenzy like the C.’ (Pl, Longin.) with -tacy6¢ (D. H., Longin.);
Kopvupavtitw [v.] ‘to consecrate in the C. rites’ (Ar. V. 119, Iamb.) with -topdc:
Kaapotc Laviac (H.).
*ETYM Formation like ‘ABavtec, ddiBavtec etc. (Schwyzer: 526, Chantraine 1933: 269).
Given their origin, a Phrygian word would be the first guess. However, the variation
shows that the word was originally Pre-Greek, so Kretschmer’s IE etymology
connecting ON hverba ‘to turn (intr.)’ must be abandoned. For Kretschmer, the
Phrygians were the only IE people in Anatolia; he liked to find Indo-European
Phrygian etymologies, forgetting that the Phrygians borrowed much from earlier
peoples in Anatolia.
It is very difficult to establish which of the two forms was original; Kretschmer
thought is was KipBavtec (whence Koptf- would have arisen by adaptation to
képuc, which seems improbable to me). Fur.: 359 holds that a sequence v - v became
o - vin Pre-Greek. Therefore, he also thinks that Kup- was original (giving *Kupup-
> Kopvf-). Rejecting the traditional etymology from xotpoc, he assumes a form
Kopv-B- as the stem of képu: veavioxoc and thus explains KoptBavtec. However,
in this way he seems to forget that he took KvpBavtec as the original form.
Kopvdoc [m., f.] ‘(crested) lark, Alauda cristata’ (Ar. Pl. Arist.). <PG(S,V)>
eVAR Also -56c; enlarged forms with suffixes -v- and -A(A)- (see Chantraine 1933:
360f. and 246f.). With different vocalism kapvdor- kapvdador (H.). Cf. forms with
756 Kopvla
-0- (like in xépv8- ‘helmet’): xdpv80¢: ei¢ tic THY TpoxiAWwv ‘one of the Egyptian
plovers’ and kopvOwv- dAektpudv ‘cock’ (H.).
*DER Kopvdm@vec [pl.] (Arist. HA 609a 7), Kopvdad(A)oc (Arist; v.l. -adAdc), -adAd¢
(Theoc., Babr.), -adAa& (Epich., inscr. Sicily), -a\Aic (Simon., Theoc.). PN Képudoc,
-bdwv, -vdar6dc, -vdevc (see BoShardt 1942: 132).
eETYM The connection with xdpuc ‘helmet’ may be correct, but only as a variant of
the same Pre-Greek word. A suffix -d0- did not exist in Greek, and therefore the
comparison with the Gm. word for ‘deer’ (OS hirot, OHG hiruz < QIE *kerud- vel
sim.) does not work. On kdpv6dog, etc., see Thompson 1895 s.v. kopbdahac. The form
Kapvdoc is the older one: PGr. *a often gives o before a following v (so there is no
need to correct the form; Fur.: 345 had not seen the rule); therefore, derivation from
Kdpuc is impossible. Note that -aA(A)- is the Pre-Greek suffix *-al’-; see Beekes 2008.
See > Kdpuc.
kopvéa [f.] ‘mucous discharge from the nostrils, rheum’ (Hp., Gal., Luc.), metaph.
‘stupidity’ (Luc., Lib.). <PG?>
*DER kopulwoéng ‘with a cold’ (Hp.), koputac ‘id’ (Men. Fr. 1003; cf. Korte ad loc.),
-Caw ‘to have a chill, be stupid’ (Pl, Arist. Plb.), kopvtia- pipitat (gloss.). With
intensifying Bov-: Bov-Kdpvta = peydAn Kdpvda (Men. Fr. 1003 from Suid.),
BovKdputoc: avaicOntoc, aovbvetoc ‘without sense, witless’ (H.). Further xkopbvat
and kpodtat: (Eat ‘mucus’ (H.).
eETYM Ending like in » xdévvuta, but without certain connection. It has traditionally
been compared to a Gm. word for ‘mucus’, e.g. OE hrot, OHG (h)roz ‘mucus’, which
is a verbal noun of OE hriitan, OHG hrizzan ‘to grumble, snore’ (see Pok. 571, 573).
If Pre-Greek, it is from *karuta.
KOpvpBos [m.] ‘uppermost point of a ship’ (I 241), ‘top of a mountain’ (Hdt., A.),
‘cluster of the ivy fruit’ (Mosch., Corn., Plu.), ‘hair knot; = xpwBtAoc’ (Heraclid.
Pont.). <PG(S,V)>
eVAR Plur. -a (next to -ot). Also Képupva- KdoLLog Tig yuvalketog mEpitpaxrALog
‘women’s ornament worn round the neck’ (H.).
*COMP Koputtbo-@dpoc ‘bearing fruit’ (Longos), dt-k6pupBboc ‘with two tops’ (Hell.
poetry).
*DER kopvyuBn [f.] ‘hair knot’ (Asios), ‘hairband’ (Antim.). kopbtBiov ‘grape’ (Dsc.);
KopupBiac (Thphr.), kopbtBnrog (Nic.), kopuptByOpa (Ps.-Dsc.) ‘ivy, Hedera helix’;
cf. Stromberg 1937: 91, Stromberg 1940: 53; KopuptBitn¢ (Ktoodc) ‘id. (medic. Plin.,
see Redard 1949: 73); KopuptBwdne ‘grape-like’ (v.l. Dsc. 3, 24); xopupiBdopat [v.] “to
be tied together in a hair knot’ (Nic. Dam.).
*ETYM Related to » kopvgn, with a by-form of the suffix.
kopvvn [f.] ‘club, mace, knobby bud or shoot, penis’ (I].). <PG?>
eVAR The quantity of the v varies.
*COMP Kopvuvn-Pdpos ‘club-bearer’ (Hdt.).
*DER Kopvviytns [m.] ‘who uses a club’ (IL, Paus.); kopvvwdnc¢ ‘knobby’ (Thphr.),
kopvvidets ‘id.’ (v.l. Hes. Sc. 289); xopvvaw [v.] ‘to put forth knobby buds’ with
kopbvnotc (Thphr.).
Kopv@n 757
eETYM Perhaps related to » Kdpuc, referring to the thick end of the instrument in
question? For the formation, cf. instrument names like topbvn, BeAdvn (Chantraine
1933: 207f.). The frequently suggested connection with kopvgr, KdpuptBoc is
undoubtedly wrong; the word is probably Pre-Greek.
kopvrtw ‘butt with the head (the horns)’. + kopv@n.
Kdpus, -vBo¢ [f.] ‘helmet’ (I1.). <PG(s)>
eVAR Acc. -v8a, -vv.
eDIAL Myc. ko-ru-to /korut*os/ [gen.sg.]; ko-ru-pi /korut*pi/ [ins.pl.]. Also Lac.
KOpup: OptyKdc ‘topmost stone’ (H.).
*COMP Kopv0-dig ‘shaking the helmet’ (X 132), from >» dicow; -aiddog ‘id.’, mostly of
Hector (IL, A. R.); accent after Hdn., Eust., codd. Ven.), kopvOn«n [f.] ‘helmet case’
(Delos II’; haplological for kopv80-81jKkn); tpi-Kopuc ‘with triple plume’ (E. Ba. 123
[lyr.]), also tpt-KdpvBoc ‘id’ (E. Or. 1480); xadko-, itmo-Kopvotii¢ ‘with bronze/red-
haired helmet’ (I1.).
*DER 1. Diminutive kopb@tov (gloss.). 2. kopvoti¢ [m.] ‘helm-bearer’ (Il). 3.
Kopvboc: gic Tic THY TpoxXiAwv, Meptkepadaia ‘one of the Egyptian plovers, helmet’
(H.); to Kdpu(v)8o¢ as an epithet of Apollo see below. 4. koptOwv: dAektpva@v ‘cock’
(H.). 5. KopvOaAn, -adic = eipeoiwvn ‘maypole’ (EM), Kopv8adia epithet of Artemis
near Sparta (Polem. Hist. H.), also = kopvOdAn (H., gloss.); kopv8adiotprat ai
xopevovoat ti KopvOadiq Sea ‘women dancing for the goddess K.’ (H.), after the
fem. in -(()otpta, cf. Chantraine 1933: 106. 6. Denominative verb koptoow, -ojtat ‘to
raise high, rise’, also in general ‘to arm oneself (I1.), originally ‘to take a helmet’; aor.
Kopvooac8a (Il.), KoptEac8a (Ath. 3, 127a; also Hp. Ep. 17?), pte. perf.
KekopvOilévoc (Il.), verbal adj. kopvotdc ‘heaped up’, of a full measure (Attica);
Kopv<o>tdv: éripeotov ‘filled up’ (H.). Képu(v)80¢ epithet of Apollo in Messenia
(inscr., Paus. 4, 34, 7), appurtenance uncertain; kopvv0evc: Kd@tvoc, KdAaBoc.
adextpvwv ‘basket (narrow at the base), cock’ (H.), cf. kopbOwv above. On Kdpuc
and derivatives see Triimpy 1950: 4off., Gray Class. Quart. 41 (1947): 114ff.
*ETYM Most often connected with xépac ‘horn’, but the differences of meaning and
the morphological problems render this improbable. Chantraine 1932: 165ff.
therefore considered Mediterranean origin for xépuc; we now know that this must
be correct, since the alternating suffixes in »kopv@r, »KdputtBoc, »Kdpvdoc,
> Kopvvn, Kopvd-wv, -aA(A)oc all point to a Pre-Greek word (cf. Fur.: 195).
kopvgy [f.] ‘top, skull’, also metaph. (IL). < PG(s,v)>
eVAR Dor. -@a.
*COMP E.g. kopuga-yevijc ‘born from the head’, properly of Athena, metaph.
(Pythag. in Plu. 2, 381f.), dt-xdépu@oc ‘with two summits’ (E., Arist.).
*DER kopvu@atoc [m.] ‘the main figure, leader of the chorus’ (IA), secondary ‘at the
head’ [adj.] (Plu., Hdn.), kopvatdtng ‘leadership’ (Corp. Herm.); kopugaiov ‘the
upper part of a hunting-net’, -paia ‘head-stall of a bridle’ (X., Poll.). kopypwdnc
‘with summits’ (Hp.). kopu@ac [f.] ‘edge of the navel’ (Hp. apud Gal.); -gic, -pwv =
~ Kopvgr (gloss.), K6pv@oc [m.] = Kkopver (Epid.), = KdpuptBoc yuvatketog ‘hair knot
of a woman’ (H.); kopteatva [f.] name of a fish, inmovptc (Dorio apud Ath.); on the
758 KOPXOPOG
naming motive Strémberg 1943: 59, on the suffix ibd. 137; koptqia [pl.] kind of
mollusks (Xenocr. apud Orib.). kopvgiotip = Kopu@aiov (Poll.), also ‘headband’
(sch.), cf. Bpaxtowotrp (Chantraine 1933: 328); -toti¢ ‘id.’ (H.).
Denominative verbs: 1. kopv@dopat ‘to rise up high’ (I1.), ‘to count together, sum up’
(Hell.), -6w ‘to bring to the top’ (medic.), kopbewua ‘summit’ (Ath. Mech.), -watc
‘top of a pyramid’ (Nicom.). 2. kopt7tw ‘to butt with the head’ (Theoc.), xopuntiAog
‘butting’ (Theoc.), after tpoyidoc, omopyidocg (Chantraine 1933: 249), probably
hypocoristisc; also kopbmtN¢, -toANg ‘id.’ (EM, H.); éxopurttiag: éyavpiac (H.).
eETYM Long recognized as Pre-Greek, due to the alternation of kopvg- with
prenasalized xopupB-. See >» KdpuyiBoc.
KOpxopos [m.] plant name, ‘blue pimpernel, dvayaAXic f) kvavij, Anagallis caerulea’;
on the mg. Thiselton-Dyer Journ. of Phil. 33 (1914): 201. < PG(V)>
eVAR KOpKopog (Ar. V. 239, Nic. Th. 626). Msc. in Thphr. and Ps.-Dsc.
*ETYM A reduplicated Pre-Greek formation (see Strémberg 1940: 21).
kopxvpéa [f.] ‘subterranean drain’ (IG 9(1), 692: 8 [Corcyra II*]: mept tav
Kopxupelav]). <PG(V)>
*ETYM Dittenberger ad loc. IG 9(1), 692: 8 refers to » yopyupa, yépyupa, yopytplov
‘id? (Hdt. 3, 145, Hs cf. s.v.) and kopxddpva (kopxoppda Lobeck): bdpdpva ‘drain’
(H.); the variation points to a Pre-Greek word.
kopwvn [f.] ‘crow’, also ‘shearwater’, “Corvus corone, cornix, frugilegus, Puffinus
yelkuan’ (Od.). Often metaph. of all kinds of curved or hook-formed objects (cf.
below): ‘tip of a bow’ (IL.), ‘grip of a door’ (Od., Poll.), ‘tip of the plough pole’ (A. R.),
‘back of a ship’ (Arat.), ‘pathological tumor of the elbow, etc.’ (Hp.), ‘kind of crown’
(Sophr. 163, H.). <1E *kor-u/n- ‘crow, raven’>
eCOMP Rarely in compounds, e.g. kopwvo-BdAog ‘shooting crows’, Tpl-Kdpwvoc
‘have three times the age of a crow’ (AP).
*DER Kopwvidevc [m.] ‘young crow’ (Cratin. 179); Kkopwvews [f.] ‘tree with raven-
black figs’ (Ar. Pax 628), cf. on épivews s.v. > éptvedc. Kopwvic [f.] ‘curved, with tail’,
of ships (Hom.), of cattle (Theoc.), as a noun ‘crown’ (Stesich.), ‘curved line,
ornament’ at the end of a book, etc, as an orthographic sign ‘end’ (Hell.); also
kopwvdc [m.] ‘curved, etc.” (Archil., Hp. EM), also PN Képwvog (B 746), kopwvdv
[n.] ‘knob of bone(s)’, Ta k6pwva ‘elbow’ (medic.); kopwvioc: ENVvoeLdi Exwv Képata
Bobs “bull having crescent-shaped horns’ (H.), also a month name (Knossos),
kopwvov [n.] plant name (Ps.-Dsc.), see Str6mberg 1940: 42; kopwving [m.] ‘who
proudly bends the neck’ (of inmoc; Semon.), whence kopwvidw [v.] ‘to bend the neck
proudly, be proud’ (Hell.), also ‘to curve oneself (kopwvidwvta métiha Hes. Sc. 289;
metrically conditioned). Denominative verb kopwvilw ‘to end, finish’ (of kopwvic;
Pontos); also of kop@vn as a basis of kopwwotai [pl.] “crow-singer”, kopwviopata
[pl.] “crow-songs”, i.e. ‘singing beggar’, ‘begging songs’ (Ath.). On kopwvn see
Thompson 1895 s.v.
*ETYM The Italic words for ‘crow’ (Lat. cornix, U curnaco ‘cornicem’) suggest that
Kopwv1j also continues an old n-stem *kor-6n, *kor-n-os. The root is also found in
> Kdpat and » Képagoc. A u-stem alternating with this n-stem is seen in Lat. corvus
KOGLOG 759
(MIr. criti ‘raven’ is perhaps a ghost word; see De Vaan 2008). As a name for curved
objects, kopwv1j, Kopwvic, Kopwvdc are sometimes separated from Kopwvn ‘crow
and connected with » xuptéc ‘curved, hunchbacked’, but the unique formation of
the Greek word speaks against such a separation. Moreover, the metaphorical use of
Kopwvn ‘crow’ is nothing remarkable given the use of its cognates (kdpak, Lat.
cornix, MoFr. corbeau, MoE crow, etc.): the metaphors may have originated from the
shape of the beak or the claws of the bird. From Greek comes Lat. coréna, cor6nis,
whence Western European loans like MoE crown.
kdoxkivov [n.] ‘sieve’ (Semon., Democr., Att.). <PG?>
eCOMP A few compounds, e.g. KooKtvo-mold¢ ‘sieve-maker’ (com.), TUPO-KdoKIVOV
kind of cheesecake (Chrysipp. Tyan. apud Ath. 14, 647f).
*DER Diminutive xooxiviov (Chrysipp. Tyan.); xooxivwya ‘fencing’ (Sm., Thd.);
Kooxtv1}66v [adv.] ‘like a sieve’ (Luc.). Denominative verbs: 1. kooktvebw ‘to sieve’
(Democr., pap.), whence kooxtvev-t1)¢ ‘siever’, -tikdv ‘fee for sifting’, -trptov ‘place
for sifting’ (pap.); 2. kooxtvilw ‘id’ (medic. Aq. Sm.), whence -iveotc ‘sieving’
(pap.).
*ETYM No etymology; perhaps Pre-Greek (Chantraine 1933: 203).
kookvAuatta [n.pl.] ‘cuttings of leather’, metaph. of the flattering words of the tanner
Cleon to Demos (Ar. Eq. 49). 4GR?>
eETYM Uncertain. A reduplicated formation *(0)ko-oKvA-pat-ta (Schwyzer: 423) has
been assumed, related to » oxvAAw ‘to dishevel, maltreat’. The similarity with Lat.
quisquiliae [pl|.] ‘waste, dirt’ may be accidental (Walde assumed a loan from Greek).
kdopuoc [m.] ‘order, propriety, good behavior; ornament’ (Il.), ‘world-order, world’
(Pythag. or Parm,; Kranz Phil. 93 (1938): 430ff.), ‘government’ (IA); name of the
highest officials in Crete (back-formation from Koopéw acc. to Leumann 1950: 285f,
against this Ruijgh 1957: 109). <IE *keNs- ‘order’>
*COMP Several compounds, e.g. koopo-motia ‘creation of the world’ (Arist.), koopd-
mtoMc [m.] name of an official of the town (Hell.), properly a governing compound =
6 koou@v TdAtv; independent is Koop1o-mMoAiti¢ ‘citizen of the world’ (Hell.); ev-
Koos ‘in good order’ (Sol.).
*DER 1. Diminutives koop-dptov, -idtov, -apidtov ‘small ornament’ (late); 2. kdop0¢
‘well-ordered, decent, quiet’ (IA), ‘regarding the world’ (Plu, Arr.), whence
Kooplotns ‘culture, civilization’ (Att.); 3. KooptKds ‘worldly, earthly, of the world’
(Hell.); 4. koopwtdg ‘changed in a world’ (Hell.); 5. Koopa [f.] name of a priestess
(Lycurg.); PNs Koopiac, Koopdc, etc. 6. Denominative verb koopéw ‘to order,
govern, adorn’ (Il.), with several derivatives: koopntdéc ‘well-ordered’ (n 127);
Koos ‘order, ornamentation’ and Kdopna ‘id.’ (Att.); Koopurtwp ‘who orders,
commander’ (I1.) and kooujtip ‘id.’ Epigr. apud Aeschin. 3, 185), fem. koourteipa
(Ephesus, Orph.; -"tpia H.); koopnti¢ ‘orderer, commander, who orders, adorns’,
also name of an official (Att.), whence koopitetw (-téw) ‘to be koopntr¢ (inscr.,
pap.), -teia (pap.); Koountnptov ‘place with toilets’ (Paus.), Kéopintpov ‘broom’
(sch.); koopiytiKds ‘belonging to adorning’ (PI. Arist.).
760 KOOOVPOG
*ETYM The most probable reconstruction is *koNs-mo-. This implies that the word is
related to Lat. cénse6 ‘to estimate’, cénsid ‘assessment, rating’, etc., OCS seta ‘said he’,
and the Indo-Iranian group of Skt. sams- ‘to praise’, OP 9ah- ‘to declare, announce’.
Acc. to Schumacher apud LIV? s.v. *keNs-, MW dan-gos- ‘to show, point out’ is
related as well. It is probable that the element -kdc in » Exdc, dvdpakdc, Skt. sahasra-
sds [adv.] ‘a thousand times’ (RV+) is also related. The original meaning was
probably ‘to put in order (by speaking)’. The meaning ‘to adorn’ is probably
secondary within Greek. On the semantics of this root, see Garcia Ramon 1993a: 109-
15; he also connects (ibid.: 120) Myc. PNs like ka-e-sa-me-no /ka*esamenos/.
Kogovgos [m.] ‘blackbird, Turdus merula’ (Arist, Matro, AP), metaph. as a name of
the cock (Paus. 9, 22, 4; Tanagra); also a wrasse (Numen. apud Ath. 7, 305c, medic.,
Ael.), because it changes colors with the seasons, like the blackbird; or perhaps
named after their sounds (Strémberg 1943: 116).
*VAR Att. -tT-, gloss. -vKoc. Also Kdéytxog (-tKo¢, -vKoc) [m.] (com. since Ar., Suid.,
Moer.). ;
*DER Kooovgitw ‘to sing like a «.’ (Hero). Fem. Kooovea, Doric name of a hetaira
(Schulze 1933a: 707°).
*ETYM Previous scholars connected » k6yyoc with the Slav. name of the blackbird,
CS koss, etc. from *kopso-. Meillet MSL 18 (1914): 171ff. explained kécovgoc by
assuming a dissimilation from *kowvgoc. However, this does not explain the
phoneme expressed by oo/tt, so the explanation must be given up. Knobloch Glotta
55 (1979): 76f. connects the verb kémtw, which beside ‘to blow, strike’ also means ‘to
dig’, like in OCS kopati, which would fit the bird. However, there is no element *-so-
that would create agent nouns, as he states, so the formation remains obscure. Given
the variants, the word is clearly Pre-Greek. Not in Fur.
kodortai [f.] ‘a fish’ (Diphn. Siphn. apud Ath. 3574), occurring in a list of fish. <?>
eVAR KooTiac: KoIAiac K6LLOpOG (= KdLILapoc?) (H.).
*ETYM No etymology.
kdotog [m.] name of a plant and of its root, which was used as a spice, ‘Saussurea
lappa’ (Thphr.,, D. S.). <Lw Skt.>
eVAR Also -ov [n.].
eDER Kootdtvoc ‘made of k.’ (pap.), cf. Kalbfleisch RAM 94 (1951): 345.
*ETYM From Skt. kustha- [m.] ‘id.’. Lat. costum, -us was borrowed from kdotog (-ov).
See Mayrhofer EWAia s.v.
koovB[at]ac [m.] ‘sacrificer’ (Gortyn V-IV’, SEG 1, 414, 10).
eVAR Koo<U>Batot (-Batat?): of Emi PvoiWv Te tayLtévol ‘appointed for sacrifices’ (H.)
(v added, because it stands after kootiac). + koovp Bn.
koovpBy [f.] name of a cloak which acc. to D. Chr. 72, 1 was used by herders and
countrymen; by EM 311, 5, H. and others is was explained with éyxouBwpa ‘kind of
apron’ (see KouBoc), by EM 349, 15 called an dvaBoAn ‘mantle’; the mg. ‘cpwBAoc
in Poll. 2, 30 (different readings) must be a hybrid with » képupBoc. <PG(V)>
KOTTABOG 761
eVAR Also kétOvuBo«c, a piece of military equipment, perhaps nepiCwya? (Rev. Arch.
1935 : 2, 31); cf. also KoovuBdtac, which confirms the form without nasal (Fur. 283).
Further Lat. gossypion, (Plin. N.H. 19, 14), -inum (ibid. 1, 12, 21, etc.), which point to
*yoooumtov. Also KéouptBoc [m.], which acc. to H. (with -oo-) = koo(o)ipBn; also
‘hair-net’ (LXX Is. 3, 18); thence koovpBwtdc (Ex. 28, 35, xtt@v; v.1. kdovpBoc), acc. to
H. = kpocowtés, i.e. ‘with fringes’.
*ETYM Lewy KZ 58 (1931): 26ff compares Assyr. guzippu, kuzippu ‘a cloak’, Arab.
korsuf ‘cotton’. Pre-Greek origin is likely, given the prenasalization and the variants
with -o-, -oo/tt-, etc. This does not exclude that the word is found in Semitic too,
since it may be an old culture word (Fur.: 283).
K6TOvBocg = kootpBn.
kotiAtov [n.] mg. not certain, probably name of a vessel to preserve things (inscr.
Delos 1429 B II 25 [II*]). <PG(v)>
eETYM Unexplained. The formal similarity with vulgar kdéttAov, KotiAAtv (Latte gives
KotiAAtov) avdpdc aidotov ‘male private parts’ (and xd6OnLa- éri tod aidoiov, also
KéttAov H.) cannot be denied. The variation in kotiA(A)- points to a Pre-Greek
word.
Kéttvog [m., f.] ‘wild olive, dypteAaia’ (Ar., Thphr.), on the name Strémberg 1937: 166°.
<PG?>
*COMP As a first member in kottvn-@dpog ‘carrying wild olives’ (Mosch.., etc.
*DER kotivae [f.] ‘the fruit of the wild olive’ (Hp.), ‘(olive) grafted upon a wild olive’
(Poll.); on the formation see Chantraine 1933: 353.
*ETYM Probably a loan, perhaps from Pre-Greek. Cf. Schrader-Nehring 1917(2): 131.
From Greek was borrowed Lat. cotinus “Rhus cotinus’ (Plin.).
k6TOo¢ [m.] ‘grudge, hatred’ (Il.). <?>
*COMP Often as a second member, e.g. bahuvrihi éy-kotog ‘grudging’ (A.), whence
denominative éykotéw [v.] ‘to be full of grudge’ (A.); thence éykdétnjta, -oig (LXX)
and, as a back-formation, éyxotog (Hdt.) ‘grudge’; also éykéttoc [adj.] (Salamis on
Cyprus).
*DER koTrElc ‘grudging’ (E 191); -"etc analogical for kotdetc (A. D., EM); further
(probably a denominative, see below) xotéw, -éopal ‘to grudge’ (lIl.), aor.
Kotécoac8u, -goat, fut. Kotécoopa, perf.ptc.dat. kexotOT1; also Kotaivw ‘id? (A.
Th. 485), after Oujtaive, etc. see Fraenkel 1906: 18 and on » Ovuptdc.
eETYM It has been compared with a Celto-Germanic word for ‘struggle, fight’, e.g. W
catu- in Catu-riges, OHG hadu- in Hadu-brand, ON hod [f.] ‘battle, contest’ and,
with a different suffix, MHG hader ‘quarrel, fight’, as well as perhaps Slav., e.g. CS
kotora ‘fight’. Further, perhaps, with palatal anlaut, Skt. sdtru- ‘enemy’. Machek 1958:
49f. additionally compares Cz. katiti se ‘to be annoyed’. If k6tog were an old s-stem
(Fraenkel KZ 43 (1910): 193ff.), it would fit the u- and r-stems in catu-, hader better.
Allin all, not very clear.
KOttaBoc [m.] name of a game (Anacr., Pi, trag., com., Hell.) from Sicily, in which the
player throws the rest of the wine from a cup against a target, either against a slice
762. KOTTAVa
that is in balance on top of a stick, which falls (soc. kéttaBocg KataKtdc), or against
an empty saucer, which floats in a basin with water, and sinks when hit (x. év Aexavy
or St d€vBagwv). However, kéttaBoc indicated not only the game itself, but also
several objects and movements used in it. <PG(V)>
eVAR Ion. -oo-.
*COMP As a second member in jte8vo0-KdttaBoc [adj.] ‘drunken while playing k.’
(Ar. Ach. 525).
*DER Kottafic [f.] “cup with two handles for throwing’ (Hell.); kottaBetov (-Btov)
‘kottabos-basin, -stander’ (Dikaiarch., Hell.), also ‘winner’s prize at x.’ (com.);
KottaBikt PaBdoc ‘«.-bar’ (Hell.). Denominative verb xottaBilw ‘to play «. (Ar.,
Antiph.), euphemistic for ‘vomit’ (Poll. EM), also with ano-, kata-, ovv- (X., com.);
thence kottdBtoic, (ato-)KkoTTaBiopds (late).
eETYM As the original meaning of xéttaBoc is unknown, all etymologies are
necessarily uncertain. Formally, it has been compared with » xottic ‘head, back of
the head’, kéttetv- tUmtev ‘to hit, stamp’ (H.), xétto¢ ‘KtBos, etc.’. For various
hypotheses, see Frisk. Lat. cottabus ‘slapping blow’ (Plaut.) was borrowed from
Greek; cf. Friedmann 1937: 46ff. The variation tt/oo points to a Pre-Greek word. See
> KOTUAN.
Kéttava [n.pl.] kind of small figs (Ath., H.). <Lw Sem.>
*ETYM From Semitic; cf. Hebr. qatan, q*tannim ‘small’ (Lewy 1895: 22). Also to be
connected is kotdvva [f.], acc. to H. = map8évoc mapa Kpnot ‘maiden (Cret.)’; cf.
Hebr. qatén, fem. q*tannd ‘small, young’, also ‘immature boy, girl’ (Lewy 1895: 65).
Lat. LW cottana [pl.] ‘kind of small Syrian figs’ (Plin.).
kottavn [f.] ‘name of a fishing device (Ael. NA 12, 43). <GR>
eETYM From Kottoc, name ofa river fish; see on » kotTic.
kottic, -ido¢ [f.] ‘hairdress with long hair on the forehead’, Doric for kepadn (Poll.
H., Phot.). <PG?>
eVAR Also xotic (Hp.), = iviov, mapeykeanic “occipital bone, cerebellum’ (Gal.), tij¢
KEe@paAiic 1] Kopu@r ‘top of the head’ (Erot.).
eCOMP As a second member in mpoxorttic: 7 xaity ‘loose, flowing hair’ (H.) and
mpoxétta [f.] (Dor.).
*DER KOTTIKOL ai Meptkepadatat “head coverings’; kottdpla- Ta GKpa Tij¢ Keyxpov
‘ears of millet’ (H.). Further xéttog = xtBoc (Cod. Just.), Kottdg (K6TTOG): Spvic. Kal
oi dAeKtpvdvec KoTTO! Sia TOv ei TH KEPaAt Adgov ‘bird; cocks, because of the
crests or tufts on their heads’ (cf. MoGr. xdétta ‘chicken’); xottoBoAeiv. TO
Tapatnpetv tiva Spviv ‘observing a certain bird’ (H.). On kdéttog as a name of a river
fish (Arist. HA 534a 1) see Strémberg 1943: 19 (named after the cock). PN Kortic,
Kéttavog, -aAr (Herod.).
eETYM Connection with KotvAn ‘bowl, dish’ is a mere guess. Fur.: 362 connects
KOT(T)ic, (Tp0)KdTTa with oxbtn: Kepadn ‘head’ (H.); the geminate is not expressive,
but rather points to Pre-Greek origin.
Koupa 763
kotvAn [f.] ‘bowl, dish, small cup’ (Il.), on the mg. Brommer Herm. 77 (1942): 358 and
366, also as a measure for liquids and dry materials, = 6 kba8ot or = 0,5 Eéotyg (1A),
metaph. ‘socket, especially of the hip-joint’ (Il., Hp.), ‘cymbals’ [pl.] (A.). < PG(s)>
eVAR Also xdtvAog [m.] ‘id.’ (Hom. Epigr., com.).
*COMP KOTvA-rpuTos ‘to be scooped with cups’ (Y 34), fpt-KotvAn ‘half a «.’ (pap.),
t-KOTvAOG ‘measuring two x.’ (Hp., pap.).
*DER Diminutives kotvuAic ‘socket’ (Hp.), kotvAioKoc, -iokn, -ioxiov ‘small cup’
(com.), kotvAidtov (Eust.). kotvAndwv, -dvoc [f.] name of different cup-like holes
(on the formation Chantraine 1933: 361), e.g. ‘sucker, suction cup’ (€ 433, etc.), also as
a plant name, probably ‘Cotyledon umbilicus’ (Hp., Nic., Dsc.), after its leaves like
suckers, Strémberg 1940: 44f, whence xotvAndovwdrc¢ ‘nipple-like’ (Gal.).
KotvuAtaioc, -teiog ‘measuring a «.’ (Hell.), Mayser 1906-1938, I: 3: 95; KotvAwWdSng
‘cup-like’ (Ath.); xotbAwv, -wvog [m.] ‘drunkard’ (Plu.). Denominative verb
Kotvhiw ‘to sell per x., ie. in small quantities’ (IA), whence kotuoy16¢, -toTH¢, -toTI
(Hell.).
*ETYM A close relation is Lat. catinus ‘(flat) dish’; the deviation in vowel and
formation suggests that they are independent loans from a third party. A loan is
probable in the case of a vessel. Fur.: 101, 181 adduces k6vdv ‘a cup’, as well as
KovdvAtov; he notes (op. cit. 205") that -vA1 is a well-known suffix in Pre-Greek.
kovfapic, -ido¢ [f.] “wood-louse’ (Dsc. 2, 35 tit.). <?>
eDER Diminutive of xéBapoc: Svoc ‘id.’ (cod. dvOpwroc, ie. dvdc) (H.). Another
diminutive formation is MoGr. xouBdpt ‘clew’ (Kukules Aeé. “Apy. 5: 34), with the
denominative kovBapiCw (vl. -14Qw) = pnpvouat ‘to wind (together)’ (sch. Theoc. 1,
29, also MoGr.).
*ETYM Acc. to Kukules (see also Strémberg 1944: 12), the animal was called this way
because it can roll itself together. The group itself remains unexplained.
kob«t [n.] name of a palm-like tree, ‘Hyphaena thebaica’, also used for its fiber
(PBaden 35, 23 [I?], Plin.). <Lw Eg.>
*COMP kovK.ogdpov Sévdpov (Thphr.).
*DER kovxeov ‘fruit of the kouki-tree’ (Ostr.); kobxtvoc ‘of the kouki-tree; made from
its fiber’ (pap.).
*ETYM Foreign word, perhaps of Egyptian origin (but see on »xdoi&). Cf.
Hemmerdinger Glotta 46 (1968): 244.
kovkov@as, -atos [m.] Egyptian name of the mow (Horap. 1. 55, PMag. Berol. 2, 18).
<Lw Eg>
eVAR Also koxk-.
*DER Diminutive koxko@ddiov (PMag. Lond. 121, 411), cf. Délger ByzZ 38 (1938): 213.
eETYM Onomatopoeic word. Comparable with Skt. kukkubha- ‘Phasianus gallus’, Lat.
cucubi6, -ire from the cry of the screech-owl. Cf. on » kixkaBab.
koupa [f.] action noun ‘cropping’, of hair, beard or wool; ‘lopping, cutting’ of trees and
- grass; also ‘lock of hair, virgin wool, fur’ (1A); ‘cut-off end, slips of wood’ (Ph.). <1E
*kers- ‘shave’>
764 KovprtEs
eVAR Ion. -pr}.
eDER Nouns: 1. xoupetc [m.] ‘shaver, barber’ (Att.); also name of a bird (H.), after its
sound; thence kovupeiov ‘barber-shop’ (Att.), koupeaxdc ‘talkative’ (Plb.), on the
formation Schwyzer: 497; also xoupevtij¢ ‘id’ (gloss.), fem. kovpettpia (Plu.),
kovpevtikds ‘used for shaving’ (sch., Olymp.). 2. kovbpetov (-eov) [n.] ‘sacrifice of
hair, etc. on the Apaturia (S., Is., inscr.), Kovpetoc epithet of Apollo (Teos),
Kovpedtic, -L60¢ (Ttépa, opt) [f.] ‘the third day of the Apaturia, on which the hair
of the young boys and girls was sacrificed’ (Pl. inscr.); Koupewv (-niwv), -@voc [m.]
month name in Magnesia on the Maeander (inscr.). Perhaps also in aijta-kovpiat
[p].] ‘sacrifice of blood to the dead’ (Pi.), with faded second member. 3. kovpipoc
‘belonging to cropping; shaved’ (trag., Plu.), also kovpevoimoc (sch.) as if from
*kobpevolc (Koupevopiat); see Arbenz 1933: 79f. 4. Kovpikdc ‘used for cropping’
(pap.). 5. koupic, -idoc [f.] ‘id’, of udyatpa (Cratin.), also ‘cleaning girl (com., Plb.).
6. Kkovpiag [m.] ‘who has his hair shaved’ (Luc. D. L.). 7. koupdc¢: 1) év Toic
OpoP~attact ypagr, OpogiKds mivak ‘ writing on the roofs, plank for a roof (H.); also
éykoupdc (A. Fr. 142, H.). 8. coupitics [f.] plant name, ‘nepiotepewv trtioc, Verbena
officinalis’ (Ps.-Dsc., Ps.-Apul.); naming motive unknown.
Denominative verbs: 1. kovpidw ‘to need cropping, to have long hair’ (Pherecr., Plu.,
Luc.), after the verbs of disease in -tdw, see Schwyzer: 732; 2. koupitw ‘to shave, cut’
(Thphr,, H.), aor. -i&cu; 3. kovpevorztat ‘to take the tonsure, have the hair cut’ (Just.,
sch.). On » kodpog and > Koupig, see s.vv.
eETYM As a primary verbal noun, Koupd continues *korsd; the verb is seen in Hitt.
kars-* ‘to cut off, Lyd. fa-karsed ‘cuts off, and in ToAB kdrs‘- ‘to know, understand’,
as well as ToA karst*-, ToB kdrst*- ‘to cut off, destroy’. Traces of the same verb (but
with a different development of -rs-, ultimately depending on the accent) are found
in Gr. d-Kepoe-KOptg ‘with uncut hair’ (Y 39), Képons nickname of a smooth-shaved
man (Chrysipp.), kopodc: Kopttdc ‘cut-off piece’ (H.), kopoovdv: Keipetv ‘to shave’
(H.), with kopoac [m.] (pap.), Kopow-tHp (Call., Poll.) ‘barber’, -tetc ‘id.’ (Ath. 12,
520e), -Trptov ‘barber-shop’ (ibd.). Further details under » k6pon and > keipw.
Kovprtes *VAR Koupidtoc. = Kdpr.
koupié [adv] in gpvodv té tuv eiow x. ‘draw him inside x.’ (x 188), k. Akoptévy ‘being
drawn «.’ (A. R. 4, 18), . aivuplévous ‘taking k.’ (H.); meaning uncertain. <GR>
*ETYM From xovpa, after the adverbs in -(()§ (Schwyzer: 620, Chantraine 1942: 250).
Acc. to Aristarchus, it means tij¢ Koping émtAaBdoptevot, ‘taking by the head of hair’,
which would make perfect sense, though xoupa in the sense of ‘head of hair’ raises
some doubts. Others have assumed an original mg. ‘holding the hair like when
shaving’, which fits the usual meaning of xovpd better.
kotpos [m.] probably collective ‘loppings, twigs lopped from a tree’ (IG 2”, 1362: 6
[end IV*]): EvAa ... Kodpov ... ppbyava ... pvAAdBoAa. < GRE
eETYM Verbal abstract from *kors0-, like » kovpa from *xopod; cf. Forbes Glotta 36
(1958): 238. The form xépog ‘twig, sprout’ does not show a trace of *-s- and therefore
rather belongs to » kdp1); etc.
Koxvdéw 765
kod@osg [adj.] ‘light, easily movable, nimble, vain, empty’ (N 158 and 0 201: kot@a and
Kov@dtepov as adverbs); on the mg. Treu 1955: 76, etc. <?>
*COMP Few compounds, e.g. kovgd-voog ‘with a nimble mind’ (trag.), b16-Kovgog
‘rather light’ (Dsc., Plu.).
*DER kovgorij [f.] ‘lightness’ (Hp., Pl.), accent after Baputrc, Wackernagel Gott.
Nachr. 1909: 59, Schwyzer: 382; kovgeiat [pl.] probably ‘vase shards, debris’? (PTeb. 5,
199 [II*]), kodpov Kepduov also ‘empty vessel’; MoGr. (aypto-)kovgitis [m.] plant
name ‘Fumaria’ (Redard 1949: 68 and 73). Denominative kovgitw [v.] ‘to lighten,
mitigate, cancel, nullify’ (Hp. Att.), rarely intr. ‘to be light’ (Hes. Op. 463, Hp., trag.),
whence kovgioic (Th.), -topa (E.), -top1d¢ (Hell.) ‘mitigation’; xovgiotip ‘ring-pad’
(to lighten the pressure; medic.); koviotikdc ‘mitigating’ (Arist.).
eETYM Unknown. The full grade of the stem and the barytonesis are remarkable in
the case of an adjective (Schwyzer: 459), which suggests that it could originally have
been a noun. The form kot@oc replaced or pushed back the old forms édayuc,
éAagpéc, which in the process assumed a different meaning.
Kdgivog [m.] ‘big basket’ (Att. Hell.), on the mg. Schulze Berl.Ak.Sb. 1905: 727f., also
as a measure of capacity = 9 Att. yoivixec (Boeot. inscr.). < PG(S,V)>
*DER Diminutive kogivov (pap.); Kogivwdn¢ ‘basket-like’ (sch.), -nddv ‘per basket’
(EM); kogivoouc [v.] ‘to have a basket put over one’s head’ (Nic. Dam.).
eETYM Borrowed as Lat. cophinus, whence MoE coffin, MHG koffer, etc. Fur.
compares Kd@oc, probably ‘basket-load’, as well as xowia- ybtpa ‘earthen pot’ and
Koya: ddpia ‘water bucket, urn’; on the suffix, see Fur: 129%.
K6xAog [m., f.] shell-fish with a spiral-shaped shell, ‘sea-snail, land-snail’, also ‘purple-
snail, koh? (E,, Arist., Theoc.). <PG(v)>
*DER Several diminutive formations: xoyAic [f.] (Luc. Man.); also name of an Arabic
stone (Plin.); koyAta = Erpvdpia ‘shell (H.); coyAiStov (pap. Epict.), -adtov (sch.).
Further koxAiac [m.] ‘snail with spiral shell’, often metaph. ‘waterscrew, spiral stair,
etc” (com., Arist., Hell.); borrowed as Lat. coc(h)lea, cf. Ernout 1954: 54f3 KoyAtdc
‘id? (Paul. Aeg., Aét., gloss.); KoxAGE [m.] = KdyAn§& (LXX, Dsc.); Lat. LW coclaca
(Orib. lat.), cf. Ernout l.c. Unclear koyAtdEwv (-dCwv), -ovtog [m.] kind of machine-
screw (Orib.), perhaps after GEwv? From Lat. coc(h)lear, -dris [n.] (derived from
coc(h)lea), Greek borrowed KoyAldptov ‘spoon’, also as a measure (Dsc., medic.);
originally name of a spoon, of which the sharp end was used to draw the snail from
its shell; cf. WH s.v. coc(h)lear.
*ETYM Connection with »Kdyyoc, »Kdyxn is evident; it has (Pre-Greek)
prenasalization. Note also the vocalic variation in kéyAak/ Ka-.
koxvdéw [v.] ‘to stream forth copiously’ (Pherecr. 130, 4). <GR?>
VAR Ipf. koxbdeoKev (Theoc. 2, 107; v.l. koxveokev), pres. also coyvCet (Stratt. 61;
cod. koxkw(el).
*eETYM Explained by Frisk as an intensive reduplicated formation from ybénv (on the
dissimilated vowel, see Schwyzer: 647), with back-formations koyb- moA¥, MATpes
‘much, full’ (H.), k6xo¢ ‘mighty stream’ (sch. Theoc. ad loc.). Are the latter words
766 KOX@VN
learned contructions to explain the unclear forms? Reduplication from an adverb
seems very strange in Greek.
Kox@vn [f.] ‘buttocks’ (Hp., com., Herod.). <1E? *g"eng’- ‘step’>
eETYM The almost complete identity with Skt. jaghdna- [m., n.] ‘buttocks’ can hardly
be a coincidence, but the further analysis remains hypothetical. Since Schmidt KZ 25
(1881): 112 and 116, as well as Schmidt KZ 32 (1893): 373f., koxwvn has been explained
as assimilated from *xaywva, with *kax- equivalent to Skt. jagh- as the zero grade of
jangha [f.] ‘lower thigh-bone’ (to Go. gaggan ‘to go’, IE *g'eng'-). Objections by
Specht KZ 66 (1939): 197ff., who separates koxwvn from jaghdna-, etc. because of
Ttpox@vat ‘buttocks’ (Archipp. 41), and compares yaoxw and cognates. However,
Tipox@vat could be a comic distortion of koxwvn after mpwKtdc (acc. to Giintert 1914:
122). Notice, too, that the Skt. word shows no trace of Brugmann’s Law. Mayrhofer
EW4Aia 1: 563 finds no solution either.
Koytxog [m.] ‘blackbird’. = kdcovgoc.
Kpaaivw = Kpataivw.
KpaBBatos [m.] ‘couch, mattress’ (Rhinth., Criton Com., Arr.). «LW Macedonian?>
eVAR KpdBattoc, KpaBatoc, also -axtoc, -ov (so-called ‘reverse writing’? See
Schwyzer 317’).
*COMP KpaBato-1ddiov = Epjtic ‘leg of a bed’ (sch.).
*DER Diminutives: xkpaBdatiov (Arr.), -axtlov (pap. V-VIP), kpeBattapiov (Ed.
Diocl.), MoGr. kpeBBatt. KpaBaktiptoc [adj.] (pap. VIP). Unclear xpaBdtptoc,
perhaps ‘chamberlain’ (IPE 2, 297).
eETYM Cf. Lat. grabdtus (-attus). Acc. to Kretschmer 1921: 91ff., it is a loan from a
Macedonia-Illyrian word for ‘oak’, *ypaBoc, which is seen in » ypdPtov. Fur. 126
calls this semantically arbitrary. On anlauting «- for y-, see Schwyzer ZII 6 (1926):
242. See further Kramer AfP 45 (1999): 205-216; the word would have been adopted
independently by Greeks and Romans (likewise Fur.: ibid.). Hardly related to
> yaBaBov.
KpaBvtoc [m.] name of a shell-fish (Epich. 42). <PG?>
*ETYM Probably a substrate word; for -vCoc, see Schwyzer 472? ands.v. » kOvuta. Acc.
to Stromberg 1943: 121, it stands for *xpaBd-Buloc, from KpdBoc: 6 Adpoc ‘mew’ (H.)
and Bila ‘eagle-owl (Nic.); highly unlikely. Fur.: 238, 283 connects it with kpduBoc
‘dry’, for which there seems no reason.
Kpayywv, -dvog [f.] name of a small crustacean, probably ‘Squilla mantis’ (Arist. HA).
<PG?>
“VAR Kpayov, kpayyr (v.IL.).
*ETYM On the formation in -wv, see Chantraine 1933: 159. The meaning suggests a
loan. The connection with Skt. sfnga- ‘horn’ (which belongs to »képac, etc.) is
rightly rejected by Brugmann-Delbriick 1897-1916 2:1, 508. Instead of kpayywv: kicoa
‘jay’, von Blumenthal 1930: 41f. proposes to read xpaywv, ie. “crying bird” (to
Kpatw 767
>Kpalw); and to change kpaywv- évvdpov Cwov ‘water animal’ to kpayywv, which
would fit the alphabetical order.
kpaddw [v.] ‘to swing, brandish’, med. ‘to tremble, be agitated’ (post-Hom.). <?>
eVAR In Hom. only ptc. kpaddwv and xpadaivw (Il). Also kpadevetv (H.) as an
explanation of kpadaivetv.
eCOMP Rarely with prefix: ém-kpaddaw (A. R., Opp.); émt-, dta-, cvy-Kpadaivw (Tim.
Pers. Arist.); avaxpadevet- oeiet, oahevet ‘shakes, causes to rock’ (H.).
eDER Kpadr) [f.] ‘spray at the end of branches, twig, especially of figs’ (IA, Hes. Op.
681), amo-Kpadios ‘plucked from a fig tree’ (AP), amo-Kpaditw [v.] ‘to pluck from a
fig tree’ (Nic.); also ‘diseased formation of small shoots in trees’, whence kpadaw [v.]
‘to have xpa617 (Thphr.); also name of a contrivance that shows actors hovering in
the air (Poll. 4, 128, H.). Also kpddog ‘blight in fig-trees’ (Thphr. HP 4, 14, 4), after
Thphr. l.c. also a name of the twig. Further kpadnoitic: pappiakdc ‘scapegoat’, 6 Taic
Kpadaig BadAdptevac ‘who is being hit with a branch’ (H.); xpadincg [m.] ‘prepared
with fig twigs, provided with fig twigs’ (H., Hippon.); xpadtaioc ‘made of fig-shoots’
(Orph.); kpadaror KAddot ‘branches’ (H.); Kpadaddc ‘trembling’ (Eust.). On
Kpadevtai see » KpatevTai.
eETYM It seems certain that kpd6n and xpddoc belong with xpaddw, of which
Kpadaivw is an enlargement. It is probable that kpaddw is a denominative, so an
original meaning ‘swinging’ may be assumed for xpddén. This fits well with the
meanings ‘crown (of a tree)’ and ‘suspension-machine’ (cf. Fraenkel 1906: 10f.).
Alternatively, xpaddw could be a zero grade iterative, derived from a lost primary
verb, with kpddn, -o¢ as back-formations. Acc. to Schwyzer: 682 and Chantraine
1942: 356, kpaddw is an old (originally athematic) root present, but this can hardly be
correct. The word » kdpdak, name of a dance, is unrelated. The connection with Lat.
cardo remains hypothetical. Schulze KZ 57 (1930): 75 supposed that the IE word for
‘heart’ (Gr. > xijp, > kapdia) is a very old root noun from kpaddw, but this must
remain uncertain.
Kpatw [v.] ‘to croak, cry’ (individual attestations since Ar.). <ONOM>
eVAR Perf. kéxpaya (trag., Ar.), to which pret. éxéxpayov (LXX), fut. kexpdEoptau
(com., LXX), kexpayroet kpavydoet ‘will cry aloud’ (H.), aor. kexpa&at (LXX); aor.
Kpayeiv (€ 467, Pi, Antiphon, Ar.), later xpa&ou (Thphr., LXX) with fut. kpd&w (AP,
Ev. Luc.).
eCOMP Also prefixed, especially with ava-.
eDER KeKpaKtij¢ [m.] ‘cryer’ (Hp., Ar., Luc.), kéxpaypa (Ar.), Kexpaypdc (E., Plu.)
‘crying’; kexpatt-Sdtac [m.] ‘control by crying’, comic epithet of Cleon (Ar. V. 596),
after AAxt-dcuac (see Sommer 1948: 174); Kpayétac [m.] ‘crier’ (Pi.), Kpaydc ‘crying’
(Ar. Eq. 487 xpayov Kkexpaketat), Kpaktiys ‘id’ (Adam., Tz.), Kpaktpia (H. s.v.
Aaképula), KpaKtiKkds ‘crying, making noise’ (Luc.).
eETYM The original system had a thematic root aorist kpdyeiv beside an intensive
perfect xéxpaya with present mg. (Schwyzer 1950: 263f.). The central position of the
. perfect is testified by the derived verbal and nominal forms kexpdEouat, kexpaxtng,
etc. Later formations are the rare present kpaCw and the aorist kpaEa, etc; a further
768 Kpataivw
innovation was ék-, €y-Kpayyavw (Men., H.). As an original onomatopoeia, kéxpaya
and xpayetv show similarity with » kpwlw ‘to croak’. The form » kdpayog - 6 tpaxb¢
woos, oiov mpiwv ‘raw sound, like a saw’ (H.) is not a regular disyllabic form beside
Kpay-. See » Kdpak, > Kpavyn.
kpataivw [v.] ‘to complete’ (Il.), intr. ‘to end’ (medic.), ‘to rule’ (0 391, S., E.). <IE
*krh,-s-n- ‘head’>
eVAR Kpaaivw (v.l.), aor. Kpnfjvat (Il.), kpaavoat (H.), pass. kpaavOijvat (Theoc.),
perf.3sg. kexpaavtat (Od.), verbal adj. d-kpaavtoc (Hom.); kpaivw (Od., medic.),
fut. kpavéw, -@ (Emp., A., E.); émi-Kpavet (A. Ag. 1340), intr. kpaivéecBau (I 626), aor.
Kpfjvar (O 599), Kpavat (A., S.), pass. kpavOfjvou (Pi, trag.), perfi3sg. Kéxpavtat
(trag.), d-Kpav-toc (Pi, trag.).
*COMP Also with ém-.
*DER From Kpaivw: kpdvtwp, -opos ‘ruler’ (E. [lyr.], AP), ‘who fulfills’ (epigr. apud
Paus. 8, 52, 6), with dissimilation xavtopec: of kpatobvtec ‘who are ruling’ (H.);
Kpavtnp, -fpos ‘ruler’ (Orph.), plur. ‘wisdom teeth’, originally “completer” of the
tooth row (Arist.), sing. ‘tusk’ (Nic., Lyc.); fem. kpdvtetpa ‘governess’ (API., Orph.);
on Kpavtwp, -tip see Benveniste 1948: 46f; kpadvtng ‘fulfiller’ (Lyc.); kpavtiptot- ot
Kpaivovtec, kai émteAobvtes ‘who are fulfilling, completing’ (H.). Compound abt6-
Kpavog ‘completing itself, self-evident’ (H., EM; also A. Fr. 295f.); acc. to H. also =
Kiwv ,tovO\t8o¢ ‘stone pillar’, but in the last mg. rather to Kapa ‘head’; see -Kpavov
and Kpaviov.
*ETYM The variant reading kpaaivw points to an old denominative *krahy-je/o-,
from the old n-stem found in gen. Kpaatog < *krahnt-os << PIE *krh,-s-n-ds (cf. on
> Kapa ‘head’), like dvouaivw to » dvoua. The original meaning must have been ‘to
crown’ (cf. Kapavotv ‘to complete’ to kapavov ‘head’). Beside kpaaivw, the aorist
Kpnijvat shows Ionic phonetics. It was contracted to xpfjvat, and from this a new
present xpaivw was made (cf. pijvat to » @aivw), whence Kpdivéw, etc. The form
Kpaiaivw may owe its root syllable kpat- to influence of the later form Kpaivw
(Leumann IF 57 (1940): 157).
kpatnaaAn [f.] “hangover, headache’ (Hp., Ar.). 4 PG?>
*COMP a-Kpaimaloc ‘without intoxication, liberating’ (Arist., Dsc.), kpaimaAd-Kwjtoc
‘rambling in drunken revelry’ (Ar.).
*DER Kpaimadkwédng ‘prone to drunkenness’ (Phld., Plu.), kpaitadkdw [v.] ‘to have a
hangover’ (Ar., PL, Plb.).
*ETYM For the formation, cf. dykdAn, ttacxdAn, OKvTAAN, etc. (Chantraine 1933:
245ff.); further unclear. Connection to Kpaitvdc with interchange v/ A cannot be
excluded semantically, but it is not evident. Latin has a LW crapula ‘id.’ (yielding
MoFr. crapule) with long 4, which might continue the Pre-Greek variation at/ & (for
which see Fur.: 336ff.). See also André Ant. class. 33 (1964): 92f.
kpaurtvoc [adj.] ‘swift, rushing’ (II.); cf. Treu 1955: 6f. < PG?>
*COMP Kpatmv6-ovtos, -pdpoc ‘swiftly rushing, leading’ (A.).
*ETYM Unknown. Cf. on kpatnaAn. Could it represent a Pre-Greek pre-form *krap’-
n- (cf. on » €Eai—yng, » &arivnc)?
KpauBoc 769
kpaipa [f.] - 7 Kepadr, Kat dkpootdédov ‘the head, terminal ornament’; also kpaipot-
OTOL VewV, LETwWHA, Ke~adai ‘prows, fronts, heads of ships’ (H.). <1E *kerh,- ‘head,
horn’, *krh,-s-r-ih>
eCOMP Further only as a second member: 0p86-Kpatpa ‘with upright standing horns
or beaks’ (Hom., verse-final), in Bow@v, ve@v dp8oKpatpdwy; éi-Kpaipa ‘with
beautiful horns’, e.g. Bovoiv éikpaipynow (h. Merc. 209); hui-Kpaipa ‘half the head or
face’ (com., inscr.); weAdy-Kpaipa “with black heads’ (Lyc., [Arist.] Mir.); di-Kpatpa
‘forked’ (A. R.). Thematicized ed-Kpaiposg [f.] (A. Opp., Tryph, v.l. in h. Merc. 209);
6p06-Kpatpog [f.] (AP); tavb-Kpatpocg [m., f.] ‘with long horns’ (AP, Opp.); di-
Kpatpoc [m.] ‘two-horned’ (AP); Bad-, iod-, d,t6- Kpatpog (Nonn.). Reshaped after
the nouns in -ng, -ntoc: ebkpaipns (Max. 84).
eETYM The apparent simplices kpaipa and kpaipog have clearly been taken from
compounds. The only old form is the feminine second member -xpatpa. This
extremely complicated form was extensively discussed in Nussbaum 1986: 222-247,
as well as in Peters 1980a: 228-286. It has been recognized for a long time that
-Kpatpa belongs to » Képac (» Kapa). As a basic form, we may posit *krh,-s-r-ih, >
*krah-ar-ja, where the contraction product -d- was regularly shortened before -7j-.
After the other compounded adjectives, Greek created a thematic form -Kpatpoc,
indifferent to gender, which eventually survived.
kpauBn [f.] ‘cabbage’ (IA). Up till now, the word was mentioned under > kpdtiBoc, but
it has nothing to do with it. Cf. also RPh. 71 (1997): 165, where it is noted that a
reading *yduBpn is wrong. Fur. did not split the words either (see on » KpdtBoc).
<>
ecomP As a first member e.g. in kpattBo-Ké@adog ‘cabbage-headed’ (pap.).
*DER Diminutive kpayiBidiov ‘id.’ (Antiph.), kpattBiov ‘cabbage soup’ (Hp.; MoGr.
forms, part of which has yp-, in Georgacas ByzZ 41 (1941): 362); KpayiBic ‘“cabbage-
worm’ (Ael.), see Stromberg 1944: 9; kpayiBretc “cabbage-like’ (Nic.), kpayiBitac [m.]
“‘greengrocer’ (Thess.).
*ETYM No etymology. Strémberg 1940: 24 connected the word with »xpduiBoc,
assuming that the plant was called after its shrunken leaves; however, the connection
with the Gm. group of OHG (h)rimfan ‘to shrink’ must now be forgotten. Borrowed
as Lat. crambé (Plin.), MoP karamb ‘cabbage’.
KpauBos [adj.] = kamupdc, Enpds ‘loud or clear, dry’, of sounds (Ar. Eq. 539, H., Suid.).
<PG(V)>
*DER KpapiBadgoc ‘dry, roasted’ (Ath.), after avadéoc, etc; KpapiBadifovotv:
kamupiCovot ‘revel’ (H.); KpoptBdw [v.] ‘to roast, bake’ (Diph.). kpayiBdtatov otdpna
‘loudest voice’ (H., Suid.); as a msc. subst. ‘blight in grapes, when they shrivel before
they are ripe’ (Thphr.), see Strémberg 1937: 167. One also connects KpdiBada-
\tvreta ‘monuments’ (H.), supposing it denotes the urn with ashes, but this is
uncertain. Further xpdytBwtov: ixtivoc to C@ov ‘kite, the animal’ (H.) (perhaps after
its claws, but see Thompson 1895 s.v.).
*ETYM For the structure, cf. oxaptBdc, » KAaptBdc. The accent is remarkable and may
point to original substantival function.
779 Kpavadc
The word has been compared with OHG (h)rimfan ‘to wrinkle, curb, etc.’, as if from
IE *kremb-, *kromb-. However, Fur.: 238 compares »Kpatpoc ‘dry, frail, fragile’,
assuming it is a form without prenasalization and with u for B (on which see Fur.:
228-242). This seems convincing; note Frisk’s comment s.v. » kpadpoc: “ebenfalls
mit bemerkenswerter Barytonese.” Fur.: 343 further adduces kduBoc- 6 Kd6vdvA0c. Kai
6 Kanupdc ‘ball, swelling; also dried, parched’; xkpoupdtatov. Kamvpwtatov.
katakexovdvAwpévov ‘very dry, swollen’ (H.). Further, » kpdBvtoc may perhaps be
added. Therefore, the word is without a doubt Pre-Greek. The further connection of
KpduBwtov ‘kite’ with kpdpBoc: Adpoc ‘mew’ (H.), Fur.: 283, is uncertain,
kpavadc [adj.] ‘hard, raw, rocky’ (IL), also of Athens and the Athenians, called
Kpavacd moXtc and Kpavaai (Ar.), or Kpavaoi (Hdt.); also Kpavadc, a mythical king
of Athens. <?>
*COMP Kpavar-medoc ‘with rocky soil’ said of Delos (h. Ap. 72), -1- metrically
conditioned (Zumbach 1955: 18).
*ETYM Evidenced by comparison of Kepa(f)dc and tava(F)éc, it probably derives
from *xpavaféc. No convincing etymology. The traditional connection with words
for ‘hard’ (see »xpatoc) makes no sense, as long as the formation has not been
explained.
kpaviov [n.] ‘skull, brain-pan’, also of the head in general (© 84, Pi. I. 4, 54, Att.). On
the long a in Hom. see Wackernagel 1916: 225, Chantraine 1942: 18, Shipp 1967: 21.
<1E *kerh,- ‘head, horn’>
eCOMP As a first member in kpavid-Aetoc “bald-headed’ (Com. Adesp. 1050); quite
frequent as a second member, especially in medical expressions, e.g. dm1000-Kpaviov
‘occiput’, y-kpdwov ‘cerebellum’ (after éy-Képadoc), but also Bov-Kpaviov ‘oxhead’
(EM), also a plant name (Ps.-Dsc., Gal.), see Strémberg 1940: 47. Adjectival
hypostasis 7tept-Kpdaviog ‘round the skull’ (Plu., medic.). Older and more common is
-Kpavov, e.g in éni-kpavov ‘capital, headband’ (Pi., E, inscr.), toti-kpavov ‘cushion’
(Sophr., Theoc.), dAé-Kpavov “point of the elbow’ (Hp., Ar., Arist.), xto(vd)-Kpavov
(see »kiwv). Also adjectives like Bov-, éhago-, Si-, tpi-, yadked-, dp06-Kpavoc.
Rarely as a first member: kpavo-xoméw [v.] ‘to cut off the head’ (pap.); on kpavo-
KoOAdTTNS see > KPAvoV.
*DER Denominative verbs: kpavitau: émi kepaAtyv anopptwat ‘to throw (down) upon
the head’, xpryvdv- Kkapnpapo@v ‘being heavy in the head’ (H.); hypostasis
amoxpavitat ‘to tear from the head’ (AP), ‘to cut off the head’ (Eust.).
eETYM The secondary formation kpaviov goes back to a nominal basis. It seems best
to start from the old oblique stem *kran- < *krh,s-n- of xapy, which was later
replaced by *krahnt-. In this context, note the gloss kpdva: kepadr (H.). See further
> kdpa and » Képac.
kpavov [n.] ‘Cornelian cherry’ (Thphr., medic.). IE *ker- ‘cornel’>
VAR Also kpavos [f.] (pap., Gp.).
eCOMP As a first member perhaps in kpavo-KoAdntng name of a spider (Philum.
Ven. 15, 1, sch. Nic. Th. 764), see Stromberg 1944: 22.
Kpatevtal 771
eDER More common and attested earlier is kpdveta [f.] “cornelian cherry’ (Hom., E.,
Thphr., Hell.), also kpavia (Hp., Dsc.), -éa (Gp.). Hence xpdvetov (-tov) ‘id.’
(Thphr., Gal.), xpavéivoc ‘of cornel wood’ (Hdt., X.), also kpavdivog ‘id’ (Hp., X.,
Str.), after €Adivoc; Kpdvivos ‘id.’ (Paus.).
eETYM Lat. cornum, -us, with the same fiucuation as to the gender, has been
compared to reconstruct IE *krno-. Lith. Kirnis name of a ‘god who protects cherries’
is of doubtful appurtenance. Mediterranean origin is also possible, which has to be
assumed for » képacog in any case.
Kpavog [n.] ‘helmet’ (IA), see Triimpy 1950: 45f. <?>
eCOMP As a first member in kpavo-notéw ‘to forge helmets’, whence -motia, -mo1d¢
(Ar.).
DER Diminutive kpavidiov (Att. inscr.).
eETYM The word xpdvoc must be connected with the group of words for ‘head,
horn’, but cannot contain a laryngeal. Connection with > kdpvov, » kpavads, etc. is
less probable.
KpamatadAdc [m.] name of a worthless fish (Hdn., H.); also metaph. = pwpdc ‘dull’
(H.), see Stromberg 1943: 95”, and as a name of a coin (= Spay) in Hades (Pherecr.
apud Poll. 9, 83). <PG(V)>
eVAR Also -aA\6c (Hdn. 1, 158).
*DER Kpartatahiag dvenwdns Kai doBeviic. Kai dvicyupa A€ywv, duervov dé Anpwdrj¢
‘vain or idle and weak; speaking without foundation, or better: frivolously’ (H.)
(Pherecr. 99).
*ETYM A formation in -aA(A)éc with variation \/ A (not noticed by Chantraine 1933:
245ff.). Therefore, clearly a Pre-Greek word in -al’- (see Beekes 2008).
kpaonedov [n.] ‘edge, border of a cloth’, metaph. of a country, a mountain, also of an
army = ‘wing of the army’ (S., E., Ar., X., Theoc., NT). <4?
*DER Kpaomeditns ‘hindmost person in a chorus’ (Plu.), opposed to the kopugatoc;
Kpaotteddop.at [v.] ‘to be bordered’ (E.).
*ETYM Analyzed as an old compound of kapa ‘head’ (in the form xpao-) with a faded
second member nédov ‘plain, ground’, for which Skt. dru-padd- [n.] ‘wooden post’ is
compared. The first member would point to an original meaning ‘upper border’, acc.
to Risch IF 59 (1949): 14. However, Nussbaum 1986: 71 is very sceptical; there is no
indication whatsoever that it would contain the word for ‘head’.
Kpdaotic ‘green fodder’. = ypaw.
Kpatatyos [m.] ‘hawthorn, Crataegus oxyacantha’ (Thphr.). <?>
eVAR Also -atywv, -Ovoc.
*ETYM Connection with kpatuc ‘hard’ and aiy- in » aiyikwy explains nothing. The
etymology therefore remains unknown.
kpatevtai [m.pl.] ‘stone or metal blocks on both sides of the altar, on which the spits
rested’ (J 214, Eup., Att. inscr.), see Chapouthier REA 43 (1941): 12ff.; also ‘supporting
stone of the pavement’ (Lebadea). < PG(V)>
772 KpaTOG
eVAR kpadevtai (Att. inscr.), Solmsen KZ 42 (1909): 221ff.
*DER Kpatevtipta [pl.] ‘id.’ (Poll. 6, 89), after the instrument nouns in -t1ptov.
eETYM The formation in -evta- is remarkable, but it does not help to assume a verb
Kpatetw = Kpatbvw ‘to strengthen, prop’. The rare by-form kpadevtai (Att. inscr.)
can hardly be explained as a folk-etymological transformation after >» xpaddw, nor
does the form in -t- point to folk etymology after xpatvc. Fur.: 181 is right in
concluding to a Pre-Greek loan with 6/ t; cf. on » Backevtai for the formation.
Kpatog [n.] ‘strength, power, authority’ (Il.), on the mg. Triimpy 1950: 202ff. <1E *kret-
s- ‘strength’, *krt-u-, *krt-ero->
VAR Epic Ion. (Dor.) also Kaptoc, Aeol. kpétoc.
*COMP Often as a first member, e.g. d-kpatijc ‘without strength, powerless’, opposed
to éy-Kpatij¢ ‘having power over, controlling (oneself)’, whence éyxpdateta, -éw, etc;
abto-Kpatic ‘having power over oneself, independent’; more usual avto-Kpatwp
‘with unlimited power’ (Ar., Th.); also -kpétij¢ in Aeol. and Arc.-Cypr. PNs, e.g. Zw-
Kpét]¢.
DER Beside the noun Kpdtoc, Kpétos, several adjectives exist:
1. Kpatv¢ ‘strong, powerful’ (Hom.); only verse-final kpatdc Apyeipovtng Kpatvvw
‘to strengthen, consolidate, rule’ (Il.), epic also xapt-; thence xpatuojtdc
‘strengthening’, kpatuvtnptoc ‘id.’, -tixd¢ ‘id.’ (medic.), kpatbvtwp ‘controller’
(PMag. Leid.).
2. Kpatepdc (Il, A. Pr. 168 [anap.]), Kaptepdc (Il.) ‘id.’ (1A); also as a first member,
eg. Kpatepd-ppwv (Il). Thence xaptepéw [v.] ‘to be steadfast, hold out, overcome
onseself (IA), also with prefix, eg. dta-; thence kaptepia (Pl. X.), -protcs (Pl.)
‘holding on, firmness’, -ptkdc (Att.); kaptepdw [v.] ‘to strengthen’ (Aq., Herm.).
3. Kpatatds ‘id.’ (I].), also as a plant name (Ps.-Dsc.), cf. Strémberg 1940: 82; rarely as
a first member, e.g. kpataid-ppwv (PMag.). Thence kpataisty¢ = Kpdatocg (LXX),
Kpatatdw ‘to strengthen’ (LXX, NT), xpataiwpa, -woig (LXX). Fem. kpatatic (Od.),
see Schwyzer: 385.
4. Grades of comparison: comp. kpeittwv (Att.), kpeicowv (epic) with secondary -e1-
for kpéoowv (Ion., Pi.); Dor. kdppwv < *krt-idn, Cret. kaptwv; denominative
Kpetttdopat [v.] ‘to have excrescences’, of wine, whence kpeittwotc (Thphr.). Superl.
Kpatiotos (Il), epic kapt-, whence xpatiotetw [v.] ‘to be the best, surpass’ (Pi.,
Att.); also -(e)ia ‘highness’ (pap.), as a title. 5. Adverb kapta ‘in a high degree, very’
(Ion., trag.). 6. As a first member often kpatat- (kaptat-), e.g. Kpatat-ybadog ‘with
strong breast-pieces’ (I 361). Further Kpatt-, Kapti- in PNs, e.g. Kpati-dr,t0¢,
Kapti-vikoc; also Kpat(o)-, Kpate-, etc. (Bechtel 1917b: 256). Short hypocoristic
names Kpativoc, Kpattioc, KpatvAdoc, Kpatietc. On Kpeopdévtne see below.
7. Verb: kpatéw ‘to control, possess, rule, conquer’ (Il.), Aeol. xpetéw, aor. Kpatijoat
(post-Hom.), kpétinoat (Sapph.), often with prefix, e.g. ém-, kata-, mept-; thence
(émt-, etc.) Kpatyotc ‘power, rule’ (Th., LXX), (dta-, émt-) KpatytiKdc ‘controlling’
(late), (dta-)kpdtryjia ‘support, grip’ (medic.); xpatiyti¢ ‘possessor’ (Procl.);
Kpathpac: tob<s Kpatovvtac ‘who are in power’ (H.), for kpatiytihipac (Lewy KZ 59
(1932): 182). But éyxpatéw from éy-Kpatiic, vav-Kpatéw, -tia from vav-Kpatijc, etc.;
see above. Also kaptaivetv: kpatetv ‘to rule’ (H.).
Kpavpoc 773
eETYM The full grade in Aeol. xpétoc interchanges regularly with the zero grade in
Kpatvtc, Kdpta (the distribution of ap and pa in this root is not well understood;
discussed in Schwyzer: 342). Both kpatoc, kdptoc and the compounds Dor. kdppwv
< *kdpo(o)wv < *kdptiwv, Kaptwv arose analogically beside the old full grade
Kpécowv < *Kpétiwv (details in Seiler 1950: 53ff.). A zero grade of the s-stem Kpétoc is
supposed in Kpeo-pdvtijg < *Kpet-o- (see Kretschmer Glotta 24 (1936): 237 and
Heubeck Beitr. z. Namenforsch. 5 (1954): 26).
The derivational history of the forms is unclear in some cases. The adjective
Kpatepdc, Kaptepdc was supposed to contain an r-stem alternating with the s-stem
(Benveniste 1935: 17), but it may also be a Greek formation in -ero- (cf. e.g. Badepdc,
yAvxepdc). For xdpta, cf. e.g. taxa, dja, and see Ruijgh 1980: 189-198. The first
member xpatat- may have been modelled after mahat-; thence perhaps kpatatdc,
like maXatdc. Acc. to Risch 1937: 126, however, kpatatdcg is a back-formation from
Kpataur for *kpatata, the old fem. of kpattc (comparing TAatatai to mAatUc).
An exact correspondence to the group of xpdtoc is not found in other IE languages.
The closest are Skt. krdtu- [m.] ‘(magical) power, mind, will’, Av. xratu- [m.] ‘id’
(for the semantics, cf. OE creeft ‘force, physical strength, power’, but also ‘insight,
craft, etc.’). The Germanic word for ‘hard’, Go. hardus, etc, which is usually
adduced, has Schwebeablaut (*kortu- as opposed to *kytu-, *kret-); the connection is
rejected by Strunk MSS 34 (1976): 169f.
kpavyn [f.] ‘cry, loud crying’ (Att.). <IE *krau-g- ‘cry’>
eDER Kpavylac: inmoc, 6 bn Kpavyiic Kai Wo~ov Tapacodttevos ‘horse that is stirred
by a shout and noise’ (H.) and kpavydc: SpvoKoAdmtov eidoc ‘kind of woodpecker’
(H.). Denominative kpavydtw [v.] ‘to cry, crack’ (unknown poet apud Pl. Resp.
607b, D., Hell.), xpavyaoptds ‘crying’ (Diph.), -aoti¢ ‘cryer’ (AB), -dotpta [f.] (H.),
-aotikds ‘crying’ (Procl., sch.). Also xpatvyacog ‘crier’ (gloss.), see Schwyzer: 516,
Chantraine 1933: 435; Kpavyacidig (Batr.), kpavyaCoc (Ptol.). A different formation
Kpavyavaopiat in Kkpavyav@pievov (Hdt. 1, 111), vl. -youevov, cf. Schwyzer: 770;
uncertain sch. Call. Aet. Fr. 1, 20. Further the PNs Kpatytc, Kpavtidac, Kpavyadidat
(Bechtel 1917b: 496).
eETYM The form Kkpavyr could be an action noun pointing to a primary verb,
corresponding to several forms in Germanic and Balto-Slavic. Thus, ON hraukr ‘sea-
raven could be directly equated with kpavydc; further, with ablauting, 7 Go. hruk
[acc.sg.] ‘crowing’ and hrukjan ‘to crow’. A voiceless root-final stop is found in Lith.
kraukti, sg. kraukits ‘to screech’, and Slav. words like Ru. kruk ‘raven’ (*krauk-o-).
Note further, with palatal final, Skt. krésati = Av. xraosaiti ‘to screem, cry’. Like the
comparable sound imitations »Kpdtw, »Kpwlw, Kpavyr is probably an old
onomatopoeia.
Kpadpog [adj.] ‘dry, brittle, fragile’ (Pl, Arist., Thphr.). <PG(v)>
*DER kpaupétig ‘frailty’ (Thphr., Gal.), kpavpdoytat [v.] ‘to become dry’ (Ph,, D. C.).
Further kpatpoc [m.] (Arist.) = kpatpa [f.] (Suid., Phot., perhaps Gortyn, see Collitz
5001) ‘feverish disease of swine and cattle’, whence kpavpdw [v.] ‘to suffer from k.’
(Arist.).
774 Kpéac
eETYM A Pre-Greek variant of » kpdtiBoc, with interchange fF/ 6 and prenasalization.
kpéac [n.] ‘meat, piece of meat’ (II.). <1E *kreuh,- ‘flesh’>
*VAR Gen. Kpéwe (secondary kpéatog; Att. inscr. 338); plur. nom. Kpéé (II.), which
must be an innovation; very uncertain kpéata (Od.); gen. kpe@v (IA), also Kpeiv
(Hom.), probably for kpegwv, kpedwv (h. Merc. 130), dat. kpéaot (IL), also xpéeoot
(Orac. apud Hdt. 1, 47), kpedeoot (late Ep.).
eDIAL Dor. xpije.
eCOMP As a first member usually xpeo- (after the o-stems), e.g. kpeo-Koméw [v.] ‘to
cut meat’ (A., E.), also xpew- (after yew-, Aew-, etc.) as a v.]. and e.g. in Kpew-Saitn¢
‘meat distributor’ (Phld.), kpe-aypa “meat pincer’ (Ar.), with elision from xpeo-;
Kpea-vouoc ‘distributing meat’, whence -éu, -ia (E., Is., Hell.), after ayopa-vd1oc;
thence xpea-dotéw, -oia; Kpen-payéw [v.] ‘to eat meat’ (Hp.), analogical beside
Kpeo-~ayéw. Details on the inflexion in Schwyzer: 516, Chantraine 1942: 209f.; on the
shape of the first member Solmsen 1901: 23". Rarely as a second member: may-Kpeac
‘sweetbread, pancreas’ (Arist., medic.), yAvK0-Kpeoc ‘with sweet meat’ (Sophr.), etc.
*DER Diminutive kpegdtov (IA), Kpetoxoc (Alex. 189), kpevAAtov (Theognost.);
Kpewdng ‘meaty’ (Arist., Thphr.), xpetov ‘butcher’s stall’ (I 206), kprjiov (H.), after
ayyetov, etc. quite uncertain kprnotiptov (Attica IV*).
eETYM Except for the accent, xpéac is identical with Skt. kravis- [n.] ‘raw flesh’, from
a base form *kreuh,-s- [n.]. An s-stem is probably also continued in Lat. cruor, -dris
‘blood from a wound’, as well as in Olr. cru [n.] ‘gore, blood’ and OCS kry ‘blood’,
which derive from zero grade *kruH-s. Further forms: Skt. kriir-d- ‘raw, bloody’ <
*kruh,-ro-, Skt. kravyd- [n.] ‘raw flesh’ = OPr. krawian [n.], Lith. kratijas [m.]
‘blood’, all from *kreuh,-i-. See » kpvoc.
Kpeittwv = Kpatos,
Kpeiwv, -ovtog [m.] ‘ruler, prince’ (II.). <1 *kreiH- ‘splendour’>
*DIAL kpéwv (Pi, A. [lyr.]), -ovtoc.
*DER Fem. xpeiovoa (X 48), kpéovoa (B.) ‘ruler, princess’; PNs Kpéwv, -ovoa (post-
Hom.), patronymic Kpetovtiddn¢ (T 240).
eETYM An inherited word from Indo-European poetic language. For example, Gonda
KZ 73 (1956): 153f. compared evpd kpeiwv with Skt. prthu-sri- ‘with broad sri-’. The
Greek nt-stem (after dpywv, pédwv, etc.) probably replaced an older n-stem.
In Indo-Iranian, we find a noun Skt. sri- [f.] ‘magnificence, riches, splendor, fame’ <
*kriH-. Narten KZ 100 (1987): 270-96 points out that the oldest Greek forms must be
those in PNs in -xpéwv, e.g. PtAo-Kpéwv (Cyprus). Therefore, the old connection of
epic kpeiwv with the Indo-Iranian comparative Av. sraiiah- ‘more beautiful’, Skt.
sréyams- (with secondary e for a) ‘more shining, superior’ is untenable. Instead,
Greek has a plain n-stem *kreiH-6n, and the epic form xpeiwv may have metrical
lengthening for kpéwv. Cf. also Peters 1993b: 106-8.
Kpéupara 775
eCOMP Rarely with b10-, dta-, ovv-.
*DER Kpok- [f.] in kpdK-a [acc.sg.] (Hes. Op. 538), kpdK-e¢ [nom.pl.] (AP 6, 335), Kpde
[nom.sg.] only H., Theognost.; further kpdxn (IA) ‘thread which is passed between
the threads of the warp, woof, (woollen) cloth’. From xpdkn;: kpdktov ‘woollen band’
(Anticl. 13), xpoxic [f.] ‘sundew, fly-strap, Drosera’ (Apollod. apud Plin. HN 24, 167),
Kpokve [f.] ‘flock of wool’ (IA), kpoxbédtov (Gal.), kpoxvdiCw [v.] ‘to pluck off flocks
of wool’ (com., Gal.), -toudg (Gal.); kpoxdéw [v.] ‘to weave, envelop in wool’ (Dionys.
apud St. Byz. Phot.) ; kpoxtopds ‘cloth’ (sch.); as if from *Kpoxitw. kpeypdc [m.]
‘sound of stringed instruments’ (Epich., A. R., Poll.).
eETYM Originally a term of weaving, xpéxw was also transferred to the playing of
stringed ‘instruments. The present xpéxw is isolated, though Germanic has several
nouns pointing to a primary verb: ON hrell [m.] ‘staff to fasten the cloth’ < PGm.
*hrdhila-, OE hréol ‘reel’ < PGm. *hréhula-. A trace of Verner’s Law exists in OE
hregl [n.] ‘cloth, garment’, OHG hregil [n.] ‘indument, spolium’. Several Balto-Slavic
words have also been compared: Lith. kréklés ‘rags, tatters’, Latv. krékls ‘shirt’, “Stuhl,
der Teil des Spinnrockens, in dem die Beine ruhen”, as well as words for ‘loom’, eg.
Ru. krésno. Further Slavic expressions for ‘strike fire, etc.’: Ru. kresit’, isg. kresu, SCr.
krésati, isg. kré3ém (thus LIV? s.v. *krek-), which seems the most promising
comparison.
Kpepavvuztt [v.] ‘to hang’, intr. ‘to be suspended’ (Att.). <1E *kremh,- ‘hang’>
eVAR Other presents xpipvnut and kprvnu, -dw (Pi, Hp. trag., com.), also
Kpepavvbw and Kpeudw (Arist.), kpenatw (LXX), kpeuvaw (Demetr. Eloc.); intr.med.
Kpéuapau (II.); aor. Kpeudoat (Il.), pass. cpeaoOjvar (Hdt., Att.); fut. xpedw (H 83),
Kpeu@ (Att.), Kpeudow (com., LXX), pass. xpeurnoouat (Ar., Hell. pap.); perf.
kekpéuaka, -ayat (late).
*COMP Often with prefix, e.g. dva-, Kata-, &k-.
*DER Kkpepa8pa [f.] ‘hammock’ (Ar.), ‘rope hung from a hook’ (Arist, v.l. -4otpa, see
below); kpeudc [f.] “‘beetling, precipitous’ (A. Supp. 795 [lyr.]); Kpéuaotc, -acpdc
(Hp.), -aoua (sch., Eust.), -acia (gloss.) ‘hanging’; kpeywaotip name of certain
muscles (medic.), ‘stalk by which a grape cluster hangs’ (Gp.), -dotpa ‘stalk by which
a flower hangs’ (Thphr.), Strémberg 1937: 116; éx-, d7to-, 1tepl-Kpeuns ‘hanging down,
hanging all around’, from éx-Kpepwavvvi, etc.
*ETYM The original situation in Greek seems to be that of an active aorist xpepdoat
‘to hang’ (trans.) beside a medial athematic present kpguao@at ‘to be suspended’
(perhaps reshaped after the aorist?). Several secondary active presents arose
subsequently: xpipvnut, Kpruvnt (perhaps after kprvoc), Kpeuavvvul, as well as
Kpenaw, -dCw, kpeuvaw. However, > kpivoc is unrelated.
Sanskrit has a root sram'- ‘to become weary, tire’ with a root aor. Ved. sramat ‘will
tire me’ and a ptc. sranta- ‘tired’. The oldest meaning could be ‘be flaccid, weak’. Go.
hramjan ‘to crucify’ is better left out (it belongs to OE hremman ‘lock in, hinder’,
ON hremma ‘grasp, clench’; Pok. 623f.). See LIV? s.v. kremh,-.
Kpékw [v.] ‘to weave, strike a stringed instrument with a plectrum’, metaph. ‘to
produce a sound, raise (a song) (Sapph., Pi., Ar. [lyr.], AP). <1E? *krek- ‘strike’> kpéupara [n.pl.] ‘clapper, castanets’ (Ath. 14, 636c, Carm. Pop. 3); on the realia Weber
eVAR Aor. xpéEau (late). RhM 82 (1933): 194f. < PG?>
776 KpéLusG
*DER KpeuBadtatw [v.] ‘to play the «., clapper’ (Hermipp. 31), Schwyzer: 735; thence
KpeuBadtaotbs (h. Ap. 162), see Zumbach 1955: 8, Porzig 1942: 181, and cf. on
> Bay Baivw.
eETYM The suffix -ado- is also found in kpdtada, ponadov and other loans; cf.
Chantraine 1933: 245f. Connection with the group of sound-words with anlauting
*(s)kr- (Pok. 569f.), e.g. Lat. crepo ‘to creak’, Lith. skrebéti, isg. skrebu: ‘to rustle’, Ru.
kropotat’ ‘to growl’, is impossible, as Gr. B cannot be due to the preceding nasal (as
per Schwyzer: 333). This nasal rather points to a non-IE word, quite possibly Pre-
Greek (prenasalization?). A word of this meaning is likely to be a loan.
Kpémus = KAEULLC.
Kpét, Kpexdc [f.] name of a long-legged bird, perhaps ‘ruff, Machetes pugnax’, or
‘corn-crake, Rallus crex’ (Hdt., Ar., Arist.); also metaph. of a noisy braggart (Eup.).
<1E? *kerk- ‘bird’>
*ETYM As the identification of the bird is uncertain (see Thompson 1895 s.v.), all
etymologies remain hypothetical. Onomatopoeic origin is quite possible. It has been
compared with other bird names, like Skt. krkara- a kind of partridge, MIr. cercc
‘hen’, OPr. kerko ‘diver’, Ru. krécet ‘gerfalcon’ (Pok. 568). Cf. also kepKac: Kpé— TO
dpveov, kepKiaric: épwdtdc ‘stork’ (cf. aiyi®adoc), KépKkoc: akeKktpvwv ‘cock’ (H.);
also, képkvoc: igpak i) dAexpvwv ‘hawk or cock’ and képxa€: igpa€ (H.). About the
possibility of confusion with » képkoc ‘tail of an animal’, nothing can be said.
Kpryvoc [adj.] ‘appropriate, right, useful’ (epic poet.) and, by misunderstanding in A
106, also ‘true’ (cf. Leumann 1950: 33f.). <?>
°VAR Dor. kpayvoc.
DER Adv. xpryybwe (Call.).
*ETYM Unexplained. Schwyzer Glotta 12 (1923): 18ff. thought it was a compound
from Kapa, kp1)- ‘head’ (see » kpr{Se,tvov) and yvia ‘members’, as well as ‘hand’ (sg.),
in which case it would mean ‘having head and hand’; highly doubtful. Fur. 105
considers the word to be Pre-Greek. See » kdapa.
KpHdepvov [n.] ‘women’s head-dress, veil’, metaph. ‘battlements, cover, lid (of a jar)’
(il.), cf. Leumann 1950: 296%, Haakh Gymnasium 66 (1959): 374ff. <IE *kerh,- ‘head,
horn’>
eVAR Often plur.
eDIAL Dor. Kpa-.
eETYM A compound from xdpa ‘head’ and the root of déw ‘to bind’, but unclear in
detail. The first member could stand for xpryvo- by dissimilation, ie. thematic
enlargement of the zero grade of » kapa (see » Kpaviov), but acc. to Frisk it may also
have arisen from xpro- with loss of o before 5 (this seems unlikely, and is rejected by
DELG). The word » kpdomedov is probably unrelated. The second member -detvov,
-a contains a derivation *dh,-mn- of »déw ‘to bind’, for which we may compare
BéXAeuva for the suffixation (see » BahAw) and » dévia.
KpiPev in Kata (4710) KpfiGev ‘down from the head’ (Hom.), probably false for kat’
axpiev. = Kapa.
Kprvn 777
KpiOpov [n.] ‘samphire, Crithmum maritimum’ (Hp, Call., Nic., Dsc.). <PG?>
VAR Also -og [m.], kptO- and kpitaptov.
eETYM Unexplained. Probably a foreign word; cf. Chantraine 1933: 133. Acc. to
Amigues RPh. 75 (2001): 272, the plant obtained its name because it has its grains like
barley (thus already Dsc. II 129).
Kprmatic, -idoc [f.] name of an instrument, probably a cup (IG 7, 3498: 15; 20 [Oropos;
temple inventory]). <?> :
*COMP In xpryto-pdpot (beside oivo-xdat IG 27, 1425: 358), the first member could
stand for *kprpatido-pdpot, if it is not from kpfa.
*ETYM A diminutive of kpfa (Att. kpaua) ‘mixing, mixed drink’; cf. mtwuatic ‘cup
that falls down (without footy.
Kprtvoc [m.] ‘steep incline’ (II.). <?>
*COMP Often as a second member, e.g. am6-Kprvog ‘inclined, steep’ (IA), Badv-
Kpr]Lvoc ‘with steep inclination’ (Pi.); rarely as a first member, e.g. kpryvo-poPéotau
[v.] ‘to be afraid of chasms’ (Hp.).
*DER Kprytvwdne, ‘slanting’ (Th.); (kata-, etc.)kprpvitw [v.] ‘to have a steep slope’
(Att., etc.), -tojide, -Lotc (late).
*ETYM Traditionally considered an old verbal noun from > Kpepavvyu, with ablaut
KprLl-: Kpejta-; however, this is impossible if the root was *kremh,- (a zero grade
*krmh,- would give *kpapa-). DELG notes that the é is proven by Pindar, which
makes the case even worse: a h, can never result in PGr. *é. The present kpryuvitut is
rather influenced by xprjtvdc than the other way around. The present entry
therefore remains unexplained.
kprvn [f.] ‘source, fountain’ (IL); on the mg. as against myr see Wycherley Class. Rev.
51 (1937): 2f. IE? *krs- ‘spring, flood’>
°VAR Dor. Arc. kpava, Aeol. kpdvva.
*COMP Compounds like kaAXi-Kpavog ‘with beautiful springs’ (Pi.).
*DER Diminutives: xpryvic, -ido¢ [f.] (E., Call. D. H; Chantraine 1933: 347), also as a
TN (Str.); Kpryviov (Delos III’, Str.), -i6tov (Arist.). kprjvatog ‘of the/a source’ (since p
240), Kplyviiiocg ‘id’ (Orac. apud Dam. Pr. 344); vipat Kprywiddec (A. fr. 168
[hexam.], after opeotiddec), cf. Chantraine 354f.; kpryvitic [f.] ‘of the/a source’ (Hp.).
TN Kpavvovv (Thess.).
*ETYM The different dialectal forms (see above) point to PGr. *krasnda-. Att. -pr- for
-pa- has been explained variously (Proto-Ionic-Attic dissimilation, an Ionism or a
hyperatticism; see Schwyzer: 189f.). Since Whitney Tucker TAPA 93 (1962), it has
generally been accepted (as by Peters 1980a) that the dissimilation assumed for
Kpryv1) was regular.
One hypothesis connects xprjvi, with » Kpovvdc ‘spring’, Kpotvat Kprivat TéAetat
(H.). The IE base forms would then be *krosno- and krsneh,-, respectively; but note
that all dialects have the vocalization *-ra-, so the etymon probably did not have
vocalic *y. Therefore, the explanation remains uncertain. The words xpovvoc,
Kpovvat may correspond to a Germanic word for ‘wave, flood’, except for the accent:
ON hronn [f.], OE hren, hern [f.], from PGm. *hrazné, IE *krosn-éh,.
778 Kprqitic, -id0¢
Kpnmic, -id0c [f] ‘man’s high boot, half-boot’ (X., Theoc., Plu. Poll.), also
‘groundwork, foundation, quay’ (IA, Pi.). <PG?, IE? *krh,p-ih.>
«COMP Some compounds, e.g. dmtc80-Kpijitic name of a shoe (Att. inscr., Poll. H.).
DER kprjmtidia [pl.] ‘bordering stones’ (Didyma II*), cprymtdaiov (Lys.), -etov (Ostia)
‘foundation of a house’, xpiymidiaiog ‘of the foundation’ (Att. inscr.), on the
formation see Chantraine 1933: 49. Denominative kprymddéw [v.] ‘to give a basis,
found, support’ (D. C., Plu.), -wpa ‘foundation’ (inscr., D. S., Aq.).
*ETYM Derived from a nominal base form (like kvnpic and yetpic), or perhaps kpryttic
just took over their ending. The technical meaning suggests a loan (Chantraine 1933:
347, Schwyzer: 465). The connection with words for ‘shoe’, e.g. Lith. kurpé < *krHp-
ih, is formally impeccable (see » kapBativoc) but is rejected by Fraenkel 1955 s.v.
Borrowed as Lat. crepida ‘half-boot’, crepid6 ‘stone basis, etc.’. Note that the suffix
-16- occurs in Pre-Greek.
kpnoépa [f.] ‘fine sieve’ (Ar. Ec. 991, medic., Poll.). <?, IE? *kreh,(i)- ‘sieve’>
eVAR Ion. -p1).
*DIAL kpadpa: Kdoxtvov i Spvypa ‘sieve; ditch’ (H.), Elis.
*DER Diminutive xprjogptov (Poll.), -pitng dptoc “bread from fine-sieved meal’
(Diph. 26).
*ETYM Isolated words in -épa (like » dip0épa, >» doKépa, » yoAgpa, > Kvo~gpI) are
likely to be loans. Theoretically, derivation from a old noun *xpijotc ‘sieving’ <
*kreh,-ti- is possible, which would belong to » kpivw < *krh,i-n-, and have the same
ablaut grade as Lat. excrémentum and crévi.
Kprogbysetov [n.] ‘place of retreat, refuge’ (Hdt., D. H., Luc.). <?>
*ETYM Wackernagel KZ 33 (1895): 56f. posits *ypneoptyetov, with contraction and
Grassmann’s Law. It would be a compound with suffix -eto- (DELG), from gvyeiv
and xpfjoc ‘debt’, so originally “fleeing from debt”. Chantraine calls this proposal
more ingenious than convincing. The connection with »kdpa ‘head’ (Kretschmer
KZ 31 (2892): 410, Solmsen RhM 53 (1898): 155f.) is semantically hardly convincing.
To be rejected, Kapsomenos Glotta 40 (1962): 43-50.
KpiPavos = KriBavoc.
kpiw [v.] ‘to scream, creak’ (Men. 879). <IE *krik- ‘cry’>
VAR Perf. ptc. kexptydtec (Ar. Av. 1521), them. aor. bo-Kptyeiv (S. Ichn. 171 [lyr.]),
sigm. aor. (bmo-)KpiEar or -iFau (Ael. NA 5, 50, H.); also them. aor. kpixe (H 470), of
Coydov. Cf. cpiddépev = yedav (Stratt. 47, 7; Boeot.).
eDER Verbal nouns xpiyr) (Hippon. 54), kptypdc¢ (Zonar.) ‘screaming, creaking’;
Kplyty 1) yAadé ‘the shrieking little owl (H.).
eETYM The system Kéxplya: kptyetv: kpifw: kpigat corresponds nicely with xéxpaya:
Kpiyetv: » KpaCw: Kpag—at. The word xpitw has a direct cognate in the root present
ON hrika ‘to creak’ < IE *krig-. Lith. krykti (kryksti), 1sg. krykit ‘to cry, creak’, and
the Slav. group of Ru. kriédt’ ‘to cry’, krik ‘cry’ show root-final -k. An old isolated
nominal formation is the Germanic name of the heron, e.g. OHG (h)reigaro, heigaro
(with dissimilation), MoDu. reiger.
Kpixog 779
«p67 [f.] ‘barley-corns’, usually plur. ‘barley’ (Il.); also metaph. = ‘swelling on the
eyelid’ (medic.), see Strémberg 1937: 192, Stromberg 1944: 63. On the mg. of kpu01,
Tupdc, Ottog see Moritz Class. Quart. 49 (1955): 129ff. <?>
VAR Short form «pi [n.], see below.
*COMP xKpi0d-tupov [n.] ‘mix of barley and wheat’ (pap; cf. on » d.idomvpov),
ebxptOoc ‘rich in barley’ (Theoc., AP).
*DER Diminutives: kpi8iov (Luc., Longos), xpi8idtov, also “decoction of barley’ (Hp.,
Posidon.), kpi8apiov (pap.). Further substantives: xptOaia ‘barley soup’ (Hom. Epigr.
15,7), after dAuaia, etc., Chantraine 1933: 86; kpt8aviac [m.] name of a kind of wheat
(Theophr. HP 8, 2, 3, beside ottaviac), perhaps after veaviac (Stromberg 1937: 91),
see also Chantraine 1933: 94. Adjectives: kpiOtvog ‘of barley’ (Ion., Hell.), xpiOdauuvog
‘id’ (Polyaen.), after orodptvoc; KpiOtKkdc ‘consisting of barley’ (pap.), kpiOWSn¢ ‘like
barley, full of barley-corns’ (Hp.).
Denominative verbs: xpt0aw ‘to feed oneself with barley’ (A., S.), also KpiOtdw
(Arist.), after the verbs of disease in -\4w, Schwyzer 732; thence xpiOiaotc ‘surfeit
caused by overfeeding with barley’ (X.); kp8iCw ‘to feed with barley’ (Aesop., Babr.).
TN Kpi0@tn (-wt) name of a spit of land in Acarnania (Krahe IF 48 (1930): 223ff.).
Epithet Kpi®wv (H.) from Kpi0j = 16081 (Ar. Pax 965); see Schulze KZ 29 (1888):
263.
*ETYM The epic by-form «pi [n.], occurring only in the nom. and acc., points to an
original root noun *krit', from which «p.8-1, is an enlarged form. Attempts to
connect xpi with Western European words for ‘barley’, Lat. hordeum, OHG gersta,
have failed thus far. The word xpi corresponds better with Alb. drithé, ‘barley,
wheat’, of which the -ri- may come from JE *-r-. Further, Arm. gari, gen. garwoy
‘wheat’ < IE *g'rio- also recalls xpi, and a similar word appears in Georgian geri
‘barley’; cf. Deeters IF 56 (1938): 140f. We may be dealing with a Wanderwort.
Egyptian origin has been considered too (Schwyzer: 61, Debrunner in Ebert 1924-
1932: 4, 525).
kpikog [m.] ‘ring’ at the end of a carriage-pole, on a sail; ‘curtain-ring, arm-ring,
finger-ring, etc.’ (QO 272, Hdt. 2, 36, Arist. Thphr., Hell. inscr.). <?>
eVAR Acc. kpika: kpikov (H.). Also kipxocg (Hell.), cf. kipxéw below.
eCcoMP Rarely as a first member, e.g. in kptk-rnAaoia ‘trundling of hoops’ (Antyll.
apud Orib. 6, 26. 1).
*DER Kipkiov ‘small ring’ (Delos II*), kpucéA(A)ov ‘id’ (Alex. Trall. sch.), like
wéA(A)tov, and cf. Lat. circellus; kptkwtd¢ ‘consisting of rings’ (Hell.); cf. cpucdopat
‘to be fastened with a ring’ (Str.), xpikwoic (Heliod. apud Orib.), -wua (Eust.);
Kipkow ‘to fetter with a ring’ (A. Pr. 74). Several glosses in H.: xptkddeia: tO
évadrAdEa tods SaxttAoug Wottep [t] KpvBots; éyKpikddeia: ovvagi] xElpwv eic
touriow; éykpixia: FbAa kexkapipéva. See also on » Kipadc (and Kpticods, KptEdc).
eETYM The form kipxocg would have an impossible root structure in PIE, and, on
chronological grounds, xpixocg must be original as well. Further analysis remains
hypothetical. Lat. circus ‘circle’ is probably a loan from kipxog (thus De Vaan 2008);
from the former, and from circulus, derive all Western European words for ‘circle’.
780 Kpitvov
kpipvov [n.] ‘coarse barley-meal, coarse bread’, plur. also ‘crumbs’ (Hp., Herod., Eup.,
Arist., pap., Lyc.). 4?
eVAR Or -i-? The length of the 1 is unclear.
*DER kpytv@dirg (Hp. Ar.); kpivitng dptoc ‘coarse bread’ (Iatrocl. apud Ath. 14,
646a); KpYLVijoTLG: TAaKobvtos eidoc ‘kind of flat cake’ (H.), cf. on KvAAFOTIC.
eETYM Unexplained. The connection with «pi, xpi61) is formally unwarranted, and an
analysis as Kpt-tv-ov (to Kptvw) does not seem preferable. Fur.: 245 compares kpivov
‘kind of bread’ (Ath. 3, 114f., not in LSJ), assuming *kriwno-.
Kputvdc [m.] ‘purple color?’ (PHolm. 8, 43[written kpypov, acc.], Ps.-Demiocr. Alch. p.
42B. [cod. kprivdc]). <LW Orient.?>
VAR Kplivouc: AevKdc Ttivac Botdvac ‘light pastures or plants’ (H.).
eETYM From Arab. germez ‘scarlet’; see Amigues RPh. 74 (2000): 272 (with
complicated details).
kpivov [n.] ‘white lily’ (IA), also name of a dance (Apolloph.), see Lawler Am] Ph. 65
(1944): 75ff. <2>
eVAR Plur. xpivea, -eotv.
*COMP Some compounds like kpiv-dvOenov ‘houseleek, fepoxahAéc (Hp., Ps.-
Dsc.), kadaud-xptvov ‘kind of kaAapog that is reminiscent of xpivov’ (Aét.), see
Stromberg 1944: 13.
*DER Kpivivog ‘of lilies’ (pap., Gal.), xpivwtdc¢ ‘ornamented with lilies’ (Aristeas);
Kptvwvic “bed of lilies’ (Suid.), ‘lily’ (Thphr.); see Scheller 1951: 71, and also iwvid (s.v.
piov).
eETYM Foreign word; cf. Schrader-Nehring 1917(2): 11 and Hehn-Schrader 1911: 245.
Kpivw [v.] ‘to separate, choose, select, decide, judge, condemn, accuse, apply’ (II.); b10-
Kpivopat ‘to answer’ (Il.), ‘to answer on stage (of the choir), to be an actor’ (Att.);
amo- ‘to answer’ (Att.). <IE *kre(h,-)i- ‘separate, distinguish, sieve’>
eVAR Aor. xpivai, pass. KptOfjvai (epic also KxpivOrpevor for metrical reasons,
Chantraine 1942: 404), perf. med. xéxpluat, act. kéxpika (Pl. Lg.), fut. cptv@, epic Ion.
Kptvéw, Dor. -iw.
DIAL Thess. kpevvéuev, Lesb. aor. cpivvat.
*COMP Very frequently prefixed, e.g. dva-, kata-, dia-, &k-, Ovv-, etc.
*DER 1. (A716-, did-, etc.)Kpiotc ‘decision, judgement, tribunal, etc.’ (Pi., IA), kpioyoc
‘decisive, critical’ (Hp., Arist.), amoxptotdploc ‘secretary’ (pap. VIP). 2. (and-, éni-,
ovv-, 1pd-)Kpita “decision, etc.’ (Hell.), kpiwa = kpeiwa (A. Supp. 397); obyKpipLa
‘body formed by combination’ (Hell.) with ovyxpipdtiov ‘small body’ (M. Ant.),
-Watikdg (Gal.). 3. (av-)Kpitip ‘judge, examiner’ (Dor.), xptvtip ‘id.’ (Gortyn),
Kpitn¢ ‘judge, arbiter’ (IA), often from prefixed compounds, e.g. boKpitie ‘actor,
etc. (Att.); xpitipiov ‘distinguishing mark, tribunal’ (Att., Arg.), ém- ‘court of
justice’ (Crete); éyxpitiptoc ‘for admission’ (Corinth II?); further details on «pitrp,
-TI¢, -THplov in Fraenkel 1910-1912 (index). 4. Kpitdc ‘selected, excellent’ (Il.), PNs
Kpitwv, KpitvA\a; also éx-, oby-Kpitog, etc. (IA); (d1a-, ém-, ovv-)KpitiKxds “of Kpiotg
(judgement), etc. (Pl. Arist.). 5. -Kpiddv, e.g. dtaxpidov ‘separated’ (II.), draxpida
‘id’ (Opp.). 6. On » Kpitivov, see s.v.
KpoKn 1 781
*ETYM The present Kpivw derives from PGr. *krin-je/o-, unless it was innovated from
the aorist kptvat. It has a nasal suffix which originally belonged only to the present,
but was later extended to the other aspectual stems (this also happened eg. in
> xhivw). Italic and Celtic have corresponding nasal presents in Lat. cernd ‘to select,
discern’ < *kri-n-oH, MW go-grynu ‘to sieve’ < IE *upo-kri-n-oH. The verbal adj.
Kplt6c matches Lat. certus ‘decided, certain’ < *kr(H)i-td-, but in other respects the
two languages behaved differently: the lengthened grade in (dé)crévi, excrementum
‘separation’ < *-kreh,- (which is an argument for reconstructing the root as *kreh,-i-
rather than *krei-) perhaps lives on in isolated »xpnoépa ‘fine sieve’, but was
otherwise lost in Greek.
The Gréek paradigm results from large-scale levelling; only Att. kpiya could
continue an older full grade xpeitia comparable to Lat. dis-cri-men. Other languages
have numerous nominal formations, especially Latin, Celtic, and Germanic: e.g. Lat.
cribrum ‘sieve’, Gm., e.g. Go. hrains ‘pure’, originally ‘sieved’. The root must have
been used specifically for sieving in PIE, given the many derivations pointing in this
direction.
Kpidc [m.] ‘ram’ (Od.); on the mg. as opposed to dpveldc see Benveniste BSL 45 (1949):
103, often metaphorical, especially in the sense of ‘battering ram’ (X., Plb., Hell.
inscr.); also name of a plant, a kind of chick-pea (Thphr., Hell. pap., Dsc.), and a sea-
monster (Ael., Opp.), see Stromberg 1943: 102. <?>
*COMP Kpto-mpdo0wmoc ‘with a ram’s face’ (Hdt.), avti-xptocg ‘enemy battering ram’
(Aen. Tact.).
*DER Kpiwdijs ‘ram-like’ (Ph.); kpiwya ‘kind of ship’ (Aq.), also ‘battering ram’
(Apollod. Poliorc.?); on the formation Chantraine 1933: 187.
*ETYM The word points to something like *kriH-uo-. Connection with képag ‘horn’ <
*kerh,-s- is formally impossible. Another attempt connected it with the Germanic
name of the reindeer, ON hreinn, OE hran < *kroi-no-, but this too is formally
awkward. Closer are some Balto-Slavic words for ‘curved’, e.g. CS krive ‘oxoAtdc’,
Lith. kreivas, kraivas (Eastern dial.) ‘oblique, curved, bent’ (cf. on » kpotdc). In case
these words are related, the ram would have been named after its curved horns.
Forssman IF 101 (1996): 304 recently suggested connection with Go. hrisjan ‘to
shake, dally’, from *kris-io-. Formally, this is quite possible (there is in fact no trace
of a wau). As the name of a kind of chickpea, xpidc has nothing to do with Lat. cicer
(Pok. 598), as the plant was named after its curved shells; see Strémberg 1937: 50.
Kpoaivw ‘to push, stamp’. = Kpovw.
Kpotdc [adj.] acc. to H. = voowdne, ao8evige ‘sickly, feeble’; acc. to Theognost. Can. 21
= koAofdc ‘curtailed’; also in Att. inscr. (IG 2”, 244: 63 [IV*], cf. Apx. Eg. 1923: 39), of
building stones (Ai®o1). <?>
*ETYM Compared with Lith. kraivas ‘oblique, bent’, etc. by Solmsen IF 31 (1912/13):
466f.; cf. on » ptdc. It is probably better to posit *krow-jo- ‘cut off, broken off and
to connect it with > kpobw.
Kp6xn 1 ‘thread of the woof. = Kpéxw.
782 KpOKI 2
kpoxn 2 [f.] ‘rounded pebble on the seashore’ (Arist., Lyc.). <?
eVAR KpoxdAat [pl.] (E. IA 210 [lyr.], AP, Agath.) is attested earlier; unclear is
KpoKaAny [acc.sg.] (AP 7, 294), which could be adjectival.
eETYM No etymology. Connection with Skt. words like sdrkard [f.] ‘grit, gravel or
kfsana- [n.] ‘pearl (cf. Mayrhofer EW Aia: s.vv.) is meaningless. See » kpoKddiAoc,
P odKxap.
Kpokddiiog [m.] ‘lizard, crocodile’ (Hdt., Arist.). <?>
eVAR Also kopk- (pap.), kpox05- (Hippon.), cpexv6d- (Et. Gen.).
eCOMP As a first member in kpoxodtA0-tagtov ‘burial place for crocodiles’ (pap.).
*DER KpoKodiAitrs [m.] (Chrysipp.), of Adyog = Lat. crocodilina ambiguitas (Quint.),
“crocodile syllogism”, a kind of fallacy; kpoxodikeov (Dsc., Gal.), -dtAta¢ (Gal., Alex.
Trall.) ‘Eryngium maritimum, sea-holly’; -6\Aéa ‘excrements of the kpox. yepoaioc’,
used as an eye-salve (Plin.).
eETYM Acc. to Hdt. 2, 69, it was originally the Ionic name of a lizard, which was
transferred to the crocodile and the alligator. Frisk’s etymology as a compound from
Kpoxn ‘gravel’ and dpidoc ‘worm’ (with dissimilation) should be forgotten. See Diels
& Brugmann IF 15 (1903-1904): 1ff. and Solmsen BPhW 1906: 758f. on variant
spellings of the word, especially the itacistic writing with -el-.
Kpoxo¢ [m.] ‘saffron, Crocus sativus’ (since 5 348). <LW Sem.?>
*COMP E.g. kpox6-1tettAog ‘with saffron-colored cloth’ (Il.), see Treu 1955: 244 and
258, Capelle RAM 101 (1958): iff.
DER Especially adjectives of color: xpdéxeog ‘saffron-colored’ (P. [v.]. -detc], E. [lyr.]),
-tiloc ‘id’ (h. Cer. 178), metrically conditioned, see S. Schmid 1950: 48, Zumbach 1955:
14; -detc ‘id.’ (Tyrt., Sapph., E., Ar.), see Treu 1955: 268); kpdxtvoc ‘of saffron, saffron-
colored’ (Stratt., Hell.), -wdnc¢ ‘id’ (Dsc., medic.), -1pdc ‘of saffron’ (Gal.), after
oivinpds, etc., see Chantraine 1933: 233; kpoxiac [m.] ‘saffron-yellow stone’ (Plu.), like
kanviac, etc. Chantraine 1933: 94; xpoxwtdc [adj.] ‘saffron-yellow’ (Pi.), [m.]
‘saffron cloth’ (com., Att. inscr.), whence -wttov (Poll.), -wtidtov (Ar.), -wtivoc
(pap.); kpokwv [m.] ‘saffron-bed’ (Hdn.); kpoxatov [n.] ‘saffron-yellow parchment’
(Edict. Diocl. Asin.), from Lat. crocatus, see below. Denominative verbs: kpoxitw ‘to
be saffron-like’ (Dsc., Plu.), kpoxdojtct (kioo@) ‘to be surrounded with saffron-
colored ivy’ (AP).
eETYM Identical with the Semitic word for ‘saffron’, eg. Akk. kurkani, Arab.
kurkum, Hebr. karkom, and with Skt. kunkuma- ‘id’? (which is MInd. for
*kurkuma-); further details on the origin are unknown. Acc. to E. Masson 1967: 50,
the Semitic words could be loans themselves. From xpdkoc came Lat. crocus, as well
as crocota [f.] ‘saffron-cloth’ (from xpoxwtdc) and crocétinum ‘saffron cake’ (:
Kpokwtivoc); there is Lat. innovation in crocatus ‘saffron-yellow’ (> Gr. KkpoKdtov,
see above). Another word for the same notion is » kaykaplov.
KpOTAposg 783
eVAR Also Kpdpvov (A 630, T 233, Philem. 122), epduBvov (pap.) < -p-, cf. Schwyzer:
231. e
*COMP Kpouivo-mWAr¢ ‘onion handler’ (pap.).
*DER Diminutive xpojt(j1)bdtov (Gp., sch.).
eETYM A similar word for onion and garlic is attested in Celtic, Germanic and Balto-
Slavic, e.g. MIr. crim, MW craf ‘garlic, OE hramsan [pl.], MoE ramsons ‘wood-
garlic, MoHG (Bav.) rams ‘id.’, Lith. kermusé ‘wild garlic, Ru. ceremsd ‘Allium
ursinum’. The e-vowel of Celtic and Balto-Slavic is also found in kpéuvov (H.) and in
the TN Kpepttvav (also Kpopipt-, near Corinth). Therefore, Schmidt KZ 32 (1893): 346
assumed vowel assimilation xpep- > Kpop-, but this is hardly acceptable; see Van
Beek fthc.b. Note that Gm. also has *hram- < *krom-.
It is difficult to reconstruct a PIE pre-form, given the alternations pointing to
*kremus-, *kromus-, *kermus-, and also the Greek geminate -yp1-. Beekes 2000: 29
therefore considers the word to be non-IE. The interpretation of Cremona near
Venice (Krahe 1955: 104) as an Illyrian TN is speculative. On the distribution, see
Schrader-Nehring 1917(2): 710ff.
Kpourtos [?] a piece of land. <PG?>
eVAR With secondary prop vowel xopouroi dat.sg. (Arcadian Orchomenos, 369°),
see Del.3 664, 12; 16.
*ETYM Connection with OHG hrimfan ‘to wrinkle, curb’, OCS kropo ‘small’, Lith.
krumplys ‘finger-knuckle’, etc. (Fraenkel 1955 and Pok. 948f. apud Frisk) hardly
makes sense. Fur.: 381 considers the word to be Pre-Greek, because of the anaptyctic
vowel (see also Fur.: 378-385).
kpdocat [f.pl.] ‘stepped copings of parapets’ (M 258, 444), ‘courses, steps of the
pyramids’ (Hdt. 2, 125); mp6-xpoooot ‘arranged in rows, ranks’ (& 35, Hdt.). <?>
*COMP xKpooooi [m.pl.] ‘tassels, fringes’ (Gal, Poll. H.); di-xpoooocg ‘double-
bordered’ (Poll., EM), whence dixpdoota [n.pl.] (Peripl. M. Rubr.).
*DER Diminutive xpoooiov (Hdn.); also as a plant name (Ps.-Dsc.); also kpooowtdc
‘with fringes’ (LXX, Lyc., Plu.), ‘with steps’ (Lyc. 291°), v.l. xopo-.
*ETYM Frisk’s suggestion that the expression originally derives from weaving
(connecting Kpd&, kpdxn ‘thread of the woof [see »Kpéxw]) is not likely. As he
notes, it seems that xpooooi (which is late and rare) was back-formed from
Kpooowtdc, which is attested much earlier and better. The word xpooowtdc (also
dikpooool, dixkpdcoia) was formed to the original xpdcoa after Ovoavwtdc
‘provided with tassels, fringes’, and was transferred from the sphere of architecture
to that of tailor-work. From xpooowtdc, the back-formation kpooooi was formed
(cf. 8boavot from Bvoavwtdc).
The word xpdcoat itself is a technical expression of unknown origin. Derivation
from *krok-iai and connection with Balto-Slavic words for ‘bar, rod, rafters’ (e.g.
Lith. kraké ‘rod, staff, which formally matches xpdooa, kréklas ‘rafters’, Ru. krékva
Kpoupow ‘t st, bake’. + Kpd ‘ ‘ > ; : ‘ >
POUEOe tomeast Palco = PALO: bar, club, rafters’) seems rather speculative. Fur. 257 connects »kdépon ‘temple’,
kpOuumvov [n.] ‘onion, Allium Cepa’ (IA). <EUR?> which is unwarranted. ?
Kpdta@os [m.] ‘temple’, metaph. ‘side, profile, steep mountain slope’ (Il.). <PG?>
784 KpOTtoG
eVAR Usually plur. By-forms with metathesis: k6ptagoc (EM, Et. Gud., perhaps also
Pl. Com., see Maas KZ 46 (1914):159), kOtpagoc (PMag. Osl. 1, 152).
*COMP TOALo-Kpdta@os ‘with gray temples’ (@ 518).
*DER Kpotagic [f.] ‘pointed hammer’ (Att. inscr., Poll., H.), on the mg. see below,
Kpota@ioc ‘of the temples’ (Gal.), kpotagitns ‘temple muscle’ (medic.), -itidec
mAnyat [fem.pl.] (Hp.). Denominative kpotagiw [v.] ‘to hit on the temple, box on
the ear’ (pap.), kpotagtotis (gloss., H. s.v. k6Badoc).
*ETYM Often derived from Kpdétog as “beating (of the veins in the temples)”. In this
case, Kpdtagoc would refer to the sound that is heard after being hit on the temple.
Fur.: 257 connects it with » kdpon ‘temple’ (like Forbes Glotta 36 (1958): 258ff.) and
remarks that it is unsatisfactory, from a semantic viewpoint, to separate xépon and
Kpdtagos from Kpdcooat.
Kpdtos [m.] ‘stamping of the feet, clapping of the hands, of the oars, etc; clapping,
applause’ (Att.). <1E? *kret- ‘shake’>
*COMP Often as a second member, e.g. ttovd-, di-, tpi-Kpotog ‘with one, two, three
rows of rowers’ (E, X., Plb.), see Morrison Class. Quart. 41 (1947): 122 ff; inndé-
Kpotog ‘trodden by horses, resounding of the hoofbeat of horses’ (Pi. E.), amd6-
Kpotoc ‘well-pounded’ (Th., X.).
*DER Kpotéw [v.] ‘to rattle, beat, stamp’ (O 453, IA), also prefixed, especially with
ovv-, in various mgs.; thence xpdétna (S., E.), -noptdcg (A. Th. 561), perhaps after
Opxnottdc, Chantraine 1933: 141; -notc (Pl. Ax., Ph. Bel.), -ytuxd¢ (Dosith.). kpdtaha
[n.pl.] ‘rattle, castanets’ (h. Hom., Pi, Hdt.), [sg.] “boaster’ (Ar., E.), kpotéAta [n.pl.]
‘(clappering) ear-rings’ (pap.), MoGr. xpotaAiag, -itng ‘rattlesnake’ (cf. Redard 1949:
83), kpotahilw ‘to rattle’ (A 160, Hdt.), -iotpia, -totpic ‘castanet player’ (pap.).
eETYM Cf. » kpdtagos, -gic. The earlier and more frequent attestations of kpotéw, as
compared with xpdtoc, point to priority of the verb. The comparison with a Gm.
verb, OE hrindan, hrand, ON hrinda, hratt ‘to push’ (Pok. 621) should probably be
rejected; note that it has an inner nasal which need not be an infix. LIV’ s.v. *kret-
compares OHG redan ‘to sieve’, Lith. krésti, isg. krecit: ‘to shake’ and OCS krotiti,
isg. krosto ‘to tame’. Although formally impeccable, the semantics are not wholly
satisfactory. See LIV? s.v. *kret-.
Kpot@v, -Wvoc [m.] ‘tick, louse of a sheep, Pediculus ovis, Ixodes’ (Arist., Dsc., Plu.),
also ‘tree of castor oil, Ricinus communis’ and its seeds (Hp., Thphr., Hell.); acc. to
Dsc. 4, 161 Sta trv wo Tpdc TO (Mov Tod onéppiatoc éupépetav “because of the
likeness of the seed to the animal’, cf. Strémberg 1937: 50. <?>
COMP E.g. Kpotwvo-@dpog, of yf (Hell. pap.).
*DER Kpotwvn [f.] ‘knag, pathological excrescence on the stem (of the olive tree),
fragments of bronchial cartiledge’ (Thphr, Hp. Gal.); for the formation cf.
Chantraine 1933: 207.
eETYM Unexplained.
kpovvat [f.pl.]? - ta dpopa dévdpa ‘barren trees’ (H.). <PG(V)>
eETYM Fur.: 120 compares ypuvodc ‘faggot, firebrand’ and ypovvdc ‘dry wood, torch’,
so the word is clearly Pre-Greek.
Kpobw 785
kpovvoc [m.] ‘source, fountain, stream, torrent’, also as a TN (Il.). <1IE? *kros-n- ‘wave,
flood’>
*COMP E.g.’Evved-Kpovvoc name of a source on the Hymettos (Hdt., Th.).
*DER Diminutives kpovviov (Hdn.), -ioxog (sch.); further kpovv-eiov a cup (com.),
-wia “flood” (Emp. 6, 3), -itide¢ (vbttpat, Orph.), -nddv ‘like a spring’ (LXX, Ph.);
Kpovvitw [v.] ‘to bring forth a stream’, -ojtat ‘to catch a stream with the mouth’
(com.), -toptdg ‘gushing, spray’ (Aq., medic.), -topia ‘stream’, -toptdttov “small nozzle
or spout’ (Hero). kpotvau: kpf}vat téAetat ‘perfect springs’ (H.).
*ETYM Probably from *kros-nd-; to which the group of ON hronn < PGm. *hrazno- <
*kros-neh,- is compared. Within Greek, it has been connected with » xprjvn (see s.v.
for details).
Kpovre tat [f.pl.] ‘wooden shoes to press olives or to indicate the rhythm of a dance’
(Paus. Gr., Poll., Phot.). <GR?, PG?>
eVARAIso -Ca [sg.]. By-forms kpovmaha (S. Fr. 44), for which cf. cpdtaha; kpobmava
(H.), after instrument names in -avov; kpovmeta (H.), example unknown.
*COMP Kpourtelo-popot [pl.] name of the Boeotians (Cratin.).
*DER Diminutives kpovrétia [pl.] (Poll., H.) and xpourteCovpevoc ‘provided with x.’
*ETYM A governing compound, analyzed as tov m6d6a (t@ Todi) Kpovetv ‘to bump
the foot, stamp with the foot’ (Frisk s.v.), where the second member is modelled after
apyupd-nela, etc. The variant forms may also point to substrate origin: we have
*krou-pan/I-, -pet-. It is not a priori certain that these are due to folk etymology.
kpovw [v.] ‘to strike, stamp, knock’ (Hp., Att.). <IE *krou(s)- ‘push, bump, strike,
break’>
VAR Aor. kpoboat, pass. -oOijval, perf. med. kéxpov(o)tal, act. KéxkpovKa.
*COMP Very frequent with prefix, e.g. dva-, dta-, &k-, Mapa-, OVvv-.
°DER Special mgs. from the prefixed compounds are not especially noted: kpodpa,
-ojta ‘sound made by striking: tone, melody’ (Hp., Att.), kpov(o)-patikdg (Hell.),
Kpovotc ‘striking (especially of the strings), string music’ (Hp., Att.), xpovopids ‘id.’
(Hell.); avaxpovoia- madtac eiSoc ei opaipas ‘kind of ball game’ (H.); émtkpovotiov
name of a rnedical instrument (medic.), -trptov ‘hammer’ (gloss.); kpovotikdc “good
for striking’ (Hp., Ar., Arist.); Ipoxpoto-tn¢g name of a mythical brigand (X.).
Instead of kpotw, Homer has the enlargement xpoaivw (Z 507 = O 264 Kpoaivwv
‘stamping, gallopping’), imitated in Opp., Philostr. cf. Debrunner IF 21 (1907): 43.
Cf. » kpotdc.
eETYM The Greek verbal system, including nominal derivations, is based on a root
kpovo-. The present may derive from *krous-ie/o- or be analogical after the aorist.
Cf. on » akobw. Acc. to Frisk, it is unnecessary to assume a root variant without -s-,
as he explains xpoaivw in the same way as dxor < PGr. *akowsa (however, note that
Homer still has dxovur| without shortening in hiatus). The form » kpotéc¢ may go back
to *kroy-io-, ifit was derived after the present had already developed to *krowwo-.
The form xpotw is from IE *krous-, and corresponds to a Balto-Slavic verb built on
*krous-eie/o- (cf. LIV? s.v. *kreys-): OCS so-krusiti ‘ovvtpipetv, Opaverv, kpovetv’, Ru.
786 Kpvepoc
krusit’; Latv. krdusét ‘to stamp (off)’, Lith. krausyti ‘id. Zero grade *krus- is found in
nominal derivations, e.g. CS kraxa, Ru. kroxd ‘morsel, crumb’, Lith. kristi, sg. krust
‘to stamp, push (apart)’; an e-grade also appears in Lith. kriaisti ‘to sting’.
KpvEpdG eVAR KpUjloc. = KpvOc.
Kpvocg [n.] ‘icy cold, frost’ (Hes. Op. 494, A. [lyr.], Arist., Jul.). <1E? *kreus- ‘shiver’,
*kruh,- ‘bloody’>
*DER Kpvoetc ‘horrible, sinister’ (Il, Hes., Pi.), ‘icy-cold’ (A. R., AP, Orph.), with
analogical -o-; see also on » Oxpvdetc; Kpuwdne ‘id.’ (Plu., Poll.); further Kpvepdc
‘horrible, sinister’ (Hom., Hes., Ar. [lyr.]), ‘icy-cold’ (Simon., Ar. [lyr.]); cf. below.
Independent formation from xpvoc: kpitjtdc [m.] ‘frosty cold, frost, horror’ (Ion.,
trag., Hell.), xpvpiwdng ‘icy-cold’ (Hp., Ph., AP), xpujtadéoc ‘id.’ (S. E.), see
Chantraine 1933: 254; Kputaivw [v.] ‘to make cold’ (Hdn.), -woow ‘to be stiff out of
cold’ (Theognost.). On » kpvotadAoc, which is Pre-Greek, see s.v.
*ETYM The etymology is difficult to assess, as there are two alternatives. The most
obvious connection for kpvoc is that with ON hrjdsa ‘to shiver’, OHG hroso ‘ice,
crust’ from *kreus-. This means that kpvoc may represent *krus-, derived from the
root *kreus- ‘to stamp, strike’. Lat. crusta has often been compared with xptog; acc.
to De Vaan 2008 s.v. crusta, the Latin word can be explained from a basic meaning
‘hardened part’ (by beating or pounding). Semantically, connection with ToB krosce,
etc. ‘cold’ (Adams 1999 s.v.) is perfect for the Greek group, but the ToB -o- is difficult
(did it arise by umlaut < *kreus-ton, as Adams suggests’).
Alternatively, the group of Av. xrima- ‘horrible’, which must be reconstructed as
*kruh,-mo- and connected with the group of *kruh,- ‘blood’, could agree with
KpdLLdc (Kpboc going back on *kruh,-s-). This group is represented by e.g. Skt. krird-
, Av. xrtira- ‘wounded, raw, bloody, horrible’ < *kruH-ro- (Lat. criidus ‘raw’ is
probably from not *criirus, see De Vaan 2008 s.v.). The form Kpvepdc is probably a
recent formation after the adjectives in -epdc.
Kpbrtw [v.] ‘to conceal, hide’ (Il.). <PG?>
VAR Fut. Kpbwo, aor. Kpvyou, pass. KpupOijvat (IL), -@fjvat (S.), -Biyvot (LXX), fut.
-Broopat (E., LXX), perf. med. Kéxpupyto (Od.), act. kéxpvga (D. H.), iter. ipf.
kpbmtaoKe (© 272), see Risch 240, -eoxe (h. Cer. 239), late pres. kpbBu, ipf. ExpuBov,
-Qov.
*COMP Often prefixed, e.g. with amo-, év-, émt-, Kata-.
*DER 1. Kpumtdc ‘hidden, secret’ (E 168), kpumtadiog ‘id” (Il, A.), after dprpadioc;
Kpumtikds ‘concealing’ (Arist Alex. Aphr.), kpumtivéa maifetv ‘to play hide-and-
seek’ (Theognost.); kpumtebw [v.] ‘to hide’ (E., X.), kpumteia ‘secret service at Sparta’
(PL, Arist.). 2. (€y-, amd-, émti-)kpbyic ‘hiding’ (E, Arist, Plb.). 3. kpumtip “hider”,
name of an instrument (Delos II’, sch.), -trptoc ‘serving as a hiding place’ (Orac.
apud Paus. 8, 42, 6), cpbmtn¢ ‘member of the kpumteia’ (E. fr. 1126[?]). 4. kpv@r, Dor.
-pa (Pi, S. X.), kptpa (Th.) [adv.] ‘secretly’; thence xpvpadav (Corinn.), -ddtc
(Hdn.), -ndov (Od., Q. S.), -avé6v (H.) ‘id” (Schwyzer 550, 626, 631); Kpu@aioc
‘secret’ (Pi, trag, LXX), xpt@acog name of a throw of the dice (Poll.), see
Chantraine 1933: 435. 5. KaTa-, dmto-Kpve@n ‘hiding place’ (S., LXX); xpttoc ‘secretly’
KpwBvAOG 787
(Hes.; Pi., trag., Th.), on Kpt@tog to Kpwmtw see Schulze 1933a: 362; Kkpvgia [f.]
‘hiding place’ (PFlor. 284, 8 [VI?]), kpb@utoc = Kpttoc (Man.), -tpatoc ‘id.’ (Ephesus
[IV?]), -wwdng ‘id’ (Eust.); amd-, émi-, &y-, bm6-Kpv@os ‘concealed’ (Pi. Hdt. E.),
from atoKpbmTw, etc.; Kpu@dc (Kpb@oc) ‘hiding’ (Emp. 27, 3, LXX), ‘secret’ (conj. Pi.
O. 2, 97), see Georgacas Glotta 6 (1958): 164f.; éyxpugiac dptoc “bread hidden under
the ashes, ie. baked’ (Hp.), éyxpugiaCw [v.] ‘to hide’ (Ar.); kpugiaotis ‘interpreter
of dreams’ (Aq.). 6. KpUBda = Kpbe~a (ZX 168, A, Pi.), KpvBSnv, Dor. -dav (Od.). 7.
(amo-)KkpuBr ‘concealment’ (LXX, Vett. Val), xpuBf = -i (LXX); Kpubnrdc:
Kputtdg [ntpyoc] ‘hidden [tower]’, xptBec- vexpoi ‘the dead’ xpuBritac:
TeteAevtTnKotas ‘the dead’, xkpuBproia- vexvota ‘festivals of the dead’, kpvBdcer-
dstoKxpbittet ‘hides (from) (H.).
*ETYM The word kpvmtw is formally and semantically reminiscent of » kadv7Tu; the
verbs may have influenced each other. The variation m/ g/ 6B may be partly
analogical; cf. Schwyzer: 333, 7057, 737. Although there is no formal match with
KpU7tw, it does recall the Balto-Slavic group of OCS kryti ‘kpbntw, anokptntw’,
Lith. krduti, sg. krduju ‘to pile up’ (on the meaning, see Schulze KZ 50 (1922): 275).
However, since there is no good IE etymology, the word could be Pre-Greek. This
seems confirmed by the frequent variations in the root-final labial stop.
KpvotahAog [m.] ‘ice’ (Il.), also ‘rock-crystal’ [f.] (Str. D. S.), with gender after \i8oc.
<PG(V)>
eVAR Kpdotaddoeg: eidoc béAov ‘kind of crystalline stone’ (H.), where Latte notes “h.e.
kpbotahdog (kpovot- S.)”:
*DER kpvotaAhtov ‘id.’ (PHolm.), also plant name = wbAALtov (Dsc.), because of the
cooling effect, see Strémberg 1940: 83); KpvotadAtvocg ‘icy-cold’ (Hp.), ‘of rock-
crystal’ (D. C.), -w6n¢ ‘icy, crystal-clear’ (Ptol., PHolm.); kpvotadAdoptat ‘to freeze’
(Ph.), -i@w ‘to glow like crystal’ (Apoc.); further kpvotaivoptat ‘to freeze’ (Nic. Al.
314), probably a free analogical formation to kptotadAog, after other cases of the
interchange v/ ) (differently, Schwyzer: 706).
eETYM The word has been connected with Lat. crusta ‘bark, crust’, but this is wrong,
as the Latin word has a quite different meaning: ‘the hard surface of a body, the rind,
shell, crust, bark, which protects it’ (Lewis and Short). The collocation with flumen,
indicating a covering or crust of ice, is just an incidental use. The etymology with
Kpvoc must therefore be given up. As Kuiper 1956: 215'® remarked, the word is Pre-
Greek because of the suffix -adAo-. All Greek words in -adAo- are of Pre-Greek
origin; there are no Greek words of IE origin with this suffix. The suffix is not -aA-
with expressive gemination (as Chantraine often states), but goes back to *-al’-. This
is confirmed by the variant kpdot-. The word means ‘ice’ and was also used for rock-
crystal, because it is transparent, and in this respect looks like a piece of ice. Pliny
(37; 23) still thinks it is ice. We now know that rock-crystal is a mineral; it is quartz, a
silicate (SiO,). The semi-precious amethyst and agate are varieties of it. See Beekes
2008 and also on > Kpvoc.
KpwBvAog [m.] ‘roll or knot of hair on the crown of the head’ (Th., X., Antiph.), on the
mg. see Hauser Jahresh. d. Osterr. arch. Inst. 11 Beibl.: 87ff. <PG?>
788 Kpatw
eVAR The accent after Hdn. Gr. 1, 163.
*DER KpwihvAwdrg ‘k.-like’ (Luc. Lex. 13); kpwBvAn [f.] ‘hair-net? (Hdn. Gr. 1, 323,
Serv. ad Aen. 4, 138).
*ETYM Semitic explanation in Lewy 1895: 89; cf. Knauer Glotta 33 (1954): 116°. Rabin
Orientalia 32 (1963): 123f. points to Late Bab. karballatu and Hitt. kariulli. Fur: 205
points to -bAn as acommon Pre-Greek suffix.
Kpawtw [v.] ‘to croak, creak’ (Hes. Op. 747, Ar.). <1E? *kroh,k->
eVAR Aor. kpwEan, fut. KpwEw.
eCOMP Also with prefix, e.g. éml-, Kata-, Dm0-.
*DER Kpwypdc ‘croaking’ (AP, Jul.), cp@ypa ‘id.’ (Hdn. Epim.).
eETYM Originally an onomatopoeic word, which differs only in the auslauting stop
from Lat. crécire, CS krakati, 1sg. kracu. Cf. also Lith. kr(i)okti, 1sg. kr(i)okiu ‘to
ruckle, grumble’ and (with -g-) krioguoti, 1sg. krioguioju ‘to speak or cry with hoarse
voice’. IE *-g- is also found in the Gm. group of ON hrokr ‘crow’. Cf. »Kxpatw,
> Kkpavyn, > Kdpak.
kpwpakioKos [m.] ‘young pig’ (Antiph. 215, dubious). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
Kp@pag = crA@pak.
kpwmtov [n.] ‘sickle, scythe’ (Pherecyd. 154 J.). <PG(V)>
VAR Better -iov; in H. also kpwBtov (cod. also xpém- and xpdB-).
*ETYM Probably derived from a noun (*kpwy vel sim.), in view of forms like Avyviov,
xadkiov, dxdvtiov, and other instrument names in -tov (Chantraine 1933: 58).
The Greek word recalls the verbal root in Lith. kifpti, 1sg. kerpius ‘to cut, shave’, Lat.
carpo ‘to pluck off; see on » kapmdc 1, as well as on » oKopmiog and » oKénapvoc.
Further compared with Skt. kypdna- ‘sword’, MIr. corrdn ‘sickle’. However, this is
not even a root etymology, in view of the Schwebeablaut *kerp- / *krdp- involved.
Given the variation, the word must be Pre-Greek. Fur.: 148 refers to Hurrit. hurubbi
‘sword’.
kpwoodc [m.] ‘water pail, pitcher, salve bottle, cinerary urn’ (trag., Theoc.). <PG>
VAR Also [f.] after ArjkvBo«, etc.
*DER Diminutive kpwooiov (AP).
eETYM The element -oo-, as well as the technical meaning, points to a Pre-Greek
word. Previously, Celtic and Germanic words for ‘jar, pot’ were compared, e.g. MIr.
crocdn, OE crocca, OHG kruog; see Pok. 389 and Vendryes REGr. 32 (1932): 49sff.
Fur.: 369 compares Hurr.-Hitt. abrushi ‘incense-pot’.
Ktdoptat [v.] ‘to acquire, win’, perf. ‘to possess’ (II.). <IE? *tkeh,- ‘rule, gain, acquire’>
eVAR Ion. ipf. éxtéeto (vl. Hdt. 8, 112), aor. ktr}oao8a (Il.), pass. ktnOfjvat (Th., E.),
fut. ktr}oouct (post-Hom.), perf. Etna, KeKTNWal (Hes., Att.).
eCOMP Often with prefix, e.g. dva-, év-, é7Tl-, Tpoo-.
DER (prefixed compounds are not indicated seperately): 1. dat.pl. kteatecot (Hom.,
Pi. E.), sg. xtéap (Hell.) ‘(acquired) goods, possessions, property’, whence xteatitw
KTelvw 789
[v.] ‘to acquire’ (I].), eteatiopidg (Man.), cod. kteav-. 2. ktéava [n.pl.] ‘id. (Hes., also
Hp.), secondary and rare -ov [sg.], gtAo-xteavwtate [voc.] (A 122), see Sommer
1948: 69; TOoAD-KTéavog (Pi.). 3. KtHpata [n.pl.] (Il) “goods, landed property’, also
‘domestic animals’ (also [sg.], 0 19), ktnpdtiov (Alciphr., pap.), -idtov (pap. VIP),
-\Kd¢ ‘rich’ (Hell.), -itn¢ ‘id’ (Lycurg.); as a second member, e.g. in moAv-KTHLwv
‘rich in possessions’ (II.), whence -yoobvn (Poll.). 4. ktrvea, -vr7 [n.pl.] “domestic
animals’ (especially Ion., Hell.), rarely -voc [sg.], probably directly from xtdopat
with a suffix -nos- (Chantraine 1933: 420); thence ktvnddv ‘like beasts’ (Hdt.),
Ktrvbdptov (pap.); often as a first member, e.g. kt Vvo-tpd@os ‘cattle-keeper’ (Hell.).
5. KTHolc ‘acquisition, possession’ (Il.), ctrotoc ‘regarding possessions’, Zevc Ktro10G
as a protector of possessions (IA); diminutive cto(e)idiov (Arr.). 6. ktedteipa [f.]
‘who possesses’ (A. Ag. 356), archaizing for -«tr}telpa, -tpta, which are found in mpo-
Ktrtpta ‘former possessor’ (pap.), after ktedteool, etc.; kttwp [m.] ‘possessor’ (D.
S., pap., Act. Ap.), Kttopikdg (pap.); details in Fraenkel 1912: 29f., 1, 183", Schwyzer:
4743. 7. PtAo-KT1}-T1)¢ PN (Il.), compound from gidog and ktdoua with suffix -tr-;
Att. Didooxite¢ (cf. Kretschmer Glotta 4 (1913): 351). 8. Verbal adjectives: «tntd¢
‘acquired’ (I 408); usually énixtrtog ‘newly acquired’ (IA); xtnttKkd¢ ‘of acquisitions’
(Att.). 9. Unclear is axtijvec: mévijtec, pynkotec ‘poor, unemployed’ (EM 55, 11), for
which Solmsen 1909: 143 proposed *d-Ktn-fvec.
eETYM All forms have xtn-, except for the present ktaoual, but this is relatively rare
and late; yxtaoic is a hyperdorism after gumdotc; see > nénapat. Tichy Glotta 56
(1978): 237-245 has shown that the forms Hdt. éxtéato, éxtéeto are due to
palaeographical difficulties. An old heteroclitic stem PGr. *kté-war, -w(a)n- must be
assumed for xtedteool, Ktéap, and xtéava, whence secondarily ktéavov.
The old comparison with the Indo-Iranian present Skt. ksdyati, Av. xSaiieiti, -te ‘to
rule, order, have power’ is semantically attractive. We have to assume that Skt.
ksdyati continues *tkH-ei-, and that Skt. ksa-trd- [n.] = Av. xSa-@ram ‘dominion,
rule’ was formed after a root *ksa- had been extracted from the present *ksa-ya-. If
this is true, the root-final laryngeal must be *h,, which is confirmed by the fact that
the Greek forms almost exclusively show -n-. Since the equation of the formations of
Ktdopa and Skt. ksdyati is less evident, LIV? (s.v. 1. *tek-) gives up the etymology,
and suggests that ktdopat is denominative from a noun *tk-eh,- ‘possessions’. See
also Meier-Briigger Glotta 56 (1978): 224-236.
kteivw [v.] ‘to kill, put to death’ (I1.). <IE *tken- ‘injure’>
eVAR Att. pres. also xteivupt, -bw, Aeol. xtévvw (Hdn.), fut. ktev@, epic also -éw,
Ktavéw, aor. Ktetvat, Aeol. ktévvai (Alc.), and xtavetv, epic also ktdpev(at) and
med.pass. ktdoOuai, pass. 3p]. ExtaBev (epic), Hell. ctav(O)ijvat, perf. an-, kat-Extova
(Hdt,, Att.), Hell. also an-extévnka, -éxta(y)ka, pass. -extavOau.
eCOMP Att. prose mostly with damo-, poet. also with xata-. As a second member
-KTOVOG, €.g. MaTpo-KTdvos ‘who kills his father’ (trag.), whence -xtovéw, -ia; rarely
in passive sense: ved-Ktovocg ‘recently killed’ (Pi.); the simplex «tdévog (Zonar.)
probably from the compounds; also -xtaoia, e.g. dvdpo-xtaoia [f.] ‘murder of men’
~ (IL), usually -iou [pl.], as if from *avépd6-Ktatoc,
790 KTEIG
*ETYM The present xteivupu (incorrectly, -etvv- and -tvv-) has a secondary full grade
after éxtetva (cf. deixvupt to géeika, etc.). It replaces a zero grade *xtdvuut,
corresponding to Skt. ksanéti ‘to injure’ (the sense ‘to kill’ of kteivw is euphemistic).
The Greek system seems to be based on an athematic root aorist sg. *kten- (cf.
Gortyn subj. kataokévé, with ox for xt; Schwyzer: 326), pl. and med. *ktg-, which is
directly continued by éxtato (Il.). The present *kten-je/o- > xteivw, the thematic
aorist ktavov, and sigmatic éxtetva go back to this formation. The ptc. *-«ta-toc
(assumed for dvdpo-xtaciat) corresponds to Skt. dksata-, OP. axsata- ‘uninjured’.
Without a doubt, » kaivw is related too, but it is unclear under which circumstances
the initial *t- was lost.
Literature: Hardarson 1993a: 186. Opposed to connection with Skt. aksata is Strunk
1967: 997%,
«teic [m.] “comb, comb in the loom’, often metaph., eg. ‘rake, rib, finger’ (Att. inscr.).
IE * pekt-en- ‘comb’>
eVAR KTV (Jo. Gramm. [VI?]), ktevdc (IA).
*COMP Some compounds, e.g. Ktevo-nwAng ‘comb-handler’ (Poll.), mevté-«tevoc
‘with five teeth’ (com.).
*DER ktéwov ‘id.’ (Epich., pap.), ktevwtdc ‘with teeth’ (Att. inscr.), xtevag [m.]
‘comb-maker, wool-carder’ (Corycus), ktevw5ac ‘comb-like’ (gloss.); kteviCw [v.] ‘to
comb, card’ (IA), -topdc¢ ‘combing’ (E.), -totr¢ ‘comber, hairdresser’ (pap., Gal.),
-LoTIKOG ‘belonging to combing’ (pap.).
*ETYM Because of Lat. pecten ‘comb’, the Greek word is explained as from *pkt-en-
with zero grade root and loss of the initial *p-. Several Modern Iranian forms, e.g.
Pashto Zmanj, MoP Sana, point to *pk-en- (Morgenstierne 1927: 106; see Charpentier
Acta Orbis 7 (1929): 197 with a remark by Morgenstierne ibd. 199). It may be that the
root was originally *pek-; see on » nékw.
ktépag [n.] ‘gift? (K 216, O 235, A. R. 4, 1550). <?>
VAR Sing. only nom.; usually plur. xtépea, -éwv ‘gifts for the dead, sacrifice’ (II.); see
Chantraine 1942: 210.
eCOMP As a second member in d-xteprj¢ ‘unburied’ (Orac. Sibyil., H.).
*DER KtepeiCw ‘to bring gifts for the dead, bury ceremoniously’ (I].), fut. -i€w, aor.
-iEau (see Ruijgh 1957: 83), also with év-, ém-, ovv-; also ktepitw (II.) ‘id’, fut. -1w, aor.
-ioat; thence ktepiopata [pl.] = xtépea (S., E.), -totai (H.) = tapijec, a-Kktéptotos (S.,
Lyc.), -Eiotog (AP). xtépec: vexpoi ‘the dead’ (H.) is probably a constructed back-
formation (Solmsen IF 3 (1894): 98 in spite of Fraenkel 1910: 68); further probably
IIoAb-Ktwp (Hom.), after which T'avb-xtwp (Plu., Paus.), where the second member
may originally mean ‘giving presents’ (Fraenkel and Solmsen l.cc.). Uncertain
> SiakTOpos.
*ETYM No etymology. See Arena RILomb. 98 (1964): 3-32.
kt1d@v, -dvoc [m.] ‘line of fissure, grain of wood, layers’ in the body, wood, stone, etc.
(medic., Theophr.). <1E? *pekt-en-‘comb’>
°VAR Mostly plur. -dvec.
Ktilw 791
*COMP ev-KtiSwv, -ovoc ‘with strong fibres’ (Thphr.); not here ebv-«téavog ‘id’
(Theophr.,, Plu.).
eETYMIt has been compared with the glosses evO0v-ktéavov: iO mepuxviay, sic OPAdV
‘grown straight’, i0v-xtéavov- 10 i8b mepuKdc Kai dpOdv Sévdpov ‘upright tree’ (H.).
Amigues 1989: 151f. derives it from *[n]xt-ndwv ‘in the way of a comb,
metaphorically of the fissures of wood, etc.
Kxtideoc ‘of marten’. ={kttc.
Ktitw [v.] ‘to found, establish, build, create’ (Emp.). IE *tk-ei- ‘settle, found’>
eVAR Aor. ktio(o)at (Il.), pass. ktio8ijvau (1A), fut. xtiow (A.), perf. med. Extiopau
(Hdt.), act. €ctika (Hell.); on the reduplication see Schwyzer: 649.
eDIAL Myc. 3pl. root present ki-ti-je-si /ktijensi/ ‘they cultivate’, ki-ti-me-no
/ktimenos/ ‘cultivated’, ko-to-(i-)na ./ktoina/ ‘part of land’, a-ki-ti-to /a-ktitos/ mg.
unclear. Also (me-ta-)ki-ti-ta /meta-ktitai/, perhaps “(transported) settlers’?
*COMP Also with prefix, e.g. ovv-, ém-, dva-.
DER ktiotc [f.] ‘foundation, creation’ (Pi. IA), xttotv¢ [f.] ‘foundation’ (Hdt. 9, 97),
ktiopa ‘foundation, colony, building’ (Hell.), «tioudc¢ ‘foundation’ (Asia Minor
[imperial period]); xtiotwp ‘founder’ (Pi, E.), kttotip ‘id’ (Corinth [IV*]), fem.
Ktiotpia (Asia Minor [imperial period]), ktiotn¢ ‘founder, builder’ (Arist.), xtiotiov
(-eiov) ‘temple of a founder’ (pap. [IV?]), older ovyktiotng ‘co-founder’ (Hdt. 5, 46);
Ktiotd¢ ‘laid out, founded’ (h. Ap. 299, pap.), see Zumbach 1955: 26; subst. ktioT6v
[n.] ‘building’ (pap.).
Several formations have the intransitive mg. ‘to live, abide’: éb xtipevoc ‘where one
can live well’ (Hom.); mept-«ti-ovec [pl.] ‘those living around, neighbours’ (I.), du@i-
kti-ovec ‘id.’ (Pi.), also as a PN (Att. inscr. V*), also -xtbovec (Hdt., inscr. 1V*) with
unclear v (cf. Hoffmann 1898: 290); mepixtitat [pl.] ‘id.’ (A 288), after which the
simplex «tito ‘id.’ (E. Or. 1621), xtitng = Ktiotn¢g (Delph. II"); éb-«titog = é&
Ktitevocg (B 592), opei-Ktitog ‘living in the mountains’ (Pi.); but e.g. Oed-KtiTo¢
‘founded by the gods’ (Sol.).
Rhod. xtoiva (also ntoiva with unexplained mt-) designates an administrative region
in Rhodos and is also found as a cadastral term in Myc. ko-to-(i-)na. Thence
KTOLvaTal, -EtTa (see Lejeune REGr. 78 (1965): 136f.).
eETYM The Mycenaean athematic root present ki-ti-je-si corresponds with Skt. 3sg.
kséti, 3pl. ksiydnti, Av. Saéiti, Siieinti ‘to live, which is only used intransitively.
Probably, the root *tkei- should be analyzed as continuing an older i-present *tk-éi-
ti, *tk-i-énti of the root *tek- ‘to procreate’. The transitive meaning ‘to cultivate,
found’ (a Greek innovation) first arose in the aorist ktio(o)at, which developed
beside an intransitive root aorist still preserved in athematic xtivevoc (cf. ZoTIoa to
gotiv; see > iotnut). The form xti(w, whence most derivations developed, was built
on ktio(o)al. The formation of mepuxtita and Myc. pe-ri-ki-ti-ta recalls Skt. pari-ksi-
t- ‘living round about’, and the to-ptc. -xtitog is mirrored by Av. (ana)-Sita-
‘uninhabited’. The form xtiotc has a parallel in Skt. ksi-ti-, Av. Si-ti- ‘dwelling,
residence’, but the deviant meaning suggests an independent formation from xtiCw.
792 KTIAOG
Finally, ktoiva can be compared with Arm. sén, gen. Sini ‘inhabited (place), if the
latter continues *kti-n-. See » KtiAOc.
ktiAog [adj.] ‘obedient, tame’, also msc. ‘ram’ (II.), acc. to H. = 6 mporjyovjlevog tic
Toiuwng Kptdc ‘the ram taking the lead of the flock’; cf. Thompson Class. Rev. 46
(1932): 53f. 4 IE *tki-lo- ‘of the dwelling place’>
*DER ktihic: TIWacdc, Mpdoc, Tyyeuwv “tame, leader’ (H.) and the denominatives
éxtiA@oavto ‘they tamed’ (Hdt. 4, 113), €xttAwptévoc ‘tamed’ (Paus. Gr.), KtiAevovtat
‘they are being tamed’ (Pi. Fr. 238).
*ETYM Connected to » xtitw as ‘belonging to the dwelling place’. The suffix is found
in ywA6dc, padAog and various expressions for defects (Chantraine 1933: 238).
ktbr0¢ [m.] ‘strong noise, cracking, stamping’ (Il.). <PG(v)>
*COMP Very frequent as a second member, eg. Bapt-Ktumoc ‘with loud noise’ (h.
Cer.).
DER Ktunéw (Il.) ‘to crack, rumble’, trans. ‘to make rumble’, probably intensive; aor.
Ktvmijoat (S. E.), also them. aor. xtumeiv (Il), cf. Porzig 1942: 25, often prefixed
(late), eg. émt-, kata-, bt0-. Thence xtbmnua = xtbm0¢ (Critias, E.), -rnth¢ ‘one who
makes noise’ (Suid.), ktumtia: 6 émBadduWog Kktb70¢ ‘the nuptial din’ (H.).
eETYM Reminiscent of » dodm0c, Souréw, but further details are unknown. No doubt
of Pre-Greek origin, with variation between voiced and unvoiced stop; see Fur.: 120.
A prefix x-, as assumed by Meillet BSL 28 (1927-1928): 117, followed by Ruijgh 1957:
148, is unknown.
kba8oc [m.] ‘ladle for drawing wine’ (IA). <PG(v)>
*DER Diminutive kvd6-tov (Pherecr.), -ic (Sophr.), -ioxog (medic.); kva0-w6n¢ ‘like
k.’ (Eratosth.), -taiog ‘measuring a «.’ (comm. Arist.), -6tn¢ ‘the idea kba8oc’ (PL),
-iCw ‘to scoop with a x.’ (com., PIb.).
eETYM The ending appears also in »ArKvO0c, » yupyaBdc, etc. Lat. LW cyathus
(Plaut.). Often connected with » kbap (opposed to this, Chantraine 1933: 367; yet it is
accepted in DELG s.v.); cf. on » Kbajtoc. Szemerényi Gnomon 43 (1971) compares
Ugar. qb‘t, Hebr. qubba‘at ‘cup’. However, the word is clearly Pre-Greek: Fur.: 237
compares the variants xéBa8oc ‘a vessel’ and xbBe8pov ‘beehive’. The sequence -va-
is also typical of ‘foreign’ (i.e. Pre-Greek) words.
kvapog [m.] ‘bean’ (Il.), ‘lot’, in which those who drew white beans won (Att.),
metaph. ‘swelling of the paps’ (Ruf., Poll.), “woodlouse’ (Gal.), name of a coin
(Taurom. I*). <PG(v)>
eVAR Also mbavog (H.); kbpinxa: Kbaptov (H.) also mbavog (H, Poll., Phot.).
*COMP Some compounds, e.g. kvapio-tpw§ “bean-eater’ (Ar.), boo-Kbapioc ‘henbane’
(Hp., X.), see Stromberg 1940: 31 and 155.
*DER Diminutives kvdtuov (Nubien, Eust.), -idec: fabacia (gloss.); Kvdtt-tvoc ‘of
beans’ (com., Gal.), -taiog ‘as large as a bean’ (Dsc., Luc.); kvatt-iag [m.] ‘stone like a
bean’ (Plin.), like kamviag, etc. see Chantraine 1933: 94), -itn¢ [m.] ‘god of beans =
chairman of the bean market’ (Paus.), -ittc (a4yopd) “bean market’ (Plu.), cf. Redard
KuBepvaw 793
1949: 193-and 108; KvaLtWv, -@voc [m.] ‘field with beans’ (Thphr.), -wvitng ‘laborer of
the bean-fields’ (pap.), see Redard 1949: 37).
Denominative verbs: xvatebw ‘to draw a lot with beans’ (Att.), -i(w ‘to be ripe for
marriage’ (Ar.). Beside xbaytog also mbavog (H.,, Poll., Phot.), acc. to Heliod. Hist. 3 =
Oddmupoc, whence compound IIvav-éyta, -dyta [n.pl.] name of a Ion.-Att. festival,
whence the month name IIvaveyiwv, -oywwv; also Kuvav-eyuwv, -o- (Ceos, Asia
Minor) and Hav-déyta (non-Att. acc. to Lycurg. fr. 84).
*ETYM Since no IE suffix -am- is known, kvattoc cannot be derived from Kvéw (root
*kuh,-). The word kvattoc has often been considered foreign (Chantraine 1933: 133,
Schwyzer: 494, Kuiper 1956: 215’?). The variation in kvdétoc: mbavoc, as well as the
forms suffixed with -ew-, -ow-, point to Pre-Greek origin. Fur., following Kuiper l.c.,
remarks that the variation between xvat- and xvjt-nx/K- proves the Pre-Greek
character of the word. On the variation 1-/K-, see Fur.: 388.
kbavog [m.] name of a dark blue substance, ‘enamel, lapis lazuli, blue copper
carbonate’ (Il.); also a bird name (Arist., Ael.), see Thompson 1895 s.v.) and a plant
name ‘blue cornflower’ (Plin.). <?>
*DIAL Myc. ku-wa-no ‘smalt’, also ku-wa-no-wo-ko /kuano-worgos/ ‘smalt-worker’.
*COMP Often as a first member, eg. kvavé-mpwposg ‘with a dark blue prow’ (Hom.,
B.), -mpwpetog with metrical lengthening at verse end; -yaitn¢ ‘with dark hair’
(Hom.), -memAog ‘with dark cloth’ (h. Cer., Hes.), cf. Treu 1955: 244.
*DER kvaveoc (0 metrically lengthened) ‘made of «.’, usually ‘dark blue’ (II.); on the
mg. Capelle RhM 101 (1958): 10 and 35.
*ETYM Perhaps a loan from Hitt. kuyanna(n)- ‘(blue as) copper, ornamental stone’
(Friedrich 1952 s.v.). Danka & Witczak JIES 25 (1997): 361ff. derive it from *kwnHo-,
which seems unlikely.
kvap [n.] ‘eye of a needle, orifice of the ear’ (Hp., Poll.). <1E *kuH-r/n- ‘swelling,
hole’>
eETYM An old r/n-stem, which is found thematicized in Av. st#ira- [m.] ‘hole, lacuna’
< IE *kuH-r-o-, as well as in Arm. sor ‘hole’ if from IE *kou-er-o-; a thematic n-stem
occurs in Skt. sina- ‘swelled up, grown up’, Ssiina- [n.] ‘emptiness, lack’, san yd-
‘empty, hollow’. An /-stem is supposed in > KtAa - Ta bnoKdTw TwV BAEPdpwv
kotAwpiata ‘holes under the eyelids’ (H.), but see s.v. and under » kot\og ‘hollow’ <
*kouHi-lo-. The words are generally connected with the group of » Kvéw ‘to be
pregnant’ < ‘to swell’, assuming a basic mg. ‘curvation’, whence both ‘hole’ and
‘vaulting’.
kvPapda - aijia, Atta8ovotot ‘blood (Amathousian)y (H.). <PG?>
eETYM Unknown.
kupepvaw [v.] ‘to steer, head for’, metaph. ‘to govern, rule’ (y 283). <PG>
VAR Aor. kufepvijoat, Cypr. inf. kupepivat; Aeol. kuptepvitns.
eCOMP Also with prefix, e.g. dta-.
- DER KvPepvnqtip, Dor. -atip [m.] ‘steersman, coxswain’ (0 557, Pi.), fem. -"tetpa
(AP, Nonn.) and -ntrptoc (Orac. apud Plu.); ckuBepvijtngs (Aeol. kuptepviytns [-atac]
794 KvBéan
acc. to EM 543, 3) ‘id.’ (Il.) with fem. -ft1¢ (pap.) and -rota [n.pl.] festival of the
steersmen in Athens, in memory of Theseus (Plu.); xvuBépviqotc, -dotc ‘steering,
government’ (Pi, Pl.); xuBepviztixds “belonging to steering’ (Pl); kuBepviopds =
Kupépvrjotc (Aq.).
eETYM From xvufepvaw, Lat. gubernd was borrowed; see WH s.v. Given Cypr.
kupleprvat, the form xuBepvdw has been thought to be due to dissimilation ,1-v > B-v
(Lejeune 1972: 152). See also Neumann KZ 100 (1987): 64-69, Neumann KZ 105
(1992): 188, and Neumann Kadmos 13 (1974): 146-155, who reconstructs a
denominative from *kurb-na- from the root *k”erb- ‘to turn’ in kvpBtc. This is highly
doubtful.
As Frisk remarks, the word has no cognates. The comparison with Skt. kubara-, -ri
‘pole (?)’ and with Lith. kumbras ‘grip on the steering oar’, kumbryti ‘to steer’ must
be given up; see Mayrhofer EWAia s.v. and Fraenkel 1955 s.v. kumbrys. Foreign
origin is probable; see references in Frisk s.v. The group -pv- is typical for non-IE
material.
KvféAn [f.] Anatolian goddess (Pi. fr. 8 Snell, Ar.). <Lw Anat»
eVAR Kun (Hippon. fr. 127 M, Charon of Lamps. F.Gr.H. 262 fr. 9, Hdt. 5, 102).
eETYM In Old Phrygian, she is called Matar Kubileya or Kubeleya. The exact meaning
of the adjective is unknown; does it refer to a mountain? The goddess originated in
Karkhemish, around 1200, where she was called Kubaba. See Laroche 1949: 113-128.
Her Lydian name was Kuvava. From Locri Epizephyrii we have her name as Qubalas
(end 7 c.). See now Rein 1996: 223-237.
KvPNALG, -Ews [f.] acc. to H. pdyatpa, dpetvov dé méAEKvG, @ Tag Bods KataBadAovor:
Tivég THY TupdKvIjotiv @actv ‘large knife, properly an axe, with which cattle were
slain; cheese-grater’ (com., Lyc.). <PG?>
*DER KuPitkdc ‘regarding a k.’ (com.), kuBrAioat: meAeKioat ‘cut off with an axe,
behead’ (H.).
*ETYM Unexplained. On dyepot-xbBnrtc, see Chantraine, REGr. 75 (1962): 390.
Probably Pre-Greek.
kuftotaw [v.] ‘to tumble head-first’ (Il., Pl, X.). <PG>
eVAR Also -éw (Opp. K. 4, 263).
*COMP Also with prefix, éx-, Kata-, TEpt-.
*DER KuBtotytHp ‘who tumbles head-first’ (Hom., E., Tryph.), also with haplology
kvuBtotp (H.) and xvftoti¢ (Delos; uncertain; cf. Fraenkel Glotta 2 (1910): 31 n. 2
and below); kuBiotrots (Plu., Luc.), -110 (Luc.) ‘cartwheel, somersault’.
eETYM One may consider a pre-form *kviGopat for kuptotis, if this is old; thence
perhaps kvBtotdw. Further, a few words in EM are compared: xvfr) = Keparn
(kuBtotaw = eic kepadiv mda ‘to jump on the head’), KUBnBog = 6 kataxtwas ‘bent
down, stooped’, kuBiBav = kupiwg 1 éni tiv Kegadi pirtewv properly ‘to throw on
the head’ (acc. to H: = Oeogopeio8a, kopvBavtav ‘to be inspired by a god, be
enthousiastic’); further, kuBrtilw: emi keqadiy piyw, KvBroivda: emi kepadny, i TO
gopeiv ent vwTOV, f] KATA vwTov ‘on the head; bearing on one’s back; in rear’ (H.).
KvdaCouat 795
Frisk considers connection with «xtfBog ‘dice’ and Kv@dc, »KbmTw ‘to stoop’,
assuming that the words with -B- are from a northern source (Thracian or
Macedonian), with B instead of ~. However, they may rather be Pre-Greek variants,
like kdptBr ‘head’ (EM 545, 27) and KvptBayxos ‘head first’, dvaxupBadtatw “to tumble’
(see Kuiper 1956: 213f.), which are prenasalized forms clearly containing the same
word. Then there is a variant with kyt- in Kuptivdara: Kkataotpogr. Tapavtivot
‘rotation (Tarant.)’ (H.). The variants are clearly of Pre-Greek origin.
Kvitov [n.] “elbow (Hp. Loc. Hom. 6), Sicilian acc. to Ruf. Onom. 72 and Poll. 2, 141.
<LW Lat>
*DER kvufititw ‘to push with the elbow’ (Epich. 213). Also kbBwAov ‘id? (Poll. 1.c.),
which would be a cross with wAévn acc. to Bq, not an independent derivation from
kbBoc (Solmsen 1909: 7).
*ETYM From Lat. cubitum (pace Bechtel 1921, 2: 284).
KbBocg [m.] ‘dice’ (IA), also of the eyes of the dice (E., Pl.) and the gaming table
(Hermipp. 27, pl.); metaph. of dice-like objects, ‘cubus’ (Ti. Locr.), ‘cubic number’
(PL, Arist.), “dice-like block of stone or wood’ (Hell. pap. and inscr.), ‘cake, piece of
salted fish’ (com.); also ‘vertebra’ (Rhian. 57; after dotpd&yadoc) and ‘hollow above
the hips of cattle’ (Ath. 9, 399b). < PG?>
«COMP Some compounds, e.g. ptAd-KuBosg ‘who loves the dice’ (Ar., Arist.).
*DER 1. KUPtov ‘fish salted in kiBov (com., pap.), KuBLapiov name of a pot related to
KbPiov (pap.) 2. Kupiac ‘kind of tunny’ (Opp.). 3. kuBootdév [n.] name of a fraction
(Dioph.), after cikootdv, etc. 4. kvBewv [m.] ‘gambling house’ (Tz.). 5. KuBuKdc
‘quadrangular’ (Pl. Arist.). Denominative verbs : 1. kupetw [v.] ‘to dice, gamble’
(Att.), also ‘to deceive’ (Arr.), whence xvPeia ‘dice’, kvBevtiic ‘gambler’, -tiKdc,
-THplov (Att.). 2. kuBifw [v.] ‘to raise to the cube’ (Hero), whence xvBtopdc (Theol.
Ar.). 3. cuba (H.) as an explanation of mettevet ‘to play m.’.
*ETYM Words for dice are often loans (Schrader-Nehring 1917(2): 423). Acc. to Hdt. 1,
94, the Lydians claimed to have invented the game of Ktfoc. Lat. cubus is from
Greek. In view of the incidental meaning ‘hollow above the hips of cattle’, kbBoc was
wrongly connected with the Germanic group of Go. hups ‘hip’. Lat. cubitus ‘elbow’ is
probably derived from -cumbdre; see De Vaan 2008 s.v. On xtBoc = tpvPAtov ‘cup,
bowl (Paph., H.), cf. the words s.v. » kbmeAAov.
kvdaCouat [v.] ‘to revile, jeer at’ (A. Fr. 94, S. Aj. 722, A. R. 1, 1337). 4 PG?>
VAR Act. -w (Epich. 6; 35, 6); aor. kvddooac8at.
*DER Further «doc [m.] ‘scorn’ (sch.), probably a back-formation. On » kvdottdc
‘din of battle’, which is formally unclear, see s.v. Glosses kvdayxac: [axac, Aordopiac
‘battles, slanderings’; kvdayydopueva: Aowdopovpeva ‘jeers’; kvdattetv: Emipwvetv “call
by name, exclaim’.
eETYM Words for ‘blame, revile’ are found in Slav., eg. OCS kuditi ‘yéupeo8ar, to
blame’, Gm., e.g. MHG gehiuze ‘noise, crying, derision, insult’, and in Skt. kutsdyati
‘blame, revile’ (rejected by Mayrhofer EWAia 1: 365), MoP ni-kithidan ‘blame, revile’
[Pok. 595]). In view of the glosses with structure kvd-ayy-, the Greek words are
796 Kvdapoc¢
probably Pre-Greek. Moreover, kv5-ayx- could be the prenasalized form of *xvd-ay-
seen in kvédattetv. See on & KvSOULdG, & KDSOC.
Kvdapoc [m.] name of a small ship (Antiph. 321). <?>
VAR Also -ov [n.] (pap., AB, EM).
*ETYM Origin unknown.
kvdiag [?] - ta dvO1 ‘flowering’ (= é€avOrpata ‘eruption’) tov ddd6vtwv ‘of the teeth’
(H.). 42>
eETYM Hypotheses in Pok. 956, who translates ‘Zahnkeim’, a tooth which has not yet
erupted.
kvdordomdw ‘to make noise, bring about confusion’. =Kvdo1pdc.
kvdomdg [m.] ‘din of battle’ (Il.), see Schwyzer: 492 and Triimpy 1950: 158f. <PG>
DER kvdoipéw [v.] ‘to rage, confuse’ (Il.). Unclear kvdotdondw ‘to make noise, bring
about confusion’ (Ar.), cf. on éy8odonéw.
*ETYM Unknown, but given the unusual formation, the words are without a doubt
Pre-Greek. Frisk and Chantraine discuss it under » kvéa{opat ‘to insult’, but there
appears to be no semantic relation.
kvdoc, -e0¢ [n.] ‘fame, honor, glory, renown’ (Il.), see Triimpy 1950: 196ff., Greindl
RhM 89 (1940): 220, Benveniste 1969:2: 57ff. <IE *keud-s- ‘miraculous power’>
*COMP Often as a second member, eg. émt-xvdrj¢ ‘famous’ (Il.); very often in PNs,
e.g. Depe-K051}¢, Kvd6-vikoc (Bechtel 1917b: 269f.).
*DER Caland-forms: 1. kvdt-dveipa [f.] conventional epithet, interpreted as ‘in which
renowned men partake’ (Il.), of udyn, thence of dyopd; see Schwyzer: 447, 474;
Sommer 1948: 181; with «- further xbd.poc ‘famous’ (Hes., h. Merc., Pi.). kvdidw [v.]
‘to boast, be proud’ (Il., Hes. Sc., h. Cer., h. Hom. 30, 13, A. R., Q. S.), many forms
with diectasis, cf. Chantraine 1942: 359.
2. kvdpdc ‘famous’ (II.), to which kvdpdtepoc (Xenoph., B.) beside primary xbdto toc
(Il.), see Seiler 1950: 76, and xvétov (E.); also kvdéa0tepog (Plb.) and xvdiotatog (Nic.
Th. 3), -te [voc.] for xvdtote (Il). Late denominative kvdpdopat [v.] ‘to boast’ (Ael.,
Polyaen.).
3. kvdaivw ‘to honor, glorify’ (Il.), aor. kvdFjvau; also pres. kvddvw ‘to glorify, boast’
(Il.), see Chantraine 1942: 315; kvSvdc = Kvdpdc (v.l. in Hes., IG 14, 2117). Here also
Kvdatpo0¢ = Kvdpdc (II.), for which Arbenz 1933: 27 suggests a cross of *kvdahéoc
and xvdipoc; Kvdijetg (AP, Man.), Dor. -aecoa (Epid.) are late analogical formations;
bmep-Kbdac [ptc.] ‘boasting’ (Il.), only -avta(c); probably analogical, see Risch 1937:
23". Perhaps here the deme name Kvdéavtidat (Wackernagel Glotta 14 (1925): 54)?
eETYM The word xbdoc¢ is connected with a Slavic word for ‘wonder, miracle’, e.g.
OCS ¢udo, gen. -ese, SCr. éitdo (acute). Ablaut *keuHd-os- next to *kuHd-es- has
been assumed, which would give Gr. *kud-es- (cf. Porzig 1954a: 170). However,
assuming a root *keuHd- seems superfluous, especially given that the Slavic acute
accentuation can be due to Winter’s Law. Meier-Briigger 1992a: 269 assumed that
Greek replaced the old ablaut pattern *eu / u with *u / u, like in the nasal presents.
Thus, x06- is a morphological full grade replacing older *keud-. As far as the
KUEW 797
meaning is concerned, the Slavic group has the connotation of sorcery (e.g. ORu.
kudest [m.] ‘magic, sorcery’; Ru. (dial.) kudesd [nom.pl.] ‘miracles performed
through an evil force’). The Greek words denote the “force rayonnante des dieux ou
celle qu’ils conférent” (DELG, following Benveniste l.c.). Any further connection
with the verb ‘to learn, understand, hear’ found in OCS cujo, cuti, Gr. » koéw is
gratuitous, as this has no root-final *-d.
kvdavia (uaAa) [n.pl.] “quinces’ (Stesich., Alcm., com.). <PG(V)>
eVAR Also kvdmviat pnrides (Ibyc.).
DER kvdwvéa (-ia) [f.] ‘quince tree, Pirus Cydonia’ (Hell. pap., Dsc.), -itn¢ (oivoc)
‘wine from the quince’ (Dsc., Colum.), -dtov ‘drink of quince’ (Aet., Paul.Aeg.), -taw
[v.] ‘to swell like quinces’ (API.). kvéwv6-peAt [n.] ‘mead from quince’ (Dsc., Orib.),
cf. Strémberg 1944: 30).
*ETYM From an older Anatolian word still retained in kod0-padov (Alcm. 90); Greek
connected the word with the famous city of Kuéwvia (on the north coast of Crete)
by folk etymology. Cf. also the town Kutwviov on the Lydian border. The
interpretation by H. in Kxodwvea- obdka xelpepivd. Kai Kaptwv eidocg Tepouwv
‘winter-figs; ‘kind of Persian nut’ is based on confusion with »Kdéttavov. Lat.
cydoneum “quince-juice, -wine’ (Ulp.) is from Greek; Lat. cot6neum ‘quince’ (Cato)
also belongs here, but probably as an independent loan. The Western and Eastern
European forms derive from cot6neum and cydéneum, e.g. Ital. cotogno, MoFr. coing
(> MoE quince), OHG chutina, MHG quiten, ORu. gdun ja. See Hehn-Schrader 1911:
241, Trump Herm. 88 (1960): 14-22, and Berger MSS 9 (1956): 8ff.
Kvéw [v.] ‘to be or become pregnant’ (Il.), with tiva or ti ‘with a young’. <1E *keuh,-
‘swell’>
eVAR kurjow (Hdt.), kvfjoat (1A), kextyka (Hell.), cunOijvat, -OrjceoGat (late); older
aorist KvoacOat (IL), causative active kicat (A.); younger present Kbw (since Arist.,
LXX); also kviokopat, -w (IA).
*COMP Sometimes with prefix, e.g. émi-, dmto-, ovy-Kvéopal, -KvioKopat (-ioKw), b7T0O-
kvoapévi (Il). Compounds, eg. kvo-gopéw [v.] ‘to be pregnant, be with young’,
whence -@opia, -1)01¢ (LXX, med., etc.), -pdpoc (pap., EM); éy-kvog ‘pregnant’ (Ion.,
Arist.); xb-ovpa [f.] name of a plant that was used to procure abortion (Stob.), see
Stromberg 1940: 95.
*DER Verbal nouns: xtnpa ‘foetus, embryo’ (IA), -1ots “conception, pregnancy,
embryo’ (Pl, Arist, Thphr.), xkbog [n.] = kdnpa (Ar. Fr. 609, inscr. Ceos), Kvdeic
(Cos [II*]); amoxurtixds ‘capable of giving birth’ (Astrol.), xuntrptoc ‘promoting
pregnancy’ (Hp.), xurjtwp ‘begetter’ (Cyran.), of a bird; kunpdv- éyxvov, amahdv,
BAaotdv ‘pregnant, tender, offspring’ (H.). See on > kbpa, > KUptoc.
eETYM The present kvéw can be equated with Skt. svdyati ‘to be or become strong,
increase’ < IE *kuh,-éie-. As LIV? s.v. *kueh,- remarks, the Ved. aorist dsvat may be
an innovation based on the pair hvdyati: dhvat. More forms s.v. » kbptoc. The words
> KUaLLoc, > mac, > mémdai are not related. On the supposed connection to words for
‘hollow, empty’, see » KUap.
798 KvOv6v
KvOvov [adj.] - TO dxvov Pdpptakov. Kai MOADKVOVa TOAOTEpLIA. KVOVOV yap TO
omépua ‘seed’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Because of akvntrplov: pappiakov mpdc TO [u}) KUEiv yovaiketov ‘philter for
contraception’ (H.), a correction to <4>«v8vov (LSJ) was assumed necessary. Frisk
does not consider it necessary, and instead assumes a euphemistic ellipsis of the
negation. DELG supports the correction, and refers to Gxv@oc¢ (Call. H. Ap. 52),
connecting > kevOw (unclear).
kdKdw [v.] ‘to stir, mix, bring in confusion’ (Il.). <PG?>
eVAR Aor. kuKijoat, -nOijvat.
eCOMP Also with dva-, dta-, ovv-, etc.
*DER KvKEWv, -@voc [m.] ‘mixed drink’ (post-Hom.), poet. also -e(t)@ [acc.] (A 624,
641), which may be after the comparatives in -w, but acc. to Risch 1937: 147 and
Chantraine 1942: 212 it is an old s-stem); Dor. xvkav, -Gvog (Epid.); instrament noun
Kv«Kn9pov ‘stirring spoon’, metaph. ‘turbulent person’ (Ar.); action noun KvKnoIc
(PL, Epicur.), -nopdc (S.), -18ud¢ (Max. Tyr.) ‘mixing’; also Kdxnpa: tapaxoc
‘disorder’, kukr8pav- tapayrv ‘disorder’ (H.).
*ETYM Intensive formation in -dw (cf. Schwyzer: 719) without etymology. Pok. 597
connects it with Lith. sdukstas ‘spoon’, which seems unlikely. Fur.: 305 compares
>Kupkavaw (with further examples of insertion of a liquid) and concludes to a Pre-
Greek form.
KvKAog [m.pl.] ‘circle, ring, wheel’, also metaph. of circular objects, eg. ‘circular
square, wall around the city’ (II.). <1E *k”e-k"l-o- ‘wheel, circle’>
eVAR Also Ta KbKAa, originally a collective.
*COMP Many compounds, e.g. kuKAo-Tepr¢ ‘made ‘and: round’ (IL), cf. on > teipw,
eb-KuKAog ‘forming a beautiful circle’ (Il.); also in hypostases, e.g. éy-KbKAtoc ‘going
around in a circle, circular; general’ (Att. Hell.), on the mg. Koller Glotta 34 (1955):
174ff; on » Kixhwy s.v.
*DER A. Substantives: 1. diminutives kvkA-ioxocg (medic., Ptol.), -ioxtov (Dsc.). 2.
-iotpta [f.] “cyclic danceress’ (Att. inscr.), after xOapiotpia, etc. 3. KvKAd-LLVvos [f.,
m.] plant name, ‘Cyclamen graecum, Lonicera periclymenum’ (Thphr., Dsc.), also
-atiic (Orph.), after the circular radical tuber (Strémberg 1940: 36; formation after
Onoduvos, etc.). 4. KukAewWv, -@voc [m.] month name (Ceos [IV*]), after the festival
Ta KUKA(E)ta. 5. KuxAev¢ PN (Ael.), BoShardt 1942: 130.
B. Adjectives: 1. xvuxAdc [f.] ‘forming a circle’, also KuxAddec [pl.] TN “circle-
islands”, the Cyclades (IA), Lat. LW cyclas name of a circular cloth; kv«Atdc [f.]
epithet of tupdc ‘cheese’ (AP). 2. KbKA-tog ‘circular’ (Att.). 3. -1xdc¢ ‘circular,
belonging to a circle’ (Arist.), 4. -detc (S. [lyr.], AP). 5. -@61¢ (Hp.) ‘id.’. 6. kvKA-taitog
‘turning in a circle’ (Att. inscr.). 7. -takdc, in Ta kvKALaKd, title of a treatise on the
circle (late); 8. kuxAatédc ‘shod’, of horses (pap. VIP). ”
C. Verbs: 1. kukAéw ‘to turn in a circle, surround’ (H 332), whence Kv«Anotc
‘revolution’ (Pl.). 2. kvkAéw ‘to make circular; surround’ (IA), whence -wa
‘rounding, round object, wheel, etc.’ (E.), -wotc ‘surrounding’ (Th., X.). 3. kukAetw
‘to surround, go in a circle’, e.g. of a water-wheel, ‘to irrigate’ (Hp. Str, pap.)
KUKVOG [Mm
KvANPIG 799
whence Kv«)-eupta ‘water-wheel’, -evtiptov ‘id’, -evtric ‘watcher of a water-wheel’
(pap.). 4. kvKAiCw ‘to turn around’ (Agatharch.), -toudg (comm. Arist.). 5. KvKAdCet
KUKAW TleplépyeTa ‘goes around in a circle’. 6. kuKAatvel- oTpoyyvAot ‘is round’ (H.).
eETYM Old name of the wheel, oe in several languages: Skt. cakrd- [m., n.],
Av. caxra- [m.], Gm., eg. OE hwéol [n.] (also hweowol, hweogol) > MoE wheel, from
reduplicated IE *k”e-k"l-o-. With u- ee of the reduplication vowel, due to the
surrounding labiovelars, Gr. kbKAocg and ToA kukdl (B kokale) ‘wagon’. Related, but
unclear in detail, is Phr. kixAnv- tv dpktov TO dotpov (H.), originally ‘wagon’ (cf.
Porzig 1954a: 183). An archaic formation with full grade and without reduplication is
found in ON hvel (beside hjél = OE hwéol) and OPr. kelan, from IE *k”élo- [n.]; o-
vocalism, in OCS kolo, gen. -ese ‘wheel, wagon’. The word is derived from the root
*k’el(H)- ‘turn’; see »7téAoptat. Given that the meaning ‘wheel’ (> ‘wagon’) is
represented almost everywhere, one may wonder if the meaning ‘circle’ is secondary.
An original meaning ‘turning, turner’ is suspected for the Baltic word for ‘neck’, e.g.
Lith. kaklas < IE *k”o-k"I-o- (2).
.] ‘swan’ (Il.), also name of a ship, after the front part (Nicostr. Com.), and
of an eye-salve, after its color (Gal.), whence kukvdptov ‘id.’ (Aét., Gal.); also as a PN
(Pi.). <IE? *(s)keuk- ‘lighten, be white’>
*DER KUxkvetog ‘of the swan’ (Pi. S., Hell.), fem. -itic (S.); kvkviacg [m.] name of a
white eagle (Paus.), cf. kopakiac, etc., Chantraine 1933: 94.
eETYM Abundant discussion on kbxvoc in Thompson 1895 s.v. Connected with Skt.
Socati ‘to lighten, glow’, sukrd- ‘light, clear, white’; the root is now reconstructed as
*(s)keuk- by Lubotsky Inc. ling. 24 (2001) (formerly *keuk-).
kukbila : yAvkeia KOAOKUVTa ‘sweet KoAOKUVTO’ and KdKVOV: TOV oLKLdV ‘cucumber’
(H.). +oikvoc.
«vAa [n.pl.] ‘the parts under the eyes’ (Hp., Sor.), cf. kbAa: Ta DTOKATW TMV BAEPapwv
KOAWLata, TA 1d TObs OPBaALLOds [LHAa. Ta DnwMMIa ‘the cavities under the eyelids;
the swellings under the eyes; the parts of the face under the eyes’ (H.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Var. lectio KouA- (cf. LSJ s.v.). Also KbAMa- bnw@ma [téAava “black eyes’ (H.),
KvAAaBor bUnwmwa ‘parts of the face under the eyes’ (H.).
eCOMP As a first member in KxvA-o1didw “to have a swelling under the eyes’ (Ar.,
Theoc.), compound of xvAa and oidéw (oidoc) after the verbs of disease in -1du;
kvdotdletv: 10 Tod OPBadtiovs émikAiverv xhevdtovta ‘scornful shutting of the eyes’
(Theognost. Can. 21).
*DER Diminutive xvAidec, -adec (Poll., Eust.); ém-«vAidec ‘the upper eyelids’ (Poll.),
probably a hypostasis. PN KtAwv (Argos), KtAacoc (Larisa), KtAahoc (Argos), see
Solmsen 1909: 88f.; on KvAwidac, -iaé5ac (Delph.) see Bechtel 19172: 31ff.
eETYM Not related to »Kkvap, for we would expect long 6 from *kuh,-l-. The
connection with Lat. su per-cilium ‘eyebrow’ is probably wrong: cf. De Vaan 2008 s.v.
cilium, connected with the root *kel- ‘to hide’. The variants with kvA\- rather show
‘that the word is from Pre-Greek *kub-.
KVANBIG - KOAOBNH ‘curtailed’. = KvAANBic.
800 KvAivdw
KvAivdw [v.] ‘to roll, turn over’ (Il). <PG>
eVAR Also intr. med. -optat; -€w, -Eopat (Att.), fut. KvAtow (Att.), KvALVdrjow (late),
aor. kvAioat (Pi, IA), pass. -toOfjvat (I1.), -twdnGijvat (Str.), perf. med. kexvAtoptau
(Luc., Nonn.); secondary present kvAiw (Ar.) to kvAioat < -ivd-oa.
eCOMP Often with prefix, e.g. mpo-, &k-, Ev-, GpL@t-.
*DER 1. KUAtvdpog [m.] ‘rolling stone, tumbler, cylinder, etc.’ (Democr. 155, Hell.),
whence kvdivdp-tov, -ioKxoc, -1Kdc, -6w (Hell.). 2. KdAtotc ‘rolling, turning over’
(Arist.), -toptdg ‘id.’ (Thd.), -topa ‘roll, etc.’ (Sm.), -iotpa ‘place for horses to roll in’
(X, Poll.), -tstdé¢ [m.] ‘roll of papyrus, packet’ (pap.); tpt-KbAtotoc (Epicur. fr. 125)
with unclear mg., see De Witt Class. Phil.35 (1940): 183. 3. kvAtvSnotc ‘rolling’ (PL.
Plu.).
eETYM The same element -vd- is found in the synonyms Pddivdw, -éu,
> Kadtvdgouat; further unclear. Most often connected with » kvA\dc¢ ‘curved, lame’
“zu einer allumfassenden Wurzel (s)kel- ‘bent, curved’ (s. k@Aov, oxédoc)”. The
word is hardly IE.
KvAt&, -tKog [f., m.] (drinking) cup’ (post-Hom.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Note kvAioxn, -ixvn.
*COMP Some compounds, e.g. KvALK-rpuTos ‘scooped with a cup’ (Call.), eb-KbALKoG
‘with beautiful cups’ (AP).
*DER Diminutives: kvAiktov (Thphr.), kvAioxn (D. H., Poll.), hardly from -tk-ioxn
(Schwyzer: 542), -ioxtov (Poll.); -ixvn (Alc. Ar.), Chantraine 1933: 195; Lat. LW
culigna; -ixviov (Ar., Hell.), -tyvic (Achae.); further kvAtk-efov “cup-stander’ (com.,
pap.), -etoc ‘belonging to a cup’ (Poll.), -@6ng ‘like ak.’ (sch.).
eETYM The word looks similar to Lat. calix ‘deep bowl, cup’, but a variation *a/u is
unknown in Indo-European words. For the same reason, » KdAvE ‘seed-vessel, husk’
is not identical with our word. One might assume a pre-form *k”IH-ik- in order to
explain both Greek and Latin, but this is an improbable formation for PIE.
With anlauting sk-, U skalse-to ‘ex patera’ has been connected (by comparison with
> okalXiov), but it does not belong here for the same reason. As with so many names
of cups, etc. we must reckon with loans. See Fur. 110, 132, who points to kvAi-ox-y
and KvAiyv-tov, etc., with aspiration before the nasal. As this feature is non-IE, the
word may be Pre-Greek; note that -tk is a typical Pre-Greek suffix (Pre-Greek:
suffixes), and that xvA-tk- is a typical Pre-Greek structure.
kvAda - oxvAak.’HAeiot ‘puppy (Elis) (H.). = oxtAa.
KUAANPts - KoAOBdv[Ta] . of SE TA Kepata KOAdBta Tap’ Inmwvaxti ‘short horns’ (fr.
122). <PG>
eVAR kvAnpic: KoAOBN ‘curtailed’ (H.). Cf. Theognost. 21, 19.
*ETYM Unknown. The glosses are unclear, but a variation typical for Pre-Greek may
be recognized in KvA(A)nBtc: KoAOB- (note A/AA).
KvAAGg [adj.] “deformed, crippled, crooked’, of hands, feet, etc. (IA). <IE? *(s)kel-
‘bend, crook’>
KouBN 1 801
eCOMP As a first member in xvAAo-nodiwv (-ov [voc.]) epithet of Hephaistos, ‘with
crippled feet, limping’ (Il.), from KvAA6-mov¢ ‘id. (Hell.) after the nouns in -iwv
(Schwyzer: 487).
*DER KVAAGoLLAL, -dw [v.] ‘to be crippled’ (Hp., Gal.), -wotc, -wpa; KvAAaivw (intr.)
‘id’ (S,, Ph.). Also xbAAato¢: BOotpUYOG ‘lock of hair’ (H.).
*ETYM Probably connected with keAAdv: otpeBAdv, MAGytov ‘twisted, athwart’ (H.);
see > KehAdc. The word » kvAivdw does not belong here, nor do Skt. kuni- ‘lame (of
the arm)’, kundd- [n.] ‘jar’; see Mayrhofer KEWA s.v. The form was recently
explained differently by Meier-Briigger KZ 103 (1990): 20-23, who derives the word
from *k”el- ‘turn’ as *k”l-no- ‘turned outward or inward’. Vine 1999b: 566 accepted
the etymology of the root, but assumed *k”ol(H)-id-, according to a variant of
Cowsgill’s Law (*o > v before *-li-). In view of its semantics and problematic IE
etymology, the word may as well be Pre-Greek (cf. Fur.: 354°).
Kota, -atoc [n.] 1. ‘wave, breakers’, also metaph. (II.); 2. = kbntta ‘foetus, embryo’ (A.,
E., AP), ‘young sprout’ (Thphr., Gal.), see Strémberg 1937: 79. <1E *kuh,- ‘swell’>
*COMP KuULLaTwy < *kupLaTO-Fayr ‘breaking of the waves, beach’ (Hdt.); 4-Ktpwv
‘without waves’ (Pi, trag.), also “without foetus’ (E.), opposed to éy-Kvjtwv (Att.);
also d-Kvjtoc (E., Arist.), axtpiatoc (Trag. Adesp.) ‘without waves’.
*DER Diminutive kupidtiov ‘the volute on the Ionic capital’ (inscr.); kuprat-ing, -iac
[m.] ‘causing waves, stormy’ (Ion. poet.), -wdn¢ (Arist.), -detc (Arist., Opp.), -npdc
(gloss.) ‘full of waves’.
Denominative verbs: 1. kujiaivw ‘to rise in waves, swell’ (Il.), ‘to become pregnant’
(yaotépa; late Epic), also with éx-, etc; thence ktp1avoic (Arist.); 2. Kuptatdoptal, -6w
‘to rise in waves, cover with waves’ (Th. Luc., Plu.), whence -wotc (Str.); 3.
KuptatiGoptat ‘to roll with the waves’ (Arist.).
Here also belongs Kujiw [f.], name of a Nereid (Hes.); also Kin (Kretschmer Glotta
24 (1936): 277ff.)?
*ETYM In the meaning ‘foetus’, kdjta is clearly a verbal noun of » xvéw. The meaning
‘wave’, which is more common and older, may also derive from ‘swelling’ (cf. oidtta).
KbuBaxoc [adj., subst.] 1. adjectival, ‘falling head-first’ (E 586; imitated by Call., Lyc.);
2. substantival, probably ‘crest of a helmet’ (O 536). <PG(V)>
*ETYM Acc. to Leumann 1950: 231ff., the divergent meanings should be explained
from an original substantival, technical sense. The formation favors this as well; cf.
especially ovpiayoc “end of a spear’, ordtayxoc originally ‘end of the mouth’, ie.
‘throat’. The form «xtuBn ‘drinking cup’ has been taken as the basis, but this is
unconvincing. Others, e.g. Kuiper 1956: 213f., have started from a nasalized form of
> KUN ‘head’, » kvBiotdw: these forms in kvB- without prenasalization show that the
word is Pre-Greek.
KvueBry 1 [f.] ‘cup, bowl’ (Nic., Ath.), ‘boat’ (S. fr. 127). <PG(V)>
eVAR Also K6ptBoc = 10 €kuwxa “drinking-cup’ (H.), but does it really belong here?
“eDER KUpBoc [m., n.] ‘hollow vessel’ (Nic. H.); KuptBiov (-ei-) [n.] ‘small cup’ (Att.,
Hell.), ‘small boat’ (H., Suid.). Also «tttBadov [n.], usually -a [pl.] ‘cymbal’ (Pi, A
X.), cf. xpdtadkov, whence the diminutive kvuBddAtov (Hero) and denominative
802 KbuBN 2
KupiBadifw ‘to play the cymbals’ (Hell.), -topdc, -totr¢, -iotpta (late). Probably
avexvpiBadiatov ‘they clashed together like kiptBada’, of Sippot (II 379), also belongs
here.
*ETYM Previously connected with Skt. kumbhd-, Av. xumba- [m.] ‘pot’, and Celtic
vessel names like MIr. comm, cummal. More forms in Pok. 592, WH s.v. cubo.
Because of the sequence *kumb“- (either with *b, which did not exist in PIE, or with
both voiceless and aspirated stops *k - b', which is an impossible root structure in
native Indo-European words), the word cannot be inherited. It is rather a
‘Wanderwort’, which fits a vessel term very well. From «vtBn, Lat. borrowed cymba,
cumba ‘ship’ (acc. to Plin. HN 7, 208 it is Phoenician). Fur.: 284 compares xbmn ‘ship,
etc.’ (H.) and considers the word to be Pre-Greek; likewise, DELG. See > ktm.
Kup 2 [f.] = KbBr ‘kepadt’ (only EM 545, 27). <PG(v)>
DER KuptBrytidw ‘to fall head first’ (ibd.); cf. kvBrytifw, etc. s.v. » KUBLOTAw.
eETYM Perhaps identical with »xvibn 1 ‘cup’ (cf. Lat. testa > Fr. téte, etc.). The
prenasalization in the pair «vbr / KBr proves Pre-Greek origin. Of course,
KUptBayoc ‘head first’ belongs here too.
kbuBn 3 [f.] name of an unknown bird, in nrepoBattoot KbptBouc (Emp. 20, 7). <PG?>
eVAR Cf. KoptBa: Kopwvij. TloAvppryviot ‘crow, shearwater (Polyrrhenian)’ (H.);
KUptBac: dpwiOac ‘birds’ (H.).
eETYM Unknown. See Thompson 1895 s.v. If x6étBa is a variant, the word is Pre-
Greek.
Kbpuvdtc, -toc, -t50¢ [f, m.] name of an unknown bird (& 291, Ar. Av. 1181, Arist.).
<PG(V)>
eVAR kUbfivilc (v.L); this form was borrowed into Latin (Plin. N.H. 10, 24), see André
1967 s.v. cybindis, also as cibinnus (Pol. Silv.). In Greek also KuBryvaic [read
KbPivdic?]- yAadE[atc] ‘little owl (H.) (thus Fur.: 216°); v.1. «dpuvdic (Procl.).
*ETYM The sch. on Ar. Av. 291 identified the bird with Kixupiwic (Call., cf. Kikuptoc,
-uBoc H.); therefore, it was understood as ‘owl’. Clearly a loanword, because of the
suffix -v5-; perhaps of Anatolian origin, or Pre-Greek, which may amount to the
same.
kUtivov [n.] ‘cumin’ (Hp., Sophr., com.). <PG?>
eDIAL Myc. ku-mi-no /kuminon/.
eCOMP As a first member eg. in Kupuvo-npiotns “cumin-splitter”, ie. ‘skinflint’
(Arist., com.).
DER Kuptvwdng ‘like x.’ (Thphr.), -tvog ‘of k.’, -a¢ ‘k.-seller’ (inscr. Jaffa), -ebw ‘to
besprinkle with x.’ (Orac. apud Luc.).
*ETYM Thought to be a loan from Semitic; cf. Hebr. kammon, Akk. kaminu, etc.
(Lewy 1895: 38), although Kretschmer KZ 29 (1888): 440 rather saw these reflected in
the plant names Kéjtwv (Nic.) and oKap(ijwvia, -wviov (com., Nic.) ‘kind of
bindweed’. Frisk suggests that the word may have been borrowed from Semitic
twice. See also Masson 1967: 51.
KUTLAPLOGOG 803
However, Ruijgh Lingua 58 (1982): 209 suggested that the word, with its typical Pre-
Greek suffix -iv-, was in the first place a loan from Anatolia (or the Aegaean);
Semitic could have taken it from the same source; cf. Fur.: 187" on Bpd8v. Borrowed
as the Lat. LW cuminum, whence the modern European forms (Schrader-Nehring
1917(1): 655).
kvvayivta [f.] “dog-fly’ (II.), usually as a term of abuse. <GR>
eVAR Later Kvvd-ttvia (LXX, AP), with analogical -o-.
*ETYM Frisk assumes older *kvé-tuia from IE *kuyy- > Skt. Suva-, with -v- from
Kvuvoc, etc. This seems improbable, but no other solution is apparent. For the
meaning, cf. Lith. Sun-musé ‘id.’; further, Risch IF 59 (1949): 59.
kbvdaAog [m.] “wooden nail’ (Poll., H.). <PG>
eVAR Plur. both -ot and -a.
*COMP Kvvdado-maiktns (Poll.), -mtaiotns (H.) “«.-player’.
*DER KvvdaNtopoc ‘the game of x.’ (Poll.), also called kvv5aAn (H.).
eETYM The formation recalls that of the synonymous mdooakoc. The word has a
typical Pre-Greek appearance: prenasalization(?) and the structure *CuNC-aR..
kvvéw [v.] ‘to prostrate (oneself at), to kiss the ground, to honor by prostrating’
(Hom.), also ‘to throw kiss-hands’ (cf. Marti Lang. 12, 272ff.). Mostly poetic (prose
uses gthéw). <IE *ku(e)s- ‘kiss’>
eVAR Aor. kvo(o)at (Hom.), fut. cvvijoopat (E.), kvoow (Babr.).
*COMP The compound mpoo-Kvvéw occurs in prose: aor. Mpoo-Kvvijoat (IA), -Kboat
(S., Ar.), fut. -xvvrjow (Hippon., Pl.), -kexbvnka (LXX.). Thence mpooxbvn-otc (Pl.
Arist.), -ua (Hell.) ‘prostration, reverence’, -tr\¢ ‘adorer’ (oriental inscr., NT), -tHp
‘footstool for prayer’ (Mon.Ant.).
DER From the simplex only xvvij-tivda (nailerv, Crates Com.).
*ETYM Interesting for the interpretation of the Greek is the Hittite verb kuyass-* ‘to
kiss’. As remarked by Kloekhorst 2008 s.v., it is consistently spelled with a geminate
-s§-, which acc. to him points to an IE pre-form *Kuens-. The Greek nasal present
kvvéw, which seems to go back to *ku-ne-s-, may somehow reflect the same archaic
formation, though admittedly the Schwebeablaut is difficult. This means that the
root may be reconstructed as *kues-, not *kuas- (Eichner in LIV? sv. *kuas-). As has
been remarked by Puhvel HED s.v., the word may be onomatopoeic in origin. This
may explain the deviating initial in the Germanic word for ‘kiss’, e.g. OHG kus,
kussen, which escaped Grimm’s Law (it may also be unrelated). A formally identical
root *kues- (perhaps even *kuns-; cf. Kloekhorst ibid.) is found in Skt. svas- ‘to hiss’.
kumdpiooos [f.] ‘cypress’ (€ 64). <PG(V)>
eVAR Att. -tTToOc.
*DIAL Myc. ku-pa-ri-se-ja [n.pl.] ‘made of cypress-wood’, probably the ethnic name
ku-pa-ri-si-jo.
*DER Diminutive -ittiov (Alciphr.); further -icotvoc, -itttvoc ‘of cypress-wood’ (p
-340), -tooiac “Euphorbia aleppica’ (Dsc.; Strémberg 1940: 35), -toowv, -@voc [m.]
‘cypress forest’ (Str.). Town name Kumdptooocg (in Phocis, B 519), also -tocovc,
804 KUTIAOOLG, -EWS
-tooia, -toolai, -iconeic (of Elis, B 593), Kvaptootvoc (inscr. Aegina); also
Kurtapicotog epithet of Apollo (Cos), Kugaptooia of Artemis (Lacon., IG 5(1), 977);
Kvgaptoocitac of Pan (Crete).
eETYM Clearly a Pre-Greek word, because of the ‘foreign phoneme’ -oo-/-tt-, and
notably the variant Kvg- in the toponym and the epithets. Latin has cupressus (note
the -e-). Perhaps Hebr. g6fer is from the same source. See Fur. 159f., index. On other
names of the cypress, see Schrader-Nehring 1917(1): 671.
kUmacotc, -ews [m.] name of a (short) frock, also worn by women (Alc. Z 34, 7, cf.
Hamm 1957: 53, Hecat., Ion Trag., AP). <LW Anat.>
eVAR Plur. -t6ec (Alc.).
eDER Diminutive -ioxog (Hippon. 18).
eETYM An Anatolian loanword, connected with Lydians and Persians in our sources
(cf. Gow Class. Rev.69 (1955): 238f.). A striking agreement is shown by Hitt. kupahi-
(von Blumenthal 1930: 27ff.), which however seems to indicate a headgear; see
Friedrich 1952.
kbreipov [n.] name of a meadow-plant with an aromatic root, ‘galingale, Cyperus
longus, rotundus’ (® 351, 6 603, Thphr.), cf. Stromberg 1937: 79f. <PG(V)>
eVAR Also -og [m.] (h. Merc. 107, com., Thphr., Theoc.); kvmepog [m.] (Ion., Dsc.,
Plu.), kbmaipoc (Alcm. 16), kibmepa- Ta oyotvia éx KurtEipov memtAEypéva ‘the cords
plaited from the galingale’ (H.).
eDIAL Myc. ku-pa-ro /kupa(i)ros/.
DER Diminutive kumaipioxoc (Alcm. 38), kumepitw ‘to be like the galingale’ (Dsc.).
eETYM A foreign Pre-Greek word; on the varying form, cf. Schwyzer 471f. Cf. on
> Kvmpoc 1. The word probably reflects *kupar’-, which explains the variants
kuma(t)po- and Kume(t)po-; the *a was phonetically colored to ¢ before a palatal
consonant, which also explains the lack or presence of t. Cf. on » KdBetpou. See
Mayer RILomb. 94 (1960): 316 and E. Masson 1967: 11:f.
xbmehAov [n.] ‘bulbous drinking vessel, beaker, goblet’ (I.). <PG(v)>
VAR Note kvgeAAa ‘hollows of the ears’ (Lyc.).
eDIAL Myc. [ku]-pe-ra (uncertain, cf. Palmer 1963: 364).
eCOMP Some compounds, notably dugi-KdieAAov [n.], epithet of démac (Hom.),
literally “with cups at both sides”, ie. ‘double beaker’; acc. to Aristarchus (EM 90, 43;
cf. Ath. 11, 783b) “double-handled’; cf. Kretschmer Glotta 20 (1932): 248, Brommer
Herm. 77 (1942): 358f., 366.
eETYM Acc. to a witness in Ath. 11, 483, a kUmeAAov was known to both Cyprians and
Cretans; cf. Bowra JHS 54 (1934): 73. In the traditional interpretation, -eA\o- is a
combination of suffixes -\- and -to- (cf. Chantraine 1933: 253 and Schwyzer: 483).
One may then connects kvm: tpwyAn ‘hole’ (H.), with corresponding forms in Lat.
cupa ‘vat’, Skt. kiipa- [m.] ‘pit, hole’, etc.; see Mayrhofer E WAia s.v. kipa-. However,
Furnée compares not only xtim (H.) in various meanings (Fur.: 121), but also KbBoc
... TPUBALOV (H.) and KvpiBn ‘cup’, KvptBog ‘id.’ (op. cit. 176 and 284). The word was a
widespread “Wanderwort’, but given the variants it was probably Pre-Greek.
Moreover, -e\\o- rather continues the Pre-Greek suffix -ab-.
KUITW 805
kumpivos [m.] ‘carp’ (Arist., Opp.). <PG(S)>
eETYM Formation like attayivoc and other fish names (see on »dttayd¢ and
Strémberg 1943: 41), derived from » Kbztpo¢ ‘henna’ after the color (cf. Strémberg
1943: 20ff.). Other names for the carp are not connected (eg. Skt. saphara- [m.] =
Lith. sapalas, or OHG karp(fyo, etc.). The suffix -iv- is well-known in Pre-Greek.
kbrpog 1 [f.] ‘henna, Lawsonia inermis’, also a salve made of it (Thphr., LXX, Dsc.).
<Lw Sem.>
*DER kUrpivov (of [tWpov, ~Aaov, Dsc. Aret.); kOmplov- TO dpvoyAwooov ‘plantain’
(H.). Denominative verb xumpitw ‘to bloom’, whence kuzptoyidc ‘blooming’ (of olive
or vine, LXX, Eust.). On » kumpivos, see s.v.
eETYM From Semitic; cf. Hebr. kdfer (Lewy 1895: 4of.). The word > xtrteipov, -oc does
not belong here. See also E. Masson 1967: 52.
Kbmpoc 2 [m.] a corn measure (Alc, inscr.); hi-Kutpov (Hippon.), acc. to H. = fyuov
jtedittvou ‘half a medimnus’. <?>
eETYM Persson 1912(1): 1044 compares ktmeAov, kbrm; rather a loan. Lewy 1895: 263'
recalls Hebr. k‘por ‘beaker’.
Kotnpos 3 [f.] the island Cyprus (Il.). <?>
DIAL Myc. ku-pi-ri-jo /Kuprios/.
*DER Kumiptc, -t60c, -16a, -tv [f.] name of Aphrodite (IL); Kumtptog ‘Cyprian’ (IA),
Kumptakds ‘id.’ (D. S.).
eETYM The similarity with Sumer. zabar ‘copper’ (“gleaming stone”), whence Assyr.
siparru > Elam. ¢cupar ‘id.’, is accidental, see Ipsen IF 39 (1917-1921): 232ff.
Neu 1987: 181f. (see also Neu 1988: 37, Neu Glotta 73 (1995): 1-7) points to Hurr.
kab/pali- from a root kab/p- ‘copper’ as the possible origin of the name. It is
remarkable, though, that this word has no -u-. The word might come from a
substrate language. The word is found in a Middle-Hittite text from 1400 BC, where
kup- may stand for kab/p.
Cyprus was famous for its copper in antiquity. In the Bronze Age, the island (or a
part of it) was called Alas(h)iia; the name lives on in the epithet AAaowwtnc¢ of
Apollo.
It was borrowed as Lat. cuprum, older (aes) cyprium ‘copper’. From Latin originate
MoFr. cuivre, MoE copper, MoHG Kupfer.
Kurt [v.] ‘to bend forward, stoop, to run with the head down’ (IA). <PG(v)>
eVAR Aor. kvyat (I1.), fut. cdwouc, -w (Att., Hell.), perf. kéxdea (TA).
*COMP Often with prefix, e.g. dva-, kata-, éml-, Mapa-, bit0-, bitEp-.
eDER Emti-, KATA-, TTApa-, 11pd-KvYIIc ‘stooping’ (medic., Hell.); ovykbmtat [pl.] ‘rafters,
sloping beams’ (Ath. Mech.), ttapaxumtikdg ‘looking inside, inspecting inquisitively’
(Cod. Iust.). Adverb kvBda ‘bent forward’ (Archil., com.). Enlarged present kuntatw
‘to keep stooping, go poking about’ (com.). Besides xt@dc ‘bent forwards,
hunchbacked’ (B 16), with several derivatives: ki@wv, -wvoc [m.] ‘bent yoke of the
plough; pillory; one who has had his neck in a pillory; curved beam., etc” (Thgn.,
Archil., com., etc.); kupwvov a kind of salve (Alex. Trall.), -topi6¢ ‘punishment by
806 kupBaocia
the «. (sch.); kvgéty¢ ‘being bent’ (Hld.), kdgog [n.] ‘hump, hunch’ (Hdn.).
Denominative kv@dopat ‘to be bent, hump-backed’, xb@wots ‘being hump-backed’,
-wua ‘hump’ (medic.); kbgw, in kbgovta dp8adpoic ‘with downcast eyes’ (LXX),
perhaps a back-formation (to kv@dc or Kéxvga?). With factitive mg. kvmdw ‘to
overthrow’, only in (ava-)kumm@oag (Lyc., Nic.); perhaps after tomtw: tumdéw?
*ETYM The formation of x0@dc is isolated within Greek, and therefore it may contain
the original root shape. The word xu@dc has been compared with Skt. kubhrd- [m.].
‘humpbacked bull’, kubjd- ‘humpbacked, crooked’, but for these Munda origin has
also been claimed. A direct comparison of xdgocg [n.] with Av. -kadfa- [m.]
‘mountain, camel-hump’ (Brandenstein 1956: 53) is deceptive, as kb@oc is late and
was derived from xvgdc within Greek. Other branches of IE show words with root-
final *-p-: Lith. kupra ‘hump’, OHG hovar ‘id’, etc. Glosses like xigepov i) kurv
Kegadry. Kpitec ‘head (Cretan) (H.) probably do not belong here; see > kbp Bn 2. It
has also been compared with words for ‘pot, jar’, like Skt. kumbha-, Av. xumba- [m.]
(cf. Sturtevant Lang. 17 (1941): 10). The variation kv@-/ kum- (in kvmdw) points to a
Pre-Greek word. Cf. on > kUmeAAov, > KbUBI) 1, > KUBos, > KLE.
kupaoia [f.] name of a Persian hat with a pointed crown (Hdt., Hp., Ar.), acc. to H. =
opO1 tiapa ‘upright tiara’. «LW Pers.>
*ETYM Groéelj Ziva Ant. 4 (1954): 172 compares Hitt. (Hurrit.) kurpigi- ‘part of a
helmet, helmet’ (precise meaning uncertain).
ktpBetc [plf, m.] name of rotating pillars or columns, in the form of a three-sided
pyramid, on which the laws of Solon were inscribed in Athens; also used of other
inscribed tables (Att., Arist.). <PG?>
VAR Also -1ec, gen. -ewv; rarely kvpBtc [sg. ].
*ETYM Asa technical expression, suspected of being a loan (perhaps Pre-Greek?). Of
course, the older connection with » kapmdc ‘hand-root’ is unacceptable. Fick BB 29
(1905): 239 and Kretschmer Sprache 2 (1950-1952): 68 also adduced the » KipBavtec,
which would have been named after their whirling dances. Discussion in Jeffery 1961:
536.
kupipta, -iwv [n.pl.] “husks, bran’ (Crat., Hp. Ar.). <?>
*DER Kupnfio-mwArs [m.] ‘seller of clay’ (Hp. Ar. Epicur.). Kupnfiwv, -iwvoc [m.]
epithet (D., Ath.).
eETYM Formation and origin both unknown. Fur.: 271 connects it with Hitt.
kurimpa- ‘residue, dregs’, but there seems little reaon for this. On kupnfdlw, etc. see
> KUpITTW.
«vptog [m.] ‘lord, ruler, possessor’, also as an adjective ‘ruling, decisive, valid, decided’
(post-Hom.). <1 *keuh,- ‘swell, be strong’>
eVAR kupia [f.] (lady) who rules’ (Hell.).
*DER Kupia (from kvpt-ia) [f.] ‘control, possession’ (Arist. Hell.), kvpidtng [f.]
‘lordship, rule’ (Christian literature); kvptaxdc “belonging to the lord (= Christ), to
the emperor’ (imperial period); xuptedw [v.] ‘to be or become lord, to possess, obtain
power’ (X., Arist.), whence xupteia, kupeia (Schwyzer: 194) ‘possession, proprietary
KDpOG 807
rights’ (Hell.), xuptevtixdc, -«@c ‘regarding the proprietary rights’ (pap.). kvpdw “to
become or make lawful’ (IA), aor. pass. kupwOfjvau, act. kvpWoat, whence Kbpwotc
‘ratification’ (Th., Pl.), kvpwtrj¢ ‘who ratifies’ (Att. inscr.); back-formation xdpog [n.]
‘authority, confirmation’ (IA). d&xtpoc ‘without authority, invalid’ (Att.), whence
axvpdw [v.] ‘to render invalid’ (Din., Hell.), whence axvpwotc, -wtoc, -woia (late).
*ETYM d-Kdp-o¢ ‘without authority’ presupposes an r-stem also found in ktptoc
(another example is dv-vdp-oc¢ ‘without water’, based on tdwp). A trace of this r-
stem is probably found in éy-xvap ‘pregnant’ (Miletus [VI*]), from *«tap ‘foetus’ <
*kuh,-r (Kretschmer Glotta 8 (1917): 250). Beside kptoc, there may have been a
simple thematic derivative *kdpoc, which would correspond to Skt. sira-, Av. sitra-
‘hero’: cf. the Skt. words for ‘sun’, siir-ya- and sir-a-, derived from the ntr. stvar- (an
old J-stem; see on » fjAtoc). From this *kdpoc [m.], kvpwOfjvai and kvpdw may derive
as well; however, kvpwO@fjvat can also be derived directly from the r-stem (cf.
avépwOFvat to avip). Other derivations: Skt. sdvira- ‘strong, powerful’ (*keuh,-ro-),
Celtic, e.g. Gaul. Kavapoc, W cawr ‘giant’; the appurtenance of Kvépry 1} A@nva (H.)
is uncertain. Further details s.v. » kvéw.
kvpittw [v.] ‘to butt with the horns’ (A., Pl, Arist.). <PG?>
eVAR Fut. kupi=w.
*COMP With prefix: dyxvpittel wetapéAetat. Kpijtec ‘repents (Cretan)’ (H.); cf.
Bechtel 1921, 2: 777.
*DER KUpteic (Ael.), kupittiAoc: koptrtys, mAnKtNS ‘one that butts with the head,
striker’ (H.). Also xupiCw (EM); cf. kupiCec8e: tpipecBe ‘are rubbed (down), worn
out? (H.). An unclear by-form is kup baw (Ar. Cratin.), aor. med. -doao8a,
whence kupripaoic, -oia (sch.); metaphorically, it also means AotdopeioBai ‘to
slander’: kupnpatng Kai Kvpnfoc: 6 doedyic év tO Aoldopeiv ‘sbd. brutal in
slandering’ (H.).
*ETYM The old connection with » koptmtw, » xépac does not explain the formation.
Frisk follows Curtius and Prellwitz, who connected »Ktpw ‘to hit, meet with,
obtain’, but this seems improbable (thus also DELG). Cf. Fur.: 363, who gives no
solution; the suffix -nB- in kvpnBdtw is hardly inherited.
kupkavaw [v.] ‘to stir, mix, contrive’ (Hp., Ar., Epin., EM). <PG?>
*COMP Also with ovv-.
*DER Backformation Kkupkdvn = tapayr (EM, Hdn. Gr.); also kvpKain (Suid. s.v.
“Ounpos) for kupBain, epithet of ua¢a (Hom. Epigr. 15, 6).
*ETYM Expressive enlargement of kuxdw (cf. Schwyzer: 700) with infixed p; cf. topBy
or ptpw. The inserted p may be a Pre-Greek element; cf. Fur. 305.
kvpvot [m.] - oi vd0or ‘bastards’ (H.), acc. to Phot. Macedonian; also as a PN (cf.
Solmsen 1909: 104). < PG?>
*ETYM Unexplained. Fur.: 363 compares Koptvatos ‘id.’ (Marsyas Phil., 24 J.), which is
also called Macedonian. Perhaps the two forms can be explained from Pre-Greek
*kur’n-?
kipog ‘authority’. =Kvptoc.
808 KUPOAVLOG
Kupodvwos ‘young man’.
*ETYM Laconian for >» oxvp8aAtoc.
kupto¢ [adj.] ‘vaulted, rounded, bulging, hunchbacked’ (II., Hell.). <?>
eDER Kuptotng¢ ‘vaulting, rounding, lumpiness’ (Arist. Str. Plu.). Denominative
verbs: kuptdéopial, -dw ‘to form a vault, belly out’ (A 244, X.), kUptwpa (Hp.), -wotc
(medic., Vett. Val.) ‘vaulting, bellying out’, kuptwtdc ‘hunchbacked’ (Vett. Val.);
Kuptaivw ‘to form a vault, rounding’ (PMag., Suid.).
eETYM The word remains without direct agreement. The comparison with Lat.
curvus ‘vaulted, bellied, crooked’ presupposes that kuptdc continues a reduced grade
*k™r-to- with u-coloring. As a u-colored reduced grade is difficult, it is doubtful
whether this comparison (and others) is valid at all. Schrijver 1997: 297 assumes an
IE root *kur-, but such a root structure is foreign to IE. The comparison with
> Kopw@vn (Frisk, DELG) is also unfounded, as this does not continue *kor-6u-n-.
kvptoc [m.] ‘weel, lobster pot’ (Sapph., Pl. Arist. pap.), also “bird-cage’ (AP).
<PG(V)>
*COMP kupto-Bddog ‘fisherman’ (Smyrna).
*DER KUptn [f.] ‘bird-cage’ (Archil.), ‘bow-net’ (Hdt, D. S.), ‘strainer’ (Nic.).
Diminutives xuptic ‘strainer’ (Nic., Dsc., Opp.), -idtov ‘strainer’ (Dsc.); also kuptiov
name of an unknown part of a chariot (Poll. 1, 143). Further xuptia ‘wicker shield’
(D. S.), kuptevc ‘fisherman’ (Herod., Opp.), kupteutis ‘id.’ (AP) and kvpteia ‘fishing
with the bow-net’ (Ael.), from *xuptetw or analogically after aXt-evtic, -eia. Here
further kupoepidec: Ta TOV LekLGOWV cyyela, KUWedidec ‘honeycomb, beehives’ (H.),
pointing to *kvpoépa, but this was rather not formed after xpnoégpa ‘fine sieve’ (as
per Grogelj Ziva Ant. 3 (1953): 202).
eETYM There is no convincing etymology. » kdptaAAoc, which was connected by
Frisk and DELG, is clearly Pre-Greek. Miiller-Graupa Glotta 31 (1951): 132
implausibly suggested that xvptoc properly means ‘wicker-work’, and is a
substantivized form of kuptdg ‘curved’. IE *krt-o- (Schwyzer: 351) was traditionally
assumed, based on comparison with Skt. kdta- [m.] ‘wicker-work, mat’ (phonetically
impossible) and a European term for ‘wicker-work, hurdle’: OHG hurt, plur. hurdi
and Lat. cratis; however, this comparison formally points to a disyllabic root *krH-
ti-. The Greek word is excluded from such a reconstruction, and there is no further
evidence for a root *krH- in this meaning in Indo-European (*kert- ‘to plait’, in the
Skt. nasal present krndtti ‘to spin’, is formally deviant from the Latin word). In
Baltic, we find OPr. corto ‘hedge’, which is unclear. If xupo-ep- belongs here, the
word could be Pre-Greek; see Fur.: 258, who also tentatively compares Hitt. kurtal(i)-
‘container of wood or wicker-work’.
Kvpw [v.] ‘to hit (upon), meet with, attain, obtain’ (IL), cf. Triimpy 1950: 118. <?>
eVAR Aor. ktpoat (Il.), fut. kbpow (Democr., S.); later pres. kupéw (A,, S.), Kupijoat
(Hes.), kupjow (Hdt., A.), kexdpnka (D. S.). On the inflection see Chantraine BSL 28
(1927-1928): 26f. and 38.
eCOMP Also with prefix, e.g. év-, ml-, 1pO00-, OVV-.
KUTLVOG 809
*DER Few derivatives: k¥ppia ‘catch, booty’ (Hom.); ovy-, mpoo-, éy-Kbprolc, ovy-
KvUprpa ‘meeting, concurrence, etc.’ (Hell.), ovy-Kupia ‘coincidence’ (Hp., Ev. Luc.).
*ETYM No etymology. Not related to > kaupdc or > Kupittw.
k¥o8oc 1 [m.] ‘pudenda muliebra’ (Eup., Ar.). <PG(V)>
eVAR KvOOSG 1] TUT. f] yuvatKketov aidoiov ‘buttocks; pudenda muliebra’ (H.), also in
the sense of »xvotic (Herod., Call.), with long v acc. to Pfeiffer 1949-1953 ad Call.
191, 98. ;
*COMP Kvo00-Kop@vn = vbdugn, ‘clitoris’ (Com. Adesp.); Kvoodaunic. 1
Tepthapmopévn taic vvti kavOapic ‘beetle lighting up at night’ (H.); cf. Strémberg
1944: 13f3 kKvoo-BaxKapic: 6 Tov KvOOV LUpitwv ‘who is rubbing the x. with ointment’
(Com. Adesp. 1062); Kvoo-AdKwv = Taloepaotis ‘pederast’ (Com. Adesp. 1066);
Kvoo-vintth¢: Mdpvos ‘catamite’ (H.); kvoo-x1vn (H.); Kvoo-dakwd- ywpia ‘has the
itch, scab or mange’ (from déxvw, with -tdw after other verbs of disease); also
Kbooapos ‘anus’ (Hp. Gal., Erot.); on the formation Chantraine 1933: 226; cf. also
> KUTTApOG.
*DER Kvold: Macynta ‘feels lust’; kvoavilet (H.).
*ETYM The previous explanation, as a derivation *kud'-d'o- from » kevOw ‘to hide’, is
doubtful, as it does not explain »kvodc, The alternation of kvo80- with Kvod-
suggests a Pre-Greek word. Perhaps kvttapoc is a further variant. Cf. the variation
in pao8dc, Watdc, LLaotdc ‘breast’.
kvo8o0c 2 [n.] of unclear mg. (PHolm. 22, 42 ; 23, 2), see Lagercrantz 1913: ad loc.
<PG?2(V)>
VAR Also xvotoc,
eETYM Unknown. If xto80c = xvotoc, the word is probably Pre-Greek, with
variation -o8- / -ot-:
K¥otIc, -ews [f.] ‘bladder, pouch, small bag’ (II.). <1? *kues- ‘hiss, sigh’; PG?>
°VAR Gen. also -toc, -t60¢; also kbotty— (Hp. apud Gal. 19, 116), perhaps after pdory&
(Chantraine 1933: 400, Schwyzer: 498).
*DER KUoTH Gptoc onoyyitns ‘sponge-like bread’ (H.) and kvottov: To dAtKaKKaBov
(H.), a plant name, after the shape of the fruit.
eETYM Wackernagel 1916: 227 analyzed it as a suffix -t1-, added to the zero grade of a
root ‘to blow, hiss’, found in Skt. svas-iti, ptc. Sus-dntam [acc.] < PIE *kues-. The
further comparison of this Skt. root with Lat. queror is far from evident (see De Vaan
2008 s.v.). The connection is possible, but not evident; as an alternative, the suffix
-ty& could point to a Pre-Greek word. Not to be connected are » kto80c, Kvods, etc.
kbttvog [m.] a flower, properly the calyx of the pomegranate (Thphr., Dsc., Gal.) also
‘Cytinus hypocisthis’ (Dsc. 1, 97), because of the similarity with the flower of the
granate. <PG(V)>
eDER KvTLV@dn¢ (Thphr.).
eETYM Because of the mg. ‘calyx’, the word has been connected with kvtog ‘hollow,
vessel’ (like GvOtvoc with dvOo0c). However, Fur.: 182 compares Kbtapov: Cwpnpvotc
‘spoon’, kvdapos, ov ‘small ship’, » KUTTapos ‘cell of a honeycomb’, as well as ‘calyx
810 KUTLOOG
of the Egyptian bean’ (Thphr.), ‘calyx of an acorn’ (Thphr.), xvttoi ‘receptacles’,
Kbotepol = ayyeia tHv [LeAicowv ‘honey-comb’ (H.). This points to a Pre-Greek
word (variation t/ 6/ tt, etc.).
kbttoo¢ [m., f.] “cytisus, Medicago arborea’ (IA). <PG>
eDIAL Myc. ku-te-so /kutesos/.
eETYMA foreign word, like » képacoc. The variation e/i shows that it is Pre-Greek.
kutpic, -ido¢ [f.] a soothing salve prepared from the fat of goats (Luc. Alex. 22, 53).
<PG?> :
eETYM Diminutive formation. Origin unknown; probably Pre-Greek.
kbto0¢ [n.] ‘rounding, vault of a shield, of a cuirass or a vessel, etc.’, ‘vessel, trunk, body’
(trag., com., Pl. Ti. and Lg., Arist., Plb.). <1£? *(s)kHu-t- ‘cover, skin, etc.’>
eDER » éykvuTi ‘to the skin’. Uncertain is kutic ‘cupboard, box’ (sch. Ar. Pax 665),
which may stand for kottic.
eETYM Best connected with the group of oxitog ‘leather, skin’, Lat. cutis ‘skin’, the
Gm. group of OHG hit ‘hide’, as well as OPr. keuto ‘skin’, Lith. kidutas ‘shell, rind’ <
*keHu-to-, ToA kdc probably ‘skin’ < *kwac < *(s)kuHt-i-/-es-. The variation of long
and short u in oxdtog next to Kbtoc is problematic, but may be explained by
assuming a root *(s)kHu- and pretonic shortening of the resulting long vowel in
Latin (see Schrijver 1991: 239f.). In Greek, the sequence would undergo metathesis
only in accented position, thus *sk(é)Hu-t- > oxbdtoc, while *kHu-t-és- [obl.] and
*-kHu-ti- would yield kbtog and éyxvti.
The word is sometimes split in two: 1. ‘skin’, 2. ‘sth. hollow’, with connection of the
second group to the group of » kvéw (see Frisk), but this has to meet the difficulty
that it would have to show long 6 < IE *kuh,-, which it does not. There seems no
reason to connect » kvéw.
Kbttapos [m.] ‘cell of a honeycomb, pit in the receptacle of the searose (Nelumbium
speciosum), the calyx in which the acorn is located, the male flower of the pine’ (Ar.,
Arist., Thphr.). <PG?(v)>
eVAR Also ktooapos ‘anus’.
eDER Diminutive kuttdptov ‘bee-cell’ (Arist.).
eETYM Uncertain, but probably Pre-Greek. xvooapocg may be the Ionic form of
KUttapoc, but in any case the most likely option is that both are variants of
> KUTLVOG, KVOOG, and » KboBoc.
KdgeAAa [n.pl.] ‘hollows of the ears’ (Lyc.), ‘clouds of mist’ (Lyc., Call.). <PG>
eETYM An Alexandrian word. Probably the same Pre-Greek word as >» Kimed\ov
(variation m/ @). The meaning ‘clouds’ is explained by reference to Lat. cava nubes,
umbra (Persson 1912(1): 195).
KVQdG >KUTTW.
Kbxpapiocg [m.] name of an unknown migratory bird, which accompanies the quail
(Arist.); see Thompson 1895 s.v. <PG(V)>
eVAR Also ké-, ki- (v.Il.); ktykpdpac: dpveov ‘bird’ (H.).
K@ac 811
eETYM Unexplained. Clearly a Pre-Greek word, because of the variants.
kvwéAn [f.] ‘chest, box, beehive’ (Hdt. Ar., Plu.), ‘earwax’ (com.), ‘hollow of the ear’
(Poll., H.). <PG(v)>
VAR Also -dAn (pap.), cf. Mayser 1906-1938, I: 3: 22.
eDER Kvwédtov ‘beehive’, -ehic ‘bird-nest’ (Arist.), ‘earwax’ (Ruf. Aret.), with
Kvyeditng pwrtoc (EM), see Redard 1949: 112; back-formation kbyedos [m.] name of a
bird like the swallow (Arist., H.), cf. Thompson 1895 s.v.
eETYM Not related to kUmn, etc. (s.v. » kUmeAAOv), nor derived from Kintw ‘to bend
(forward), stoop’. Fur.: 327 compares kvwédov- KbPeptov [teAtcowv *... of bees’ (H.),
etc. Clearly a Pre-Greek word, given the variants; cf. also kvBéAn ‘hollow’.
Kbwv [m., f.] ‘dog, bitch’ (IL). <1£ *kuon- ‘dog’>
eVAR Gen. Kvvd6c, acc. KUVva.
eDIAL Myc. ku-na-ke-ta /kun-agetas/.
eCOMP Several compounds, e.g. kvv-nyétnc, Dor. -ayétac, -aydc “leader of dogs”,
‘hunter’ (1 120); see Chantraine 1956a: 83ff.; 476-xvvov plant name ‘Marsdenia erecta’
(Dsc., Gal.); see Strémberg 1940: 65 and 143; on » Kuvduuta s.v.
*DER Diminutives kvv-ioxog (Hdt.), -ioxn (Ar.), -idtov, -dpiov (Att.); kvvw [f.]
‘female dog’, also as a PN (Hdt.); kvvén ‘dog’s skin’ (Anaxandr.), ‘cap, helmet’,
originally made of dog’s skin, later from other materials (cf. aiyein, yadkén, etc;
Schwyzer: 37, Triimpy 1950: 4off.); kuvac [f.] ‘belonging to a dog, dog hair, etc.’
(Theoc.); kbvetog, -eoc ‘belonging to a dog’ (Ar.), ‘shameless, impudent’ (Il.), kuvikdc
‘dog-like, cynical’ (X, Men.), kvv@dn¢ ‘dog-like’ (Arist.); comp. and superl.
KUVTEPOG, -OVv, -TaTOS ‘more shameless, impertinent’; kvvnddv [adv.] ‘like a dog’ (S.,
Ar.); kvvilw “to play the dog”, i.e. ‘to live as a cynic’, kvvioptdc (Apollod. Stoic.).
eETYM The name of the ‘dog’ is preserved in most IE languages: e.g. nom. kbwv, Skt.
$va, Lith. Sud, gen. kvvdc, Skt. suinas, Lith. Sufis, etc. (the Gr. accentuation is oldest),
from IE *kud(n), gen. *kun-ds, etc. For Lat. canis, Schrijver 1991: 461 assumes that a
development *wo > *wa in open syllable yielded an acc.sg. PIt. *kwanem. The word is
also found in Anatolian: Hitt. '"kuwan- [c.] ‘dog-man’, gen.sg. kanas, HLuw.
swan(i)- [c.] ‘dog’. The paradigm is strange because of the lack of an old e-grade in
the ablaut pattern.
kaa - évéxupa ‘pledges’ (H.).
eVAR Also kwiov: évéxvpov (H.).
eETYM See on © Kotov.
k@az [n.] ‘soft, hairy skin; fleece’ (Il.). <PG?>
®VAR K@¢ (Nicoch. 12); plur. kwea, -eot.
eDIAL Myc. ko-wo /kOwos/.
*DER Diminutives xwd-tov (Att.), -dptov (com.); Kwdac, -atoc [m.] ‘dealer in fleece’
(pap.).
eETYM Without etymology. If the group of » ktog < IE *(s)kHu-t- is connected, it is
unnecessary to assume a lengthened grade, since *koHu-es- or *keh,u-es- would do
for the oblique forms. However, this does not explain the nom. in -ac. The inflection
812 KoPak
is unusual: the -e- would fit the Myc. nom. ko-wo, but -ac can hardly be explained by
analogy. Perhaps these inflectional irregularities can be understood if we assume that
the inflection of a Pre-Greek word was adapted to Greek.
Ka@Pak [m.] - 6 péyac tétuE ‘the large cicala’ (H.). <PG>
eETYM Acc. to Gil Emerita 25 (1957): 321f., it belongs to » kavaf, etc. with 6 for fF. In
any case, it is a Pre-Greek word.
kwf1dc (-ioc) [m.] name of a fish like the goby or gudgeon (IA). <Lw Akk.?, PG?>
*DER Diminutive -idtov (com., Arist.); also as a plant name ‘tiOdptadAoc, Euphorbia’
(Dsc., Plin.); kwBittc ‘kind of ain’ (Arist.), see Redard 1949: 83; kwBiwdnc (Plu.).
eETYM Probably a loan from a Mediterranean language, perhaps from Pre-Greek.
Lat. gobius (c-), gobid (c-) is borrowed from Greek. Fur.: 328% compares Akk. kuppa,
gubbu name of a fish.
xa@deta [f.] ‘poppyhead, capsule of the grape hyacinth, etc.’ (E 499, Nic.), also other
plants and comparable objects. < PG(v)>
eVAR Variants kwdea, -v1a, -04, -ia (Delos, Att. inscr., Arist. Thphr.).
*DER kWdvov ‘head of purse tassels’ (Thphr.), like kapvov to kapvn.
eETYM No cognates. Kalén 1918: 24 has shown that xwéduta is the oldest form, but this
does not necessarily imply that the variants are secondary analogical creations. Fur.:
195, 198 showed that the variants point to Pre-Greek origin; he compares words for
‘cup’, eg. » KwWdwv ‘bell’, KoTUAN ‘cup’, Kdvdv, > KwOBwv, but also Etr. qutum. Cf.
Beekes 1998: 25f. and Pre-Greek: Suffixes sub -at-/-e(1)-.
Kwdwv, -wvoc [m., f.] ‘bell, (sound of a) trumpet’ (IA). <PG(v)>
*COMP Kwdwvo-@opéw ‘to carry the bell round (of inspection of the guards), etc.’
(Ar.).
*DER Diminutive kwSawov (J.); cwSwvilw [v.] ‘to test a coin by its sound’ (Ar.). Cf.
Kwdadog PN (Hippon.), Nehring Sprache 1 (1949): 166.
eETYM Previously taken as a formation like duBwv, kw0wv from Kwédeta, -vIa,
analogous to ai®wv: ai8via (Kalén 1918: 26). As Kretschmer Glotta 10 (1920): 232
remarks, there is no corresponding verb, which makes the construction doubtful.
The word has been shown to be Pre-Greek by Fur.: 198f.; see on » kwdeta.
k@Owv, -wvog [n.] name of Laconian drinking utensils (Archil., Ar., X., inscr.),
‘drinking-bout, feast’ (LXX, Thasos), = xwtdc¢ (Sicilian; Nic., Apollod. apud Ath. 7,
309c); also name of the inner harbor of Carthage (Str., App.). < PG?>
*COMP KwOwvo-mAvdtat [pl.] ‘washers of the fish k@O8wv (?)’ (Sophr.).
*DER Diminutive kw8dviov (inscr. V’, etc.); kwOwvia “deep potation’ (Aret.), Scheller
1951: 41; KwOwviCoptat ‘to drink hard, carouse’ (Arist. Hell.), cwOwv-toptdc, -totH<,
-toTiptov (Arist.). Also k@Oa: motipta ‘drinking-cups’ (H.).
eETYM Fur.: 199 compares » kwSwv. He further compares Mingrel. koto ‘cup’ and
Georg. kotoxi ‘id.”. The word is probably Pre-Greek.
KwKadov [adj.] - tahatov Kai eldocg dAextpvdvoc ‘old; kind of cock’ (H.). 4?>
DER PNs like Kwkadoc, K@Koc, Kwkac, etc. (L. Robert 1963: 312ff.).
KwrAvw 813
eETYM Unknown.
kwkbw [v.] ‘to lament, wail’ (IL, late prose). <PG?>
eVAR Aor. Kkwkboal.
eCOMP With prefix, e.g. dva-, émt-.
*DER Kwkbtdc [m.] (IL), kwKopta (trag.) ‘lamenting, wailing’; K®xutoc name of a
river in the underworld (k 514, etc.).
*ETYM It has been assumed that the verb has intensive reduplication, by comparison
with Skt. kduti, kokityate ‘to wail’ (intens.), but these are only attested in
grammarians; as argued by Tichy 1983: 266, the word is non-Indo-European.
kwAakpétau [m.pl.] name of financial officers in early Athens, chairmen of the main
treasury (inscr., Ar., Arist.). <GR>
*DER kwAaxpetéw [v.] ‘to be ak.’ (inscr.).
eETYM From earlier *xwA-aypétat with assimilation, thus originally “collector of the
K@Aa”, ie. the sacrificial pieces, and an old sacral expression; for the second
member, see on > dyeipw. See further » K@\ov.
k@Aov [n.] ‘member (of animal or human being), body part, especially the leg’ (1A),
also metaphorical, e.g. of part of a period (Rhet.), often plur., e.g. in the mg. ‘corpse’
(LXX, NT). <PG?>
*COMP Several compounds, e.g. iod-xwAog ‘with equal members’ (Arist.), axpo-
KWAta ‘extremities’, br0-KwAta ‘thigh of an animal’.
*DER Diminutives kwAdptov (Ael.), kwAtgov (Phryn., Plaut.), cf. Lat. colyphium;
Kwéa, -f (Att.), KwAry, -ivos [f.] (IA), kwiedc [f.] (Epich., Hp.) ‘bones of the hip
together with its flesh, ham’ (Solmsen 1909: 124); K@Any, -nIto0¢ [f.] ‘hollow of the
knee’ (¥ 726, Nic.); with a different suffix kwAnf§ ‘id’ (sch.), which shows that the
second member probably does not contain the root of » dmtw, as assumed by Bechtel
1914 s.v5 KwAWwTNg [m.] ‘lizard’ (Hp. Arist., Babr.), cf. Lat. lacerta ‘lizard’ to lacertus
‘upper arm’ (see WH s.v.). Denominative kwAiCoytau ‘to be arranged in k@Aq’ (late).
*ETYM No obvious cognates. The Balto-Slavic group of OCS koléno ‘knee’, Ru. koléno
‘knee, stem, lineage’, Ru. clen ‘member, body-part’, Lith. kelys ‘knee’ (root *k”el(H)-
‘to turn’ or *kelH- ‘to raise’) can hardly be related because of the Greek vocalism.
Specht KZ 55 (1928): 19 presumed that an o-grade aorist was found in x6AcaoBar-
ixetedoat ‘to supplicate’ (H.), but is this form cognate at all? The word > oxédog is
unrelated. It should be noted that Pre-Greek has a suffix -n& (as in vapOnf&, «bpné).
KwAbw [v.] ‘to hinder, prevent’ (Sapph., Pi., IA). <?>
eVAR Aor. KwAdoat.
eCOMP Also with prefix, e.g. dta-, Kata-, dm0-.
eDER Kw@Avpta ‘obstacle’ (IA), KwAvpdtiov ‘catch, clutch in a machine’ (Hero);
KWAN (Th.), K@Avots ‘hindering’ (Pl. Arist.); kwAvtip (Archyt.), -tr\¢ (IA) ‘who
hinders’, kwAvtiptos (D. H.), kwAvtikds (X., Arist. Hell.) ‘hindering’.
*ETYM One hypothesis (which goes back to Meillet) starts from from *k@Aog in the
sense of ‘wooden pin’: the word would originally mean “to fasten with a pin”, to
hinder the freedom of movement of animals; the ending would have been reshaped
814 K@pa
after Abw (hardly credible). Others (Meillet MSL 16 (1910-1911): 244, Fraenkel 1937:
357) connected it with » koAovw ‘to mutilate’. There is no etymology.
k@ua [n.] “deep, sound sleep’ (II.), ‘lethargy, coma’ (medic.). <?>
*DER Kwpatwon, ‘lethargic’ kwnaivw, kwpatiGouat [v.] ‘to lie in a coma’, kwpdopat
‘to fall into a coma’ (medic.).
*ETYM Unexplained. Brugmann’s proposal (Brugmann-Thumb 1913: 317) to connect
it with »Ketpat as *kdi-my is unacceptable because of the lengthened grade. Cf.
Porzig 1942: 281.
koun [f.] ‘village’, as opposed to a strengthened mAtc, also “district, part of a city’
(Hes.). <?>
*COMP E.g. Kw6-7t0Alc ‘town with the position of a k@pn, market town’ (Str., NT),
cf. Schulze 1933a: 5237.
*DER Diminutives kwptov (Str.), Kwpdpiov (H.), -ddptov (Porph.); further kwprytns
(IA), kwpétacg (Mycenae II*) ‘inhabitant of a village or district’, cwurtikdc ‘belonging
to a K@uN (or a KwuNTNSY (pap.); Kwuatoc ‘regarding a «.’ (St. Byz.); kwpnddv ‘per
village’ (Str., D. S., D. H.).
*ETYM The reconstruction of a lengthened grade form *kéi-m-h,, connected with the
Germanic group of Go. haims ‘village’ and the Baltic group of Lith. kdima(s)
‘(farmers’) village’, kiémas ‘farmstead’ has now been abandoned, because such
lengthened grade formations cannot be accounted for in PIE terms. Thus, the word
remains unexplained.
k@po¢ [m.] ‘revel, carousal, merry-making of youths, Dionysiac festive procession and
festive songs, festival’ (post-Hom.). <1E? *komso- ‘praise’, PG?>
*COMP Kwp-w05dce ‘singer of a K@p0G (Att.), ‘comic player’ (Hell.) with -éu, -ia, etc.,
oby-kwuos ‘comrade of a «.’ (Att.; rather back-formation from ovy-kwydtw).
*DER KwpKdc = KwLwdiKdc ‘belonging to a comedy’ (Aeschin., Arist., Hell.); cwpidCw
‘participate in a K@poc, drink’ (post-Hom.) with xwpacia ‘festive procession’,
kwyaoti< ‘drinker, member of a festive procession’ (Att., pap.), kwpaotiptov “place
where kwuaotai assemble’ (pap.), kwuaotikds ‘belonging to a kwuaotii¢ or a K@pLOG
(D. H., Ph.).
eETYM As the precise development of the meaning of x@poc is uncertain,
etymological suggestions remain highly hypothetical. Recently, connection with Skt.
Sdmsa- ‘praise, judgement’ has been assumed; see e.g. Schlerath RPh. 74 (2000): 273
(discussion in Hackstein 2002: 190). I suggest that this is a Pre-Greek word.
k@pve, -d80c [f.] “bundle, truss of hay’ (Cratin., Theoc.), also = dSapvn, iv iotdct
<mpd> t@v mvA@v ‘laurel, which is put in front of the gate’ (H.), ‘place where the
reed is closely grown with the roots’ (Thphr.). < PG(s)>
eETYM The formation with the suffix -60- clearly points to Pre-Greek origin.
kavetov [n.] ‘hemlock, Conium maculatum, hemlock drink, poisonous drink’ (IA).
<PG(V)>
*DER Kwvetdouat ‘to be dosed with hemlock’ (Men., Str.).
Kon 815
eETYM The word can hardly be separated from » x@voc. The plant may owe its name
to its narrow leaves with pointed teeth. On the European names, see Schrader-
Nehring 1917(2): 294f. on the many Greek epithets of the plant, see Str6mberg 1940:
64. Fur.: 121 connects not only » k@voc, but also kovi] and > dkdvitov, so it is a Pre-
Greek word.
k@vog [m.] ‘fruit of the pine cone, cone’ also ‘pine’ [f.], ‘top’ (Democr., Arist., Thphr.,
Theoc.). <PG(V)>
eVAR k@vijtec: Bipoot ‘thyrsoi’ (H.), k@vij¢ ‘the stave of Bacchus and the Bacchantes,
ending in a pine cone’. Further cf. yovrjc: vapxicoos 16 @utdv ‘narcissus’ (H.); Kova
= ttiooa ‘pitch’; k@va- BéuBie ‘whipping-top’ (H.).
*COMP E.g. kwvo-gdpog [f.] ‘conifer’ (Thphr.), ckwvo-Kddovpos ‘truncated cone’,
beside koAoupé-Kwvos ‘id.’ (Hero), cf. Risch IF 59 (1949): 284, Stromberg 1944: 8.
*DER Diminutive kwviov, -tov (Posidon., AP), kwvic: bdpicokn ‘little water vessel’
(H.); kwvitic micoa ‘pine resin’ (Rhian.), xwviac (oivoc) ‘resinated wine’ (Hp. apud
Gal; Chantraine 1933: 94 f.); kwvdw ‘resinate, pitch’, also ‘spin’ (Ar., H.), with
KWviolg ‘resinating, pitching’ (Arist.), -1)t1x6é¢ ‘suitable for pitching’ (pap.); mept-
kwvéw ‘smear with pitch’ (Ar.).
*ETYM Often identified with Skt. sdua- [m.] ‘whetstone, touchstone’ (assuming
Mind. n for n), derived from a verb ‘to whet, sharpen’ in Skt. sésati < *ki-keh,-. To
this root also belongs Lat. cds, gen. cétis ‘whetstone’ and catus ‘sharp, clever’, Olr.
cath ‘wise, able’, etc. Schwyzer: 458, however, considered foreign origin; this is
confirmed by the variants adduced in Fur.: 121 (most notably » axdévitov).
k@voy, -wro¢ [m.] ‘gnat, mosquito’ (A., Hdt. 2, 95. Arist.). <PG(S)>
*COMP Kwvwito-Onpac dpvic 6 Kwvwitag O8npedwv ‘bird hunting gnats or
mosquitoes’ (H.).
*DER Diminutive kwvdmov (Gal.), usually “couch with mosquito curtains’ (LXX);
also -ewv, -@voc [m.] ‘id’ (AP 9, 764 tit.).
*ETYM As Frisk already remarked, the connection with k@voc and wy (dw) is far
from evident semantically, and formally it is also improbable. Spiegelberg KZ 41
(1907):, 131 derives it from Eg. hams ‘gnat’, with adaptation to x@voc. The form
kwva@miov would have been remodelled by folk etymology from earlier *xavwmuov,
the Egyptian town Candpus; see WH s.v. céndpium. Since there is no good
etymology, and since the suffix -wit- is frequent in Pre-Greek words, substrate origin
is the only plausible option.
k@o¢ [m.] ‘cavern, prison’ (Str., St. Byz.). <?>
eVAR Usually plur. k@ot.
*ETYM A variant with long vowel of kéot- ta yaouata tij¢ yijc ‘clefts of the earth’
(H.); see on > KoiAoc.
kern [f.] ‘grip (of a sword, an oar), oar, stalk’ (Il.). <IE *k(e)h,p- ‘take, hold’>
«COMP Some compounds, e.g. kwm-rpne¢ ‘provided with oars’ (trag., Th.).
eDER Diminutive kwrtiov (Ar.); kwmrelc ‘with a good grip’ (II.), see Triimpy 1950: 62;
kwmneic [m.pl.] ‘wood fit for making oars, spars’ (IA), kwitedv, -@vocg [m.] ‘id.’
816 KWTW, -O0G
(Thphr.); kwmntp, -fpos [m.] ‘leather thong for the oar’ (cf. Bergson Eranos 55
(1957): 120ff.); kwmetw [v.] ‘to row (AP), kwrtdw (-éw) in perf. med. kexamnytau ‘is
provided with oars’ (Att. inscr., H.). On >» kw, see s.v.
eETYM Old verbal noun from » kdntw, so IE *koh,p-h,- (without a lengthened grade,
cf. Hamp MSS 43 (1984): 51f.). For the meaning, cf. Lat. capulus ‘grip’.
kwn@, -odc [f.] “wreathed staff used in the Daphnephoria’ (Boeot.; Procl.). <GR>
eDER Also as a PN.
eETYM Personification in -@ (Schwyzer: 478) of xan). Not related to xijmog ‘garden’,
as per Schénberger Glotta 29 (1942): 87ff. and Pisani RILomb. 77 (1943-44): 558ff.
ka@pvkos [m.] ‘leather sack’ (Od.). <PG>
eDER kwpvkic (com., Thphr.), cwpt«tov, -idiov (Poll, Suid., H.) and kwpvKwdn¢
‘sack-like’ (Thphr.). Cf. the TN » Kwpuxoc, a promontory in Cilicia.
eETYM The resemblance with Lat. corium, etc. (Pok. 939) is deceptive. Fur.: 328”
compares Hitt. kurk- ‘to retain’. The word is no doubt Pre-Greek, with the suffix
-UK-.
Kwpvkog [m.] a promontory in Cilicia (h. Ap.). <PG>
eDER Also -atoc; also Kwptxtov dvtpov a cave on the Parnassos, with Kwpvxtat
vipat, etc. (Hdt., trag.).
eETYM The structure of the word looks like Pre-Greek. It could represent *karuk-, for
which see xfipvé, but I see no way to connect ‘messenger’; neither does it belong to
the ‘leather sack’.
kwtidos [adj.] ‘chattering, babbling’ (Thgn., Arist.). <?>
eVAR Also -de¢ [f.] Boeot. name of the swallow (Stratt.).
eDER KwTiAAw [v.] ‘to chatter’ (Hes., D. H.); kwttAiw ‘id.’ (Call.); cwttAia ‘chattering’
(gloss.).
eETYM Formation like motkiAoc, etc. (see Chantraine 1933: 248), but without
etymology.
Kw@dc¢ [adj.] ‘blunt, dumb, mute’ (II.), post-Hom. also ‘deaf (h. Merc.). <1E?, PG?>
eCOMP E.g. b16-Kw@os ‘hard of hearing’ (IA).
eDER kw@ortijs ‘deafness’ (IA), kwepets ‘deaf man’ (Call.), cweiac [m.] kind of snake
= tugAiac (Ael., H.); kweebw [v.] ‘to be silent’ (LXX), kw@paopuat (-daw) ‘to become
(make) blunt, etc.’ (Clearch., Opp.), Kw@ijoat- KoAodoat ‘to cut short’, Kw@pnotc:
KOAovotc ‘cutting short’ (H.); kw@dopat ‘to become silent or deaf’, -dw ‘to silence’,
whence kw@wpa, -woic (Hp.).
eETYM To be connected with »xKngrv, »Kexagndta; the vocalism could be
reconstructed as ablauting *k/g'(e/o)h,b"., but there is no IE comparandum. If kngrv
is Pre-Greek, the same probably holds for this word.
Koy ‘owl’. = oKwy.
A
ha- prefix with intensifying function. <?>
eCOMP Only in isolated and rare words: \a-Katanbywv (Ar. Ach. 664, Aa- rhythmical
lengthening?), Aa-Katdpatog (Phot; AaxKx- cod.), Aantup: cpodpac mtbwv,
Ad@wvot (Latte: Aa~ovor?): Aiav Gpwvor (H.); Aato- in Aaionaic: Powmatc. AevKddtot
(H.), also Adomtauc (Latte, codd. Aaomatc); Al- in Attd6vipoc: Aiav movNpds (H.); cf. on
>Aiav. Xat- in PNs, e.g. Aat-KAjjc, Aat-onodiac (Bechtel 1917b: 273, Bechtel Herm. 50
(1915): 317)
eETYM Unknown. Does \ato- represent Pre-Greek *las’-?
Aaac [m.] ‘stone’ (Il.). <PG?(v)>
eVAR Case forms: gen. Adog, -t, -av (-a Call. 11, 4), plur. Ad-ec, etc; also as an o-stem
AGog, -ov, etc. (Hes. Fr. 115[?], S., Cyrene, Gortyn), details in Schwyzer: 578. Late also
fem.
eDIAL Myc. ra-e-ja /laheja/ and Cypr. la-o-se show that the word did not havea *-w-.
eCOMP Compounds like Aa-tdpoc (beside uncontracted or restored Aao-) ‘stone
cutter’, with Aatou-iot ‘quarry’ (Arg., Syracus., Hell., see Ruijgh 1957: 125f.), = Lat.
ldtomiae beside lautumiae < *\ao- (see WH s.v.); Aa(o)-E6(0)¢ with Aaketw, etc.
(Georgacas Glotta 6 (1958): 165f.), Aatbmoc; as a second member in Kpatai-Aews (<
*-Anjocg or *-Adoc, see below) ‘with hard rock’ (A., E.), probably also in bmo0-Aaic,
-iS0¢ (H. also -Aric) [f.] name of an unknown bird (Arist.); cf. Thompson 1895 s.v.;
see also » Aatdc 2.
DER As a TN (Laconia) Adc and Ad (Th., Paus., St. Byz., et al.), with Adav [acc.] (B
585). Further Adiyyec [f.pl.] ‘small stones’ (Od., A. R.); Adiivoc, -tveog ‘(made of)
stone’ (Il.); uncertain Aatai [f.pl.] (Arist.), Aetat (Gal.), Agia [sg.] (Hero) “stones used
as weights to keep the threads of the warp straight in the upright loom’; unclear are
Aaieta- kataAevetat ‘is lapidated’ (H.) and Aavotiip: Lox8npdc ‘troublesome’ ...
oikov Aavpa “alley [or privy] of a house’, A\atotpavov- tivéc AvKov (in the sense of
‘hook’, see LSJ), ttvéc ppéatoc &pmaya ‘the hooks of a well (for drawing up buckets)’
eETYM The unique stem formation of Adac is unexplained. An old neuter has been
supposed, with secondary transition to msc. (later fem.) gender after Ai®oc, nétpoc.
An IA form seems to be reflected in xpa-tai-Aewe, but it may be an epicism.
Since the Mycenaean and Cypr. forms show that the word had no -w-, all earlier
hypotheses starting from a pre-form with *-f- can now be forgotten (unless the F
was lost between like vowels at a very early stage). The relation to »Aetw, >» Aatpa
818 aba
has therewith become unclear; all we can do is assume a stem */ah-. See Heubeck IF
66 (1961): 29-34. Fur.: 239 compares Aénasg ‘rock’; he considers AaivOn: Adpvak AGivy
(Cyr.) to be proof of Pre-Greek origin.
Non-Greek correspondences to Adac are all doubtful, e.g. Alb. leré, -a ‘stone, heap of
stones, stony plain, rockslope’ from PAIb. leurd (Demiraj 1997), Olr. lie, gen. liac <
PCI. *liyank- (taken up by Matasovi¢ 2008 s.v. *liwank-).
AaBa [f.] - otaywv ‘drop’ (H.). <2>
eETYM Unknown. Macedonian for Aoi$d, acc. to von Blumenthal 1930: 18f.
AaPaBnp [?] -Aakavioxn ‘small dish’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM Unknown. Lewy KZ 59 (1932): 187f. considers it a loan of Lat. lavabrum
‘bathing-tub’ by Palestinian Jews (otherwise unknown).
AaBSa [n.] the eleventh letter of the Greek alphabet (Att.); later (with secondary nasal)
AduBSa (Ar. Arist. as a v.l.). <LW Sem.>
VAR Indeclinable.
*DER AaBdaxto}16¢ [m.] ‘special use or pronunciation of the V’ (Quint.); cf. s.v. » i@ta
on iwtaKtoudc.
*ETYM From Semitic; cf. Hebr. Jamedh. Gr. XaB5- corresponds to Sem. lamb-; see
Schwyzer: 140’, 826 and Schulze 1933a: 283f. Doubts in Kretschmer Glotta 6 (1915):
307.
AaBpos [adj.] ‘furious, boisterous, violent, fierce; gluttonous’ (Ion. poet., late prose).
<PG?(V)>
*COMP AaBp-aydpne ‘fierce boaster’ (¥ 479), Kata-Aabpos ‘very furious’ (Eup. 293),
after kata-haBeiv?
*DER Fish-names: AdBpak, -axoc [m.] ‘bass, Labrax lupus’ (Alc. com.), see
Chantraine 1933: 381, Bjorck 1950: 262, Stromberg 1943: 34f.; Thompson 1947 s.v.;
thence AaBpaxtov (com.); AdBprxoc (Boeot. [I]*]); see Lacroix 1938: 51.
Abstracts: Aabpootdvn ‘furiousness, fierce conversation’ (AP, Opp.), AaBpotng¢ ‘id’
(Ath.) with AaBpooidwv- yoptacpod axdopov ‘disorderly feeding’ (H.).
Denominative verbs: 1. AaBpevouat [v.] ‘to discuss furiously (¥ 474 and 478),
probably after ayopevw (Risch 1937: 333) or uwnevdw, émt-AwBedw (Debrunner Mus.
Helv. 2 (1945): 199); 2. AaBpdopat [v.] ‘to rush violently’ (Lyc.); 3. AaBpatw =
AaBpevouat and AaBpdopat (Nic. Lyc.), whence AaBpaxtns = AaBpayopns (Pratin.
Lyr. 5); 4. AaBpvocet AaBpevet, SeirAaiver ‘is a coward’ (H.); cf. Aaptoow, etc.
(Debrunner IF 21 (1907): 244).
*ETYM The traditional connection with AaBeiv, AdCopat is improbable. Fur.: 208
compares Aapupdc ‘gluttonous’, and further Aa@voow ‘to swallow’ (op.cit. 177) and
Aabpoc (as an orthographic variant of AdBpos, op.cit. 242). This is uncertain, because
these alternations do not conform to a known pattern. If AGBpak beside AdBptxoc is
typical, the word seems to be Pre-Greek.
AaBpus =AaPuvpivOoc.
AaPpwviov [n.] ‘alarge, wide cup’ (Men., Diph., H.). <2
=
Aayaiw 819
eVAR Also AaBpwwos [m.], -ia [f] (Eust.).
eETYM Acc. to Ath. 11, 484c, éxmmpatoc Ilepouwod eidog and tic év TM Tivetv
AaBpotHtog wvopaopEevov ‘a kind of Persian cup, thus called after the greediness
during drinking’. Folk-etymological explanation?
AaBvCos [f.] an unknown spice plant, used by the Persian king (Dinon Hist. [IV*] apud
Ath. 12, 514a, H. s.v. kidapic). «LW Ind.>
eETYM The hypothesis by Petersson KZ 46 (1916): 146f. (a Persian word, related to
Skt. libuja ‘liane, climber’) is untenable. Acc. to Charpentier MondOrbis 13 (1919):
32ff,, it is rather an Indic LW, related to the Pali plant-name Jabuja-. See Brust 2005:
378ff.
AaBvptvOoc [m.] ‘labyrinth’, a great building with many corridors and turns, in Egypt
(Hdt, Str.), Crete (Call, D. S., Anatolia (inscr. Miletus), etc; metaph. of
complicated thoughts (Pl.). <PG(S,v)>
*DIAL Myc. da-pu,-ti-to-jo /dap*urint*oio/.
*COMP AabuptvOwsdng ‘Jabyrinth-like, complicated’ (Arist.).
eETYM A Pre-Greek word in -tvOoc. The traditional connection with AdBpus (acc. to
Plu. 2,302a Lydian for mé\exuc), and interpretation as “House of the Double Axe” (a
sign of royalty), is speculative. Perhaps the Carian god AaBpavvdoc also belongs
here. Connection with Aatpa as a substrate word is possible, but that with Adac is
difficult, as it has no -w-. Cf. Fur.: 397f.
Aayaiw [v.] ‘to release’ (Crete). <EUR?>
eVAR Aor. Aaydoat; Aaydooa- agetvat ‘let go’ (H.).
eCOMP Also with amo-.
DER GmtoAdyakic ‘release’ (Crete).
Several nouns, not directly depending on the verb: 1. Aayapdc ‘slack, emaciated, thin’
(IA), whence Aayapotng¢ ‘slackness, etc.’, Aayapdopict [v.] ‘to get slack’.(AP) with
Aaydpwoig (Eust.), of otixot Aayapoi; also AayapiCopat mg. unclear (com.). 2.
Aayavov ‘thin cake’ (Hell.) with Aayawov (late) and Aayavilw (?; Hp. Morb. Sacr.
13).
A nasal suffix is also found in semantically deviant 3. Adyvoc, -vng ‘lascivious,
voluptuous’ (on the barytone accent see Schwyzer: 489), with Aayvetw [v.] ‘to be
lascivious, be lecherous’, Aayveia ‘the act of coition, etc. (IA). 4. *Aayoc (*Adg)
‘slack, thin’ in Aaydéveg [f.pl.] (also msc.), rarely -wv [sg.] ‘the hollows on the side,
flanks’ (IA), and also in » Aaywe ‘hare’.
*ETYM Disyllabic AXayaoa (: Aayapdc) has a model in the synonym xaAd-oat (:
xaAapdc); Aayaiw is an innovation like kepaiw, ayaiouat (see »kepdvvup and
> aya-). A different ablaut grade is usually recognized in » Ajyw, >» Awyawov.
A direct correspondence to *Aayoc, if from *slago- (see on »Anyw), yields a
Germanic adjective for ‘slack’: ON slakr, OS slac, OE slec, etc., with initial - MLG
lak ‘id?. In Celtic, we find Olr. lac ‘id’. The formal identity of Aaywv and MoNw.
lake ‘flap’ on the one hand, and of Adyavov and OS lakan, OHG lahhan ‘cloth’ on
the other, rests on parallel innovations in the separate languages.
820 ayyaCw
Further, AXayapdéc is compared with ToA slakkdr ‘sad’. Beside it exists Lat. laxus
‘slack, weak, etc. with an s-suffix; perhaps also Skt. slaksnd- ‘slippery, meagre, thin’
(if assimilated from *slaks-).
However, as *slh.g- would have given *sldg-, and since Indo-European had no
phonemes *a, a, the above correspondences have not been explained. Perhaps it is
necessary to assume a secondary zero grade for the Greek forms. Alternatively, we
may be dealing with a European substrate word.
Aayyatw [v.] ‘to slacken’ (Antiph., Phot. AB [= év- didwyt]); AayyaCe- oKvei ‘is slow’,
oi 6é Aayyei (H.); A\ayydoat mepipvyeiv ‘to flee’ (H.). <PG?(V), EUR?>
*DER Other formations in H: Aayyevet- gevyet, Aayyavatevoc: meptiotdtevoc,
otpayyevdplevoc ‘avoiding, hesitating’, Aayyapet amodiSpdoxet ‘runs away’. \ayywv
(for Adyywv?)- 6 evOdc AavOdvwv tod ayWvoc Kai tod pdBov (EM 554, 15, cf.
Chantraine 1933: 160). With -o-: » Aoyyatw, Aoyydaoat.
eETYM Expressive and popular words, which correspond formally and semantically
to Lat. langue6, -ére ‘to be faint, slack’ (with secondary -u-) and, like the latter, can be
understood as nasalized present formations from Aaydoa (> Aayaiw). The same
problem as with » Aayaiw holds here: the pervasive a-vocalism. Do the forms with
-o- point to substrate origin? It is quite possible that the variation Aay-/Aayy- is due
to Pre-Greek pre-nasalization.
We must separate several Baltic words in the meaning ‘to rock, sling, vacillate’, like
Lith. langéti, lingtioti; see Fraenkel 1955: 331 (s.v. Idigyti). The same holds for Gm.
words like OHG slinc ‘left’, MoSw. linka, lanka, lunka ‘to limp, go slowly, etc.’
Adytov [n.] ‘kind of cup or vessel’ (Delos II*). <?>
eETYM Unexplained. Fur.: 121 compares AnKkvOoc, but this is uncertain. Kronasser
1956: 225 compares Hitt. lahan(n)i, Akk. lahannu, etc. See » Aa ydvoc.
AayKpbleoGat [v.] - NoSopeioBat ‘to be slandered’ (Phot.). <PG(v)>
*ETYM A prenasalized form beside Aaxept(ecBar ‘id’; see Aaképvta s.v. »AdOKW.
Therefore, clearly a Pre-Greek word.
Adypwata >Aalypata.
Adyvoc >Aayaiw.
Aaydvoc [m., f.] ‘flask with a small neck’, also as measure (Arist. Fr. 499, Hell.).
<PG(V)>
VAR Also -v-.
*COMP Tpl-Adyvvoc ‘containing three A. (Stesich. 7, pap.), Aayvvo-gdpta [n.pl.]
name of an Alexandrinian festival (Eratosth.).
*DER Diminutive Aaybwov, -vvic (Hell.); Aayvvdpiocg ‘manufacturer, handler of
flasks’ (Corycos), Aayvviwv [m.] name of a parasite (Ath.).
eETYM Many names for vessels are loans. This one is probably Pre-Greek, because of
the interchange b/d. Puhvel HED s: 6f. compares Hitt. lahan(n)i, Akk. lahannu, etc.
From \dyvvoc was borrowed Lat. lagiina, -6na; also, lagéna, from which was taken
Aaynvos (Gal.). Cf. » Adylov.
aya 821
Aayxavw [v.] ‘to obtain by lot’ (an office, the ent of a lawsuit), ‘to obtain one’s share’
(Od.). <1E? *leng"- ‘obtain (by loty>
eVAR Aor. haxeiv (Il.), caus. AeAayetv (Il.), perf. AgAoyxa (A 304), A€Aaxa (Emp.),
etAnxa (A. Att.), fut. AdEouat (Hdt.), An—opat (Pl), perf. pass. efAnypou, aor.
AnxOfvat (Att.).
eCOMP Also with prefix, e.g. dmo-, Sta-, AvTI-, OVV-.
*DER 1. With old o-grade: \dyyn [f.] ‘share’ (Ion.), with et-Aoyxoc = ev-LLoIpoc
(Democr.) and evAoy<x>eiv- edpioipetv (H.). 2. With zero grade: Adktc ‘portion, share
(of land)’ (Hdt, Miletus), AnoAakc (Eretria); Adxeotc [f.] name of one of the Moirai,
also as an appellative ‘share, lot’ (Hes., Pi.), perhaps after yéveoic, Néueoic; younger
formations are Adyoc [n.] ‘lot, share’ (Thgn., Pi., A.; also Arc.) and Adyn (Aaxn?) [f.]
‘id? (A. Th. 914, H.); cf. on Aayaivw; PN Adyne, -ntosg [m.] (Th.); Aaxpdg = Adxoc
‘id’ (sch., Eust.). 3. With a secondary full grade (see below): AfjEtc (obv-, Sia-, avti-)
‘allotment, written complaint’ (Att.).
*ETYM Old forms are the o-grade perf. hédkoyya, Adyyn and the zero grade aor.
Aayxeiv, Adkic. Later, eiAnxa, AnEouat, AijEtc, etc. arose as innovations by analogy with
etAnga, Arjwoptal, Atjpyic (after Aayyavw : AaBavw, Aaxeiv : AaBeiv). No known
cognates exist. A noteworthy agreement with Adyeotc is Messap. Logetibas [dat.pl.],
to which belongs Adyeotc: Oe6c. LtkeAoi (H.); if correct, it must be an old loan; cf.
Kretschmer Glotta 12 (1923): 278ff.
Aaywv ‘the flanks’. eVAR Plur. -dvec. =Aayaiw.
Aaywe [m.] ‘hare’, also metaph. of a bird (Thompson 1895 s.v.; cf. Aaywic¢ below), of
several sea-animals (Thompson 1947 s.v., Strémberg 1943: 111), of a constellation
(Scherer 1953: 189, 192), and of a bandage (medic.). <GR>
eVAR Att. also Aayd@c (on the gender see Schwyzer 1950: 31°); gen. Aayw (-@), acc.
Aayov, analogical -w (-@), etc.
*DIAL Aaywos (epic, Arist.), Aaydc (Ion., Dor., poet.).
ecoMP As a first member in Aayo-daitac [m.] ‘hare-devourer’ (A.), Aayw(o)-Bdrov
[n.] ‘stick for flinging at hares’ (Theoc., AP), etc.
*DER Diminutives: haywdtov (Ar., pap.),; Aaywddaptov (Ph.); Adytov (X.), Aayidtov
(M. Ant. Poll.), Aaydevc (Str.). Adjectives: \ay@og ‘ptng. to a hare’, ta Aay@a ‘hare-
meat, delicacy’ (Hp. com.), Aaywetog ‘id.’ (Opp.), Aaywveta: Aayod Kpéa ‘hare’s
meat’ (H.), cf. tawv(e)Log from tawe, -Wc; Adyetoc (of kpéac, Hp.), Adytvog ‘ptng. to
a hare’ (A.). Bird-names: Aaywic [f.] (Hor. Sat. 2, 2, 22; leporini coloris Porph,; cf.
WH s.v.). Aaywivng dpvic mods (H.), cf. keyxpivns, éhagivys, etc. Aaywdiac = wtoc
a kind of owl (Alex. Mynd. apud Ath. 9, 390f); cf. kaypu-6-iac, Chantraine 1933: 203.
*ETYM Traditionally analyzed as *Aay(0)-w[vo]-6¢ ‘with flabby ears’, an adjectival
bahuvrihi of *Aayo- (see on »Aayaiw) and otc. Cf. Oss. terqus ‘hare’, properly
“long-ear”, MoP xargos ‘id.’, properly “donkey-ear”, Berber bu tmezgin “the animal
with the long ears” (litt. in Frisk). Probably a taboo word from the language of
hunters (eg. Schwyzer: 38, Havers 1946: 51f.). By contraction and analogy arose
. Kaywe; Aaydc (Schwyzer: 557’).
822 Addac
Szemerényi SMEA 3 (1967): 85ff. shows that the compound formation *Aaywrn¢
‘having flabby ears’ (which is more probable than an o-stem) can actually be restored
in Homer, and that it accounts for the Attic forms as well. DELG calls this plausible.
Adda [2] - EAag@oc veBpiag ‘a deer dappled like a fawn’ (H.). <PG?(v)>
*DER Also PN (Paus. 3, 21, 1).
eETYM Fur.: 195 connects it with AjPov- Badtov ‘dappled’ (H.).
Aadpéw [v.] ‘to run, flee’, of the pvktipec, nostrils (Sophr. 135). <?2>
eETYM Uncertain. Fur.: 199 compares AatpaBdc, Aatdpdc, AaBpodv, AaBapwlerv.
Aaeptng [m.] name of the father of Odysseus. <GR?>
eETYM Connected with the root of gpeto: wpunOn ‘was incited’ (H.). DELG adds:
“Cest Phomme qui met en mouvement le peuple.” For the meaning, one compares
the Myc. PN e-ti-ra-wo, which is interpreted as’Epti-Aafoc (Palmer 1963: 78). Acc. to
Ael. NA, it is the name of an insect (a bee or an ant), which we cannot explain; see
Gil Fernandez 1959: 193.
AaCopat [v.] ‘to seize, grasp, take hold of (I1.). <1E *sleh.g”- ‘seize, grasp’>
eVAR Also AdCupiat (h. Merc. 316), also Megar., Thess. \addov08n, ov7to-AaddSovvOn,
only present stem.
eCOMP Also with avtt-, dva-, Tpoo-.
eETYM The more recent formation AdCvyat was probably created after aivupat
(Schwyzer: 698, Fraenkel IF 60 (1952): 132). As a yod-present, AdCopat may continue
a pre-form *lag-ie/o- or *lang-ie/o-; given haBetv, é-AAaBe (see »AauBavw), from
which AdCopiat can hardly be separated, a labiovelar must be reconstructed: IE
*(s)leh.g”-ie/o-. Connection with the isolated OE Iccc(e)an ‘to seize, grasp’, MoE
latch, seems possible.
A&Bapyor [m.pl.] ‘bit of leather’ (Nic. Th. 423), acc. to H.,, ta Evdpeva and tic BUponcs
bmd TV apPrAwv ‘what is carved from the hide with a cobbler-knife’; also =
oxwAnkes ‘worms’ (H.). <PG?(V)>
eETYM Technical term without a clear origin. Fur.: 374 connects it with AaiSapyos,
and ArPapyoc with AdBapyoc (Phryn. PS 87 B.), but these have a quite different
meaning. See » AaiSapyoc.
AabtKn dic, AGBpa —AavOdvw.
A&Bvpoc [m.] ‘a kind of pulse, chickling, Lathyrus sativus’ (Hell.). <PG?(s)>
eVAR Plural also -a.
eDER AaBvupic [f.] name of a purging plant, ‘Euphorbia Lathyris’ (Dsc., Gal.); hence
Lat. (gloss.) latridus [f.] (see André Et. class. 24 (1956): 41f.).
eETYM No etymology. Only a remote resemblance with the word for ‘lentil’ (Lat. lens,
OCS lesta, Ru. ljaca). The structure (suffix -vp-) could point to a Pre-Greek word
(not in Fur.).
Aatai ‘stones of the weaver’. =Adac.
AaiAay, -aTtoc 823
Aaiypata [n.pl.] - téypata, of dé onéppata, iepa. andpypata ‘cakes, others: seeds, holy
firstlings’ (H.); Aatypia: to iepdv (Theognost. Can. 9). <PG(V)>
eDER Cf. Adyptata (Cyr., Phot.), Aattywa: Odpa ‘sacrifice’ (H.), cod. AattpAaOn La; also
as a v.l. (cod. Ven.) in Ar. Av. 1563 beside Aaiva, in an uncertain mg, thus also Suid.
with many interpretations (aia, Aatpds, etc.).
eETYM The variation Aa-/Aal- points to a Pre-Greek word.
Aardpdc [adj.] ‘bold, impudent, shameless’ (Hell. poet.: Call, Nic., Max.). <PG?>
eETYM Stem vowel and suffix as in matdpdc, aioypdc. Fur.: 199 connects it with
AatpaBdc, AaBpodv, AaHaprfw, AaWvpatw, Aadpéw; uncertain. Origin unknown,
but possibly Pre-Greek. Note the rather late attestation of the word.
Traditional etymologies do not have much to recommend themselves: Krahe 1955:
129ff. connects Messapian / Illyrian PNs like Ledrus, Laidius, Xkepdi-daidac, as well
as the semantically unclear laidehiabas (adj. of Logetibas; see »ayxavw), Po-
laidehias. Another -suggestion is Lith. pa-Ididas ‘loose, free’, pa-ldida ‘looseness’,
assuming that Aatdpdc properly meant ‘loose, elated’. A different root grade is found
in Lith. léisti ‘release’. On the Baltic group, see Fraenkel 1955 s.v.
Aatetov ‘townhall’ (Su.).
eETYM See Arjitov s.v. » Aadc.
AaiBapyos [adj.] ‘guileful, treacherous’, of dogs which bite unexpectedly (S. Fr. 885,
Orac. apud Ar. Eq. 1068); also AaBapyw modi (Trag. Adesp. 227), explained by H. as
Aabpaiw. <PG(V)>
eVAR AaBapyor Kbvec Kpugiwc SaKxvovtec ‘dogs that bite unexpectedly’ (H.).
eETYM Frisk and others consider it to be identical with »AnOapyoc ‘forgetful,
lethargic’ and take it as a reshaping based on popular words in hat- (Aatdpdc,
Aaipapyos, etc.). However, the variation ot/n rather points to Pre-Greek origin (Fur.:
338, 374). Acc. to DELG, the gloss Aa8apyoi “dogs which bite unexpectedly’ in H.
arose from confusion with AaiSapyot, but it may also be a different variant. See also
> Ad8apyol.
AaBapvfetv - Aapvpdoa, Siampd—ac8a ‘to be wanton, get something done (by
seduction?) (H.). =AatpaBdc.
Aatkatw [v.] ‘to wench’ (com.). <PG(V)>
eVAR fut. AaiKdoopa.
eDER Aaukdortpta [f.] ‘strumpet’ (com.), also Aatkaoti¢ [m.] (Ar. Ach. 79); back-
formation Aaikde [f.] (Aristaenet. 2, 16; not quite certain); also AatkaAéoc (Luc. Lex.
12).
eETYM Resembles »Ankdw, of which haikdtw is probably only a variant (cf.
> Aaifapyoc). The variation at/n is typical for Pre-Greek; cf. Pre-Greek: section B 6.
AaiAay, -artos [f.] ‘furious storm, hurricane’ (IL, Hell.). <PG?(s)>
eVAR On Aatiapw see Fur.: 287 Anm. 4.
824 Aatipar
eDER AatAanwédrs ‘stormy’ (Hp.), AatAametédg = AaiAayw (sch. A. on A 495), after
betdc, etc. Denominative AatAamiCw [v.] ‘to quake by storms’ (Aq.). AatAagétig [m.]
‘sender of storms’ (PMag. Leid. W. 8, 21), haplological for AaAan-apéti<.
eETYM Probably Pre-Greek, with intensive reduplication. Fur.: 225 refers to AdAautc
Aaikay (H.); the corrections by Latte are unnecessary.
Aaipa =Aatypata.
Aaupds [m.] ‘throat, gullet’ (IL). <PG(v)>
eCOMP As a first member in Aaipo-tduo¢ ‘cutting the throat’ (E.); on Aaipapyoc see
below.
eDER Denominatives: 1. Aatdcow, -ttw [v.] ‘to be voracious’ (Ar. Herod.) with
Aaipactpov ‘voracious animal’, as a term of abuse (Herod.), cf. on Cvyaotpov; 2.
Aatwwmoow [v.] ‘id’. (Nic. Al. 352 as a v.l.); 3. Aatudw [v.] ‘id’. (Hippon.); 4.
AawaCovotv: EoBiovotv duétpwe ‘eat without a limit’ (H.); Aaipitw [v.] ‘to cut the
throat, slaughter’ (Lyc.).
Nouns: Aqua [n.pl.] = Aapupa ‘voracious, greedy’ (H.; Men. 106, codd. Aaipa, Afua),
probably a back-formation to Aadu, -dCw, -aoow; Aawwpn: 1 Aawupic (Theognost.
Can. 9, Suid.); cf. especially mAn8wpr (on the accent Wackernagel and Debrunner
Phil. 95 (1942): 181f.).
A compound that became unclear as such is Xaipapyosg ‘voracious, carouser’ (Arist.,
Thphr.), from *Aatud-apyoc (cf. especially yaotpi-apyoc); see Georgacas Glotta 6
(1958): 165.
eETYM There seems no basis for the comparison with »)aitya. Fur.: 225 compares
Aaiwdc ‘gefrassig’ with Aaipdc and Aatpaoow, which proves Pre-Greek origin. Does
Aaimtoc belong here, too?
Aatvdxetp > oKANpdyeip ‘with a hard hand’ (H.). <GR?>
eETYM The first member is probably Adivoc ‘of stone’; see »AGac. There is no
context, so further analysis is uncertain.
Aaiov [acc.sg.] name of a part of the plough, probably ‘ploughshare’ (A. R. 3, 1335).
<>
eETYM No etymology. The -at- remains unexplained by the comparison with a Gm.
word for ‘sickle’, ON lé, MLG /é, lehe [m.], from PGm. *leyan-, IE *leuon-. Further,
Skt. lavi- [m.] (Un. 4, 138), lavi-tra- [n.] (Pan. 3, 2, 184) ‘sickle’, from a pres. Iundati ‘to
cut’ (see > Abw). :
Aatdc1 [adj.] ‘left’ (poet. since Tyrt., A.; late prose). <IE *leh,iuo- ‘left’>
eVAR 1 Aad ‘the left hand’.
DER Diminutive Aaidiov- dptotepdév, ebwvupov ‘left’ (H.).
eETYM Old word for ‘left’, identical with Lat. laevus, OCS léve, Ru. lévyj, from IE
*Ieh,i-uo- (or *lh,ei-uo-?). Comparison of Aaipa- domtic, méAtn ‘shield’ (H.) as *Aaifa
“carried in the left hand” is unlikely. On spread and use of Aatdc, oxatdc, aptotepdc,
see Chantraine 1956b: 6:ff.
Aatynpdc 825
The attempt by Fur.: 339 to compare Aagdc: 6 dptotepa yEIpi YPWLEVOG ‘who uses the
left hand’ (H.) and establish a substrate etymon should be neglected: Aatdc cannot be
separated from Lat. laevus, etc.
Aatds 2 [m.] a kind of thrush, ‘Petrocichla (cyanus, saxatilis). <GR?>
eETYM Perhaps from Adac ‘stone’; cf. MoGr. metpo-xdcovgoc ‘thrush’. See
Thompson 1895 s.v.
Aatonia [n.pl.] a kind of shield, made of raw skins (E 453 = M 426 Aatorjia te
mtepdevta, Hdt. 7, 91 WpoBoéns Meo péva), used by the Cilicians. < PG(v)>
eETYM For the ending, compare the instrument names in -1lov, -elov; it recalls
Adotog ‘rough’, but is further unclear. See Triimpy 1950: 38f. :
Fur.: 182 compares Aaita- néAt1 ‘shield’ H., Aaidac: | donic amd BUpong ‘shield made
of a hide’ (Theognost. Can. 9, Zonar.), as well as AdSoc, etc. ‘light, cheap cloth’,
although the latter is not very convincing. The gloss Xatodc 1) maxeta eEwyic ‘thick,
one-sleeved tunic’ (H.) should probably be excluded as well. If the comparison with
Aaita and Aaidac is correct, the word must be Pre-Greek.
Aaitpa [n.] ‘depth, gulf of the sea’ (Il.). <?>
eETYM Connected with > Aatudc ‘throat’, assuming suffixes -t-ya (like in Ge-t-p-a,
Chantraine 1933: 180). If this connection is correct at all (the semantics are not
compelling), it rather points to Pre-Greek origin, from a pre-form *la#’m- (Fur::
322° rather connects it with the obscure word Aaiya [n.] [Ar. Av. 1563]).
Aaiga [?] - domic (H.); cf. AaiBa: domic, méATH (H.). <PG(V)>
eETYM Given the variant, the gloss is clearly Pre-Greek. Note also Aaiac: donidac
(H.); cf. Fur.: 238. Fur.: 170 compares Aaigoc, Aaigr ‘old garment, sail’, but he gives
no further explanation. One may imagine that the sails were made of skins, like the
shield.
Aatpacow [v.] ‘to swallow, gulp down’ (Nic. Th. 477); Aalpacoovtes: yrAapodvtec
‘groping’ (H.). <PG(v)>
eETYM A cross between Aatudoow and Aagtvoow has been proposed, but such crosses
are posited too easily, and can hardly be demonstrated. If correct, the gloss
Aapadooovtes is after Apaooovtec. On the other hand, the variation @/p is well-
known in Pre-Greek words. The meaning of Aapai: dvatdeic, Opaceic, otvyvat,
toAunpai ‘shameless, bold, hated, daring’ (H.), where Schmidt reads Aadpai,
deviates too much. The word Aatpic: Sdmavog i Bopdc ‘extravagant, gluttonous’
(H.), which too is uncertain, looks like a back-formation (acc. to Maas ByzZ 37
(1937): 380, it is an error for Adve).
Aaigos [n.] ‘ragged cloth, old garment’ (Od., h. Hom.); ‘cloth, sail’ (poet. Alc. Z 2, 7; h.
Ap. 406). <2
VAR Aaign [f.] ‘id’ (Call.).
eETYM Unexplained. Fur.: 170 unconvincingly compares > Aaiga - domtic.
Aatynpdc [adj.] ‘swift, quick, nimble’ (Il.). <?>
*DER Aaiynpa [adv.] (E; perhaps also X 24, see Leumann 1950: 165f.).
82.6 AakaCw
*ETYM The analysis as an expressive transformation of aiynpods after e.g. AdBpoc
‘violent, boisterous’ may be possible, but it is not evident. Frisk compares Zépupoc
.. AaBpoc B 148 beside davéuwv Aaunpa KéAevOa ‘the quick paths of the winds’, 5 17.
Another possibility is acompound of » Aa- and > aiynpdc.
AaKkdlw eVAR Aakeiv, Aaxépvta, etc. =AdoKw.
Aakdpa, -n [f.] tree-name, probably ‘bird cherry, Prunus avium’ (Thphr.). <?>
eVAR v.Il. Aevkdpa, AaxdOn. Cf. the gloss Aaxdptn <i> Aakdpr: ee tt (HL).
eETYM Unexplained.
Aaxedaitiwv, -ovos [f.] town and country on the river Eurotas (Il.). <PG?>
eDIAL Myc. ra-ke-da-mi-ni-jo /Lakedaimnios/ and __ [ra-Jke-da-mo-ni-jo
/Lakedaimonios/, cf. Lejeune RPh. 68 (1994): 165-168.
eDER Aakedaysdviog [m.] ‘inhabitant of L.’ (Hdt.), also as adj. (fem. almost only
Adkatva, see > Adkwv); AaxedaytoviCw = Aakwvitw (Ar. Fr. 95).
eETYM The meaning of the appellative is unknown, so the name remains without
etymology. Several proposals: a) to Aakeddyia: Bdwp aApvpdv dAcl memtoNLEvov
[GAuct émexupévov Latte], 6 mivovotv of tHv Maxkeddvwv daypoikor ‘bitter water
[poured over groats] which the M. countrymen drink (H.); b) the second member is
Saipwv in the sense ‘part’ (Bechtel 1921, 2: 370); c) dissimilated from *Aaxev-aitiwv,
to » Adxwv and another ethnonym Aitwv (Szemerényi Glotta 38 (1960): 14ff. with
ample discussion).
Acc. to Fick 1905: 90, however, it is rather a Hellenisation of a Pre-Greek word. Frisk
thinks that Adxwv is a shortened form of Aake- Saytovioc; the element Aaxe- is
found in Adxe-Qev, a deme of Eretria.
Aaképvta ‘sbd. who cries’. =Aayxpvfeo8a.
Aaxic, -iSo¢ [f.] ‘rent, rag, tatters of clothes’ (Alc. A.). <I1E? */h,k->
eVAR Often Aakidec [pl.].
*DER Denominative Aaxilw (also with mept-) [v.] ‘to tear’ (Lyc., AP) with Aakiopata
‘shreds’ (E.), Aaxtotdc ‘torn to shreds’ (Antiph.); also Aaxtd-dojtat [v.] ‘to be torn (to
shreds) (Dsc.). Besides Adxn Pdxn. Kpfitec ‘rags’ (H.), Adknua ‘rent, fragment’
(pap.), cf. on » AdoKw.
eETYM The plural Adxn may belong to the s-stem */acus, supposed in Lat. lacerare ‘to
tear’ (cf. vulnerare : vulnus), unless it is a recent innovation from pax. The adjective
lacer, -era, -erum ‘torn’, which is attested later, would then be a back-formation. For
Aaxic, one could assume both a nominal (*AdKoc?) and a verbal basis (Chantraine
1933: 338, Schwyzer: 465), and likewise for Adxnpia (cf. Chantraine 1933: 178). The
only trace of an old primary verb (which was replaced by Aaxilw) is anéAnka:
anéppwya. Kbmpto (H.). Latin, too, has given up this verb in favor of denominative
lacerare. The Latin n-stem lacin-ia [f.] ‘edge of a garment’ belongs here too. An n-
stem is surmised in MoP raxna ‘rent, cleft’ (Benveniste 1935: 15; doubted by WH s.v.
lacer).
It is difficult to posit an IE root for Aak- and related forms: perhaps */h,k-?
Aaréw 827
AadxKKoG 1 [m.] ‘pond, cistern, pit, reservoir’ (IA). <IE? *loku- ‘lake, pond’.>
eCOMP As a first member e.g. in AaKkd-mAovtOs [m.] ‘who hides his wealth in a
cistern’, epithet of Callias, etc. (Plu.); as a second member in the hypostasis mpo-
AaKK-lov (Arist.), mpoo-AdKK-tov (Gal.) ‘pre-, side-cistern’; cf. mpo-dot-tov.
*DER Aaxk-atoc ‘sprung from a X.’ (Hell.), -wdng¢ ‘full of 1’. (Gp.), -dptog ‘guard of a
rN (gloss.), -iGw [v.] ‘to dig a A? (Suid.). Aaxxiov name of the small harbour in
Syracuse (D. S.).
eETYM Perhaps from IE *loku-; see Schrijver 1991: 422ff, 475. Greek would have to go
back to a zero grade */kuo-.
Beside the o-stem Adkkog, there are several western and northern languages with an
u-stem: Lat. lacus ‘lake, pond, pit, etc.’, Olr. loch ‘lake, pond’, OS lagu ‘lake, water’,
OCS loky ‘Adxxoc’. It has been assumed that Adxxoc stands for *AdKf-oc, but the
development of *-ku- > -xx- is unexpected.
Aaxkos 2 [m.] ‘kind of dye, lac (Peripl. M. Rubr. 6). «LW Ind.>
*DER Aaxkoéw [v.] ‘to we with lac’ (PLond. 2, 191, 10 [II?]: oxovtAta EvAtva
Aehakkwpléva).
eETYM From Prakr. lakkha < Skt. laksd ‘lac’.
Aaknatéw, AaktiGw =Adé.
Aaxxa [f.] a plant-name, = dyxovoa (Ps.-Democr.). <LW Ind.>
*DER Aakydivog (Edict. Diocl.).
*ETYM A foreign word, probably from Prakr. lakkha ‘lac’ (see » Adxkog 2); cf. the
explanation of the borrowing into Lat. lacca(r) in Plin. Val. 2, 17: herba quaedam
unde vermiculatae pelles tinguntur, ‘certain herbs by which vermiculated skins are
painted’.
Adkwv, -wvos [m.] “Laconian, Lacedaemonian’, name of an inhabitant of Laconia
(Lacedaemon), also as an adjective (fem. also Aaxwvic) “Laconian, Lacedaemonian’
(Thgn., Pi.). <PG?>
eVAR Adkatva [f.].
eCOMP Few compounds like Aaxwvo-piavéw ‘imitate Lacedaemonian manners’, ico-
Adkwv ‘enemy of Sparta’ (Ar.).
eDER Aakwvikdc ‘Laconian’ (IA), Aaxwviov name of a female cloth (pap.); Aakwvitw
‘behave, be minded or speak like a Laconian’ (Att.) with Aaxwv-totai [m.pl.]
‘supporters of the L.’, -tojidc “Laconian-friendly behaviour’ (X.).
*ETYM Acc. to Dittenberger Herm. 41 (1906): 196, hypocoristic for official
Aakedaysovioc, which is why the fem. Adkoatva (for Aaxedaytovia) is found almost
everywhere. Krahe IF 57 (1940): 119 supposes the name to be Illyrian and connects
Lacinium, a promontory in southern Italy, Iuno Lacinia.
Fur.: 171” thinks that the suffix -atva is Pre-Greek.
AaAéw [v.] ‘to talk, chat, prattle’ (Att.), ‘to speak’ (Arist., Hell.), MoGr. also ‘to drive’
_ (of cattle, etc.), properly ‘to talk into going’. <1E? *lal- ONOM>
eVAR Aor. AaAfjoat.
¢CcomP Also with prefix, e.g. dta-, kata-, TEpt-, OVV-, ék-.
828 hap Bavw
*DER Backformations: 1. A\dAog ‘chattering’ (Att.) with Aadio-tepoc, -tatoc, also
katdAaloc from kata-Aahéw; poetical transformations Aadtdc, Aaddetc ‘id.’ (AP); 2.
AaAN [f.] ‘chatter’ (Com. Adesp., Luc.).
Other derivations: 1. X\aAtd ‘chatter, talk’ (Att., Hell.), also with kata-, ovv- from
Kata-AaAéw. 2. AGAMA, AdANotc ‘id.’ (Att.). 3. AaANTdc¢ ‘able to speak’ (LXX),
TteptddAntog ‘much discussed’ (Agath.); AaArytiKdg ‘chattering’ (Ar.). 4. AaAntpic¢ [f.]
‘gossip’ (AP), AdAnOpoc ‘twaddler’ (Lyc., AP), cf. otwuvAnOpoc, Chantraine 1933:
372f. 5. With extension -y- (cf. ouapayéw, oipwlw, the suffix -wyn, etc., Chantraine
1933: 401): Aakayéw [v.] ‘to babble, chirrup, chirp’, of unarticulated ‘sounds (Pi.
Theoc., AP), also AahdCw, -d&ou [v.] ‘id’ (Anacr., H.); also Aaday-1, -NLa, -17TH¢
(Opp., AP, H.); AdAayec: xyAwpoi Patpayxot ... oi dé dpvéov eiddc pact ‘pale green
frogs, ... others: a kind of bird’ (H.). With geminate: AdAAat [f.pl.] ‘pebbles’ (Theoc.,
H., EM).
eETYM The ending is like in ouapayéw, xehadéw, Boupéw and other sound-verbs (cf.
Schwyzer: 726°). An onomatopoeic elementary formation, like e.g. Lat. lalldre, Lith.
laluoti, MoHG allen.
AauBavw [v.] ‘to take, grasp’ (post-Hom.). <IE *sleh,g”- ‘take, grasp’>
eVAR Aor. AaPetv (il.), reduplicated med. AchaBéoBan (5 388), pass. Aa@pOFvat (Ion.),
Anpoivar (Att.), AnuPOFvat (Hell.); fut. Adyoua (Ion.), Ad[u]weta (Alc.), see
Hamm 1957: 145, 2sg. Aawr) (Dor.), Afyyoua (Att.), Afwyoua (Hell.); perf. efAnpa
(Att.), eikaga (Dor.), AehdBryka (Ion. Dor. Arc. also Att.), med. eiAnupat (Att.),
hE€ATPaL (trag.), A€EAGupaL, AeAa@Oat (Ion.).
*COMP Very often with prefixes in various mgs.: dva-, KaTQ-, €7l-, MApa-, TEpl-, OVV-,
bm10-.
*DER Many derivatives are technical words with specific mgs::
A. From AaGetv: 1. AaB ‘grip, point of application, etc’ (Alc. [AdBa], TA),
compounds like ovAAar ‘grip, syllable, etc.” (A. Att.); AaBic [f.] ‘grip, clamp,
tweezers’ (Hell.) with AaBidiov (Dsc., Gal.), avti-, Kata-, mepi-AaBevs ‘handle of a
shield, peg, etc. (H., medic.), AdBtov ‘grip’ (Str.), dmoAGBetov ‘clamp’ (Ph. Bel.). 2.
-haBog in compounds like épyo-AdB-oc¢ [m.] ‘contractor’, whence -éw, -ia (Att,
Hell.). 3. -AaBrc, eg. ev-AaB-r¢ (to eb AaBetv) ‘careful’, with -éopat, -eta (TA). 4.
AhaBEtoc PN (Att. epigr.). .
B. From full-grade forms (Arjouat, An@Orvat): 1. Ava (ava-, etc.) “acceptance,
assumption, etc.’ (Att.). 2. Afjyic (avd-, etc.), Hell. Aric ‘capture, apprehension,
attack of a disease’ (Hp., Att.), amtd-, did-Aapyic = a7d-, Sia-Aryic (Mytil. and Cyme,
etc.). 3. -An(u)mtwp, e.g. ovA-Arm-twp with ovAArntp-ta ‘participant, assistant’
(Att.). 4. dva-, Kata-Aim-tip ‘scoop’, ‘clamp’, resp. (Hell), ava-Anntp-ic [f.]
‘connection’ (Gal.). 5. mapa-Ar(W)m-tI¢ ‘tax collector’ (Hell.), mpoowno-Arn-119¢
‘who looks after the person’ (NT). 6. Anmttkdc ‘receptive’ (Arist.), further in
compounds like émAnmtixds ‘epileptic’ (to émiAnyic, Hp.). 7. ovA-AnB-dSnv [adv.]
‘taken together’ (Thgn., A.).
On »AdBpog, see s.v5 on dugi-Aagric see > AAPUPOV.
eETYM From Aegin. AhaBwv, Att. AhaBEtog and eiAnga (as well as Hom. é\AaBov),
we have to infer IE *sl-. The Hom. present AdCopat (AayBavw was an innovation)
dure 829
points to IE *-g’-, so the root must have been IE *sleh,g”-. The aspiration in eiAngpa
may be secondary (cf. Schwyzer: 772); however, perhaps another verb for ‘grasp’ (see
> Ad~ipa) was involved; some other forms may have been influenced by this verb as
well.
The zero grade A\aB- must be secondary anyway, for *s/h,g”- would have yielded a
form with long a. LIV? connects OE /@cc(e)an ‘to seize’, but this presupposes two
secondary developments: loss of s-mobile and creation of a-vocalism in the present.
See LIV? s.v. *sleh,g’-. See » AGCopau.
AduBSa —AGBSa.
apa =apv poc.
Aap [f.] ‘foam’, e.g. on the surface of wine, ‘phlegm, mucus’; metaph. ‘filth, decay’,
of the underworld (A. Eu. 387, Dsc., Plu.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Also kann (Hp., Diph.). Fur. 316 adduces antic: Aatthv ~Aeyov TOV Taxdv
aepov ‘thick foam’ (H.), etc.
*DER Aa(u)mwd1¢ (also -mm-) ‘covered with foam’ (Hp., Erot., Gal.), Aaumnpds ‘id’
(Hp. apud Gal.).
*ETYM The connection with » Adumw (see Frisk) does not explain the forms without
nasal. These point to a Pre-Greek word. Grodelj Ziva Ant. 2 (1952): 212 connects it
with > Aéttw. See » AEuqoc.
Aaumrvy [f.] ‘a covered wagon’ (S. Fr. 441, Hell., com., LXX; acc. to Polem. Hist. a
Tegeatan word, acc. to others Thessalian). Also pa, Opdvoc (Porphyr. in Ptol. 49).
<PG(S,V)>
eVAR Also Aartiviy 1) Guaka ‘wagon’ (Su., Lex. Ambr. ined. 137), probably itacistic for
*hamryvn (Fur.: 285).
DER Aaumiywikai ductor (LXX).
*ETYM Ending like in &nrvn, Kanava. The word is evidently Pre-Greek, because of
the prenasalization and the suffix -vn.
Adurtw [v.] ‘to lighten, glow’, act. also ‘to illuminate’ (Il.). <1E? *leh,p- ‘glow, light’>
eVAR Aor. Aduyau, fut. Aduyw (1A), perf. 3sg. A€Aaumte with present mg. (E.), aor.
pass. AappOfvat (J.).
eCOMP Often with prefix, e.g. dmo-, &x-, év-, €ml-, DTO-.
DER 1. Aaimtdc, -ado¢ [f.] “torch, torch-race’ (IA), also poet. adj. ‘lit by torch’ (S.);
Aaumadtov ‘small torch’ (Att.); Aapmad-iac [m.] name of a comet and of the
constellation Aldebaran (Chrysipp.), see Scherer 1953: 121f., -itn¢ ‘torch-runner’
(Pergamon III"); Aapmad-tog ‘ptng. to a torch’ (pap.), -teiog ‘id.’ (Delos III*), see
Chantraine 1933: 93; -tkéc ‘id. (sch.); Aapmadetov ‘torch-holder’ (Eleusis IV’), cf.
Avyvetov. Denominatives: a AapmadiCw [v.] ‘to participate in a torch-run or a torch-
procession’ with Aaumadiotai [pl.] ‘participants in a torch-run’ (Delphi II*); b.
Aap ttadevouau, -ebw [v.] ‘id. to treat as a Aaumag (D. S. Ph.) with AXaunadeia “torch-
procession’ (Priene III-II*), 2. Aauntrp, -fpoc [m.] ‘lighter, torch, lantern’ (Od.),
with Napntipta [n.pl.] name of a festival (pap.). 3. Adwywtc [f.] ‘lighting’ (LXX, Ph.),
especially in compounds like didAquyic (Arist.), etc. On »Aauydavy ‘cabbage,
830 AaLLvPdG
Brassica arvensis’, see s.v. 4. Aaumtndwv, -dvoc [f.] ‘lustre, glow’ (Epicur., D. S.). 5.
Aoyttvpic [f.] ‘glow-worm’ (Arist.), with Aqumupilw [v.] ‘to shine like a glowworm’,
also ‘to illuminate’ (Thphr., pap.), perhaps dissimilated from *Aaim-viic? 6. Aapitpdc
‘shining, gleaming’ with Aautmpdtn¢, AattMpdvw “to illuminate’, med. ‘to show’ (IA),
with Aaumpuv-tie (late); as a first member with dissimilation in Adtmovpoc name of
a dog (Theoc.), -ovpic [f.] fox’ (A. Fr. 433, Lyc.). 7. bmo-, mept-Aaumt-n¢ ‘shining
below, around’ (Hes. Sc, Ph., Plu.). 8. Lengthened verbal forms: Aauimetawv (-dwv)
[ptc.] ‘shining’ (A 104); explanation uncertain, see Schwyzer: 705, Leumann 1950:
181f., Chantraine 1942: 358; Aqundtw = Adytmw (Man.). 9. Several PNs: Adpoc,
Aqurnetidnc, Aapitetin, Adtmtoc, -tw, Aapimad-iwv, -iokoc, Aam(t)petcs; see
Bechtel 1917b: 621, Fraenkel 1910: 236, Schwyzer: 337.
*ETYM Both the verbal and the nominal forms derive from the nasal present Adpinw.
Without a nasal, we find Hitt. lapp-*' / lapp- ‘to glow, flash’; with a long vowel (from
IE *leh, p- or *loh,p-), some Baltic words for ‘torch, flame’: Lith. l6pé, Latv. lapa, OPr.
lopis; with short a-vowel, but deviating in auslaut, we find Olr. lassaim ‘flame’, W
llachar ‘glow’, which can go back to *laps-. LIV? reconstructs *leh,p- ‘aufleuchten’,
but it is doubtful whether this material proves IE origin. Cf. » Aqutavn and > Ao@vic.
Is it possible to explain Aqutmndav, Aayitupic as Greek formations? The nasal present
is difficult, for what would be the outcome of */h,mp-?
Aapvpds [adj.] ‘voracious, avaricious, eager, coquettish’ (X., com., Hell.). <PG(S,v)>
*DER Aauupia ‘voluptuousness, coquetry’ (Plu.), Aaytupic [f.] “dewlap’ (sch. Luc. Lex.
3), Aaptupdoat H. s.v. AaGapvferv. Further Adyua [f.] name of a man-eating monster
(Ar.), of a shark (Arist.); in this mg. also Adttva. or -vn (Opp.); (ta) AGA = yaopaTta
‘chasms’ (EM, H.); cf. Aapiupa BaAacoa (EM 555, 57). Name of a hero Adttog (k 81).
Lycian TN Aduvpa (Aitivupa), HN Aduvpoc; suggestion in Heubeck Beitr. z.
Namenforsch. 1 (1949): 281.
*ETYM For the formation of Aattupdc, cf. yAagupdc, BdeAupdc, etc. Adtt-14 has
retained -t4, like métvwa (see Chantraine 1933: 98). There seems no basis for the
comparison of Aaivpdc¢ with Lat. lemurés ‘roaming ghosts of those who died at a
wrong time, or who died a violent death’.
From Ada was borrowed Lat. lamia [f.] ‘vampire’; perhaps also lamium [n.] ‘dead
nettle’, from *Adyitov? The form Aatdc ‘cleft’ (sch. Hor. Ep. 1, 13, 10; Adytoc LSJ) does
not exist.
The word (note the suffix -vp-) is probably Pre-Greek, and related to Aapbaow ‘to
swallow’ with interchange 1/@; see Fur.: 225. Perhaps » Aaitdc is also related. Fur.:
further connects AdBpos, which is possible but uncertain.
Aan avn [f.] ‘kind of cabbage, Brassica arvensis’ (Dsc., Gal; pap.), acc. to Strémberg
1940: 24 because of the gleaming color. <PG(v)>
eVAR Also Aaw-, Aey-. Further Aawavy: THV aypiwv Aayavuwv éoBtoptevn ‘edible wild
vegetable’ (H.). and Ada: yoyyvvic. Tepyaiot ‘turnip’ (H.).
*ETYM The variants prove Pre-Greek origin (note the different vocalism in Aew-),
while connection with » Adimw remains doubtful.
AGE 831
AavOavw [v.] ‘to escape notice, be unknown. or unnoted; to make sbd. forget sth’,
med. ‘to forget’ (Il.+). <1E *Jeh,- ‘remain unnoticed or hidden’>
eVAR Also ArOw (AnBavw n 221), aor. AaGeiv, AcAaGetv, -Eo8ai (ém-Afjoot v 85), fut.
Anjow (Il), perf: A€AnBa (IA), med. A€Aaopat (Hom.), A€Aoytct (Att.), late aor.
ArjoacBat, AnoGFjVvau, Dor. Aeol. AGBw, Adow, Adoat, AEAABa.
eCOMP Also with prefix, especially ém-.
*DER A. from AaQeiv, -EoOat: 1. AdOpn, -a [adv.] ‘secretly’ (Il.), AdOpa (h. Cer. 240)
with AaOpaiog ‘secret’ (1A); AdBptog (S. Ichn. 66 [lyr.], Hell.), -idtoc, -tptatog (late)
‘id.’ NaBpaSav [adv.] (Corinn.), like kpupddav; aBpn-Sov, -54, -dic (late); as a first
member \aOpo- in compounds like \a8pdé-vupgos ‘secretly married’ (Lyc.), instead
of the older variant AGO- in forms like AaGt-Kndij¢ (X 83), properly “hiding sorrow”,
but also ‘making forget sorrows’; cf. A\G@l- sub C. 2. AaOntIKdc ‘which escapes notice’
(Arist.), AdOnotg (sch. Gen. A 36) ; 3. AdBoc [n.] ‘forgetfulness’ (MoGr. for *AfPoc,
AaBoc sub B.).
B. From AnOetv: 1. ArfOn, Dor. Ada ‘forgetfulness’ (B 33) with AnBaiog ‘forgetful
(Call, Lyc.), also AnOrpwv, AnOwdnc, APtoc (H.). 2. A&Boc [n.] = ANOn (Theoc.);
AaBoovva [f.] ‘id. (E. IT 1279, uncertain). 3. AnQedwv, -dvoc [f.] ‘id’ (AP, API.) with
AnBedavdc = AnOaiocg (Luc.). 4. éx-An-olg (wW 485), émi-Ad-o1g (Pi. P. 1, 46)
‘forgetfulness’, from éx-, émt-ArOetv; from the simplex further Afjo-tic ‘id’ (S., E.),
which is typologically older. 5. Arjo-wwv ‘forgetting, forgetful (Them.) with
Anopootvn (Hes. Th. 55, S. Ant. 151), after pwnuoobvn; émAno-pwv ‘id.’ (Att.) with
EmANOLov-1, -Loobvn (Crat. LXX), émAnopov-éw (late), Anoptov-€w (MiGr. and
MoGr.); details in Georgacas Glotta 6 (1958): 167f. (not always correct).
C. As a first member in verbal governing compounds: 1. Anoi-tBpotoc ‘taking men
by surprise, deceiver’ (h. Merc.); 2. AaBi-movoc ‘forgetting (or: making forget)
sorrows’ (S.), cross with Ad O1-; 3. Aa8-dvettoc “escaping the wind’ (Simon.).
Cf. also » GAnOrj¢ and » dAaotoc; unrelated is » Anta.
*ETYM At the base of the Greek system stands the present ArjOw, AGOw. Beside this are
found, from the earliest sources on, the thematic zero grade aorists AGOeiv and
AehaGeiv, -Eo8a together with the perf. med. A€Aaoptoat and some isolated nominal
derivatives, especially the couple AdOpa : AaOt- (Beckwith KZ 112 (1999): 78-85 argues
that the reduplicated thematic aorist of the type AéAa®ov is a Greek creation).
The nasal present AavOavw (beside An8w, which is better attested in Hom.) is
perhaps an innovation after |ta8etv : LkavOdvw. Though parallels (100w : mboc, Bpi8w
: Bptapdc) are not very strong, the -8- must be a presentic element in AnOw. A form
without dental enlargement indeed seems to be found in Afjto: émeAdOeto, beside
Arto: éte<Ad>Geto (H.) (on the -t- see below). Lat. lated ‘to be hidden’ is probable a
denominative from *lato- ‘hidden’.
The combination with ToB Idt- ‘to go out, emerge’ is wrong, both formally and
semantically (see Adams 1999 s.v.), while the comparison with OCS lajati
‘évedpevetv, to ambush, lie in wait for’ and OCz. Idkati ‘id’ is now once again
defended, e.g. by LIV? s.v. 3, *leh,- (see also *leh,d'-) and Derksen 2008. The words
> AaiBapyoc and » AnBapyoc are Pre-Greek.
AE [adv.] ‘with the heel or foot’ (II). <PG?>
832 adc
eVAR Also (very rare) subst. (secondary back-formation) = Adxtioua (H.), ‘sole of
the foot’ (sch. A. R. 2, 106), see Thierfelder Sachs. Abh. 43:2: 423.
eCOMP As a first member in Aak-natéw ‘to tread (with the foot), trample underfoot’
(Pherecr. 136, S. Ant. 1275 v.l; cf. New-matrTO¢ s.v. Aetoc).
DER Ady-Snv = AdE (S. Fr. 683, 3). Denominative verbs: 1. AaxtiCw [v.] ‘to kick with
the foot or the hoof (Od.), also with prefix, e.g. dvti-, éx-; rather after the verbs in
-titw than from *Aakt, as per Schwyzer: 620; thence Adxtiopia (A., S.), AdKTILA
(pap., H.); (éx-)Aaktiop6c¢ (H.) ‘treading, pushing’; -totr¢ ‘who kicks with the foot’
(X.), -totixn, scil. téyvn (in boxing; late). 2. Aabag = Aaxtioac (Lyc. 137), AdCetv-
eEvBpitetv ‘to break out, go crazy’ (H.) with Aaypdc = Aaktiopdc (Antim.); AdKtic [f.]
‘pounder’ (Call., Nic.), back-formation from Aaktitw (see Schwyzer: 270)?
eETYM Formed like m¥&, yv¥&, O5da&, etc. but without a certain explanation. The
connection with Lat. calx ‘heel’ is semantically adequate, but even assuming
dissimilation from *kAdé, formal problems remain. Within Greek, the gloss Ankav-
TO Mpdc WSiv dpxetoBat ‘dance on a song’ (H.) could be compared; further, Ankfjoa,
Aakijoat- matdEar ‘strike, beat, knock, etc.” (H.) and several expressions for ‘limbs’,
like Lat. lacertus ‘upper arm’. Semantically, none is very convincing. Since a good IE
etymology is lacking, we may ask whether the word is Pre-Greek. See on » d6dE.
Aadg [m.] “(the common) folk, crowd, the military, tribe’ (Il, Dor., Hell.), in the NT
especially ‘the Jewish people’, plur. ‘the military, servants, subjects, serfs’, also ‘laity’
(LXX); sing. ‘follower’ (Hecat. 23 J.); elaborate discussion of use and spread by
Bjorck 1950: 318ff. «IE? *leh,-uo- ‘band of people’, PG?>
eVAR Ion. Ans (rare), IA Aewe (archaic and rare).
DIAL Myc. ra-wa-ke-ta /law-agetas/, cf. Chantraine 1956a: 88.
*COMP Many old compounds: Aafo-ntdAgjtoc, Fid-Aafog (Cor.), Aayétacg [m.]
‘leader of the people’ (Pi.) from AGF-ayetac (see Myc. above), AGéptnc, Aao-codoc
‘urging the men’ (Hom.), from »oetw, Aao-, Aew-Pdpocg ‘carrying the people,
public’, of streets, as a subst. ‘road’ (Il.), Mevédaos (Il.), -Aewe Att. (cf. Bjorck 1950:
104ff.), etc.
*DER Few derivatives (in part due to the synonym 6fjH0<, in part to homonymous
forms of Adag ‘stone’): 1. Aaixds “of the people, common’ (Hell.). 2. Aawdn¢ ‘popular’
(Ph., Plu.). 3. Anitoc PN (Il), Anitov [n.] (on the very rare suffix -tto- Schwyzer:
504), ‘town hall’ among the Achaeans (Hdt., Plu.) with the IA form for Aditov- 16
apxeiov ‘town hall’, Aaitwv- tv Sntociwv témwv “place of public affairs’ (H.); other
glosses: Arjtov (cod. Antdv)- Snpdotov, Anitn, oi S& Attn (cod. Anti) tépeta; cf.
Aatetdov ‘townhall’ (Su.). Aetév- BAGo@nuov (H.). Fur.: 23845 objects that -tto- is a
Pre-Greek suffix (cf. ibid. 163, 187). Derivation Anitiat: tyyepoviat, otpatial ‘leaders’
As an adjectival first member in Antovpyéw (Aeit-) [v.] ‘to fulfill a public office on
private means, provide a (public or ecclesiastical) service’, with Aytoupy-ia (Aett-)
‘service, liturgy’ (Att.), -6c, -ntia, etc. (Hell.), compounded *Anito-Fepy-éw to *Anita
épya, cf. » > Snutovpydc; also Arjt-apxoc¢ [m.] ‘public priest’ (Lyc. 991). Cf. also
> Acitwp.
AartiCw 833
*ETYM Like the Gm. word for ‘people’ (OHG liut, OE léod), ha(F)6c¢ was originally a
collective; from this form, the plural Aa(F)oi arose (just like liuti, leode), from which
the sing. Andc ‘follower’ was built, like liut ‘man’.
Most often connected with Hitt. Jahh- ‘campaign’ and Olr. Idech ‘warrior’. On
Antov, etc., see Gschnitzer Glotta 55 (1977): 190-207. Gschnitzer assumes that the
writings n and et instead of a show that the form came from the IA area. For the
etymology, he follows Heubeck and assumes that An-t-to- is a compound ‘von den
Leuten betreten’, i.e. ‘publicus’. This interpretation is not convincing, as the PN
Ajjtto<¢ (Il.) cannot be explained in this way. The form Aadg is rather Pre-Greek, and
has a Pre-Greek suffix -1t(0)-, which was recognized as such by Fur.: 163, 238, 303f.,
etc. This suffix is also found in e.g. BapBitoc, BdA(B)t tov, Mdgitov.
The word Agia ‘booty’ is not related.
AartaBov 1 [n.] ‘monk’s rhubarb, Rumex acetosa’ (Epich., Thphr.). < PG(s)>
eVAR Also -og [m., f]; -n [f.].
*COMP Also in compounds, eg. d&v-, immo-, Bov-Adma8ov (Dsc.).
*ETYM Because of the formation (cf. dvnPov), foreign origin is suspected. The gloss
as Botavn Kevwttk1] ‘purgative plant’ (sch. Theoc.), with AdmaGa [pl.] ‘faeces’ (sch.
Gen. E 166), recalls Aandoow.
AdnaGoc 2 [m.] ‘pitfall for wild animals’ (Democr. 122, plur.). <PG(s)>
eVAR Also -ov [n.] (H., Phot., Suid.).
eETYM Words in -8oc are often Pre-Greek; cf. »AGma8ov 1.
Aartapds [adj.] ‘weak, slack, hollow’ (Hp., Arist.). <PG?>
*DER Aattapdtns ‘weakness’ (Hp.); Aandpn [f.] ‘the weak flanks’, plur. ‘the flank(s)’
(Il.).
Further Aamtdoow, -ttw (-Cw Ath., H.) [v.] ‘to weaken, hollow out, empty’ (Hp.), also
‘destroy’ (A.), aor. AamtaEau, fut. AataEw; thence Admakic ‘evacuation’ (Arist., medic.),
AaTAyUa@v: éxkevwoewv ‘emptying’ (H.), AamaKtikdc¢ ‘evacuating’ (medic.). On
> AdmaGov ‘pitfall’, see s.v.
*ETYM For the formation of Aamtapds, cf. Aayapdc, yaAapdc, TAa-dapdc, etc., all with
similar meaning (Chantraine 1933: 227). A basic primary verb may have been
retained in éAawa- dtépOeipa. Kvmpiot ‘weakened, destroyed (Cypr.y (H.).
It is usually assumed that Aamdoow, -ttw is an extension of this, perhaps after
Larattw (cf. AaTatIwv WaAdttwv, Aayapov mowv H.). The meaning ‘to hollow out’
arose in the medical language from ‘to weaken’, referring to the stomach and the
intestines.
In the sense ‘to destroy’, AamdEetv, -Eat agrees with dAandCu, the relation of which to
Aanttdoow, -Cw has not been explained before, but the 4- could well be the Pre-Greek
prothetic vowel (see on » dAamdalw). Cf. Fur.: 350 and 371, who also combines forms
with Aera-.
ann ‘foam’. =Adyi7n.
Aanivw [v.] ‘to boast, swagger’ (S. Fr. 1062, Cic. Att. 9, 13, 4, AB, Phot., H.). <PG?(0)>
834 AatttTw
*DER Admuopta ‘boasting’ (Cic. l.c.), Aamoti¢ ‘swaggerer’ (LXX, H.), -iotpia, -1Kt1¢
(Phot., H.).
*ETYM Compared with Skt. ldpati ‘to chatter’ and the Slavic group of Ru. lepetat’ ‘to
stammer’, etc. (Pok. 677f.). However, a root of the shape Aan- is rather Pre-Greek
than cognate with Sanskrit.
Aantw [v.] ‘to lap with the tongue, drink greedily, gulp down’, especially of dogs, etc.
(Arist.). <PG?, ONOM>
eVAR Fut. Adyw (IT 161, Ar.), -ouat (Ar.), aor. Ada, -acBat (Ar., Pherecr., LXX),
perf. \ék&a (Ar. Fr. 598).
eCOMP Also with amo-, &k-, Tept-.
*DER Adntac: tobs popodvtas ‘gulping down’ (H.); also supposed in Aattayvia-
IloAvp<p>1viot (H.) by Latte Glotta 34 (1955): 197, who reads Adtta<c¢> (Cret. for
Aantac)- pia ‘fly’; further Adyic ‘gulping down’ (Arist.).
eETYM An onomatopoeic word. In other IE languages, we find Alb. lap ‘id.’, of dogs,
cats, Ru. Idpat’ ‘to devour’, Lith. lapénti ‘to absorb greedily’ (of swines), OE Japian,
MHG leffen ‘to gulp down’, MoHG lappen, MoFr. laper ‘id.’. Since Adrtw, A~Aaga
may be secondary to Adww, Adwat, Schulze KZ 52 (1924): 105 (= KI. Schr. 372) refers
to BSI. synonyms with k, like Lith. lakti, Ru. lokdt’ ‘Nantetv’, to which Ady, Adyat
(if with IE *k”) may correspond. However, as PIE had no *a, the word is rather Pre-
Greek. See >Aagicow.
Aapsdog [m.] ‘salted meat’ (pap. IV?). <Lw Lat.>
eCOMP Aapdnyoc ‘supplier of X.. (Abydos V-VIP).
*ETYM From Lat. lardum ‘id.’, gender after taptxoc [m., n.]? See »Aapivic.
Aapivdc [adj.] ‘fattened, fat’ (Xenoph., Ar., Eratosth.). <?>
*DER Aapivevouat ‘be fattened’ (Sophr.).
eETYM Unclear. Athough it is remarkable that AXapivdc has final stress and a long 7, it
recalls Lat. laridum > lardum (see on » \dpdoc) ‘bacon, salted meat’.
Aaptvdc [m.] name of an unknown sea-fish (Opp. H. 3, 399, H.). <?>
eDER Aapivevtic daAtets ‘fisher’, Aaptvaiov Kuptov ‘fishing net’: oi adteic TOV ék
Aexvrxéas, wéyav (H.).
*ETYM Both the long 4 and the meaning refute the connection with Adpog ‘sea-gull’
(as per Stromberg 1943: 120).
AdpKog [m.] ‘charcoal-basket’ (Ar.). <?>
*COMP Aapk-aywyde (E. Fr. 283), Aapko-popéw (D. C.).
*DER Aapkiov (Poll.) and -idtov (Ar.).
*ETYM Because of vapkiov: doxdv ‘bag, wineskin’ (H.), it has been derived from
*vdpkoc by influence of »Adpvak. Doubtful. On vapkiov, cf. » vapkn. Fur.: 305*
compares vdKos ‘fleece’, which is semantically far-fetched.
Adpvak, -aKog [f.] ‘chest, box, coffer, coffin’ (Il). <PG(s)>
*COMP Aapvaxo@p8dpos ‘killing in aA.’ (Lyc.).
*DERAapvaktov (Sm.).
Adoapov 835
eETYM The suffix is seen in other instrument names, like mivaé, kayak, KAipaé,
dippak. Note the gloss vapvak: xiBwtdc ‘id.” (H.) with dissimilation. There is no
etymology and the suffix is typically Pre-Greek. This means that the word itself is
probably Pre-Greek. Nehring Glotta 14 (1925): 185 points to Adpvaccog, which is an
old name of the IIldpvacooc acc. to EM 655, 5 et al.
Adpog [m.] name of a rapacious sea-bird, perhaps ‘sea-gull’ (Thompson 1895 s.v.),
often metaph. of demagogues (e 51, Ar., Arist.). < ONOM?>
DER Cf. Aapic [f.] “id.” (AP); perhaps also in o1ciAapoc: mépdié. Tepyaton ‘partridge’
*ETYM Often considered to be onomatopoeic, e.g. by Pok. 650. Cf. Arm. lor ‘quail’,
with a different vocalism. Perhaps the same word as » Aapdc. See » Aipoc.
Aapds [adj.] ‘delicious, sweet, fine’ (II.). <?>
*ETYM Blanc Glotta 76 (1998): 162-167, connects this word and > Aapivdc with
> dtoAatw ‘to enjoy, have the benefit of. Aapdc¢ means ‘invigorating, reinforcing’.
The superlative AXapwtatoc shows that the word was contracted from *Aafapoc or
*hafepoc (the first syllable can be replaced by two short syllables everywhere;
Chantraine 1942: 33). The form Aaptvdéc may simply be derived from Aapéc.
The root is given by Pok. 665 as *Idy-, but cognates are unclear: Slavic love
‘dexterous’ is hardly cognate on account of the meaning, while W Ilawen ‘merry’
points to *lay-, which itself points to a non-IE word rather than to */h,eu-.
Aapvys, -vyyos [m.] ‘upper part of the windpipe’ (Hp., com., Arist., Gal.). < PG(S,v)>
*DER Diminutive Aaptyyiov (Gal.), -td¢ ‘rapacious’ (Pherecr.) and a few
denominatives: 1. AKapvyy-itw [v.] ‘to cry loudly (Ar. D.); 2 -dw ‘id’ (AP); 3.
Aapvlel- Bod: ad tod Adpvyyos ‘cries; after the A.’ (H.); also 4. Aaptvet, of the dove
(Stud. itfilcl. 1, 95; 3, 496). Backformation Aapvyydc: uatatoAdyog ‘talking idle’ (H.).
eETYM The suggestion of a cross between pdpvy— and hatudc, which have earlier
attestations, is found in Strémberg 1944: soff., who discusses the meaning.
Nevertheless, such crosses should not be posited at random.
Formerly connected with Lat. lurco(r) ‘to devour, carouse’, MHG slurc ‘throat’ (Pok.
96s5f.). Frisk concludes, in accordance with Giintert 1914: 119: “If this analysis is
correct, then Adpuvy— must have been reshaped after papvyé in any case.” However,
in addition to the suffix -vyy-, the by-form Adpuyoc [gen.] (EM 788, 37) confirms
Pre-Greek origin (secondary origin is far from convincing; cf. DELG).
Adoava [n.pl.] ‘tripod or stand of a pot’, usually ‘nightstool’ (Hp., com.). <PG?>
VAR Rarely sing. -ov.
_ eCOMP Aacavo-@dpoc [m.] name of a slave (Plu.).
*DER Aacavitne Sippoc (pap.), mg. unclear; \dava- éniotatov ‘support, stand’ (H.).
*ETYM Instrument name in -avov (Chantraine 1933: 199), but otherwise obscure.
Borrowed as Lat. lasanum. On doa: tpdanela mAnpeotatn ‘overfull table’ (H.), see
> Adotoc. Perhaps Pre-Greek.
Adoapov [n.] “Omdc otAgiov, asafoetida’ (Aét., Alex. Trall., H.). <PG?>
eVAR Also -ap. :
836 AdoOn
DER -diplov (Aét.).
eETYM Unexplained foreign word. Cf. André 1961: 208f. Probably Pre-Greek.
AdoOn [f.] ‘insult, mockery’ (Hdt. 6, 67, AP 7, 345, H.). <PG?>
DER Cf. the glosses, all from H.: \do8w and AaodoOw: xAevalétw ‘scoff; AaoBat:
maitev ‘to joke’, ddtywpeiv ‘neglect’, Aodopeiv ‘revile’; AdoOwv- Kakodoyav
‘speaking badly’; Ado@ov- aicxpév ‘shameful’; AdoBac: ovppopac ‘misfortunes’.
AacBaiverv- kaKoAoyeiv (H.).
*ETYM Connection as A\do-01 with a root */as- as in Lat. las-civus ‘wanton, luxuriant,
lascivious’, Skt. 1d-las-a- ‘greedy’ is semantically inadequate. Perhaps Pre-Greek?
Adotog [adj.] ‘shaggy, woolly, overgrown with’ (IL). <?>
eCOMP Compounds like Aact-abx1v ‘with a hairy neck’ (h. Merc.).
DER AaowwWv, -Wvoc [m.] ‘thicket’ (Nic.), also as a TN; Aaciwtic, epithet of bAN (Epic.
Alex. Adesp.), cf. devdpmrttc (E.), etc.
eETYM Ifit is from *FAat-Loc, Adotog can be connected with words for hairy things, as
in Olr. folt ‘hair’ < IE *uolto-, OPr. wolti ‘ear (of corn)’, Lith. valtis ‘bunch of oats’,
Ru. vélot’ ‘fiber, ear; panicle’, SCr. vldt ‘ear’ < IE *uolti-; acc. to Solmsen KZ 42
(1909): 2144, the Gm. group of MoHG Wald ‘forest’ < IE *udltu- belongs here as well.
If from *yJtio- < IE *ult-io-, A\ado.ioc would differ from the words mentioned in root
ablaut. Speculations by Blanc RPh. 73 (1999). See » Adyvn.
Adoxw [v.] ‘to ring, crack’ (only for Adxeiv), ‘to splash’ (-ArnKéw), ‘to bang’ (AaKéw), ‘to
shout, scream, speak loudly’ (A., E., Ar.); for the mg. see Bjérck 1950: 280ff. <?>
eVAR Lengthened Aackdler pAvapei, Ownevet ‘talks nonsense, flatters’ (H.), émt-
Ankéw (8 379), (6ta-)AaKéw (Ar. Nu. 410, Theoc., Act. Ap. 1, 18), \aKdalw (A.), also
Adw in (d&d) Adwv? (cf. sv. PAdw), aor. Kdkeiv (IL, trag.), AeAaKéoOou (h. Merc.),
Adxkijoo (Ar. Pax 382), -AaKijoo (Ar. Nu. 410), fut. Aakroopat (Ar. Pax 381, 384),
perf. AéAnka (X 141), AéAaa (A. [lyr.], E., Ar.).
DER 1. From Aaxeiv: AdKoc: Txoc, wo@os ‘cry’; Aaxepdv: tyyaiov ‘resounding’, cod.
eikaiov (H.), A\aKxépula ‘screaming’, of kopwvn (Hes.), also kbwv; secondarily -Coc
(Schwyzer: 473, 4723); thence Aaxepvlw, -ouat (EM, H., Phot., Suid.), but see on
AayKvleo8a; Aakétac (AaK-?) ‘kind of cicada’ (Ael; cf. Gil Emerita 25 (1957): 318);
Adknpa ‘fragment’ (cf. Bjorck 1950: 282). 2. From Ankéw, Aakéw: Aakntip spit of
land of Cos (Fraenkel Nom. ag. 1: 162); Anxrytpta [f.] name of a goddess (Lyc. 1391)
belongs here too, acc. to Schwyzer RhM 75 (1926): 448 (codd. Anktnp-); Anknti¢
‘cryer’ and AdKeddvec [f.pl.] ‘shouting’ (Timo).
eETYM The system was created starting from the pair AdxKeiv : AéAaka, -1)Kka (cf.
Kpiyeiv : KéKpaya, etc.). From Adkeiv: Adoxw < *AdK-oKw, AdKalw, AGKijoalt,
AehakéoOa; from A€AGKa, -INKa: AdKéw, Ankéw, AGKjoat, as well as perhaps > Adw.
The form Aakroopat admits both interpretations, as the quantity is uncertain.
No etymology.
Adora [f.] - tdpvat ‘whores’ (H.). <PG(O)>
eDER Further Adotavpoc ‘kivaidoc, catamite’ (Theopomp., AP), tut-Adotavpoc
(Men.). Shortened form Adotpic (EM 159, 30).
AATpov 837
eETYM Adotaupos was hardly formed after xévtavpog (as per Frisk), in spite of the
gloss kévtavpot- ... Kai oi matdepactat (H.). Fur.: 383 connects Aaoitdc: Kivaudoc and
Aeottdc: mépvij. The element Aao-/Aaot-/Aeol- is clearly Pre-Greek, and probably
represents *Jat’- or *las’-. Therefore, it is unrelated to » At\Aaiopau.
Aarak 1, -ayos [f.] ‘drop of wine, dregs of wine (also in the game of kottabos) (Alc,
com.). <PG(S)>
°VAR Mostly plur. -ayec, sing. also -ay1.
eDER Aatayéw (Luc. Lex. 3), \atécow (Dor. vase-inscr.) [v.] ‘to throw away the dregs
(=Aatayec)’, NKatayetov ‘vase into which the A.s fall’ (Suid.).
eETYM Borrowed as Lat. latex, -icis ‘fluidity’, and reshaped after other nouns in -ex.
The -oo- in Aatéoow may be analogical and does not necessarily point to a variation
y: « (Schwyzer 496). Still, the word is probably Pre-Greek, in view of the suffix -ay-
and the semantic field (viticulture).
Aatak 2, -ayos [f.] name of a quadruped that lives in the water, perhaps ‘beaver’ (Arist.
HA). <PG(S)>
eETYM Unexplained. Perhaps somehow connected with Adta€ 1? Cf. Keller 1909: 186.
Like its homonym, this word is probably Pre-Greek.
Aatpeveia [f.] - SovAeia ‘slavery’ (H.). <PG(V)>
eETYM Contamination of dtpevia and Aatpeia has been assumed, e.g. in Fraenkel
Glotta 32 (1953): 24. Such proposed cross-forms are doubtful. Fur.: 392 points to
other instances of variation \- / zero; therefore, the word is most probably Pre-
Greek.
Aatpabdc [adj.] - Napupdc ‘gluttonous, lascivious’ (H.). < PG(V)>
eVAR Also Aatpab@v. dAalovevduevoc ‘boastful (H.); éeAatpapitov. Td
Bwpodoxevetv Kai Mavoupyetv AatpaBiterv gXeyov ‘to play low and villainous tricks’
(H.); AatpaBiferv- Eotovdacpéevwc Kai dorpuwe AaXeiv ‘to talk hastily and [therefore]
meaningless’ (H.); cf. Aatparia: Aapvpia peta EpvOpidcewc ‘voluptuousness with
blushing’ (H.). Also Adtpay: betdc ‘rain, shower’ (H.), cf. AatAay with similar mg.
*ETYM Fur.: 199 proposes to connect the following as well: Aatpdatewv- BapBapiterv ‘to
speak incomprehensibly’ (H.), AaOpodv. BAdntev ‘to hinder, damage’ (H.),
AaBapvterv: Aapvpd@oa, Stanpa—acGat ‘to be wanton or gluttonous, get something
done (by seduction?) (H.), and Aa8updatw. These attempts are uncertain. However,
the forms with AatpaB/n- are clearly Pre-Greek, because of the interchange they
display.
Aatpov [n.] ‘payment, hire’ (A. Supp. 1011), = pto8dc (Suid., EM). <PG>
eDER Adctptec, -toc [m., f.] ‘hired servant, handmaid’ (Thgn., S., E.); Adtptog ‘ptng. to a
hired servant or to the payment, etc.’ (Pi, Man.); Aatpeta, El. -eiw [v.] ‘to serve (for
wages), serve a god (with prayer and sacrifice) (Sol., Olympia VI’, trag., Isoc., X.),
with Aatpeia (trag., Pl, LXX, Ep. Rom., etc.), Aatpebuata [pl.] (S., E.) ‘service,
worship’, Aatpev-tdcg (LXX), -ttKd¢ (Ptol.) ‘ptng. to a servant, obedient’; Aatpevc
‘servant’ (Lyc.), from Aatpebw or Adtpov; Aatpwdn¢ ‘obedient’ (Vett. Val.).
838 AATUGOOPAL
eETYM As a North-West Greek word, Adtpov and derivatives were originally
unknown in Aeolic and Ionic, and even in Attic (see Bechtel 1921, 1: 207, Kretschmer
Glotta 17 (1929): 79). There is no convincing IE connection. Usually, Ad-tpov is
considered to contain a zero grade of words in Gm., BSL, and Ir., which go back to a
full grade IE *lé(i)- ‘provide, gain’ (Pok. 665). However, this is impossible, as a root
*lé- = *leh,- could never yield Greek Xa-. Therefore, we can be quite sure that the
word is of Pre-Greek origin.
From Hell. *Adtpwv was borrowed Lat. latr6 ‘hired soldier’.
Aatbooonat [v.] ‘clap, strike with the wings’ (Opp.). <>
*ETYM Expressive formation in -boow (cf. aifvoow, nteptooopat), but otherwise
unclear. The word Aatdcow (see » Ad tak 1) is conceptually too far off.
Aavkavin [f.] ‘throat’ (Il.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Later usually Aev-, see below.
*ETYM Formation like aptnpia, etc. from an unattested *AavK-avov (or -avoc, -v1)).
An aspirated by-form appears in havxydvi- yA@ooa ‘tongue, language’ (H.). Since
there are no certain correspondences (Lith. liauka ‘gland’ has been proposed, but
does not convince), and as there is a variant with -x-, Pre-Greek origin is almost
certain. The form in \ev«- (v.l. in Hom.) may be folk-etymological after Xevkdc, but
may also be due to substrate origin.
Aavpa [f.] ‘narrow street, narrow passage, alley, quarter’ (II.). <PG>
eVAR Ion. -pn.
*COMP didAavpoc: oikia peydAn mavtaydb_ev Aavpatc dietAnpévry ‘a large house
surrounded by narrowstreets on all sides’ (H.).
DER Perhaps Aatpetov (-eov, -tov) [n.], a mount in Attica with famous silvermines
(Hdt., Th.), after the mine galleries?; in H. also Aabpov-: uétakAov apytpov mapa
AO1vaiotc ‘a silvermine (Athens)’. Adjective Aaupe(l)wtixdc ‘belonging to A.’ (Ar.).
eETYM Used to be connected with Adac ‘stone’, and further with Alb. leré, -a ‘rock-
slip’, but this comparison must be dropped, as » Adac did not have a -w-. Doubts
already in Schwyzer: 481 and 578". The word is no doubt Pre-Greek (note the name
of the mountain).
Aa@ipa [n.pl.] ‘booty’ (IA). <PG(s)>
eVAR Also -ov [sg.].
eCOMP As a first member in e.g. Aa@upo-mwAng [m.] ‘who sells booty’ (X.).
eDER Aagupetw (LXX), -éw (Aq.) [v.] ‘to plunder’.
eETYM The traditional analysis as a suffix -p-, added to a u-stem from the root of SKt.
ladbhate ‘to take, seize’, is wrong. The word has the suffix -tp-, which is Pre-Greek
(Pre-Greek: Suffixes).
Aagtoow [v.] ‘to swallow, gulp down’ (Il.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Aor. Aagvéau.
eDER Aagvypdc (com. AP), Adpvktc (Ath.), Aagbypata [pl.] (epigr.) ‘gluttony’;
AaPvKTN<s ‘gourmand’ (Arist.); also AKapvotiog ‘gluttonous, devoured’ (Lyc.), cf. Zed
aXvy 839
Aagvottocg (Hdt. 7, 197; from Aagtotiov dpoc in Boeotia), in whose cult human
sacrifices occurred.
eETYM Formation in -boow related to »Adntw as a Pre-Greek word. Fur.: 225 also
connects it with > Aatkay ‘storm, hurricane’, » Aawupdc ‘voracious, eager’, and the
family of Aatpdc ‘impudent’.
Aaxaivw [v.] ‘to dig’ (A. R., Call. prefixed since w 242). <PG?(S)>
eVAR Aor. Aatxivat.
eCOMP Also with augt-, éx-, dia-.
*DER \dxavov [n.], usually -a [pl.], ‘garden-herbs, vegetables’ (IA); often as a first
member, e.g. Aaxavo-nwArje¢ “‘greengrocer’ (Critias, pap.).
Thence: 1. diminutives Aayaviov (D. L., pap.), -i6tov (H.). 2. Aayavici, -dv ‘taxes on
vegetables’ (Inscr. Magn., Sammelb.), hayavapiov: herbarium (gloss.). 3. Aayav-ac
(Hdn. Gr.), -evc¢ (Procl.) ‘greengrocer’. 4. Aayav-wd1j¢ (Arist., Thphr.), -1pdc
(Thphr.), -to¢ (Jul., Ostr.) ‘ptng. to vegetables’. 5. Aayavetw [v.] ‘to plant, cultivate,
harvest vegetables’ (pap., Str., App.) with Aayaveia ‘cultivation, etc. of vegetables’
(LXX, pap., J.), also Aaxyav-ia ‘gardenbed’ (H., sch., also pap., but cf. Scheller 1951:
68f.); Aaxavev-pa ‘cultivation of vegetables’ (Procl.), -tr\¢ ‘greengrocer’ (pap.). 6.
Aaxyavifouat, -w [v.] ‘to harvest vegetables, graze (of horses)’ (EM, Hippiatr.), with
-toudc (Th. pap., Hippiatr.). Doubtful is kay in A. Th. 914 (lyr.): tagwv tatpwwv
Aaya ‘the digging of the forefathers’ graves’ (sch.), which should rather be read as
AaXat to » Aayyavu, s.v.
*ETYM The substantive for ‘vegetables’ is probably of Pre-Greek origin, as suggested
by the suffix -avov. The denominative simplex Aayaivw, which has only late
attestations, is probably a back-formation from compounded forms; cf. especially
augi-Aaxaivw (w 242). See the remarks by Perpillou in DELG Supp. and Perpillou
RPh. 73 (1999): 96.
Aaxeta [adj.] epithet of vijcoc ‘island’ (t 116), aktH ‘cape’ (K 509), v.l. eAdxeta (see
éhaxvc for the accent; cf. Schwyzer: 474', Chantraine 1942: 191). Mg. uncertain,
explained by H. as e¥oxagocg kai edvyetoc, napa TO AaxaivecBau, 5 éott OKATTEDBaUL
TuKvws ‘easy to cultivate, with good soil, after \., which means to dig in dense rows’.
<?> .
eETYM The commentary by H. is folk etymology. The connection with a Gm.
adjective for ‘low, flat’ (ON ldgr, MHG I@ge) must be wrong, as these presuppose IE
*leh.g'-, from which form the Greek -a- cannot be understood. Following this
etymology, modern interpreters have understood Adyeta as ‘low, flat’, which does
not fit dxtH at all. In sum, no etymology.
Aaxvn [f.] ‘woolly hair, down’ (II.), metaph. of leafage (Nic., Opp.). <1E *u(o)lk- ‘hair’>
VAR Rarely Ady vw [dat.sg.], of the wool of a sheep (1 445).
*COMP Aaxvo-yutoc ‘with hairy members’ (E.).
*DER Aaxv-retc, -deic (IL, Pi.), -o6n¢ (E.), -aioc (AP) ‘woolly, hairy, shaggy’
Aaxvoouat [v.] “to become hairy’ (sol., AP) with Aayvwotg (Hp.).
eETYM Reconstructed as *Aax-ov-G and corresponding with an Iranian and Slavic
word for ‘hair’ via a pre-form *fAaK-ov-a < IE *ulk-sn-eh.: Av. varasa- [m., n.], MoP
840 Adw
gurs, OCS vlase, Ru. vélos, all from IE *uolk-o-. Less probable, because of the
meaning, is the connection with OCS vlakno, Ru. volokno ‘thread’, Skt. valkd- [m.]
‘bark, sap-wood’, from IE *uolk-. See » Adotoc.
Adw [v.] mg. unclear, cf. Ade: éydproev, oi dé EpOEyyeto ‘cried, uttered’, Aarfpevat and
Aaieiv: pPéEyyeoBa, but Adete- oKoneite, BAEmteETE ‘look, see’ (H.). <?>
VAR Only ptc. Adwv (t 229 Kbwv, h. Merc. 360 aietéc), ipf. Ade (tT 230 KUWV).
*ETYM The ancient interpreters of t 229f. hesitated between ‘see’ (BAémwv) and ‘bark’
(bAdwv). In modern times, Lobeck has proposed a meaning ‘grasp’ and two different
verbs: 1. ‘seize’ (t 229f., completely isolated), 2. ‘see’ (h. Merc. 360), the last of which
was also seen in » ddadc and in Skt. lasati (epic class.) ‘to glow’ (see Bechtel 1914 s.v.
dAadc).
Leumann 1950: 233ff. takes 0&) Adwv (h. Merc., ‘crying loudly’) as an innovation
from o&b AeANKWwe (KipKog X 141), which was wrongly analyzed as he-A1j-Kwe (but
belongs to » Adoxw), and then interpreted as ‘having sharp sight’ on the one hand,
and connected with a barking dog on the other.
AeBnpic 1, -id5o¢ [f.] ‘skin or slough of serpents’ (Hp., J.), acc. to H. also = t6 Aémtog Tod
kvduov ‘skin of a bean’; proverbially of empty or thin objects (com.), cf. H. tivéc dé
avdpa A€Brpiv yevéeoOat ntwxdv ‘beggar’. <PG(S)>
eETYM The IE analysis in Frisk seems misplaced. It is rather a Pre-Greek word,
because the suffix is also found in »ipBrypic and Kvmnpic (s.v. » KOTaltpoc). Note
A€BivOot (cod. -ivOto1): EpéBtv8o1 ‘chick-peas’ (H.); see also » AeBiac and > A€Bi\<.
AePnpic 2 [f.] ‘rabbit’ (Str. 3, 2, 6); Massaliotic acc. to Polemarch. apud Erot. <LwW
Iberia>
eETYM Of Iberian origin, like Lat. lepus and laurex, see WH s.wv. with litt. See also
Fur.: 347.
A€BrjG, -Tos [m.] ‘kettle, cauldron’ (Il), on the mg. Brommer Herm. 77 (1942): 359
and 366f., also a monetary unit (Crete), see Leumann 1950: 282ff., Ruijgh 1957: 107.
<PG(S)>
*COMP ittvoA gB19¢ ‘kettle’ (Luc., Ath.).
*DER Diminutive AePryt-Lov, -ioxoc (IV*), -dptov (Poll.); AeBryt-wdn¢ ‘kettle-shaped’
(Ath.); -i@w [v.] ‘to cook in a kettle’ (Lyc.).
eETYM On the suffix, see Fur.: 172"*. Pre-Greek origin is most likely; cf. » kehéBn.
AePiac, -ov [m.] name of an unknown freshwater fish (Hell. com.); acc. to H. also = ta
Aettidac Exovta tapixn ‘dried meat of a fish having scales’. <PG?(O)>
*ETYM Formation like dxavOiac, etc. (Chantraine 1933: 94); otherwise unclear.
Thompson 1947 s.v. recalls the Eg. fish aA(A)aBr¢ (Str. Ath.), but see » dAAGBnVs.
Perhaps Pre-Greek.
Aéyvov [n.] ‘colored edging, hem of a cloth’ (Poll., H., sch.), also of the side of the
womb (Hp.). <PG?>
eVAR Also -vn [f.].
AEyW 841
*DER Aeywwtdc ‘provided with A. (Call., Nic.), Aeyvw@detc: moikidac ‘varicolored’,
Aeyv@oa: touxiAa (H.).
*ETYM No etymology. Perhaps Pre-Greek.
héyat epithet of yuvaixec (Archil. 179). <PG?>
*ETYM LSJ cite it as Néyoc ‘lewd’. Fur.: 346 connects it with Adyvoc. Is it Pre-Greek?
See » éAeyaivetv.
Aéyw [v.] ‘to collect, gather’ (Il; Att. prose only with prefix), ‘to count, recount’ (II.),
‘say’ (post-Hom.). On use, mg. and inflexion see Fournier 1946: 53ff., 100ff.,
Chantraine BSL 41 (1940-1941): 39ff., Wackernagel 1916: 220ff. Beside it stand the
synonymous and suppletive verbs ayopevw, gipi, eineiv, ép@, eipryka (see Seiler
Glotta 32 (1952): 154f.). <1E *leg- ‘collect’>
eVAR Aor. AéEat, -ao8au (epic éhéypnv, A€KTO), pass. AexOfjvat, fut. A€Ew, -opat, perf.
AéAeypau, di-eiAeypa, ovv-eihoxa (et analogical).
*COMP Very often with prefixes like dta-, &k-, é7t-, KaTa-, OVV-.
*DER1. Adyog [m.] ‘computation, account, esteem, reason; speech, word, statement’
(O 393, a 56); see Fournier 1946: 217ff., Boeder Archiv fiir Begriffsgeschichte 4 (1959):
82ff.; also from prefixed compounds, e.g. did-, Kata-, émti-, CUA-AOYos (to Stak youat,
etc.), also in hypostases like ava-, 1tapd-AOyos (to ava, mapa Adyov).
From \dyoc: a. diminutives: Aoy-idiov, -dptov (Att.), -apidtov (pap.). b. adjectives:
Aoydc [m., f.] ‘selected’, substantivized ‘choice soldier, etc.’ (IA), semantically rather
to A€yw, cf. Chantraine 1933: 351; Adytoc ‘notable’ (Pi., etc.), tO Adytov ‘oracle’ (IA);
on the development of mg. E. Orth, Logios (Leipzig 1926); Adyitoc ‘worth mention,
notable’ (Hdt., pap.), usually €AAdytpog (to év AGyw); Aoyikdc ‘regarding reason, etc.,
logical’ (Philol., Hell.); Noyaioc ‘chosen’ (Str. 1, 3, 18; after Ibyc. 22), perhaps to Aoyn,
see 25 c. Aoyddnv [adv.] ‘by accidental selection’ (Th, cf. Aoydc). d. substantives:
Noyes [m.] ‘orator, prose writer’ (Critias, Plu. sch.) with Noyeiov ‘speakers’ place,
scene’ (Delos III*); kata-, éx-, ovA-Aoyets from Katdadoyoc, éxAoyr, etc; e. verbs:
AoyiCopat [v.] ‘to count, calculate, consider, estimate’ (IA), often with prefix, ava-,
etc., with Aoy-topdc, -lopa, -toTH¢, -toTevw, -toTIKOc, etc; Aoyebw [v.] ‘to collect
taxes’, also with ém-, éx-, (pap., inscr.), with Aoyeia, Ady-evpa, -EVTIC, -EVTIPLOV.
2. Aoyny [f.] ‘reasoning, way’ (= MoGr.; only late pap; LSJ and DELG translate
‘attention, heed’); isolated from compounds with ék-, kata-, ovv-, dta-, etc. (IA,
etc.)?
3. A€Etc [f.] ‘reason, way of speech, diction, style, (specific) word, phrase’, also with
dia-, éx-, kata-, (Att, etc.); thence Aekidiov, -ei- (Arr, Gal.), Lat. lexidium; see
Leumann Sprache 1 (1949): 205; AeEtkdv (scil. BiBAlov) ‘containing Aé€etc, lexicon’
(AB, Phot.).
4. A€ypia: TO eizteiv ‘speaking’ (H.), émiAeypa ‘excerpt’ (pap.), katd-Aeypa ‘tragic
song’ (Sm., Al.), cf. katahéyeoOat- d60pecBat Tov TeBvewta ‘to bewail the deceased’
5. budAektog (to dta-AEyouat) ‘speech, dialect’ (IA) with (d1a-, éx-)AeKktiKd¢ ‘capable
of speaking, etc.’ (Att., etc: A€Ec, A€yw).
842 Asta
eETYM The thematic root present éyw, from which all stem forms and nominal
derivatives are derived, is identical with Lat. lego ‘to collect, etc.’. Also related is Alb.
mb-ledh ‘to collect, harvest’, which points to a palatal -g-. A synonymous root *les- is
found in Germanic, Baltic, and Hittite, eg. MoHG lesen, Go. lisan ‘to collect,
harvest’, Lith. lésti, sg. lest ‘to pick, eat picking’ (beside lasyti ‘to collect, select’),
Hitt. less-*' / liss- ‘to pick, gather’, (Hitt. Jisde-*' is unclear; cf. Kloekhorst 2008 s.v.),
but the relation between */es- and *leg- is unclear. See >» AWyn.
Agia [f.] ‘booty, spoils’, especially of plundered cattle, of war, of hunting, also ‘cattle,
herd’ (Att.); cf. Edgerton AmJPh. 46 (1926): 177f. <1 *leh,u- ‘capture, seize’>
eVAR Ion. Anin, Dor. (Pi. O. 10, 44) Ada [f.]; also Anjig (Dor. datic), -idoc [f.] (I.).
COMP Compounds like Ae-ndatéw [v.] ‘to drive away prey, especially cattle; to
pillage’ (Hdt., S., E, X.), after Bo-, inm-nAatéw, etc. from Bo-, imm-nAd-tn¢) with
Aenrao-ia, -in (X., A. R.), -atnowc (Aen. Tact.); aye-Aein [f.] epithet of Athena: ‘who
provides booty’ (Il.).
*DERAniac [f.] ‘the seized or captured one’ (Y 193, A. R.); Arjitic [f.] “ayeAein’ (K 460),
‘Anitag (A. R., Lyc.); Anidtoc “belonging to the booty, captured’ (AP, API).
Denominative verb Anitopat, AEiGoptat ‘to seize, plunder’ (II.), whence several nouns:
1. Aniotéc, Aeiotdc ‘to be carried off as booty’ (I 406, 408); 2. Aniotvc [f.] ‘capturing,
plundering’ (Hdt. 5, 6); 3. *Anuopdg in An(Vopadia- aiyadkwtoc, Aekniopévn ‘captive,
prisoner of war’ (H.); 4. Aniotip, Anothp [m.] ‘plunderer, pirate, robber’, fem.
Anoteipa (Ael.), Anotpic (D., Herod.), with AnotpiKkdc ‘plundering’ (1A), cf. Anot-
xd¢ below; Anotij-ptov, Dor. Aao- “gang or den of robbers, robbery’ (Att., Cret.),
Aaotrptot [pl.] ‘pirate’ (Hell. poetry); 5. Aniotwp, Arjo- ‘id.’ (0 427); 6. Aniotic, Ano-,
dao- ‘id,’ (IA) with AnotiKkés (often interchanged with Anotptkdc); Anotebw [v.] ‘to
rob, plunder’, with Anoteia ‘robbery’ (Att.).
*ETYM The abstract Agia, Anin (from *AGF-ia) and the t6-derivation Anic (from *AGF-
i5-) that exists alongside it may either go back to a noun *AGp(-o)- vel sim., or
directly to a verbal root, the zero-grade of which is supposed in >» dmodatw. See
further » A\apdc and > Arjiov.
AeiBw [v.] ‘to pour, drip, make a libation’ (Il.). <1E? *leh,-i-, *lei- ‘pour out, drip’>
eVAR Aor. Aetyau.
eCOMP Also with prefix, e.g. kata-, ém-.
*DER A. AeiBijvoc: 6 Atévucosg (H.), nee HERO (AiB-) [n.] ‘wet place, gutter’ (Eup.
428), AeiBSnv ‘in drops’ (EM).
B. Ablauting: AowBr [f.] ‘libation’ CI.) with AotB-eiov (Plu.), -i¢ (Antim., inscr.),
-do.ov (Epich.) ‘vase for libations’, -aiog ‘ptng. to libation’ (Ath.); AoPatat- onévdet,
Ove ‘makes a libation, sacrifices’ (H.), cf. below.
C. Zero-grade: 1. *Auy [f.] ‘libation, drop’, only in gen. diBdc, acc. AiBa (A. A. R.),
with AiBnpdc ‘wet’ (Hp. apud Gal.); 2. Aiw, AiBdc [m.] “the dripper”, name of the
rain-bringing southwest or west wind, also of the point of the compass: ‘southwest,
west’ (Hdt., Arist.), with \iBikdc ‘(south)westerly’ (pap.). For diy: ... 1étpa, ag’ Tc
bdwp otdtet ‘rock from which water drips’ (H.), cf. maiyituy. 3. From Ai: Abas,
-adoc¢ [f.] ‘spring, etc. (trag., etc.), diminutive AiBddtov (Str. Plu.), also ‘ywpiov
AELLWV, -WVOG 843
Botava@dec’, ie. ‘wet meadow’ (H., EM); AtBalw, -dCoptat [v.] ‘to drip’ (AP, Poll.),
with amo- metaph. ‘to throw away, remove oneself’ (com.). 4. AiBog [n.] = AiBac (A.
Ch. 448 [lyr.], Gal.). On » AlBpdc, see s.v.
eETYM The zero grade primary noun \iy is unexpected beside the regelar full grade
thematic Aeibw, whence Aetyat. One compares veiget : vipa, while evidence of the
gloss diPet- onévdel, Exybvet ‘libates, pours out’ (H.) must be considered uncertain.
Lat. libare ‘pour out, spill’ may either be a borrowing from Greek (LIV’ sv. 2.
*leiH-), or be unrelated in case it derives from the root *h,lib’- ‘to anoint’ (De Vaan
2008 s.v. [ib6). In the former case, the root is considered that of OCS liti, sg. lojo,
léjo ‘to pour’, Lith. léeti, 1sg. léeju, assuming that the Greek -B- is secondary, e.g. after
> eiBw ‘to drip’. AaB: ota ywv ‘drop’ (H.) may be a mistkae for AoiBd (DELG).
Agipak, -axosg [?] ‘slug’, only H. s.v. Aeitaxec (cf. Aewwv): ott SE Kai CWov Sttorov
koxAia, 6 kaAobvot AgittaKxa ‘there is also an animal similar to the snail, which is called
\.”. <IE? *lei->
*ETYM Identical with Lat. limax (Pl.) ‘id’? (which is probably a Greek loan), but also
with Ru. slimdk ‘snake’ and other Slavic words. Thus, it has to be a derivative in -ak-
of the m-stem seen in Gm. (ON slim ‘slime’, also OHG, OE; Lat. limus ‘id’. Since IE
did not have a suffix *-eh,k-, it is highly improbable that there is a direct connection
between the Slavic and Greek forms.
Aww, -@vocg [m.] ‘moist, grassy place, humid meadow’ (Il.), metaph. of flowered
surfaces and objects (Ach. Tat., Philostr.). <1E? *lei-mon, acc. *li-men-m, gen. *li-mn-
os
*COMP PaOvAgipwv (Pi.), -Aeipoc (Il.), with transition to the o-stems, ‘with grassy
meadows’; -Aip_evoc ‘without harbour or refuge’ (Att.).
DER Aelp.m@vioc ‘of the meadow’ (A., Arist.), fem. -tdc (S., A. R.), -i¢ (D. P.), -tov [n.]
plant name, ‘Statice limonium’ (Dsc., Plin.); Aeyrwv-tatn¢ Ai®oec name of a stone
green as grass (Plin.). With change of suffix (after nidak, BOAa, etc.): AeiLak, -aKoc
[f.] ‘meadow’ (E. [lyr.]), ‘garden’ (Pherecr.), with -axw6dnc¢ ‘meadow-like, grassy’
(Hp.), -axidec vipat (Orph. A. 646; uncertain; codd. Aytvakidwv).
With different ablaut: Ayu, -évoc [m.] ‘harbour, protected creek’, also metaph.
‘refuge’ (Il.), ‘gathering place, marketplace’ (Thess,; acc. to H. also Cypr.; cf. Bechtel
1921, 1: 450f.). Diminutive Awévov (Str; MoGr. Awdav is from Osman. liman; see
Maidhof Glotta 10 (1920): 14); Autéwoc “belonging to the harbour’ (Paus.), Atwevitnc,
fem. -ittc ‘inhabitant of a harbour’ (Corycos), of Priapos and Artemis, respectively,
as deities of the harbour (AP, see Redard 1949: 23), Aytev-1]tiKa yprpata “harbour
taxes’ (Cod. Just.), with analogical -1)t1«d, if not itacistic for -ttuxd), Aytev-iCw [v.] ‘to
build a harbour’ (Polyaen.).
~ With a zero grade suffix, enlarged after the G-stems: Aiptvn [f.] ‘stagnant water, pond,
lake, marsh’ (I1.), Aitivat [pl.] place in Athens, in Sparta, etc. (Att.); compounds like
ev-Aluvoc ‘with many lakes’ (Arist.). Thence many derivatives: 1. diminutive Aytviov
[n.] (Arist.). 2. Autvatos ‘living in lakes, etc., belonging to the lake’ (IA); 3. Autvac [f.]
‘id’ (Theoc., Paus.). 4. Aytvrtnye, -tt¢ (-itt¢) ‘id’ (Theoc., Paus., inscr.), AyiwitiKd
[n.pl.] name of a tax (pap.). 5. Aytv@dn¢ ‘like a lake or marsh’ (IA). 6. plantname :
844 Aeiog
ALV-Hotov, -Nota, -NoOTIc, -NOTpoV, -NoTpic (Dsc., Gal.). 7. Denominative verbs:
Avaw ‘to build a A; to stagnate, put under water’ (Arist.), with Alvaopdg ‘flood,
inundation’, -aotrj¢ ‘surveyor of the inundation’, -aoteia ‘inundation works’ (pap.),
-aoia ‘marshy ground’ (Arist.); Ayvoopat [v.] ‘to build a A,” (Thphr., Str.).
eETYM The primary formations Aeiumv and Ary, Aipvn show old ablaut in both
stem and suffix. They are isolated in Greek, and have no outer-Greek counterpart.
One might start from an old paradigm nom. */ei-m6n, acc. *li-men-m, gen. *li-mn-os.
For the etymology, only suppositions are at hand. Starting from the idea ‘moistness,
standing water, etc.’, it has been connected with Lat. limus ‘mud’, to which may
belong the words mentioned under Aeia& with anlauting s/-. Also, words mentioned
s.v. > eiBu, e.g. Lith. léeti, might be considered as well. Pok. 309 defends connection
with Lat. limus ‘oblique’, limen ‘threshold’, and without m-suffix, e.g. Latv. leja ‘dale,
valley’, assuming a basic sense of *‘dip, low place, bay’.
Aetog [adj.] ‘level, smooth’, of the soil, of surfaces, etc. (Il.), also ‘rubbed, well-ground’
(Delos, pap. Dsc.), cf. Ae(.)aivw, -dw below. <IE? *lei- ‘smooth’?>
eVAR Agiwc [adv.] (also Aéwe after tehéwe, tdéwe, etc., cf. also Ae(I)aivw below)
‘smoothly’, also metaph. ‘completely, totally’ (IA), cf. Lat. plané, MoHG glatt.
*COMP Frequent as a first member, like in Aei6-pAotog ‘with smooth bark’ (Thphr.),
also with adverbial value (with -w- after e({)we), e.g. AewANs = TavwAns (Rhodos
VI"), Aew-Kdvitog ‘turned into fine dust’, -kdprytoc ‘swept clean’, ie. ‘utterly
destroyed’ (Theognost., H., Phot.), Aew-mdatito¢ ‘completely trodden down’ (S. Ant.
1275 with v.]. Aax-mat1To¢, see » AGE); cf. further Aewpydc = Tavoipyoc, Kakotpyoc
(Archil. 88, 3, A. Pr. 5, X.), see Chantraine Glotta 33 (1954): sf.
*DER Aeioty¢ [f.] ‘smoothness’ (Att.), Aeia— ‘beardless boy’ (EM, H.); two
denominatives: \e(L)aivw [v.] ‘to smoothen, grind’ (I1.), also with ék-, ovv-, dmo-, etc.
Thence Ag(i)av-otc, -tHp, -tiKdc, éxAEa-opdc, etc. (Arist.); further Aetdw [v.] ‘id.’
(Arist.), also ovv-, dmo-, etc; thence Aeiw-ua ‘powder’ (Thphr.); -otc ‘grinding’
(Gal.).
*ETYM Beside the o-stem in *Aeifoc, Latin has an i-stem /évis ‘smooth’, which may
have replaced an older u-stem (cf. brevis). Schrijver 1991: 283f. proposed that *AeiFoc
and lévis go back on a u-stem */eh,i-u-, with secondary thematicization in Greek. The
root is also found in Attéc and cognates (see » Nic 2), and probably in > Aeipa€.
Asinw [v.] ‘to leave (behind)’, intr. ‘to be wanting, disappear’, med. ‘to depart’ (II.). <1E
*leik’- ‘leave behind’>
eVAR Atumtavw (Sapph., Hp., Th. v.l. A 604), fut. Aeiyw, aor. Aumetv, perf. A\éAoura,
med. héeypar (all Il.+), aor. pass. AepOfjvat (h. Merc., Pi.), aor. Aetat (Ar.).
eCOMP Often with prefix, e.g. dmo-, ék-, v-, kata-, bmo-. As a first member in several
governing compounds, partly with privative mg. like Awt6-texvog ‘childless’ (Pi.),
see Schwyzer: 442. On the formation of the stem see Sommer 1948: 124f. Also with
inversion of the members, like in oapko-Autc¢ (AP) for Aut6-capkocg (Hp.). Also
note Aety(t)- in Aety-vdp-ia ‘lack of water’ (Thphr.), etc.
Aeitwp, -opoc 845
DER Substantives: 1. Agippa (b16-, kata-, EA-, etc.) ‘rest’ (IA, Arist.). 2. Aetyic (Ek-,
ano-, etc.) ‘leaving, continuing absence’ (IA). 3. Aeiyavov, mostly plur. -a
‘remainder’ (E., Ar., Pl.). 4. éxAetm-ia ‘lack’ (J.).
Adjectives: 5. Notdc (also b16-, kata-, etc. from bmo0-AkiTtw, etc.) ‘remaining’ (post-
Hom.), with (d70)Aotn-a¢ [f.] ‘rest’ (pap.), dmoAotm-acia ‘id.’ (Hero, pap.). 6. ék-,
év-, bT0-Aim-1¢, etc. (v.l. -Aetmtc¢) ‘acking, remaining, etc.’ (Att.). 7. &x-, év-, Tapa-,
bmo-AetmtiKdc ‘regarding the éxAetyic (Hell.).
Apart stands Nioowuev- écdowpev ‘let us leave/depart’ (H.); the explanation is
dubious, cf. Schwyzer: 692.
eETYM The thematic root aorist -Atm-e has exact parallels in Arm. e-lik’ Skt. dricat,
from IE *h,é-lik”-e-t ‘he left’. An old perfect *(/e-)loik”-h,e is continued in Skt. riréca,
déAotna, and (without reduplication) in Germanic (e.g. Go. lailv) and Lat. liqui. The
nasal present Ayimavw best resembles Arm. lk-an-em < IE *lik”-n-; nasal presents of
various formation are found elsewhere too, e.g. Skt. rindkti, Lat. linquo. The thematic
root present Aeinw corresponds to the Gm. verb in e.g. Go. leivan, OHG lihan ‘to let,
lend’, and to Lith. liekt: ‘to let’. The last stands for older athematic liekmi. The Gm.
present may go back to a nasalized *liyhy-, which would correspond to Lat. linquo.
For the various formations, see now LIV’ s.v. *leik”-.
The correspondence of Aoimtdécg with the substantives Skt. ati-reka- [m.], Lith. dt-
laikas, OCS ot »-léke ‘remainder’ < IE *-loik”-o- is noteworthy.
Azgiptov [n.] ‘ily, Lilium candidum’ (h. Cer. 427, Hp., A. R., Thphr. Dsc.; Aeipiov
avOepov Pi.), also ‘narciss’ (Thphr., Dsc.). <PG(O)>
eCOMP As a second member in the PN Iloda-Aeiptog (IL).
DER Aeiptvog ‘prepared from lilies’ (Dsc., Gal.), also ‘lily-like’ (4vO0c, Thphr. HP 3,
18, 11; not entirely certain), Aeipt-W51¢ ‘lily-like’ (Thphr.), -detc ‘ptng. to the lily’ (Nic.
Al. 406). Neiptdetc also of the skin (N 830), of the voice or the singing of cicadas (I
152), of the song of the Muses (Hes. Th. 41, Q. S. 2, 418); Aeiptoc of the voice (A. R.,,
Orph.), also of the eyes (B. 17, 95), Aetpdc, Aeipa [n.pl.] of the song of the cicadas (IG
14, 1934: f6, metr. inscr.).
eETYM Like Lat. lilium, the word comes from an eastern Mediterranean language; a
comparable word for ‘lily’ is found in Coptic: hréri, hléli (Eg. hrr-t). We also find
several like words for ‘flower’, Hamit. ilili, alili, Alb. lule, Hitt. alil-, alél; see WH s.v.
lilium, Benveniste BSL 50 (1954): 43, Fur.: 369.
The poetic word Aetptdeic and (later attested - probably back-formations) X¢iptoc
and Aetpos, as epithets of the skin and the voice, can be understood as derivatives of
Aziptov ‘lily-white, soft as lilies’; see Weern Eranos 50 (1952): 19f. Leumann 1950: 27f.
doubts that intermediate phases can be reconstructed. Others (see Frisk) connected
the gloss Aeipdc (cod. -Wc): 6 isyvdc Kai wWypdc ‘thin and pale’ (H.), arisen by
dissimilation from *Aethdéc, which would belong to Lith. leilas ‘thin, slender’.
Improbable.
AEttovpyéw (Anit-), -ia, -d¢ =Aadc.
Asitwp, -opos [m.] ‘priest’ (post-class. Att. inscr.). <PG(V)>
846 AElXT}V, -F]vOS
eVAR Oplo-Agitwp = ovA-Aettoupydc (Att. inscr. ITP), Aeitopec: iéperat (H.); Antiipec:
iepol otepavnpdpot. ABapdvec (H.), fem. Arteipar igpetat TWV Gev@v Bewv (H. =
Call. Fr. 123), Aeitetpn: iépetat (Boeot. apud H.); uncertain Arc. Aetopo<c> (IG 5(2),
405).
*DER Denominative Aettopetw [v.] ‘to be Aeitwp’ (Thess. since II*; perhaps also Eg.,
see Wilhelm A/P 9: 214ff.). Details on the distribution in Kretschmer Glotta 18 (1930):
83f., also Fraenkel 1910: 145, Bechtel 1921, 1: 207f., Benveniste 1948: 47fn. Cf. also
aAntwp: iepetc (H.); further Aetwp ‘priest’ (inscr. Arc.).
eETYM Because of the form Antijpec, which is ascribed to the northwestern
Athamanes, and (if correctly explained) because of Arc. Aetopo<c¢>, Thess. and
Boeot. Agt- seem to represent PGr. An-. Att. Aeitwp may then perhaps be a loan from
Boeotian. For the same reason, the semantically attractive connection with Ani-toc,
Anitn and Arty ‘iépeta’, and also with Aettoupydc (see » Aadc), presents difficulties.
Moreover, -twp, -tnp (instead of -tnc¢) is remarkable as a secondary suffix. Other
hypotheses (see Frisk): relations to A\atpov; and to Aiocopat, Attai. To my mind, the
prothetic vowel seems to point to a Pre-Greek word.
Aetxtyy, -fvog ‘lichen’. >Akixw.
Asixw [v.] ‘lick’ (IA). <IE *leig'- ‘lick’>
eVAR Aor. Aciéat, fut. XefiEw.
ecOMP Also with mept-, dta-, ava-, ék-, etc. As a first member in Aety-1vwp and other
parodising PNs (Batr.).
DER Aetxrv, -ijvoc [m.] “the licker”, ‘lichen, moss, rash’ (A., Hp., Thphr.), with
AetxrVv-1N plantname = puptaKavOoc (Dsc.), -wdn¢ ‘lichen-like’, -.kd¢ ‘ptng. to moss’
(medic.), Aetxnv-tdw [v.] ‘to suffer from A.’ (Thphr.). &xAey-tta (to éx-Aeixw) ‘tablet,
candy’, éxelx-tdv ‘id’ (medic.).
Ablauting: 1. Atyavdc (SaktvAOc) [m.] ‘forefinger’ (Hp., pap.), with oppositive accent
(Schwyzer: 380) Aixavoc [m.] ‘the string struck by the forefinger’ (Aristox., Arist.);
Aya, -adoc [f.] ‘the distance between the forefinger and the thumb’ (Hero, Poll.),
after Siydac, mMevtdc, etc. (see Chantraine 1933: 358) for expected *Alyavdc. 2.
MypLaopiau, -dw [v.] ‘to lick’ (since ® 123; on AeAlypL6tec Hes. Th. 826 see Leumann
1950: 218), also with aio-, mept-, etc. Thence Atyp-rpwyv, -Npns ‘licking’ (Nic.) and
Mxpdc: Opivak. Kai anahi 16a Kai xaptourteti|<¢, iv Ta Epteta EmtAelxovot ‘trident, also
a delicate herb on the ground which snakes (animals) lick’ (H.). Lengthened forms:
Mpiatw (Hes. Sc. 235, Nic.), -arvw (Opp.) ‘id’ 3. Aixvoc ‘fond of sweets, greedy,
gluttonous, tasty’ (Att., Hell.) with Aiyvw@dng ‘id’ (Ael.), Atyvdtng ‘greediness’ (sch.);
denominative verb Atyvevu, -opat ‘to be greedy, swallow’ (D. H., Ph., Plu.), also with
ém-, Tept-; thence Aiyveuia ‘delicacy’ (Sophr.), Atyveia ‘dainty, rapacity’ (Pl. X.).
*ETYM Beside the thematic root present Aeiyw, from which all other Greek forms
derive, the related languages show several formations: a full grade yod-present in
Lith. liezZiu, OCS liZg; nasal present in Lat. ling6; iterative formations in Go. bi-laigon,
Lith. laiz ti < IE *loig-; several full grade formtions in Arm. liz-um, -em, -anem; zero
grade in Olr. ligim, gemination in OHG lecchon, etc.
AEL@OS 847
An-athematic present with old ablaut is retained in Skt. léhmi, lihmds [1p].] < IE
*léig'-mi, *lig'-més. Greek too once had zero grade verbal forms, as evidenced by
nouns like Atyavéc (cf. mBavdc), Aiyvoc and the denominative ryptdoptc, which
presupposes an p-stem Aty-p- (Schwyzer: 725°). See now LIV? sv. *leig'- on the
various types of formation.
Aekavy [f.] ‘basin, dish’ (Ar., inscr., pap.). <PG(S,V)>
*VAR Aakaévn (Hell.), -ioxn (H.).
eDER AeKav-tov (Ar.), -idtov (Poll., Eust.), -i¢ [f.] (Ar., Plu., Luc.), -ioxn [f.] (com.).
Also Aéxog [n.] id.” (Hippon.) with Aexdptov (Hell.), Aexic [f.] (Epich.), -icxog [m.]
(Hp.) ‘id.’, -icxtov as a measure (Hp.).
eETYM For exdvn, cf. atdvn, obpavn, and other names of utensils in -dvn, -avov
(Chantraine 1933: 197ff.); also note Aéxoc beside the vessel name dyyoc. The pair
Aékog : Aekdvn is comparable with otégo¢ : otepavn, Epkoc : Epxavn (though the
latter is late; see on pKoc).
Outer-Greek connections that were proposed (see Frisk) are almost certainly wrong;
the word is Pre-Greek (thus already E-M s.v. lanx). The variants with Aak- are not
due to a (late) assimilation, but rather point to substrate origin. See Fur.: 352.
The word Aexadvn was borrowed as Arab. leken, Osman. lejen, which in turn was
borrowed as MoGr. 16 Aeyévt ‘bowl, dish’ and Ru. legin ‘kind of vase’.
AExB0g [m.] ‘gruel or pulse of cereals’ (Hp., Gal., com.), fem. ‘yolk’ (Hp., Arist.).
<PG(S)>
eDER Aexi®tov [n.] (PHolm. 19, 41), AexiO-wdnc¢ ‘color of yolk’ (Hp., Thphr.), -itn¢
dptos ‘bread from leguminous plants’ (Ath.).
eETYM Because of the suffixes and the meaning, the word is clearly of Pre-Greek
origin. DELG recalls the TN AexiOn.
Aéxtpov ‘bed, couch’, etc. =AExXoc.
AEAuEVvoG [adj.] ‘longing for (IL, Emp., A. R.). 4?
eVAR Late finite forms AeAin-to (A. R.), -oat (Theoc., Orph.).
eETYM An isolated perfect formation, traditionally connected with AtAaiopa;
AeAtnplévoc is then taken to be analogical after tetinttévoc; critique of this in Tichy
1983: 230’. She suggests connection with inv, or an epic “Streckform” for
*NeArptevoc to Afjv ‘want’. Uncertain.
AEuBos [m.] ‘small fast-sailing galley’ (D., Anaxandr., Hell.). <Lw Illyr.?>
*DERAgub@dec MAOIov (Arist.).
eETYM Lat. lembus is a loan from Greek. A foreign word without etymology; perhaps
Illyrian (see the litt. in WH s.v. lembus).
AEugos [m., n.] ‘mucous discharge from the nostrils, k6puta, uwEa’ (Lib., Moer., H.,
Tz.); plur. also ‘putrescent carcasses’ (Phot., Eust.), metonymic ‘simple man’ (Men.).
<PG(V)>
DER Aeipw@dng ‘snivelling’ (sch.).
848 AEEIc
eETYM Fur: 160 recognized that it is the same word as »Adurn, which shows
characteristic Pre-Greek variations.
AéEIg AE yw.
Aedrapdoc [m.] ‘leopard’ (Gal., Edict. Diocl.). <GR>
eVAR Also AgomtapdaAtc (see Wessely Glotta 6 (1915): 20f.).
eETYM Starting from the Iliad, the normal word for ‘leopard’ was »ndpdaAtc.
Probably, Aeémapdoc was formally influenced by Lat. pardus, leopardus, or even a
borrowing from Latin (DELG). The analysis as a compound of Agwv and mdpdoc is
doubtful, because mapdoc is only attested in Ael. NA 1, 31 (v.l. mapdadoc), and Ago-
instead of Aeovto- is rare, e.g. Aeo-Spdkwv, name of a mythical being (Crete IV’).
AEnadvov [n.] ‘broad leather strap, fastening the yoke to the neck and the girth’ (Il.
A., Ar., AP, pap.). <PG(S)>
eVAR Mostly plur. -va; also Aémattva (Apollon. Lex.), with dv > uv (Schwyzer: 208).
*DER Aertadv-totip [m.] ‘end of the X.’ (Poll.), like Bpaxytov-toti}p, Kopu@-LotHp, etc.
*ETYM Frisk’s connection with Aemdc, -ddo¢ ‘limpet’ (adducing dmd-vdc, matd-vdc;
Chantraine 1933: 194) is semantically strange: the AémtaSva would cling to the neck
like snails (he compares Ar. V. 105 Womtep Aemtac 11pocEeXSpEVOS TH Kiovi ‘clinging to
the pillar like a snail’). Without a doubt, a Pre-Greek word.
Aénac [n.] ‘bare rock, mountain’ (Simon., A, E, Th.). <Lw Medit.?>
eVAR Only nom. and acc. sg.
*DER Aemaiog ‘rocky’ (E.); Aetdc, -ddo¢ [f.] ‘limpet’ (Alc. Z 36, 2 [uncertain], Epich.,
com., Arist.), as the animal clings to the rock (cf. H. Aenddec: ta mpd¢ taic métpatc
KeKoAAr}LtEva KoyyVAta ‘mussels sticking to the rocks’), but alternatively, derived
from Aéztoc, Aettic ‘shell, scale’.
From iértac: AettaotH (-d4otn) [f.] ‘limpet-like drinking cup’ (com.) with Aenactic,
-(60¢ ‘id’ (vase-inscr., H.); on the formation Schwyzer: 503; borrowed as Lat. lepista,
-esta,; MEmaotpov- oKeddc tt adievtiKdv ‘a fisherman’s instrument’ (H.), cf.
démactpov, etc. (Chantraine 1933: 333f.); Aettadevoytat [v.] ‘to collect X.s’ (H., Phot.).
eETYM The similarity between Aémac and Lat. lapis, -idis [m., f.] ‘stone’ is hardly
accidental; a Mediterranean borrowing is most probable.
AETAOTH (-doTH) —AETIAC.
Aénw [v.] ‘to peel (off)’ (IL). <PG(S,v)>
eVAR Aor. A€wat, fut. Aéwo (I), perf. red: amo-héhetyutcat (Epich.), aor. pass.
ameAémy: anedertioOn (H.); ablauting A€Aqumtat (Att. inscr. around 330°), ék-Aami}vat
(Ar. Fr. 164).
*DIAL Myc. re-po-to /leptos/.
*COMP Sometimes with amo-, éx- (see above), mept-, éml-.
*DER A. With e-grade (from the present): 1. Aemtdc (cf. otpemtdc) ‘peeled’ (Y 497),
‘thin, lean, weak, fine, delicate’ (Il.), often as a first member. Poetic and lengthened
Aettt-ahéoc “weak, fine’ (IL), see Chantraine 1933: 255; Aemt-axtvdc ‘id.’ (AP), perhaps
from *Aéstta— (Bechtel 1914 s.v. cpulakivdc); further Aentiov ‘mug’ (pap.) from
éTIW 849
Aemttov (scil. kepatuov) ‘thin earthenware’ (pap.), Aenttaytov a kind of vase? (PHib. 1,
47; 13; III*), acc. to the editors perhaps = Aemtdyelov “barren land’; Aentapiov name
of a medical instrument (Herm. 38, 282); Aerttitidec kpiOai kind of barley (Gp.);
Xerttotn¢ [f.] ‘thinness, leanness, etc.’ (IA), Aentootvn ‘id.’ (AP); Aemttbvw [v.] ‘to
make thin, etc.’ (Hp., X., Arist.), Nentvopdc, Aémtvvotc (Hp.), -vvtikdc (Dsc., Gal.).
2. Aemtpdg ‘scaly, leprous, uneven, raw’ (Hp., Hippon., Hell.), fem. Aempac¢ (Theoc.,
Opp.); Aémpa (Ion. -pn) ‘leprosy’ (Ion., Arist., Hell.), both probably first from an p-
stem (cf. Schwyzer: 481); Aempwdrj¢ ‘uneven, leprous’ (Ael., Dsc., medic.), AXempiKkdc
‘relating to rash or lepra’ (Dsc., pap.); denominative verbs: Aettpaw [v.] ‘to become
scaly or leprous’ (Ion.), also Aemp-idw (Dsc.), after the verbs of disease in -1dw;
Aertpdojtat ‘id’ (LXX, pap.) with A€mpwotc = Aértpa (Tz.), Aettpbvotat ‘to become
scaly, uneven’ (Nic.). 3. A€mog [n.] (Alex., Nic., Luc.) with Aémtov (Hp.), usually Aertic,
-ido¢ [f.] (Ion. Hell.) ‘scale, shell, pod, metal plate’ with diminutive \emidétov (Hero),
also as a plant name ‘pepperwort’ (Dsc., Gal., Ath; as a remedy against rash),
Aemdiokn ‘id.’ (Imbros II*); further Aem6-wtdc ‘scaly’ (Hdt., Arist.), with AemdSdoptcu
‘to become scaly’ (Hp.); other denominatives: Aerifw (to A€io¢ or Aertic) [v.] ‘to
remove the scale, to peel off (Hell.), with A€mojta ‘scale’ (LXX, Dsc., Gal.); éAémovv:
olov éhémtfov ... (H.); note Aértaojia ‘pod, skin’ (sch. Nic. Th. 184); rather lengthened
from \énoc than from *Aedtw. 4. On Aettdc, » Aémtac see s.v. 5. A€ttDpOV ‘shell, pod’
(LXX, Batr.) with Aertupwdrj¢ ‘like a shell’ (Thphr.); Xenbp-tov ‘id’ (Hp., Arist.
Theoc.), -w65ne¢ ‘id’ (Arist. Thphr.), Aenvpifopat [v.] ‘to be contained in a husk or
shell (sch.), Aetupi@doa eEaxvpiWoat (H.); besides Aenbpdc ‘contained in a shell’
(Nic.). On itself stands AXenbyavov ‘skin of an onion, rind of fruit’ (Theopomp. Com.,
Plu., Dsc.).
B. With o-grade: 6. Nomdc [m.] ‘peel, rind’ (t 233, Hp.) with Admtoc ‘easy to peel off,
(Nic., Gal.), Admupta- Kaotava ‘chestnuts’ ... (H.); diminutive Aomdc [f.] ‘dish’, also
name of a crustacean and of a botanical disease (com., Thphr., Luc.), with Aomdd-tov
(com., pap.), -ioxog (sch.); Aomtic ‘scale, dish, etc.’ (Ar. inscr.) with Aomidtov (Delos);
denominative Nortdw [v.] ‘to flake off, let the bark peel off (Thphr.), Nomilw ‘id’
_(Thphr., pap.), Aomnt6c [m.] ‘time of bark peeling off (Thphr.). 7. On »é\Aoy, see
SV.
C. With lengthened grade: 8. Adm ‘pod, coat’ (Od., Theoc., A. R.), A@mog [m.] ‘id.’
(Alc. [?], Hippon., Anacr., Herod.); as a first member in Awrto-60-t1)¢ [m.] “who
dresses in other peoples’ clothes”, ‘thief of clothes’ with Awnodvut-éw, etc. (Att.);
without a suffix Awy: yAautc ‘mantle, cloak’ (H.). Diminutive Awmtov (Arist., inscr.);
denominative dito-, ept-Aw7ti@w ‘to undress, put off (S., Hyp.).
eETYM The primary thematic present ézw, from which all verbal forms were derived
(AéAquptou, -Aami}vat are innovations after Zotpayyial, oTpagival, etc.), has no direct
correspondences outside Greek. There are a few nominal formations resembling the
Greek forms: Lith. lapas ‘leaf, Alb. lapé ‘rag, leaf, peritoneum’ (~ Aortdéc), Lith. lo pas
‘rag, piece’ (~ AWmoc), together with Ru. ldpot’ ‘shoe of bark’, lapotok ‘rag, piece’. The
form \énoc was also compared with the s-stem Lat. lepds ‘grace’, and the extension in
Ru. lépest ‘rag, piece, leaf of a flower’.
850 héoqos Aevboow 851
reconstructs. a plain velar because of forms like YAv. uruxti- [f.] ‘breaking’. See
hardly any exact correspondence, and the semantics are not very convincing. Note > dAvKtonédn.
the forms Aetaytov, AeTIaKivdc, A€TIaoLa, AEUpOV, AeTIbyavov, hértpa, AMY, A@TOG,
etc., with suffixes and/or alternations of Pre-Greek appearance.
However, we may safely conclude that the verb is non-IE (and Pre-Greek): there is
| Aevkavin ‘throat’. =AavKavin.
Aevkds [adj.] ‘clear, white’ (II.). <1£ *leuk- ‘white’>
*COMP Many compounds (some prefixed), like did-, mapd-, éni-, bmd-AevKoc
(Stromberg 1946: 161).
Aéo@os ‘smooth’. =)iomoc.
déoxy [f.] ‘lounge’ (o 329, Hes.), ‘resting-place, grave’ (Rhodos), ‘public building’
(Dor., Att.), ‘talk, gossip’ (Ion. poet.). <PG(S) / Lw Anat.?>
*COMP éA-Aeoxog ‘subject to gossip’ (Hdt. 1, 153), from év Aéoyn; mpd-AEoXOc ‘eager
to talk’ (A. Supp. 200), cf. mpd-xelpoc, etc; on » GSodgoyn¢ see s.v.
*DER Aeoxijv, -fvoc [m.] ‘chatterer’ (Timo 46); Aeoxrvet: Outret, pvOoAoyet (H.).
Aeoxaiocg: eEnyntiyc, OmAntis (H.); Aeoxdpat: ofov ai oxoAai ... (EM 561, 17), see
Solmsen 1909: 124f. Two month names of unclear formation: Aecyavaotoc (Tegea),
Agoxavoptoc (Thessal., Gortyn); also AméAAwv Agoxrvoptog (from the Aéoyou which
were under his protection?).
*ETYM Most often connected with \éxo¢ ‘bed’ as PGr. *lek’-ska-. However, Greek had
no nominal suffix *-sk-, so a ox-present *A€x-oK-etal > *Aéoxetat has been assumed
to underlie Aéoyn. However, there is no trace of this verb. OHG lescan (MoHG
Idschen) ‘to disappear’ (supposed to derive from ‘to lie down’) and Olr. lesc ‘lazy’ are
uncertain.
As the Agoyn was not necessarily a room for lying down, the whole etymology (even
granting that *Aeoyetat really existed) is improbable. Long ago, the agreement with
Hebr. liskah was observed. This cannot be ignored. It was assumed that Greek took
the word from the East (cf. West 1997: 38), and not the other way round, and as the
word is isolated in North West Semitic; Schrader 1911: 469 already assumed that both
languages took it from Anatolia, which seems the most probable interpretation. This
is accepted by Fur.: 295, 257, who points out that the suffix of A\eoyapat is non-Greek;
he also points to the variant Hebr. niskah, which may point to Anatolian interchange
I/n, as in Fur.: 388.
Aevyaéog [adj.] ‘wretched, unhappy, sore, baneful, etc.’ (Il.). <1E? *leug- ‘break’>
*DER Avypog ‘id.’ (II.).
*ETYM The pair Aevyadéoc : Avypdc has a (late) parallel in épevOad£oc : pvOpdc.The
word Aevyahéoc is isolated and archaic, and may derive from a noun (perhaps
*Nedyog, like Epev8oc, and cf. dpyadéoc : GAyoc, Bapoanéos : Bapaos, etc; Schwyzer:
484). The word Avypoc is isolated, as well (perhaps it derives from a primary verb;
see below).
The Greek adjectives have no direct correspondences in other languages, but there
are several cognate forms, of which Lat. lige6 ‘to be sad’ is semantically closest. This
can be understood as an iterative-intensive secondary formation, or as a
denominative (to *lagus < IE *lougo-, beside *Aetyoc < IE *leug-os-?).
Connection with primary verbs for ‘to break’ may be envisaged: Skt. rujdti ‘to break,
torment’, Lith. /éZti ‘to break’ [intr.] (semantically, compare Sirdis luzta ‘the heart
breaks’), OHG liohhan ‘to tear, draw’, Arm. lucanem ‘to set free’. LIV? s.v. *leug-
*DER 1. Substantives with oppositive accent: AedKn [f.] ‘white rash’ (IA), ‘white
poplar’ (Att, Hell.), whence AevKtvocg ‘made of white poplar’ (Arist. Hell. inscr.),
Aevxaiog epithet of Zeus (Paus.), Aevkaia (-Ea) ‘white poplar, etc.’ (pap.); AedKoc
[m.] name of an unknown fish (Theoc.) with AevKioxog [m.] ‘white mullet’ (Hikes.
apud Ath., Gal.), see Strémberg 1943: 22f., Thompson 1947 s.wv. 2. AevKdc [f.] ‘the
white one’ (Nic.), name of rocks and of an island (w 11), also plant name ‘Lamium’
(Dsc.). 3. Further substantives: Aevkdti¢ [f.] ‘whiteness, the color white’ (1A),
Xevkitac [m.] name of a he-goat (Theoc. 5, 147), AevKn pov plant name (Dsc. 3, 96;
v.l. AdxnOpov; see Strémberg 1940: 147); AevKxapog (< -adoc?), -apiwv PN (Epich.,
inscr.), see Schulze 1933a: 1153, perhaps also Aevxahiwv with a different dissimilation
(see Schulze l.c.).
4. Verbs: a. Aevkaivw ‘to make or paint white’ ({t 172), AebKkavotc (Arist.), AevKacia
‘bleaching, whitening’ (PHolm., Cyran.); also as a HN in Messenia, Arc. TN
Aevkdotov; Aevkavtrs, -tikd¢ ‘one who makes or paints white’ (gloss., sch.). b.
AevKdopiat ‘to become white’, -dw ‘to make white’ (Pi, Att.), whence AedKwpa
‘whitened tablet’ (Att.), ‘white speck in the eye’ (Arist., pap.), -wplatiKdc, -wpatwdrc,
-wpatilopiat (medic., sch.); Aebkwotg = AevKacia (PHolm. 3, 6), -wt¢ (or -wtdc? Att.
inscr. mg. unknown). c. Aevkaéw, only in Aevkaledvtwv [ptc.gen.pl.] ‘gleaming
white’ (Hes. Sc. 146), metrical reshaping in verse-final position for AevKaBévtwv
from AevKdOu, acc. to Wackernagel Glotta 14 (1925): 44ff.; AevkaQéa, with secondary
o-vowel Aevxoéa (Od., Pi.) name of a goddess, ta Aevkd0ea festival on Teos, -Oewv
month name (Ion.); lengthened form AevKabiCw ‘to gleam white’ (Hdt., LXX), also
-avOiCw (imperial period), after dvOoc, Wackernagel Glotta 14 (1925): 44ff.
*eETYM Originally a verbal noun, identical with Skt. rocd- ‘bright’ from récate ‘to
shine, radiate, etc.’. Another old verbal noun is seen in Lat. licus ‘wood, forest’,
properly ‘glade’, Lith. laiikas ‘field’, OHG Joh ‘overgrown glade’, Skt. lokd- [m.] ‘free
space, world’, IE *louko- [m.]. In Greek, » Aeboow, >» A\byvoc, » Aodaoov also belong
to this large group of words.
Aevpdg [adj.] ‘open (of fields), spacious, even, smooth’ (since 1) 123). <?>
*ETYM Unexplained. Connection with Lat. lévis (as defended by de De Lamberterie
1990b: 420f.) is improbable, as this rather belongs with > Agtoc.
Aevoow [v.] ‘to see (clearly), look, examine’ (IL), cf. Ruijgh 1957: 132. <IE *leuk-
“(become) light’>
eVAR Present stem only, except for the isolated and late aorist forms Aevooate,
‘Aevbooete(v); on mg. and construction Treu 1955: 64.
eDIALArc. Aevow, but see.on >AevTOV.
852 AEvTOV
*COMP Rarely with ém-, eio-, 11p00-, Ttpo-.
*ETYM Beside the full grade yod-present Aevo(o)w from *AevK-tw, Sanskrit has a full
grade thematic root present lokate ‘to discern, perceive’ (also locate, with locana- [n.]
‘eye’), which differs slightly from récate ‘shine’ (see » AevKéc). An athematic middle
present is preserved in Hitt. lukk-"* ‘to become light, dawn’ < *leuk-to; Lat. litceé
‘make light, dawn’ = Skt. rocdyati ‘to make shine’ is from IE *louk-éie/o-, iterative-
intensive or causative; ToA [kam ‘I see’, ToB lkaskau ‘id’ are from a sk-present,
beside a full grade in ToB lyuketra ‘he is illuminated’. The meaning ‘to see’ arose
from ‘to light up’. See » AUx voc, » AodoGoVv. ;
Aevtov [nom.sg.] ‘negligent’, ‘seeing’? (Arc. IG 5(2), 3). <?>
*ETYM Dubois 1988: 77-78 follows the traditional interpretation that the t is a special
way of writing the (old) affricate of \etoowv. A different interpretation is suggested
by Morpurgo Davies Minos 20-22 (1987): 459-468: she reads Aevtovtec in IG 5(2), 16:
10, basing herself on the squeeze (though the back side of the squeeze does read
Aevoovtec, as she remarks op.cit. 468). This would eliminate Arcadian evidence for
Aevo(o)w, and she tentatively reconstructs a root *leut-, at least for the two Arcadian
forms, but perhaps also for Aevo(o)w itself (*leut-ie/o- instead of *leuk-ie/o-).
Aevw [v.] ‘to stone, lapidate’ (IA). <?>
eVAR Aor. Aevoat, aor. pass. AevoOijvat, fut. Aevow.
eCOMP Also with kata-.
*DER Aevottip [m.] ‘lapidator’ (Orac. apud Hat. 5, 67, trag.), Nevopdc [m.] ‘lapidation’
(A, E.), (kata-)Aevoipog “connected with lapidation’ (after Oavdowoc), Aevota: ...
AL8oPdAnTAa ‘hit by stones’ (H.).
*ETYM Traditionally considered to be a denominative of »Adag ‘stone’, but it now
appears that AGac had no -f-. Pedersen 1926: 45f. proposes relation to ON Ijésta,
pret. laust ‘to slay’ from IE *leus-t-.
AExetat [v.] - Komatat ‘lies down in bed’ (H.). <IE *leg’- ‘lie’>
VAR Also perf. ptc. Aeho[y] yvia: Aexw yevouévn ‘lying in childbed’ (H., also Antim.
in PMilan. 17 II 10), xadéxyec: KatdaKetoo. T1dgtot ‘lie down (Paph.)’ (H.), to which
belong the epic aorist and future forms AéKkto, éEo, -héxOa, -AEypEevoc (< Aey-TOo,
-00, -oOal, -uevoc, Chantraine 1942: 296); A€EacOat, A€Eopat (also with mapa-, kata-,
m1poc-) ‘to lie, lie down’; act. aor. A€Eov, éAeEa ‘to lay down, put to sleep’ (I1.).
*DER 1. Aéxoc [n.] ‘lair, bed’, especially ‘bridal bed’, also ‘deathbed’ (I].); as a first
member in Aexe-moins ‘having grass as a bed’ (II.), as a second member in e.g. opet-
Aexr\¢ ‘having his lair in the mountains’ (Emp.); with Aeyaiog ‘belonging to the lair’
(A. Th. 292 [conj.], A. R.), Aexipis ‘bedridden’ (E. [lyr.]), Aex@ [f.] “woman who has
just given birth’ (E., Ar. Cyrene), also Aexyw (Delphi), with expressive gemination
(Schwyzer: 478° and Fraenkel Glotta 32 (1953): 18), with Aexwioc; Aexwic = Aexw@ (A.
R, Call.), see Schwyzer: 465.
2. Adxoc [m.] ‘childbed’, but usually ‘ambush, band (in ambushy, military ‘armed
band’ (Il), often as a second member, eg. d-Aoxoc [f.] ‘spouse’ (Il.); as a first
member e.g. in Aoy-aydc ‘leader of a Adxoc’ (Dor,; S., Th. X.). Several derivatives:
AOxtog ‘ptng. to birth’ (E., Ar.), ) Aoxia epithet of Artemis (E., inscr.), ta AdxLa
Pik Dope pete 2 gb 0 eet eee Peg
héxptoc 853
‘discharge after childbirth’ (Hp., Arist.); Noxetoc (E. [lyr.], Plu.), Noxatog (Arat., AP)
‘id’; Aoxitnyg [m.] ‘sbd. belonging to the same Adyoc, fellow soldier’ (A., S., X.); Aox@
(-Wc, -6¢) = Aexw (LXX, Dsc.). Transformation Xoxedc ‘ambush’ (Hes. Th. 178), after
wAsdc, etc; Aoxr = Ady (late epigr.).
Denominatives: a. Koya, -opat [v.] ‘to lie in ambush’ (epic Ion., Hell.); after coisa,
-opa; thence AdxnOIc, -nTIKd¢ (late). b. Aoyebw, -opat [v.] ‘to give birth, deliver’,
pass. ‘to be delivered, be born’ (h. Merc., trag., etc.) with A6xevpa ‘that which is born’
(A., E.), Noxeia ‘process of birth’ (PI. E.), Aoxedtpta [f.] “woman who has just given
birth’ (sch.). c. NoxiCw ‘to lie in ambush, to distribute men among companies’ (Hdt.,
Th.), with Aoytopdc ‘the setting of traps’ (Plu.). 3. A€xtpov, often plur. -a ‘couch,
bridal bed’ (Il.); compounds like Kotvé-Aektpocg ‘sharing a bed, matrimonial,
bedfellow’ (A.); Aektpity O8pdva avaxAotv ~xovtt ‘leaning back against the bed’
(HL). 4. Adxun [f.] ‘lair of wild beasts, thicket, bush’ (t 439, Arist.), perhaps after
Kaun (Porzig 1942: 289; cf. also *koipn-in Koydw), with hoypaios ‘living in the bush’
(Ar. [lyr.]), -to¢ ‘id’ (AP), -wé1¢ ‘overgrown with bushes, etc” (Th, Thphr.),
Aoxpatw [v.] ‘to make up a thicket’ (Pisand. Ep.).
The whole group of words was restricted in its use in Ionic-Attic (instead, keipat or
(kata)-Kiivopat was used), see Ruijgh 1957: 153f.
eETYM The thematic present A€xetat is exactly paralleled by ToB lyasdm 38g. ‘lies
down’ < *leg'-e- and by Go. ligan ‘to lie’, which is suspected to be an innovation for
the yod-present dominant in other Gm. and Slav. languages (e.g. OCS lez), like
sitan ‘to sit’. A primary present, originally probably a yod-present too, is also found
in Celtic: Olr. laigid ‘lies down’. Italic once had this verb too, as appears from Falisc.
lecet ‘iacet’. Hitt. 3sg. laki ‘to fell, lay down’ < *log"-eie-.
Nominal formations comparable to Greek verbal nouns: ON lag [n.] ‘position’, plur.
log ‘law’, Ru. log ‘valley, cleft, fallow land’, SCr. Idg ‘lying’, Pol. od-tog ‘fallow field’,
Alb. lagje ‘band, group’, all from IE *log’-o- and formally identical to A6xoc; OCS
loze ‘khivn, Koity = bed’; OHG lehtar ‘uterus’ = AExtpov. In Slav., OCS lozes-no, plur.
-na ‘uitpa, uterus’ probably shows the s-stem of Aéxoc. For d-Aoyogs, cf. Serb.CS su-
loge ‘oby-Koitoc, spouse’, CS su-loZv. Also, ToB leke, ToA lake ‘lair’. See LIV? for
~ further forms.
AExptoc [adj.] ‘slanting, crosswise’ (S., E., X.). <PG(V)>
*DER Aéxptc [adv.] ‘id.’ (Antim., A. R.), after Gyptc, péxpic, Schwyzer: 620; also
Axpigic ‘crosswise, sideways’ (A. al—ac E 463, t 451). Glosses: Atkpoi: oi dor THV
éhageiwv Kkepatwv ‘the branches of the antlers of deer’ (H.), with a variant Aexpoi;
(YE. 1WAAytog ‘sideways, athwart, etc.’ (H.).
*ETYM As a basis of Aéxptoc, one formerly posited a p(o)-stem *Aexp(o)- of unknown
meaning, for which a pre-form *\ex-o-p- was reconstructed on account of Atxpoi/
Aexpoi (without -o-). The form with -o- is also seen in Aokdc ‘slanting’ (cf. Schwyzer:
327).
However, the forms Aexpoi/Atkpoi, Atkpipic and the gloss Au(y)& display typical Pre-
Greek alternations (interchange ¢/ 1, k/ x and prenasalization). It is much more
difficult to depart from IE forms with and without -o- side by side, than to assume
Pre-Greek origin. Note that the interchange e/ t is not the consequence of vowel
854 AEWV, -OVTOG
assimilation, as Frisk still assumed for Atkpigic, following Schwyzer: 256 et.al. See
> AoEdc.
AEwv, -ovtos [m.] ‘lion’ (Il.). <Lw Sem.?>
eVAR Dat.pl. also Agiovot (Il), on the supposed metrical lengthening of -e1-
(Chantraine 1942: 102) cf. Wyatt 1969: 237°.
*DIAL Myc. re-wo-pi /lewont-p*i/ [instr.], re-wo-te-jo /lewonteios/.
«comp Compounds like Aeovté-movs ‘lion-footed’ (E., inscr.) with Aeovto-nddt0Vv
plant name (Dsc.), cf. Strémberg 1940: 42; xaytat-Aéwv kind of lizard, ‘chameleon’
(Arist.), see Risch IF 59 (1949): 256, also as a plant name (Thphr., Dsc.), because of
the varying color, Strémberg 1940: 110; on -Agwv, -A€wvoc in PNs (secondary) see
Bechtel 1917b: 277. Cf. on » Aedttapdoc.
DER 1. Diminutives: Aedvt-tov (Theognost. Can., Med.), -dptov (inscr., pap.), also as
a fem. PN (Epicur), -ic ‘lion-like ornament’ (Lydia), -tdet¢ ‘young lion’ (Ael.). 2.
Aeovtén, -ti [f.] ‘lion skin’ (IA). 3. Adjectives: Xedvt-etoc “of a lion, lion-like’ (A.,
Theoc., AP); -6n¢ ‘like a lion’ (Pl. Arist.), -txég ‘of a lion’ (Porph.), -tavéc “born
under the sign of the lion’ (Cat. Cod. Astr.). 4. Neovt-n5dv [adv.] ‘like a lion’ (LXX).
5. Aeovt-taw [v.], whence -iacig name of a disease (medic.), cf. hepavt-taw, -iactc.
6. PNs Agovt-etc, -iac, etc. (see Bofhardt 1942: 72, Bechtel 1917b: 276f., Bechtel 1917a:
36). Fem. Agatva ‘lioness’ (Hdt., A., Ar.).
eETYM Judging by Agatva, Aéwv was perhaps originally an n-stem, like Spdxwv.
However, the fact that Myc. already has an nt-stem casts some doubt on this
supposition.
Aéwv is a loan from an unknown source; Semitic origin is probable, but Hebr. 1abi’,
Assyr. labbu, Eg. labu are quite different phonetcally. Lat. led, -dnis was borrowed
from Aéwv (the n-stem is a Lat. innovation). Thence were borrowed, either directly
or indirectly, European forms like Olr. leon [gen.pl.], OE léo, OHG lewo (whence the
Slavic group of Ru. lev, together with Lith. lévas).
On itself stands dic [m.] ‘lion’ (also Aic), acc. Atv (Il.), which is often compared with
Hebr. lajis ‘lion’.
Aewpyds ‘criminal’. «VAR Aéwe (Agiwc) ‘completely’. +Xetoc.
Atjyw [v.] ‘to cease, stop’ (Il.), incidentally trans. ‘to make stop, pause’ (epic); on the
mg. Porzig 1942: 48ff. <1E? *sleh,.g-, PG?(V)>
eVAR Aor. Anat, fut. ANEw.
eCOMP Also with prefix, especially kata-, dmo-.
DER Affi (amd-, Katd-, etc.) ‘cessation’ (A., A. R., Ph.), as a grammatical term
‘ending, desinence’ (Demetr. Eloc., A. D.); as a first member in governing
compounds like An&t-mbpetog ‘allaying fever’ (medic.); am6Anyya ‘border of a cloth’
(Aq.); &-(A)Anktog ‘incessantly’ (epic); AnktiKdg ‘terminal’, kata- ‘coming to a
premature end, incomplete’, of a verse (grammatical and metrical).
*ETYM In view of G-AANKTOG, KaTa-hArEetav (jt 224) and other forms, an original root
*oAny- is probable. The thematic root present *oAny-w, whence all the above forms
are derived, has no direct counterpart in other languages. However, a zero grade
nasal present is supposed within Greek in » A\ayydtw ‘to slacken’ and Lat. langue6 ‘to
ArPapyoc 855
be slack’ (for the formal difficulties, see s.v.). Besides, we find the primary zero grade
aorist haydécat (with the present »)hayaiw ‘to release’) and several nouns, eg.
>hayapdc. A full grade form is retained in North Germanic, e.g. ON slokr. More
forms in Pok. gsoff.
A pre-form IE *sleh.g- is possible; see Pok. 959. Joseph Glotta 60 (1982): 112-115
reconstructs *sleh,g-. However, one could also conceive of a Pre-Greek variation
Any- / Aayy- (long vowel alternating with prenasalization), cf. pnxavy / [ayyavov
and xnkic / kayybAac.
See > Awydwov, > Aoyyacw.
Anda [f.] mother of the Dioscuri and Helena (A. Ag. 914). <Lw Lyd.?>
eVAR Aron (epic).
*ETYM Perhaps from Lyc. (not Lyd.!) lada ‘wife, spouse’. See » Ant.
Andavov [n.] name of a resin-like substance, from the shrub called xio8oc¢ (Hdt.,
medic., pap.). <Lw Sem.> :
eVAR Also \ddavov.
*DER Backformation Afdov [n.] = kioBoc (Dsc.).
*ETYM A loan, originally from Semitic; cf. Arab. ladan > MoP laddn, Assyr. ladunu
(Andavov, TO kahéovot ApaBiot AadSavov Hdt. 3, 112). Borrowed from Greek into Lat.
lédanum, ladanum (back-formations léda, lada ‘Cistus cyprius’), Ru. ladan ‘sweet-
smelling resin, incense’. See Masson 1967: 553. See » Awtdc.
Andetv [v.] - Komav, KekpnKévat ‘to be tired’; Andrjoac: KeKuNKwc, KoTIdoas ‘tired’
(H.). <1 *leh,d- ‘let (go)’>
eETYM Because of andijoat: komtdoal, kaptetv; dndgopev- KoTIaLEv; Andis: komiwdn¢,
Okvnpdc ‘reluctant, sluggish’, the correctness of \ndeiv, Andrjoac has long been
doubted (cf. Maas ByzZ 37 (1937): 380).
If correct, however, the glosses may be compared with Alb. lodh ‘to make tired’,
lodhem ‘to get tired’ < IE *leh,d-, Lat. lassus ‘weary, tired’ < zero grade IE *lh,d-to-,
and Gm. forms like Go. letan < IE *leh,d- ‘to let’, lats ‘weary, slow’.
Andtov [n.] a light cloth = tpipmviov (kind of garment) or ijtatiov evtedéc ‘cheap
garment’ (H.). <PG(Vv)>
*VAR Also Andiov (Att. inscr. IV*), Ajd-, Andiov, ArtS- (Men.). Basic form AfSocg in
Dor. Aadog (Alcm.), A\G5o¢, Aat- (H.) ‘tpiBwviov’.
*DER Diminutive Anddptov, v.l. And- (Ar. Av. 715, 915). Adjective Andiwdetc:
tpiBwviwdetc (cod. -idec) (H.).
*ETYM The variation between forms with and without t shows that the word is Pre-
Greek.
ANnPapyos [m., f.] ‘lethargy, lethargic fever’ (Hp. Arist. Chrysipp. Stoic.), as an
adjective also ‘forgetful’ (Men., AP). <PG(v)>
eVAR Also plur.
*DER AnBapy-tKdc ‘affected by lethargy, lethargic’ (medic., AP), -w6n¢ ‘id’ (Dsc.,
Gal.), -ia ‘lethargy’ (Com. Adesp.), -éw [v.] ‘to be forgetful’ (pap., inscr.). Unclear is
adiPapyoc POxy. 1381, 100 (literary, IP).
856 Aj8n
*ETYM Probably an original adjective (scil. vécoc, mupet6c). Cf. »Aai8apyoc, which
shows that the word is Pre-Greek. The word, or at least its meaning, seems to have
been influenced by An®-, Aa8- ‘to forget’, and perhaps also by épy- ‘work’.
ANON eVAR ANP, etc. =AavOdvw.
AniCopat «VAR Also Anjin, Anic. =Aeia.
Aniov [n.] ‘standing crop’ (IL, Arist.), ‘cornfield’ (Theoc.). <?>
VAR Dor. Adiov, Adov (Sophr., Theoc.). :
*COMP Compounds like Ado-topéw [v.] ‘to reap corn’ (Theoc.), t0Av-Aniog ‘rich in
crops’ (E 613, etc.), cf. Bechtel 1914 s.v. dAriac.
*ETYM If Adiov is a real Doric form, Arjiov may belong to » dmoAatw ‘to enjoy’,
assuming a pre-form *ldw-io- ‘gain, produce’. For the formation, cf. » Agia which
derives from */dw-id-. The connection with the group of Avw would seem to require
PGr. *léw-, but it is semantically not convincing.
Aiitov ‘town hall’. =Aadc.
Ankaw [v.] ‘to have intercourse’ (com., H.), acc. to H. also = 16 mpdc Wdrv dpxeioBat
‘to dance to a song’. <IE? */ek- ‘jump’, PG?(V)>
eVAR Aor. Anjkijoat.
*COMP Also with br0-.
*DER Ankrpata [pl.] (Epicur. Fr. 414); Ankw: TO pdptov ‘genital part’ (H.); also
Ankivda maifetv ‘to beat time, drum with the fingers’ (Luc, A. D.).
*ETYM Iterative-intensive formation like mydaw (Schwyzer: 719), and as such
identical with Latv. lékat, 1sg. l@kdju ‘to fly, jump, hop’. Of course, the meaning
‘Biveiv, to have intercourse’ is euphemistic and secondary. The primary verb is seen
in Lith. lékti, sg. lekitt ‘to fly, run’, Latv. lékt ‘id’. Alternatively, we may consider the
fact that Greek also has » Aatkd{w, which points to Pre-Greek variation at/n.
AKvBos [f.] ‘casket for oil or perfume’ (Od.), also metaph. ‘rhetorical bombast’ (Cic.,
Plin.), = Lat. ampulla. <PG(v)>
eVAR On the gender see Schwyzer 1950: 34”.
DIAL Epid. AdKv8o¢ (IV).
*COMP avdto-ArKv80¢ ‘who carries his own oil-casket’ (out of poverty) = ‘poor man,
beggar’ (Att.).
*DER Diminutive Ankb®tov (Att.), AnKvOiddec: Evwtia mod ‘earrings’ (H.), Ankutiat
[pl.] = Arkv8o1 (pap.). Denominative AnKvOitw [v.] ‘to declaim in a hollow voice (as
though speaking into a A.) (Call., Str., Phryn., Poll.), AnkvO-totr¢ ‘who recites with
hollow voice, koitAd@wvog’ (S. Fr. 1063, H.), -toudc ‘speaking in a hollow voice’ (Plu.);
also as a back-formation Ankv8oc¢: 16 petatd tod AavKaviov Kai abyévoc Hy @dec ‘the
resounding part between the throat and the neck’ (Clearch.).
*ETYM Also TN ArxvOo¢ (Macedonia). Evidently a Pre-Greek word. Fur.: 121
connects Adydvoc, Adytov ‘cup, vase’, which seems convincing.
Anun [f.] ‘humour in the corner of the eye, rheum’, also metaph. (Hp., Ar. Plu.).
<PG?(O)>
ons inbred sal es enna omit a
ijvos, -ovs 857
eVAR A Doric form seems to be found in Adpac: wéac ‘slime’ (H., cod. Aapac pic
“‘mouse’).
*DER Diminutive Anuiov (Hp.), Anpbdpiov (Gal.); Anp-adéoc (Luc.), -11pd6¢ (Heliod.),
-wdn¢ (Alex. Trall.) ‘full of A.’; Anpi-dtns¢ (sch.), -woicg (medic. pap.), cf. AAwotc,
kvidwotg Anp-dw [v.] ‘to have bleary eyes’ (Hp., Ar.).
eETYM Unexplained. Connection with Lat. lama ‘puddle, marsh, mud’, Lith. lomas
‘pit, hollow, lower spot’ is semantically unconvincing. Rather Pre-Greek than IE.
Anuvioxos [m.] ‘woollen tape, bandage, compress’ (Hell.), acc. to Varro (in Plin.)
originally made of lime-bark. <?>
*ETYM Utensil name in -ioxoc (cf. Chantraine 1933: 408), Syracusan acc. to H. (tac
tatviag ‘headbands’. Lupakovotot). Connection with the name of the island
> Aijvoc? Suggestion on Etruscan origin in Miiller Phil. 78 (1923): 264f.
Aj\uvos [f.] a Greek island <PG>
*DIAL Myc. ra-mi-ni-jo /lamnios/ ‘man from Lemnos’ ra-mi-ni-ja /lamniai/
‘Lemnian women’. Dor. Adpvoc.
eDER Arnos, Anpiviakds ‘Lemnian’.
eETYM No doubt a Pre-Greek name, note the suffix -pvo-.
Aijv [v.] ‘want’. =r@.
Aijvan [f.pl.] “Bacchantes’ (Heraclit., Str.), Arc. acc. to H. (who has Anvai). <?>
*DER Arjva [sg.] as a PN (Ambracia, Aitolia); Anvic ‘Bacchante’ (Eust., Suid.). Also
Arvaia [n.pl.] name of a festival in Athens and elsewhere, with Anvatwv, -Wvoc [m.]
month name in Ionia (Hes. Op. 504, inscr.), Aryvatov [n.] name of a district in
Athens dedicated to Dionysus (Ar, Pl.), Anvaixdc ‘belonging to the Lenaians’ (Hell.),
Anvaitnye ‘id’ (Ar.); Anvaitw [v.] ‘to celebrate the Lenaians’ (Heraclit.); PN Anvaioc,
Anvaic. Anvets (Myconos) and Anvaioc (D. S.) epithet of Dionysus, Anvetovot-
Baxyevovotv (H.).
eETYM If Afjvat (in H. and as the title of Theoc. 26) are real dialectal forms, the word
cannot belong to Anvéc ‘winepress’, which would otherwise be the most obvious
solution. A better explanation has not been found.
Anos [f.] ‘trough (for pressing wine), winepress, sarcophagus, socket into which the
mast fitted, etc.’ (h. Merc. 104). <?>
eVAR On the gender see Schwyzer 1950: 34”. Dor. Aavdc
*COMP Rare compounds like Anvo-Batn¢ ‘one who treads the wine cask’ (late), d-
A1\vo< ‘not pressed’, of almond oil (Aet.).
*DER Diminutives Aryvic, Arnvidtov (pap.); further A1jv(e)wv, -@voc [m.] ‘place where
wine is pressed’ (pap., Gp.), Anvac, -adoc¢ [m.] (late inscr.; Anatolia), probably =
ArvoBatr¢, see Schulze 1933a: 300.
eETYM Unexplained. Perhaps a technical term from the substrate. For Anvaia,
Anvatwv, see on > Ajjval.
Aijvos, -ovg [n.] ‘wool, fillet, fleece’ (A. Eu. 44, A. R. 4, 173, 177). <IE *h,ulh,-neh,-
‘wool’.>
858 AFiposc 1
*ETYM Except for the ending -oc¢ (which is perhaps an innovation after eipoc, méKoc,
Frisk suggests), Afjvoc is the old inherited word for ‘wool’, which is preserved in
several languages: e.g. Lat. Jana, Lith. vilna, Ru. vdlna, Go. wulla, Av. varand, Skt.
urna-, all of which may go back on IE *(h,)ulh,neh,-. An initial laryngeal is
reconstructed on the basis of Hitt. hulana-, Luw. *hulani- ‘wool’, but Kloekhorst
2008 s.v. hesitates to reconstruct *h,ulh,-n- (see also Peters Sprache 33 (1987): 115f.).
Celtic forms like MW gwlan, Olr. olann (pointing to a vocalisation PCI. uldnda- < IE
*ylhneh,-) deviate.
The word probably belongs, as a verbal noun in -nd, to a verb for ‘tear, pluck’
retained in Lat. vellé ‘pull out’ (but not related to » dAiokopa); Lat. vellus [n.]
‘shaved wool’ < IE *Huél-no- and Arm. gelmn ‘id.’ < IE *Huél-mn- (?) belong to this
root as well. If we reconstruct an initial laryngeal, it must have disappeared in Greek
at an early date, giving rise to a preform *yJh,-n- after revocalization.
Rijpos 1 [m.] ‘trash, nonsense’ (Att., Hp.). <ONOM, IE? *leh,- ‘how!’>
*DER Anp-w6n¢ ‘silly’ (PL, Arist.) with -wéia (Hdn.), -w5éw (Phot.), -wdnpia (Suid.).
Besides, probably as a denominative, Anpéw [v.] ‘to be foolish, silly; to speak
nonsense’ (Att. Hp.), aor. -fjoat, also with prefix like mapa-, dmo-, kata-; thence
(mapa-)Arp-npa (PI), -nots (Hp., Plu.); back-formation mapd-Anpog ‘delirious’ (Hp.,
Ph.). Also Anpaivw [v.] ‘id.’ (Ph., H.), after dppaivw, etc. (Debrunner IF 21 (1907):
57), Anpeia = Anpnotc (Phld.), as if from *Anpebu.
eETYM An analysis as Afj-poc offers the possibility to connect a widespread group of
words with *Ia-, e.g. Lith. loti, isg. l6ju, OCS lajati, sg. lajo ‘to bark, revile, abuse’,
Arm. lam ‘to cry’, Lat. lamenta ‘wailing’. Perhaps, the root is onomatopoeic, but we
may also reconstruct */eh,- ‘to howl.
With short vowel, we encounter »Adpoc, PAdoKW; also, Aaiev, Aarpevat
pGéyyeoVat ‘to utter’ (H.), but these are not necessarily related.
Aijpos 2 [m.] ‘golden ornament on women’s clothes’ (Delos II*, AP, Luc., Poll. H.).
<%>
VAR Or Anpoc, Boeot. Aetpoc (IG 7, 2421).
*ETYM Unknown. A special use of » Afipoc 1 ‘trash’ is rather improbable.
AHtoupyéw, -ia, -d¢ >Aadc.
Aryto [f.] Leto, mother of Apollo and Artemis (II.). < PG?>
eVAR Gen. -60¢, -ovc.
DIAL Dor. Aatw. Myc. ra-to /Latd/, ra-ti-jo /Latios/
eCOMP As a first member in Anto-yevijc (Aato-), fem. -yévela ‘son (daughter) of
Leto’ (A., E. [lyr.], AP).
*DER Antotdnc, Aatoidac ‘son of Leto’ (h. Merc. 253); Ant@oc (Aat-) (A,, S.), fem.
-wa, -wic, -widc¢ (Hell. poetry) ‘born of Leto’; to Ant@ov ‘temple of Leto’ (Arist.), ta
A-a ‘festival of Leto’ (Delos III’).
*ETYM Unknown. Traditionally derived from Lyc. (not Lyd.) lada ‘wife, spouse’,
together with Anda. Kretschmer Glotta 32 (1953): 187 and 196f. assumes Pre-Greek
f
|
|
St a ——e,
Mapdcg 859
origin, comparing Caucas. (Awar.) ladi. Pre-Greek origin also assumed by Bethe
1923: 20f. and Chantraine Ant. class. 22 (1953): 68.
Sources from antiquity tell that it was originally a name of the ‘night’; hence the
Semitic etymology by Lewy 1895: 23o0ff. as well as the IE one (to Lat. lated) by Osthoff
IF 5 (1895): 369; both are unconvincing. Borrowed as Lat. Latona, see WH s.v. See
also Fur.: 186.
AtaCouat [v.] ‘to collapse, incline, recoil, sink’ (Il.). <?>
eVAR Aor. Atao@ijvat. Rare and late active forms (cf. Wackernagel 1916: 131) MiaGw
(Lyc., H.), Audoat (H.), Aiacoe v.l. ¥ 879 for hiacBev; nasal present Aivayiat- toéTIOpat
‘turn’ (H.), verbal adj. &Aiaotoc ‘inescapable, inflexible, obstinate, incessant’ (lII.,
Hes.), on the mg. cf. Erbse Glotta 32 (1953): 236ff.
eETYM The meaning is not very explicit, and may have changed through literary
influence. This leaves much room for etymological speculations and makes a secure
interpretation difficult.
The present Atdopat (whence hapax Aiacoe) are innovations to AtacOjvat. The nasal
present Aivayiat (taken by Frisk to be an old formation) was supposed to correspond
to Skt. linati (gramm.) ‘to lean against’ and to Olr. lenaid ‘to follow’, but the latter is
from *h,leiH- ‘to stick’ and the Skt. attestation is doubtful.
Semantically better is connection with a Germanic group: Go. af-linnan ‘anoywpeiv,
to go away, cede’, OHG bi-linnan ‘yield, stop, leave off, with -nn- from -ny-. LIV?
s.v. *leih,- chooses for this connection, assuming that -nH- yielded the Germanic
geminate, but this development is highly controversial; they also connect Ved. -liyate
‘is (re)solved’.
A third option is Skt. layate ‘to hide (intr.), which also presupposes a root *leiH-.
The appurtenance of Hitt. ulae-*', uléss-“ ‘to hide’ to this root (defended by Oettinger
1979: 364) is very uncertain, as there is almost no trace of a prefix u- in Anatolian
(Kloekhorst 2008 s.v. ulae-*').
See further >» Aytdc.
Aiav [adv.] ‘very much, exceedingly’ (Il.). <?>
*VAR Epic Ion. Ainy (1).
DER Here AtdGetv [v.] ‘to be over-enthousiastic’ (A.D., Phot.).
eETYM Like div, mA, etc., Aiav is a petrified accusative with an unknown basic
meaning. A form At is cited from Epich. 223 (Str. 8, 364), and also occurs as a first
member in Al-m6vnpoc: Aiav TovNpdc ‘extremely worthless’ (H.); see also An: Aiav
(H.). Connection with the intensifying adverb » )a-, Nat- is uncertain. Has also been
compared with Aingoc: detvdc (H.).
Etymologically unclear. Chantraine Glotta 33 (1954): 28 considers a remote
connection with m Acioc ‘level, smooth’.
Atapdc [adj.] ‘tepid, mild’ (IL.). <?>
*ETYM Note the similarity with synonymous xAtapéc; cf. Giintert 1914: 147. Other
semantically close formations in -apdc are given by Chantraine 1933: 227.
' Unexplained. The comparison with AiBpdc by Fur: 240 is useless.
860 hiBavoc
AiBavog [f.m.] ‘frankincense’ (Sapph., Pi., E.), ‘frankincense tree’ (Hdt., Melanipp.,
Thphr.). <Lw Sem.>
eVARAtBavwtoc [m.] (or [f.]) ‘id’ (Sapph., IA).
*COMP Some compounds like AtBavocpdpocg (Herakleid. Com.), Aipavwto-pdpoc
(Hdt.).
*DER 1. From \iPavoc: diminutive AtBavidtov (Men.); adjectives: AiBav-wdn¢ ‘like
frankincense’ (Philostr.), -.voc ‘with the color of frankincense, made of frankincense’
(pap., gloss.); AiBavac [m.] ‘trade of frankincense’ (pap.), AiBavitic [f.] epithet of
Aphrodite (Luc.), as she was venerated with incense; verbs: AiBavdopat ‘to be mixed
with frankincense’ (LXX), AiBaviCw ‘to smell like frankincense’ (Dsc., Gal.). 2. From
MBavwtdc: ABavwtic [f.] ‘rosemary, Rosmarinus’ (Thphr., Nic., Dsc.), after the
smell (Strémberg 1940: 62), also ‘censer’ (Delos, Hell.) like AiBavwtidtov (Delos II*)
and AiBavwtpic (Anatolia, imperial period), after names of utensils in -tpic
(Chantraine 1933: 340f.), AiBav-wtikdc ‘consisting of frankincense’ (Hell. inscr. and
pap.), -wtivog ‘prepared with frankincense’ (medic.); AtiBavwtiCw [v.] ‘to incense,
smell like frankincense’ (Str., Dsc.).
*ETYM A loan from Semitic, for which one compares Hebr. I*bona ‘frankincense’ and
Phoen. /‘bénat, etc. ‘id’ (from the root laban ‘to be white’, probably after the white
color of the sap of the tree. The meaning ‘tree’ is secondary to frankincense’ itself. It
was thought that the name of mount AiBavoc ( = L*bdn6n) had influenced the Greek
vocalization (details in Lewy 1895: 44f., Masson 1967: 53). Acc. to Miiller Glotta 52
(1974): 53-59, however, the word was taken from Southern Arab libdn. The form in
-wtoc comes from the plural libdnot ‘the grains of the resin’. The word is derived
from the adjective /bn ‘white’ (Arab laban ‘milk’). This is confirmed by the fact that
people from southern Arabia came to Delos.
AtBpdc [adj.] epithet of d\dc ‘turbid liquidity’ (AP 15, 25, 1), of v0E (EM 564, 49), ‘dark’
or ‘humid’, of ogdac (Trag. Adesp. 232); explained by Erot. as oxotetvdc kai wéAac
(on Hp. Aér. 15, where the codd. have diep@ and 8oAepa, said of Hp). <?2>
eVAR AtuBpdc (EM 564, 52; Suid.).
*ETYM Fur.: 287® notes that the prenasalization could be due to late Greek/Byzantine
nasalization. The merit of his comparison with \tapdc (ibid. 240, 287) is doubtful.
The comparison with Aeibw (Frisk, DELG hesitantingly) does not seem to make any
sense.
Aiydnv [adv.] ‘touching superficially, grazing’ (y 278), émAtydrv ‘id’ (P 599). <IE?
*sleig- ‘slide’>
*DER Aiydoc [m.] ‘mortar’ (Nic., also S. Fr. 35?), ‘mould made of earthenware or of
clay, funnel’ vel sim. (Poll., Ael. Dion., H.), ‘lye’ (Eust.), Aiyda: 1] dkévn, Kai 1 Kovia
‘whetstone, plaster’ (H.). Denominative verb Aryéever amnOei ‘filters’ (H.).
*ETYM For hiyda, cf. dpda, B54 and Solmsen 1909: 269. The suffixal agreement
between the adverb Aiyénv and the substantives Aiydoc, -da is not accidental (cf.
Chantraine 1933: 360), but the adverb was first. As the semantic connection between
AiySog and Aiydnv is not immediately clear, note the phonetic similarity of \iydoc
with its synonym > iyétc.
AUKEdLw 861
As a basis, a verb Aifw (otherwise unattested) was assumed by Eust. 1926, 37, “we and
tod Aiterv, A€ews wWvoptatomenoipévnc”, which he probably thought up. A verb
with an original meaning ‘to smear, glide, etc.’ is compared: Olr. (fo)sligim ‘to
smear’, also ‘to beat’ (from *‘to brush’), OHG slihhan ‘to steel, creep’ from ‘to go
gliding’; several nouns, e.g. Olr. slige ‘comb’, ON slikr ‘smooth’, slikisteinn ‘rubbing
stone’, and from Slavic e.g. Ru. slizkij ‘slippery, slimy’. This points to a root *sleig- ‘to
slide’. See further » Atoodc.
Atyvue, -bos [f.] ‘thick smoke, smoking fire’ (A., S., Ar., Arist.). <PG?(V)>
*DER Atyvuwdnjs (Hp., Gal.), Atyvudeic (A. R.) ‘smoky’.
eETYM Fur.: 118 compares ixvuc ‘dust, ashes’ (A-/zero), which is conceivable; but his
comparison with dAtoyéw (ibid. 292) is mistaken.
Aye [adj.] ‘clear, resounding, shrill (Il.). <?>
°VAR Fem. \iyeta (on the accent Schwyzer: 474, Chantraine 1942: 191), ntr. Atyv.
eCOMP Frequent as a first member, e.g. Mtyb-Pwvoc ‘with clear voice’; adverbs Aiya,
Atyéws (II.). . ,
*DER With extended suffix Atyv-pdc (perhaps dissimilated from -v-Adc?) ‘id. (Il).
Denominative verb Atyaivw ‘to cry, resound or sing with a clear voice’ (Il.), with
Atyavtap (= Atyavtip) eidog téttryoc. AdKwvec ‘a kind of cicada’ (H.), see
Stromberg 1944: 18. An old nasalized formation is the aor. AiyEe ‘twanged’ (of Bidc
‘bow’ A 125); cf. Aiyyw- 7x@ ‘resound’ (Theognost. Can. 16).
eETYM Unexplained.
AiBoc [m., f.] ‘stone, boulder, rock, precious stones’ (Il.). <?>
eVAR On the gender see Schwyzer 1950: 37°, Shipp 1967: 76.
*COMP Compounds like \i80-BdA0¢ [m.] ‘stone-thrower’ (Att.), povd-ALBoc
‘consisting of one stone’ (Hdt.).
*DER 1. Diminutives: A.6-idtov (PI. Arist.), -dptov (Thphr., Hell. inscr.), -apidtov
(Alex. Trall.). 2. collectives: \18dc, -a5o¢ [f.] ‘shower of stones, throw of a stone’
(Od., A., Nic.), see Chantraine 1933: 352; Avia ‘rock’ (Hell.), cf. Chantraine 1933: 81. 3.
NGak [f.] ‘stone’ (e 415 [attributive], Hell. poetry), AGaxdc ‘id. (Stesich.), Chantraine
1933: 384; AWic = AtBiactc (see below; Hp.). 4. Adjectives: Ai8eog (Hom.), Ai®toc
(Thess.), -etog (sch.) ‘of stone’; Ai®tvoc ‘id.’ (Pi., IA), At8ikdc ‘ptng. to a stone’ (Hell.).
MOwsd1)¢ ‘stone-like, stony’ (IA), AlOwdia (Eust.). 5. Verbs: \uWatw ‘to throw with
stones, lapidate’ (Arist. Anaxandr.), with \t8ao-udc, -t1¢, -tixd¢ (A. D., sch.);
, AvOdoptat ‘to be turned into stone’ (Arist.), with Ai®woic (Aristeas, Plu.); Avraw
(-Odw) ‘to suffer from the stone’ (Hp.; after other verbs of disease in -t4w), whence
MGiacts (Hp.; Gal.).
*ETYM Unexplained.
Aixeptiferv [v.] - oKiptav ‘to leap, bound’ (H.); Frisk wrongly gives m1)6av. <PG?>
*ETYM Connection with »\d&, » AaxtiGw is impossible. Pre-Greek origin is likely.
Auxpdw [v.] ‘to separate the grain from the chaff, winnow’, metaph. ‘to crush, destroy’
(E 500, B., X., LXX, pap.). <E *neik- ‘swing (cereals) for winnowing’>
eVAR Aor. AtkpLijoat.
862 AtKpigic
*DERAtkntip ‘winnower’, Aucpuycpic “winnowing fan’, also Atkptwp, -TI¢; -17TI]pLov
‘winnowing fan, shovel’; -ntd¢ ‘winnowing, scattering’; -ntiKd¢ ‘ptng. to winnowing’.
Probably a back-formation is Atkudc¢ ‘winnowing fan’, Aicuaia epithet of Demeter,
Auxpiler GAoG ‘threshes, crushes’ (H.), Aixvov [n.] ‘winnowing fan’ (Arist.), also a
sacred basket with the first fruits in the cult of Demeter (S., AP); Atxvodpos also
‘cradle’ (h. Merc. Call.), Aucvitng epithet of Dionysus (Orph. , Plu.), -itic, of tpogr
(S. Ichn. 269), AtkviCw = AuKpdw (pap.).
With a different initial: v(e)ixAov: TO Aikvov (H.), ixwav- Atkudv, ottov KaBaipetv ‘to
cleanse grain’; ixu@vto- éceiovto, énvéovto ‘to shake, blow’ (H.), avucudpeva (PL. Ti.
53a; Vl. dvadikv@peva, dvadtkumpEeva), Amt-KLoat, dt-ucqu@vtat (Thphr.). Further
from H. ev<vi>Kunto<v>: evAi<K>pijtov, AviKA@pEVov: davakaBaipdpevov (cf. on
avixy@peva above), and without a suffix wiKa- AuKud; viketv (for -Kav?): Atkuav,
veikeoev- Exptvev ‘sieved’, evvikéc: ev«pivéc ‘well-sieved’, vetkntrp: Aucpntip.
Meyapeic.
*ETYM \ikvov and vikAov, and probably also wkudv (in evvikuntov), can be
understood as dissimilated from *vikvov, *viuxvav. Perhaps, Aucudv and, with loss of
the anlaut, ixudv, derive from vixpdav. Cf. Danielsson Eranos 5 (1903-1904): iff. on
the dark form dmoAetkat (inscr. Milete).
Starting from *vik-vov, it is attractive to connect the full grade verb Lith. niekéti, 1sg.
niekdju ‘to winnow (corn)’, Latv. niékat ‘to swing groats in a mill’; cf. suffixless Greek
glosses like wa.
Aukpigic =AExptos.
AtAaiouat [v.] ‘to desire, vehemently long for’ (Il.). <?>
eVAR Only present; the perf. » AeAupevoc does not belong here.
eETYM A reduplicated yod-present, which has been connected with Skt. lasati ‘to
radiate, be pleased’ (either a thematic root present with secondary s for s, or from
*la-ls-a-ti with reduplication and zero grade). However, the nouns Adotat- mépvat
‘whores’ (H.) and Adotaupog (see PAdotau, as well as \do6n and Ajjvat) point to Pre-
Greek origin in view of their suffixes.
From other languages, comparisons have been made with, e.g., Lat. lascivus
‘luxuriant, wanton’ (from *las-ko-, cf. Ru. Idska ‘caress, affection’), Skt. 1a-las-a-
‘desirous’, etc. Unrelated because of the deviant vocalism is the Gm. group of Go.
lustus ‘lust’. ;
An IE root *las- is hardly possible. LIV? s.v. *las- states that the appurtenance of the
Skt. (epic class.) verbs lasati and lasati to the Greek verb is uncertain.
AiuBog [adj.] ‘Aiyvoc, desirous, fond of sweets’ (comm. Arist., H.). <?>
eVAR Also tu Bdc.
*DER AwPebw [v.] ‘Atyvebu, to be desirous’ with AwPeia = Atyveia (Hdn. Epim., H.).
eETYM Unexplained.
Aus ‘harbour’. >Aeipov.
AiptvOec [2] - ZAptvOec. Tarot ‘intestinal worms’ (H.). <PG(V)>
\ivov 863
eETYM A Variant of » AutvOec, where the idea is discussed that \w- goes back to a
Pre-Greek sequence *)’m-. Influence of Nipdc ‘hunger’ seems improbable.
Nipds [m., f.] ‘hunger, famine’ (Il.). <?>
eVAR On the gender see Schwyzer 1950: 373, Solmsen 1909: 109.
*COMP Aipl-ayy-gopiau ‘be weakened by hunger’ (Hp.) from *Xip-ayx-o¢ (to dyyxu, cf.
Schwyzer: 726); on Bov-Atwog see on »BovAlpia; on movAWog ‘strong hunger’
(Boeot.) see Schulze KZ 33 (1895): 2436.
DER Atw-wd1)9¢ ‘hungry’ (Hp.), -npdc ‘hungry, ptng. to hunger’ (Theoc., AP), -adéoc
= pvodc, Aettd6¢ (H.), after avad€oc, etc. Verbs: Awaivw, Arvo ‘to suffer from
famine’ (Hdt.), Aw@ttw, -woow ‘id? (Str. J.), with Aipwétc (late).
*ETYM A primary formation compared with Aipdc is suspected in » Aowds ‘plague’,
where the long 1 is sometimes explained by Saussure’s Law: loss of laryngeal after o-
grade root. For » Aeipdc see > Akiplov.
AutTavw —)eittw.
AtwPds [m.] - ovKogavtTne. 7H ENVUTIS Tapavouwv ‘a denunciator, or accuser of illegal
acts or people’ (H.). <?>
*DER Awgevetv: dmatav ‘to deceive’ (H.).
eETYM Unexplained.
Aivapat =ALaCopat.
Aivdog [m.] an aromatic plant (Mnesim. Com. 4, 63 apud Ath. 9, 403d, Eust. 315, 18).
<2>
*ETYM Named after the town Lindos on Rhodes? Cf. the plant name Odos (after the
spit of land and town of the same name) and other cases in Strémberg 1940: 1211f.
Atvets [m.] fish name = keotpevc, ‘mullet’ (Call. Com. 3 apud Ath. 7, 286b, Phot., H.).
<GR?>
*ETYM Connected with divov ‘fishing net’, as a back-formation from Atvebw [v.] ‘to
catch fish with a X. by BoShardt 1942: 50; cf. the description in Thompson 1947: 109
(s.v. Keotpevc). Hardly related (as an inherited word) to Balto-Slavic names of the
‘tench’: Lith. lynas, Ru. lin’, etc.
Rivov [n.] ‘linen, flax, linen cloth, thread, cord, fishing net’ (Il.). <EUR?>
*DIAL Myc. ri-no /lino-/.
- eCOMP Several compounds like Atvo-68wpné ‘with linen cuirass’ (Il, AP), \tvo-Cwotic
[f.] ‘mercury, Mercurialis’ (Hp. Dsc.), from a compound *Atvo-Cwotng, cf.
Strémberg 1940: 148; AevK6-Atvov [n.] ‘white flax’ (Hdt.).
*DER Diminutives: Atvapiov ‘thread, net’ (Delos II*, D. Chr.), Atvobdtov ‘linen cloth’
(pap.), probably from 16 Atvodv (ipdattov); also AtvovTiov (pap.; cf. below).
Adjectives: iveoc, -obc, -d¢ (IA); Atvéa, -aia [f.] ‘cord, noose’ (Hell.), Aivivoc
(Tanagra III*) ‘linen’, Atvatoc ‘id., made of flax’ (Hp., pap.), Atvuxr) [f.] ‘tax on flax’
(pap.).
864 Aivocg
Verbs: Atvebw ‘to catch with nets’ (Peripl. M. Rubr.); also late hypostases: dta-, ék-,
émt-Aivaw ‘to slip through the net, escape from the net, inspect the net’ (Phryn.,
Eust., H.), éx-AtviCw ‘to escape from thenet’ (Byz.). On »Atvebs = keotpeve, see s.v.
*ETYM Aivov has been compared with BSI. forms like Lith. linai [p].] ‘flax, linen’, Ru.
lén, gen. lend ‘id’, which go back on a short vowel. Opposed to this is Lat. linum with
long vowel, whence Olr. Jin ‘net’ and other Celtic words, and Alb. li-ri, lj-ni ‘linen’
were borrowed. The Gm. group of Go. lein, OHG lin (also ON, OE) also pie with
Lat. linum, and can therefore be considered loans from it, too.
Original identity is possible, however, since the cultivation of flax in Catal Europe
is very old. Still, it is more probable that Aivov and linum derive from a
Mediterranean word. The word is unknown in Indo-Iranian (but the concept is, of
course).
Fur.: 375 cites the gloss kai Aivoc mapa Kumpiots (H.), a variant with long vowel. See
also >» Nita and & ic 2.
Aivoc [m.] name of a song (= 570, Hdt. 2, 79, Pi. Fr. 139, 5), also personified as a name
of a mythical singer (Hes. Fr. 192, Theoc. 24, 105, Apollod. 1, 3, 2). <?>
*ETYM Foreign word from an unknown oriental source. Cf. » aiAtvoc, which is the
source of the PN Aivos, acc. to Giintert 1921: 64. Acc. to Eiffeldt 1939: 161ff., atAtvov
(whence perhaps Xivoc as a PN, as opposed to Aivoc ‘song’ = Aivov ‘linen’) is from
Phoenic. ’ij Alijan, a lamentation for the god of vegetation Alijan.
Aina [adv.] ‘fat, gleaming’ (I].). «IE *leip- ‘stick’>
eVAR In Hom. in elided form only: (4Agiyao@a) Aim’ éAaiw, etc; unelided Aina in
Hp., Th. (cf. Leumann 1950: 3009f.).
*DER Atttapdc ‘fat, gleaming (of oil or unguent), fruitful (Il.), together with Attapia
‘fatness’ (Dsc.) and Atutaivw ‘to make fat, anoint’ (IA) with Aimavotc ‘anointing’
(med.), Autavtikds ‘good for anointing’ (sch.), Attaouds ‘anointing’ (Dsc.), Aitacua
‘fat substance’ (Hp., Hell.). Other verbs: Autdw ‘to be sleek from unguents’ (t 72,
Hell.), trans. ‘to anoint’ (Nic.), Aimatw ‘id? (Nic.). Innovated s-stem: Aittoc [n.] ‘fat’
(A, S., Arist.) with AutwSn¢ ‘fatty, oily (Thphr.); also Aimag [n.] ‘id. (Aret.), after
Kpéac?
eETYM A formal correspondence to Ain-a, probably a derivative from a root noun, is
found in Skt. rip- [f.] ‘defilement, deceit’; Aimapd¢ looks like Skt. rip-rd- [n.]
‘defilement, dirt’, and Aimog like Skt. répas- [n.] ‘stain, dirt’, but both could be
independent formations. Appurtenance of Alb. laparos ‘to defile’ is doubtful.
The other languages show different formations: nasal present Skt. li-m-p-dti
[3sg.pres.] ‘to smear’, with 3pl. aor. med. alipsata, Lith. lipti, 1sg. lim put ‘to stick, be
sticky’; yod-present in OCS pri-lupljo, inf. pri-lv péti ‘to stick’. A deviant meaning is
found in the Gm. group of OHG bi-liban ‘to stay, remain’. Unrelated is » dAeigw ‘to
anoint’, which requires *h,leib"-. The comparison with Hitt. lip(p)-* ‘to lick’ should
be discarded, because it is an onomatopoeia (Kloekhorst 2008 s.v.). See » Aintw.
Ainapéw ‘to persist’. =Aintw.
dig 2 865
Ainepvijs, -1tos [adj.] mg. uncertain, perhaps ‘poor, deserted, orphaned’ (Archil. 50
[moAitat], BCH 11, 161 [Caria], gloss.). <PG(V)>
VAR At@epv-odvtag (see below).
DER Also -1t1)¢ (AP 9, 649, EM), -ft1¢ [f.] (Call. Fr. 66e, Epic. Oxy. 1794, 17, Suid. [=
mtwxn]), together with Autepvodvtac: Tewxpovs “poor, needy’ (Suid.), which has a
variant Apepvodvtac (J. AJ 2, 5, 5), of otaxvac, parallel to doBeveic, opposed to
Kap Bapoivtac.
eETYM The suggestion by Suid. and EM 566, 50: mapa To AeinecBa Epvéwv, 6 éott
gut@v ‘leaving behind the sprouts, ie. the plants’, is clearly folk-etymology. The
variant with aspiration points to a Pre-Greek word. For the structure, cf.
> KuBEepvaw.
Ainog ‘fat’. Aira.
Aint [v.] ‘to desire’ (A. R., Lyc., Nic.). <2
eVAR Perf. med. AeAwipevos ‘desiring’ (A. Th. 355, 380).
DER Cf. Ai: émOvuia ‘desire’ (H.), further Atnapéw [v.] ‘to persist, ask persistently
or repeatedly’ (IA), with Autapin ‘persistence, endurance’ (Hdt.) and Atnapric
‘persistent, persisting, earnest’ (S., Ar., Pl.).
eETYM Aintw is traditionally compared with Lith. liépti, isg. liepia ‘to command,
order, organize’, OPr. pallaips ‘order’. Alternatively, \intw and Ainapéw may belong
to Aimta, Aurtapdc; but a serious problem is the length of the 1. See » Aupoupia.
Aipdc [adj.] ‘bold, shameless, lewd’ (Call. Fr. 229, Alex. Aet. 3, 30). <?>
ecOMP Compound \)ip-d@8adpoc ‘with lewd eyes’ (Suid.), Atpo-KAij¢ PN (Ion.
inscr.).
*DER Atpaivet avaidevetat ‘shows shameless behaviour’ (H.).
eETYM Unexplained. Fur.: 240 is unconvincing.
Nic1 ‘lion’. eVAR Nic. >AEwv.
hic 2 [adj.] epithet of métpr ‘rock’ (u 64, 79) and of otvdwv ‘cloth’ (SGDI 5702, 19;
Samos IV’): ‘smooth’. <1? */h,i-t- ‘smooth’>
DIAL Myc. ri-ta pa-we-a /lita p*arwe'a/ ‘smooth clothes’.
*DER 1. acc.sg. (also taken as pl.) Ait-a, dat. Ait-i ‘smooth linen’ (Hom.). 2. Aitdc¢
‘simple, plain’ (since IV’), Aitw¢ (Alc. F 7, 2; context unknown) together with
Att [f.] ‘simpleness’ (Democr. 274, Thphr.). 3. Aucodcg (Crete III*, also TN), fem.
Moor (Od.), Atcodc, Boeot. Aitta¢ (Corinn., A., E., Theoc., A. R.) ‘smooth, bare’, also
metaph. ‘naked, insolvent’ (Crete); hence Atcodopat in [Ato]ow8évtwv [ptc.]
‘becoming insolvent’ (Crete III*) and in Aicowpa ‘(bald spot on the) crown’,
Noowotg “bald-headedness’ (Arist.); cf. Atccov¢: Seopévous ‘lacking, in need’. Kai
Tovs Hovxi Pakaxpots ‘slightly bald’ (H.). On » Atcodvios, see s.v.
eETYM The basis of these words was the t-stem At-t-, seen in Ai-c and in the
substantives Ait-a, Ait-i. Thematic enlargement gave Att-6-c; beside this, there was a
ta-derivative in fem. *Aiooa < *Nit-ta, with a new nom. Atoor from the originally
ablauting gen. Atoofjc, and a new msc. toads. For dic : Aiooa, compare eg. Orc :
8ijooa, Kpric : Kpfjooa, The form »Xeiog ‘level, smooth’ can hardly be separated
866 Atoyaptov
from )ic; this points to a reconstruction Att- < *lh,i-t- beside full-grade *leh,i-u-
(Schrijver 1991: 283f.).
AMoyaptov [adj.] “spade, mattock’ (sch. Theoc. 4, 10, Suid. s.v. okageidtov). <PG?>
*DIALMoGr. Atoydpt.
eETYM A diminutive derived from *Aioyoc, which is unexplained itself. Several
hypotheses have been advanced: from *\iy-oKxoc to Lat. ligd ‘mattock’; from *hié-
oxoc or *Aid-yoc, related to » Niotpov. Fur.: 294 objects to a suffix -ox-, rel ring to
Schwyzer: 541. So the word is rather Pre-Greek.
Nionos [adj.] probably ‘smooth, polished, flat’ (Ar. Ra. 826, of yA@ooa); ai Aiomou as a
word for the halfs of a dice, used by two friends as a tally (Pl. Smp. 193a), also oi
Aiomtot (Suid.). < PG(V)>
eVAR Aspirated by-form Aico@os (Attic acc. to Moer. and Tz.), Aioot = ta ioxia ‘hip
joints’ (EM 567, 20). Cf. Aio@oc = Gnvyog; also Aéoqoc (EM 567, 21).
*COMP Compounds \tond-nvyog (-1v&) ‘with smooth (flat) buttocks’ (Phryn., Poll.
sch.), b16-Atortog (-~oc) ‘smooth, polished or flat underneath’, especially of the
buttocks and hips (Ar. Eq. 1368, Philostr., Poll.).
*DER Denominative Miog@oac8ar- ELattmoacBat ‘to reduce, diminish’ (H.).
*ETYM \io@oc and héogosg are by-forms typical of a Pre-Greek word.
Moodwos [adj.] only in @ Atloodvie (Ar. Lys. 1171; v.l. Avoo-), a form of address of
unknown mg,, explained by H. and Phot. as dya8dc (cf. @ ’yaGé). <?>
*ETYM A Laconian word without etymology. The analysis as a compound pursued by
Frisk fails to convince.
Aicoouat [v.] ‘to beg, pray, implore’ (II.). <1E? *leit->
eVAR Aor. AttéoBat, AioacBau (Il. epic poet.), new pres. Aitopat (h. Hom. 16, 5, Ar.
[lyr.], AP).
*DER 1. Attat [f-pl.], rare Ath [sg.] ‘prayer’ (Il., Hdt.) with Attatoc epithet of Zeus
(Bithynia I), Atthotocg ‘praying’ (Nonn.), after iketrjotog (Chantraine 1933: 42);
AtaCouat [v.] ‘to pray, beg’. 2. With a suffix -v-: Attavdc ‘begging, suppliant’ (A.),
Mtaivw [v.] ‘to implore, beg’ (E.), Attavebw ‘id.’ (Il.); Attaveia [f.] ‘appeal, entreaty’
(LXX, pap., D. H.), -evtikdc ‘ptng. to prayer’ (sch.). 3. Attijpa BadAdv: Tov ixéctov
(H.). 4. Verbal adjective -Atotog in compounds: tpi-, 1oAb-, 4-AALoTOG ‘implored
three times, much prayed for, etc.’ (Il), on -AA- (also in é-AAicoeto, etc.) see
Chantraine 1942: 176. An adj. *Attéc ‘begging’ does not exist, see Chantraine RPh. 79:
16ff.
eETYM Unclear. Connection with Baltic words for ‘touch’, like Lith. liésti, lytéti is
semantically unconvincing, that with aAivw formally impossible. LIV? (s.v. 2. *leit-)
defends the connection with the Baltic words: “Im Gr. iiber ‘an den Knien berihren’
zu ‘anflehen’ weiterentwickelt, vgl. hom. Awwogoxeto yobvwv”. Does the borrowing
Lat. litare ‘to sacrifice under prosperous omina’ from “lita < Gr. Atti?
Moods ‘smooth’. =Aic 2.
Aiotpov [n.] ‘tool for levelling, spade, shovel, etc.’ (x 455, Lyc., Mosch.). <?>
doBdc _ 867
eVAR Also -oc [m.].
*DER Diminutive Niotptov [n.] (Ar. Fr. 809, inscr. Lebadea), Atotpwtdc ‘flattened,
smoothed’ (Nic.) with Atotpdéw (Eust.), Motpetw [v.] ‘to dig up’ (w 227), Atotpaivw
‘id’ (Suid.).
*ETYM An instrument name in -tpov without explanation. Assuming *)it-tpov, it
may belong to Nic, Att-dc ‘smooth, even’. Comparisons with Latv. list, 1sg. lidu, Lith.
lydyti ‘to dig up, unearth, smoothen’ and with Lat. lira ‘furrow’ have been given up.
Aisgos ‘smooth’. =Aiomoc.
Nira ‘linen’, dat. Atti. eVAR Attéc ‘simple’. =Nic 2.
Atai ‘prayer(s)’. =AiooopLa.
hitapyitw [v.] ‘to slip away’ (Ar. Pax 562, Nu 1253, both fut.); Aitapyiferv: tpoyaletv ‘to
run quickly’; dnoAttapyioat: os amtod papiiv ‘to run off quickly’ (H.); <?>
VAR Fut. -10.
eCOMPAIso with dmo-.
*DER Attapytopidg (sch. Ar. Nu. 1255), Mitapyog ‘running quickly’ (An. Ox. 2, 236, EM
567, 38), perhaps an invented back-formation.
eETYM Unexplained. The ending recalls dpydc ‘quick’, but the beginning is unclear
(Attég ‘simple’?).
itpa [f.] ‘pound’, as a weight and coin; as Sicilian silver money = half a mina or 50
drachmes (Epich., Sophr., [Simon.] 141, Hell.). <Lw Western Medit.>
*COMP Compounds like dexa-Attpo¢ ‘worth ten pounds’ (Epich., Sophr.), Attpo-
oKdmoc ‘money-changer’ (S. Fr. 1065).
*DER Attpaiog (AP, Gal.), also Attp-taiog (Gal; cf. Chantraine 1933: 49) ‘worth or
containing a pound’; AitpiCw [v.] ‘to weigh, deliver by weight’ with Aitptopdc (pap.);
also Attpaods ‘libratio’ (gloss.).
eETYM A Mediterranean word, originating from Sicily and identical with Lat. libra
‘balance, pound’. As common basic form, */ibra has been postulated; on the
phonetics, see Schulze KZ 33 (1895): 223f., Schwyzer: 206, and Pariente Emerita 20
(1952): 389ff. The shortness of the t in Aitpa, which would be Doric acc. to Hdn. Gr.
2, 546, 12, is unexplained. Details in WH sv. libra. Fur.: 182 further compares
At6piov: tpbBAtov ‘cup’, also a measure (H.).
Atxavec eVARAIxpcopat, Aixvoc. >Aeixw.
diy, AtBdc =AciBw.
Auyoupia [f.] “desire to urinate’ (A. Ch. 756). <GR?>
eETYM Abstract formation in -ia from a supposed *Auy-ovpéw or *A{W-ovpoc, a
governing compound from *Aiwa ‘desire’, related to » Aintw, and odpov. Was this
the origin of the gloss Ai: émOvpiia (H.)?
Aofdc [m.] ‘lobe, lap, slip’, a designation of various lap- or slip-like parts of the body
or of plants, especially ‘lobe of the ear’ (E 182), also of the liver (Hp., A., E., Pl.), of
the lung (medic.), etc, ‘leaf of the elder’ (Thphr.), ‘capsula with seeds, pods of
868 oyadec
leguminous plants’; also these plants themselves; ‘pod, seedbox, skin of fruit’
(Thphr,, Dsc., Gal.). < EUR?>
*COMP Often as a second member, e.g. mpd-AoBoc [m.] ‘crop of birds, Adam’s apple’
(Arist., LXX), but mpo-Adfiov ‘the front part of the lobe of the ear’ (Poll. H.); éA-
AoPos ‘in a pod, having a pod’ (Thphr.), lengthened é\AoB-wdn¢ ‘id,’ (cf. Stromberg
1937: 164), but €A-AdBLov ‘earring’ (Luc., S. E.); dvtt-AdBtov, -Bic ‘part of the ear-lobe
opposite to the mpoAdfiov’ (medic.); émtAofic: uepoc tod ijmatos ‘part of the liver’
(H.); as an adjective in 1 émtAoBic yAw@ooa ‘lobe of the liver’, a sign of soothsayers
(PAmh. 2, 14, 21; II-IV); as a term of construction katadoBevc [m.] ‘cornice,
crossbeam’ (Epid., Hierapytna); d&vAopéw “tO tayéwo dxotw = hearing quickly’
(Suid.), from *0&b-AoBoc, see Stromberg 1937: 164.
*DER Diminutive Adftov (Gal, Dsc.).
eETYM Etymology unknown. The connection with MoHG Lappen ‘piece, rag’ is
semantically attractive, as is that with its cognates, e.g. OE leppa [m.] ‘tip, lap’, éar-
leppa ‘ear-lobe’. It sometimes appears without gemination, as in MoNw. lape ‘to
hang down’, MLG or-lepel ‘ear-lobe’.
A deviating vocalism is shown by Lat. labare ‘to waver’, beside which with a long
vowel labor, labi ‘to glide’; both may derive from a root *(s)leh,b- (in which case they
are unrelated). With initial sl- we find eg. MLG slap ‘slack’, OCS slabo ‘slack’,
probably continuing *slob-. The fact that all these words show IE *b points to
European substrate origin.
Aoyadss [f.pl.] ‘white of the eye, ta Aevkad TWV OPBaAL@V (Sophr. 49, Call. Fr. 132, Nic.
Th. 292), also = ‘eyes’ (AP 5, 269). <GR?>
eVAR In Poll. 2, 70 sing.
*ETYM Metaphorical use of hoyddec (Ai8ot): ‘picked, chosen’, i.e. ‘unworked stones,
pebbles’ as opposed to ‘cut stones’ (Paus. 7, 22, 5); cf. also Aoyadiv “by accidental
selection’, of stones (Th.), AvQo-Adyos (-€w, -ia) ‘who works with unworked stones’
(as opposed to \t80-tTdpL0¢, -ovpydc). Note the alternative explanation of Noyadac as
wh@ous AEvKdc ‘white pebbles’ in H. Likewise, Sw. 6gon-sten ‘eye-ball’, properly
“eye-stone”. See also »Aéyw, and on m»AwydAtot. Fur: 363, etc. connects Aoyadec
with Avydoc ‘white marble’, but this not evident semantically.
Aoyyatw [v.] ‘to linger, hesitate, abide’ (A. Fr. 112, Ar. Fr. 811). <PG(V)>
eVAR Aor. Aoyydaoau.
*DERAoyydota [n.pl.], H. also -cin [f.sg.], originally “abode”, ‘stones to fix cables of a
ship’ (H,, Phot. s.v. hoyydCetv).
*ETYM Formation like yupvdotov, -cia to yuuvafouat, etc. (Schwyzer: 469f.); further
Aoyye@vec [m.pl.] ‘id’, which acc. to EM 569, 42, is Syracusan, a shortened form after
the place names in -(€)v.
It cannot be separated from the synonym >» AayydaCu; the variation a/o points to Pre-
Greek origin. Cf. also Fur.: 274 (on Lat. langue6).
homds 869
*COMP Compounds like hoyxo-pdpog ‘lance-bearer’ (E., Ar. X., Plb.), di-Aoyxo¢
‘with double lance’ (A.).
*DER Diminutives: Xoyx-iov (Hell. inscr.), -dptov (Posidon., Luc.), -i¢ (Hell. [?]),
-idta (H. s.v. (iBdvvic).
Adjectives: \6yywog “belonging to the lance’ (A.), cf. udyytoc; ANoyywtdc ‘provided
with a lance’ (B., E, Hell. inscr.) with Noyxdopuat, see below; AoyxNpns ‘id’ (E.),
Aoyyxatoc: pETA Tij¢ AOyyNJ¢ (Suid.).
Substantives: hoyxitns [m.] ‘lance-bearer’ (Hdn.), Aoyyitic [f.] plant name (Dsc.,
Gal.), after the form of the seeds (Stromberg 1940: 55).
Verbs: Aoyxdouat ‘to provide with a lance’ (Arist., Str.), probably a back-formation
from hoyywtdg (above), rare Aoyyebw [v.] ‘to pierce with a lance’ (AP 9, 300 in tit.),
Aoyxacet (H.) explaining Sopacet.
*ETYM Unexplained; all previous hypotheses are unconvincing: comparison with
Aayyavw as “the reaching one”; analysis as “the long one”, related to Lat. longus;
more in Frisk.
Aotydc¢ [m.] ‘ruin, havoc, death’ (II.). <1E ‘leig- ‘illness’>
*COMP As a second member in Bpoto-Aotydc ‘destroying men’, of Ares (Il.), also in
&Onprj-Aotydc “destroyer of chaff”, “winnowing-fan’ (Od.).
*DER Aoiytog ‘destroying, bringing disaster’ (Il.), also Aotyretc, -¢ ‘id.’ (Nic.),
poetical transformations, cf. Schwyzer: 527 and 513); Aotyiotpia: dACBpevtpta (H.), to
ddoOpety ‘to destroy’.
*ETYM Properly an agent noun “destroyer” (cf. Porzig 1942: 307) of a primary verb
preserved in Lith. léegti ‘to be very ill, be ailing’ (IE *leig-), to which also belongs the
zero grade action noun liga, Latv. liga ‘illness, plague’; further perhaps Alb. lig ‘bad,
meagre’ and (with IE *k) Olr. liach ‘miserable, unhappy’. Unrelated are » dAiyoc
‘slight, small’ (Saussure Effect is unlikely, especially in initial position), and Arm.
atk‘at ‘poor’ (see Martirosyan 2010 s.v.).
Aordopéew [v.] ‘to slander, abuse, reprove, revile’ (Pi. IA). <?>
eVAR Aor. AotSopijoat.
*COMP Sometimes with prefixes like dmo-, ovv-, Mpoo-.
*DER Aotdopia ‘slander’ (Att.); also Aotddp-notc (PI., LXX), nods (Ar.), -1yHa (Arist.,
Plu.), -udtiov (Ar.); -17t1Kdc ‘abusive’ (Arist.), -tot¢ (H.) as an explanation of
KOBeElpoc (after dywvioti, etc.); as a back-formation Aoidopoc ‘abusive, slanderer’
(E. Cyc. 534, Arist., Hell.).
*ETYM Taken as a formation comparable to moAt-opkéw, detpo-topéw, oivo-xoéw,
etc., but further details are unclear. It is doubtful to compare the first part with Lat.
lidus ‘play’, dite: naite ‘plays’ (H.), as is done by Perpillou 1996: 12ff., who also
adduces the gloss Aivdeo8at- dptAAGoBat ‘to contend’, and proposes haplology from
*hotdo-dopéw. Note that several terms with this micaning are Pre-Greek (cf.
> KEPTOLEW). y
AOyos, AGytog > AEyw. Aomds [m.] ‘plague’ (A 61), metaph. * pernicious man’ (D.), also in adjectival function
(LXX, christ. lit.). <?>
: ‘ Ba Sa pence
dOyxn [f.] ‘spearhead, javelin, lance’ (Pi.). <?> <VAR Aoln (H.), probably for kn,
870 Aoutdc
*DER Aotpwdry, ‘like the plague’ (Hp., Th.), Aowuxdc “belonging to the plague’ (Hp.,
Hell; Chantraine 1956a: 121), Aoipiocg epithet of Apollo in Lindos (Macr.); Aomdtnc¢
‘plague-like situation’ (LXX); Aoijevouat [v:] ‘to be contaminated with the plague’
(LXX), Aowwoow, -WTTw ‘to suffer from the plague’ (Gal. Luc.).
*ETYM Most often taken as ablauting with »Aiyudéc. The form Aoydc has also been
considered as a root-cognate, and a third suffixal variant was seen in Aoltéc: Aotdc
(H.). The form Aoitdc is taken by Schmidt s.v. as a mistake for Norydc, and with good
reason. A cross of Aysdc¢ and Aotydc has also been suggested, but this is a desperate
attempt to explain everything.
Aoitds ‘remaining’. >Aeinw.
Aoio8oc 1 [adj.] ‘the last, utmost’ (‘Y 536). <?>
*DER Aoio@locg (Pi, trag., Theoc. A. R.), (16) AoioGtov [adv.] ‘at last’. ocOrjioc
‘regarding the last’, (ta) AotoOrjia ‘the last prize’ (¥ 785, 751), like aptotijiov, -ia;
AoioOrWa: tédoc, Mépac ‘end, border’ (H.). Unclear are the glosses hoic8wvac: tovdc¢
akpateic ttepi ta appodioia ‘the weak ones regarding sex’ (H.) and Aoto8wvn;: 1
Opaoeia ‘the bold one’ (Suid.).
*ETYM No etymology. All suggested explanations are unconvincing (for literature see
Frisk): from *Aothto-6Ff-o¢ “the weakest in the course”, related to 8éw and Gm.
*laisiz ‘less’ in MoE less, etc.; from *Aothto-toc; related to Lith. léidZiu, léisti ‘let’, Lat.
lidus ‘game’, etc, from *Aohto-toc to Go. las-iws ‘weak, powerless’, etc. (Solmsen IF
13 (1902/03): 140ff.). The problem is that the -0- causes difficulties. Scheftelowitz KZ
56 (1929): 179 tried to get around this by positing *sloid'-to- (to OCS po-slédonjo
Eoxatoc, utmost, last’ ~ slédo ‘trace’, Lith. slysti, isg. slydau ‘to glide’, Gr. dAtcBava,
etc., from IE *(s)leid"- ‘slippery, glide’), but it is unlikely that the cluster preserved its
aspiration for such a long time.
AoicBocg 2 [m.] ‘beam’ (IG 2’, 1673: 17 [IV*]), also an epithet of ddpv, ‘deck beam’ vel
sim. (E. Hel. 1597). <?>
*ETYM MoGr. hootds ‘lever’ seems to presuppose a pre-form Aoic@dc, see Georgacas
Glotta 6 (1958): 168. Further unclear.
Aoitn [f.] - tapoc ‘tomb’ (H.). <1E *leit- ‘go away, pass away’>
VAR Aottevetv: Bamtetv ‘to bury’ (H.).
eETYM Derived from an old verbal root *leit- ‘to go away, pass away’ found in
Germanic, e.g. Go. (afleipan, ON lida, OHG lidan > MoHG leiden ‘to suffer’, with
the causative ON leida ‘to carry, conduct, bury’, OHG leiten ‘to lead, carry, etc.’, to
which also belong ON leidi [n.] ‘burial place’, OHG leiti [f.] ‘conduct, exequiae’. In
Iranian, the verb also remained as a euphemistic expression for ‘pass away, die’: Av.
raé0-, pres. iriiieiti. Tocharian preserves the older mg. “go away’, e.g. ToA 3pl.pres.
litantdr, ToB 3sg.subj. laitam, pret. lita.
Aottdc 1 - Aowds (H.). =Aodc.
Aottos 2 [adj.] epithet of véoc, perhaps = ayvdc (Supp. Epigr. 8, 716, 14 [Balbilla]). <?>
eETYM Unexplained.
Aopddc 871
AOKaAog [?] name of an unknown bird, perhaps a stork (Arist. HA 504). <?>
*ETYM Fur: 345 Anm. 3 compares Georg. laglagi, laqlaqi, lakvi, (East Caucasian)
Tsakhur lagldg ‘stork’, MoP laglag, laglag ‘id.’.
doxky [f.] - xAaude, Epantic (garment names) (H.). <PG(V)>
*ETYM Fur.: 344 compares Adkkoc ‘a garment’ (Peripl. M. Rubr.). Given the
interchange a/o, the word is probably Pre-Greek; compare Lat. lacerna ‘mantle-like
overcloth’.
NOAAa [f.]? name of a plant (pap. Byc.). <?>
*ETYM Unknown.
AokAw word of child language (Hermipp. 89). <?>
eVAR Cf. AoAAODdv: Ta radia TOV TA TOV ‘porridge in child language’ (H.).
*ETYM Unknown.
Aokdc [adj.] ‘bent to the side, slanting, oblique’, metaph. ‘ambiguous’ (IA). <?>
*COMP Late compounds like Aofo-KédevOoc ‘with oblique paths’ (Nonn.), mapd-
Aokog ‘slanting, oblique’ (Sor.), cf. mapa-AoEaivopat below.
*DER Aokiac, Ion. -ing [m.] epithet of Apollo as a prophesying god (B., Hdt., trag.),
also of the ecliptic (astron.), Ao&w [f.] daughter of Boreas (Call., Nonn., EM 641, 57).
AokiKos KUKAOG ‘the ecliptic (astr.), NoEdtH¢ ‘obliquity, ambiguity’ (Str., Plu.).
Denominative verbs: AoEdopat ‘to be oblique’ (Sophr., Hp., Herod.), also -dw, also
with ém-, bito-, whence AdEwotg ‘inclination, obliquity (of the ecliptic)’ (Epicur.,
Str.); (dta-)AoEetw ‘to make aslant or ambiguous’ (Lib.), with Aoketpata [pl.]
‘obliquities’ (Man.); mapa-hoFaivopat ‘to be placed obliquely’ (Hp.).
eETYM Several adjectives with comparable meaning also have a suffix -co-: yavodc,
Kaydc, pokdc, pucdc, etc. Connection with héxpioc, and further with Aexpoi (see
Aoxpoi) seems probable, but it seems impossible to make a reconstruction. The o-
vowel seems to point to a nominal base form.
Further connections are not very clear; words for ‘elbow, arm’ and other curved
body parts have an initial vowel (eg. Lith. alkiiné ‘elbow’, Ru. Idkot’ ‘id. < PSI.
*dlkot-, Arm. olok‘ ‘shin-bone’) and should therefore be kept separate.
AopBpdc [adj.] an indecent dance (Poll, 4, 105). <?>
eETYM It has been compared with AouBovc: tov anteoKkoAvpLEVOUGS ‘stripped off.
Bechtel 1898: 61 gives the PN AduBak. Etymology unknown.
Aonds ‘shell, bark, scale’. «VAR Notte, -ic, etc. =AETIW.
Aopddc [adj.] ‘bent backwards, so as to be convex in front’, also sens. obsc., opposite
kv@dc (Hp. Arist.). <1? *lerd- ‘curve’> *
*DER Adpdwv, -wvoc [m.] name of a demon (Pl. Com. 174, 17, beside KiBdacoc from
kbpda); AopSdouat, -dw [v.] ‘to bend supinely’ (Hp., com.), whence Adpd-wotc, -wya
‘curvature of the spine inward’ (Hp. Gal.), opposed to Kt@-wotc, -wua; also
AopSaivw = -dw (Hp.).
*ETYM Isolated in Greek. Cognates in Armenian have been supposed, as well as in
Celtic and Germanic. Semantically, a neat comparison exists with Arm. lorc-k‘ [pl.]
872 oduata
(i-st.) = dmto8d6tovor (Pl. Ti. 84e), ie. “spasmodic inward curvature of the upper
body’ (cf. Adpdwotc, -wua above); however, lorc‘-k‘ must be derived from IE *lor(d)-
sk-(i)-. A corresponding formation may be found in Celtic Gael. loirc [f.] ‘deformed
foot’, which also admits of an IE basis *lor(d)-sk-eh,-. Further we have, without a
suffix -sk- and deviating in ablaut, MHG lerz, lurz ‘left, sly’ < ‘crooked’ (cf. liirzen ‘to
deceive’ = ME bi-lurten ‘id.’), from IE *lerd-, *Ird-.
Aovpata ‘chaff. >rAobw.
Aodtooov [n.] ‘white pith of the fir-tree’ (Thphr. HP 3, 9, 7); details in Stromberg 1937:
126, 128, 166. <?>
*ETYM May continue *Aovk-tov as a derivative of a root noun, as is seen in Lat. lax
‘light’, if from IE *louk-s. Further derivatives from this root are OCS luca [f.] ‘ray,
beam’ with a suffix *ih,. An o-derivative IE *louk-o- is seen in Lat. litcus ‘forest’, etc.;
the verbal adj. »AevKdc and the yod-present » Aetoow belong there, too, as does
> Avxvoc. The etymology remains rather improbable, though.
Aova, -optat [v.] ‘to bathe, wash (the body) (IL.). <1£ *leuh,- ‘wash, bathe’>
eVAR Also hoéw (ipf. Adeov 6 252). how (ipf. Ad’ [Kk 361], Adov [h. Ap. 120], inf.
AdeoOat [Hes. Op. 749]); further AodoOat (f 216), Aodvta (Hdt.), Aovptevog (Ar.);
Dor. (Call. Lav. Pall. 72f.) A@vto, AwWovto; aor. Aodoat, -oacBau (Il.), epic also
Aoga(a)al, -EooacBai, Dor. Awodpevocg (Cyrene), pass. AovOfvat (Hp.), -oOijvat
(LXX, pap.); fut. Kovow, -opat (IA), Aogcoopat (¢ 221), perf. ptc. AeAoupéevoc (E 6).
*DIAL Myc. re-wo-te-re-jo /lewotreios/, epithet of bathtubs.
*COMP Also with prefix, especially amo-, éx-. As a first member e.g. in Aoetpo-xd0¢
‘pouring bathwater’ (Hom.) = Myc. re-wo-to-ro-ko-wo, see below.
*DER 1. Aovtpév, Hom. Aoetpdv, Dor. Awtpdv (H.), usually plur. (always in Hom.)
‘bath, bathing site’ (Il.); Aodtpiov [n.] ‘bathwater’ (Ar., Luc.), dmoAovtptog ‘already
used for washing’ of water (Ael.), Aovtpwv, -Wvoc [m.] ‘bathroom, public baths’ (X.,
Hell.) with -wvixdc ‘ptng. toa bathing site’ (Cod. Just.), Novtpic [f.] ‘ptng. to the bath’
(Theopomp. Com., H., Phot.), Aovtpikdg (H. s.v. EvotpoArKvOov), Aovtpdouat [v.]
‘to bathe’ (Euboea). 2. AXovtpa [f.] ‘sarcophagus’ (Corycos), for the mg. cf. waxpa
(from paKktpa) ‘bathtub, coffin’. 3. Aovtip [m.] ‘bathtub’ (LXX, inscr.), -Aprov [n.]
‘id’ (Antiph., inscr. Awt- Tab. Heracl.), whence diminutives -npidtov (Hero, pap.),
-I)pioxoc (gloss.); éxkAoutiptog ‘for washing out’ (Aegina); éyAovotpic [f.] “bathing
trunks’ (Hell. pap.). 4. Novotny [m.] ‘who loves bathing’ (Arist. M. Ant.). 5. Aototc
‘bathing, washing’ (late pap., inscr.), atéAovotc ‘washing’ (PI.). 6. Aobpa [n.] ‘stream’
(Sardes); probably also Aovpata (cod. dovwata): Ta TOV TILGOOLEVWV KPLO@V ayvpa
Konptot ‘the chaff of the barley-corns that are winnowed’ (H.); cf. andAovupa =
anoxa8apya (sch. Eust.); was the chaff drenched in water before feeding it? 7.
Aovtidw [v.] ‘to wish to bathe’ (Luc. Lex. 2), after guet-tdw : é1éu, etc.
*ETYM The aorist No(F)écat is of the same type as kopéoa, otopéoa; the rare present
do(F)éw can be explained as an innovation. The form Aotoat may have arisen from
*horéoat by contraction, and hence Aobw may have been formed. In Homer, the
uncontracted forms can often be substituted, e.g. Adecev, etc. for Nodcev, etc., as well
as hogeoOat for AovecVat (Z 508 = O 265).
ASPOG 873
Both Aodoat, etc. and the isolated forms Ad’, Noov, Adeo8ar are understandable if we
start from a thematic verb *Adfw; the last forms however, could also be due to
hyphaeresis (cf. Schwyzer: 252f.). Likewise, hodo8at, Aodvtat, AovpEvoc admit of
basic forms *Adf-eoBat *Adf-ovtal, *of-Ouevoc, but they may alternatively be
explained from Ao(F)éeo-Bau, Ao(F)Eovtat, Ao(F )EdpLeEvos.
A correspondence to the vocalism of *Aéfw is found in Lat. lav6, lavere, the a-
vocalism of which Vine KZ 119 (2006): 239 explains from a pre-form */loy-V- that
originated in the frequent prefixed verbs (Lat. lavare is mostly found as a simplex). It
remains uncertain whether Arm. loganam, aor. logac‘ay ‘to bathe’ has a disyllabic
root too, given the productivity of the Arm. verbs in -anam.
Myc. re-wo-to-ro-ko-wo and re-wo-te-re-jo deviate in root vocalism from the
Homeric and later forms; it is thought that their e-vocalism is original, and that
AoETpOV, etc. arose by metathesis of *lewo-. The Celt. and Gm. nominal derivatives
show the same vocalization as the Homeric forms, e.g. Gaul. lautro ‘bathing place’,
Olr. léathar ‘basin’, ON: laudr [n.] ‘lye, soap foam’, OE léabor ‘soap foam’, which
may go back to IE *louh,-tro- and be identical with Ao(F)etpdv.
Hitt. lahu-' / lahu- ‘to pour, cast (metal), overflow’ points to *leh,-u- and can
therefore not be related to Aotvw.
Aoevic, -ido¢ [f.] ‘torch’ (Lyc., AP, Cleitarch. gloss. apud Ath. 15, 701a [cod. Aogida)).
<>
*DER Ao@vidia: Aaumdaédta ‘small torches’ (H.); also Aopvia [f.] ‘id’ (Anon. apud Ath.
15, 699d; Kaibel Aopvida); cf. Scheller 1951: 56.
eETYM Formation in -ic or -ia derived from *Ad@vos, -vij. Because of the description
in Ath., thv ék tod pdotod Tij¢ GunéAov Aapndéda ‘torch made of the bark of the
vine’, it may derive from *lop-sn-, related to Aémw ‘peel’, Nomtdc ‘shell, bark’; the suffix
is also seen in Avxvoc, with comparable meaning. Still, I find this solution rather
improbable.
AO@os [m.] ‘neck of draught animals and men, crest of a helmet, crest of a hill, ridge’
C1l.), also ‘tuft on the head of birds, crest of feathers, cockscomb’ (Simon., Hdt., Ar.,
Arist.). <1E? *lob"-o- ‘crest, top’>
«COMP Often as a second member, e.g. yrj-, yeW-Ao@og ‘(earthen) hill’ (Pl. X.); rarely
as a first member, e.g. (ta) Ad@oupa ‘having a crest-like tail’, of draught animals and
animals of burden (horses, asses, ta bno{byia) as opposed to ruminants (Arist.,
Thphr,, Hell. inscr.). N6¢gn [f.] ‘comb’ (D. S.), perhaps after Kou?
*DER 1. Diminutives: Adgtov “small crest of the helmet’ (sch.), Aogidtov “small hill’
(Ael.). Other substantives: 2. Aogid, Ion. -14 [f.] ‘manes, bristly back, dorsal fin, etc.’
(t 446, also Hdt., Arist.), cf. Scheller 1951: 72f.; 3. AKopetov ‘crest case’ (Ar.), also Logic:
Teptkepadaiag OAK ‘chest around the head’, ie. ‘helmet’ (H.). 4. Aogiag [m.] ‘fish
with dorsal fins’, denomination of the pa&ypo¢g (Numen. apud Ath.), like axavOiac,
etc. Chantraine 1933: 94, also ‘the first dorsal vertebra’ (Poll.); in the last mg. also
Aogadiag (Poll.); Ao@uytns [m.] ‘inhabitant of a hill (AP, of Pan, after moAujtN¢). 5.
Ad@woig [m.] ‘crest ornament’ (Ar. Av. 291); cf. détwots (see » aietdc). 6. Adjectives:
AoPwsng ‘crest-like, hilly’ (Arist.), No@detg ‘crested, hilly’ (Tryph., Nonn.). 7. Verbs:
874 ASN
Aopaw ‘to be crested’ (Babr., Ar., H.), after kopiaw, Leumann 1950: 3077; Aogifw [v.]
‘to raise the A.’ (Zonar.); Aopdoytat [v.] ‘to tower, form a hill’ (Eust.). 8. Hypostasis:
Kkatadopddeta [adv.] ‘hanging down from the neck’ (k 169 with metrically
conditioned -eta, cf. Katwpddioc, KatwpLaddév; Chantraine 1933: 39, Chantraine 1942:
101 and 176).
*ETYM As both Alc. (Z 65) and Hdt. (1, 171) consider the crest of the helmet to be a
Carian invention, Schulze 1892: 257, 4 considers Ad@oc to be a Carian loan in this
specific sense, which he separates from \dqoc ‘neck’. This is untenable. ;
An acceptable connection is that with ToA lap ‘head’ (Schulze 1933a: 252), the
semantics of which are understandable if the Greek meaning was originally ‘crest,
crown’. However, ORu. /abe ‘skull’, together with OCS lobons ‘belonging to the
skull’ (also Ru. lob ‘forehead’), cannot be connected, since they point to */ub*.. Illyr.
PN Otto-(Atto-)lobus is uncertain (Mayer Glotta 32 (1953): 83).
AOx[tH ‘lair of wild beasts’. «VAR Ndxoc [m.] ‘ambush, childbed’, etc. =A€xetau.
Avyatog ‘dark’. =Avyn.
Avyyovptov [n.] ‘a kind of amber’ (Thphr., Delos III’, Str.). <PG?, EUR?>
eVAR Also Atyy-, Atyk-; note AvyKoUptov: TO HAEKTpov ‘amber’ (H.).
eETYM Analyzed as a substantivized bahuvrihi of Avy& and otpov, as the stone was
thought to be the urine of the lynx. However, Avyyovptov has variants Aoyotptov:
tedoc, Adkwvec ‘glass, crystal’ (H.) and Aoyovptov: badog ‘id.’ (H.), which rather
show that it is a foreign word. Therefore, the explanation as urine of the lynx is just a
folk-etymological fantasy. See Fur.: 27843. See » Avy— 2.
Abydos [f.] “(white) marble’ (D. S., Peripl. M. Rubr., AP). <PG?>
*DER Abvy6-1voc ‘made of marble, marble-white’ (Babr., Philostr. AP, Cyrene), -iveoc
‘id? (AP). Abydn; TO SéEvdpov 1] AebKn ‘white poplar’ (H.).
eETYM Ending as in » ttdAvBdoc, Kibdoc, etc. and, like these, without etymology. A
connection with AevKdc and cognates is morphologically hard to explain, as the
suffix -do¢ is not productive (except in sound-words like » kéAadog, s.v.). Fur.: 307
connects hoyddec, but this is improbable. Still, the word is probably Pre-Greek.
Abyos [f.(m.)] “flexible branch, twig which is suited for twisting’ (Il.). <IE? *leug- “bend,
twist’>
*COMP Some compounds like Avyo-déopa [f.] “bound with willow-twigs”, Laconian
epithet of Artemis (Paus.).
*DER Abytov ‘twig’ (sch.), Avyéa ‘willow’ (Eust.), Avytvoc ‘made of i.’ (Heph. apud
Ath.), Avywdn¢ ‘like a willow’ (Dsc., Eust.), Avyéw ‘twist, bend’ (AP, API.). Also
Avyifopa, -w [v.] ‘to turn, wind, bend’ (Hp., Att, Theoc. AP), with Avytopdc¢
‘turning, bending’, of wrestlers, dancers, etc. (Ar. Luc.), Avytopua ‘sprain’ (Dsc.),
-LoTIKOG ‘supple, flexible’ (Poll.).
eETYM Interpreted as verbal noun, Avyoc can be connected with isolated formations
in other languages: Lith. kignas [verb.adj.] ‘supple’, together with the denominative
yod-present ON lykna < PGm. *lukn-jan ‘bend the knee’; Lat. luxus < *lug-s-o-
‘sprained’ (cf. ALytoyia). Cf. also the frequentative Lat. lucto(r), luctare ‘to wrestle’
Adb6c¢ 875
(back-formation Jucta [f.] ‘wrestling match’), originally *’to turn (intr.)”; cf.
AVYLOLLSG. .
The original meaning of AVyoc would be “turning, bending”; perhaps AvyiCopta,
which is attested at a later date, retained a sense of this meaning.
AbYE 1 ‘hiccup’. =AKlw.
Aby§ 2, AvyKds [m., f.] ‘lynx (h. Hom. 19, 24, E., Arist., Thphr., Ael.). < EUR>
eVAR Also gen. Avyydc (E. fr. 683).
eCOMP As a first member in AvK6-Avy& ‘wolf-lynx’ (pap. in Sb. Heidelb. 1923: 2, 14,
13); on » Avyyovptov (also Avyk-, Atyk-, etc.) [n.] a kind of amber (Thphr.), see s.v.
*DER Diminutive Avykiov (Callix.), Abyytoc ‘of the lynx’ (Edict. Diocl.). On the
ambivalent PN Avyxetc (Hdt. Pi.) see BoShardt 1942: 130f.; thence AvyKevc name of
an eye-salve (medic.).
*ETYM Old name of the lynx, found also in Arm, Gm., and BSI. Except for the nasal,
Avby— has a counterpart in the Lith: consonant-stem /is-y [gen.pl.], which is found
beside the innovated i-stem lis-is. The same change of declension occurred in the
Slav. group (which received an initial r- by influence of another word, eg. *ryso
‘sotted, red’): Ru. rys’, etc.
Transformations have occurred elsewhere as well: with thematic vowel in MoSw. 16
‘lynx’ (PGm. *luh-a-, IE *luk-o-); with an s-suffix in West-Germanic: OHG luhs, OE
lox (cf. MoHG Fuchs, OE fox); with an n-suffix in Arm. lus-an-un-k‘ [pl.], which also
presupposes an old full grade IE *leuk- or louk-. The Arm. n-formation might be
connected somehow with the Greek nasal infix, which reappears in Lith. dial. (Zem.)
lynsis.
Fur.: 121 argues, on the other hand, that the word is of non-IE origin. It has been
connected with the root */euk- ‘to see’; it would have referred to the sharp sight of
the animal. However, this cannot explain the long @ of BSI. nor the -n- of Arm. nor
the g of Gr. Avyytoc. So the word is non-IE, and probably a loan from a Eur.
substrate language. There seems no reason to connect the gloss Aovvév: AaLiTpdv
‘shining’ (H.). The PN Avykevc may be cognate or not.
Lockwood Glotta 72 (1994): 41-43 thinks the name refers to the light color of the
animal’s skin. He simply declares that the nasal is secondary, and also connects the
mythical name Avyxetc, but DELG Supp. (where Lockwood’s interpretation is
accepted in its entirety) thinks that the name rather comes from the geographical
names with Avyk- mentioned by Lockwood, which indeed seems possible (these
names may refer to the lynx or not, and they may well be of Pre-Greek origin).
Therefore, there is as yet no conclusion to this discussion. Cf. Fur: index. See
> Avyyouplov.
Avypods ‘miserable, unhappy’. =Aevyahéoc.
Av8d6c [adj.] ‘Lydian’ (Alc.). «LW Luw.>
*DER Avédtog ‘of Lydia, Lydian’ (Pi.), Avdia (Hdt.), Avdixdcg (Hdt.), Avdifw ‘speak
Lydian’ (Hippon.), Avétoti ‘in Lydian’ (Cratin.).
876 : AKGw
eETYM The name derives from Luwiy-a- ‘Luwian’. The Lydians came from the north
and were originally called Mnovec. Then coming southward, they occupied Luwian
territory and thereby received the name of the older inhabitants. In Lydian, -y- > -d-,
while -i- was syncopated. Thus *Luwiy-a- > *Luwd- gave Lid- (with long a). The
change of name is mentioned by Herodotus (1, 7; 7, 74); it is not found in Homer.
The later Lydian territory had a Luwian substrate. See Beekes Kadmos 42 (2004):
47ff., where the thesis is put forth that the Lydians were driven south on the arrival
of the Phrygians, around 1200%; see also Beekes BiOrbis. 59 (2002): 205-242 (44if.).
Avtw [v.] ‘to hiccup’ (Hp., Ar. Arist.). <1E *sluk/g- ‘swallow’>
eVAR Aor. AUyEaut (Gal.).
*COMP Sometimes with dava-, ém-, bm0-.
*DER Avyttdg ‘swallowing’ (Hp., Arist. Nic.), also = oAoAvyptdc (H.), with Avypwdne
‘accompanied by swallowing’ (Hp.); Avydnv [adv.] ‘swallowing’ (S, AP). Also \vyé,
Avyyos [f.] ‘id’ (Hp, PL, Th.) with Avyywdng = Avypwdnco (Hp.), Avyyavepevov:
AKCovta év TH kAaletv ‘during crying’ (H.), Avykaivw [v.] ‘to swallow’ (Suid.).
eETYM For AvCw : AvyE, compare ivlw : ivyk, KAdGw : kAayyi, as well as Brjcow : BNE. It
cannot be decided whether the verb or the noun is more original. Morphologically,
Avy— can be a back-formation from Avfw < *Av(y)y-tw, but also its base form.
Cognates are found in Celtic and Germanic, eg. Olr. slucim ‘to swallow’ < *slu-n-k-,
W Ilyncu ‘id’; MLG sliken ‘id’ < IE *slig-, MHG sluchen ‘id’; and with geminate
MHG slucken ‘id.’, together with iterative MHG sluckzen ‘to sob’. This means that
Gr. A- is from *sl-, but there are forms without *s-, e.g. Pol. fkac ‘to swallow’. LIV’
distinguishes two roots *sleuk- and *sleug- with identical meaning, which seems to
call for a solution.
AVOpos, -ov ‘clotted or thick blood’. =AdLta.
AvKdBac, -avtos [m.] attested since tT 306 = € 161, A. R. 1. 198, Bion Fr. 15: 15; grave-
epigrams (imperial period) from Arcadia and Ionia. Time-indication of uncertain
mg., usually explained as ‘year’ and used in this sense by later authors, who seem all
to be based on t 306; acc. to Leumann 1950: 2124 rather ‘new moon’ (against this
Ruijgh 1957: 147). The supposed Arcadian origin (AB) probably refers to the late
Arcadian inscriptions, see Leumann: 273. <PG(V)>
VAR Also acc. -Bav, also Avkajtac (inscr. Amorgos, Kretschmer Glotta 2 (1910): 319).
*DERAvKaBavtides mpat (AP).
eETYM Unrelated is the TN AvxaBnttoc. All existing explanations are unconvincing:
eg. original meaning “light-circle”, from *Avk- ‘light’ (see on Abyvoc) and dpa:
tpoxdc ‘wheel’ (H.); or originally “Lycian king (or priest, god)”, i.e. Apollo, so
elliptical for ‘festival of Apollo’, and a Lydian word. More dated suggestions are
found in Frisk (with lit.). Recently, Koller Glotta 51 (1973): 29-34 explained the word
from *AvbKa Bavta ‘das weggegangene Licht’, so the moonless night of the new
moon. This cannot be correct: the variant with ,t and the suffix -avt- clearly point to
Pre-Greek origin.
AbKOSG _ 877
AvKayos, -d¢ [f.] name of a poisonous plant, “Echium italicum’ (Nic. Dsc.). «PG? (S,
Vi
eVAR VL. AUKoWos (Dsc. 4, 46).
*DER Also AvKaic.
*ETYM Frisk explains, following Stromberg 1944: 100f. on xopdayéc, that it originally
meant “attacking wolves”, because it was poisonous (like AvKo-ktdévov, etc.,
Stromberg 1940: 66 and 7of.). However, the suffix also occurs in oxtvdarpdc and in
the town Galepsos, so it is more probably a Pre-Greek form (note the interchange
a/o).
Avx«nyevijs [adj.] epithet of Apollo (A 101, 119). <GR>
*ETYM Like for Avxetoc (A.), for Avukn-yevijc¢ several connections have been
attempted: with the wolf, the Lycians, and earlier also with light (cf. on Abyvoc).
There is little doubt now that it means ‘born in Lycia’, see e.g. Beekes JANER 3
(2003): 15f. The antiquity of the formation appears from the lack of the
compositional -t- in Avkt-.
Avx1ov [n.] ‘dyer’s buckthorn, Rhamnus petiolaris’, also a decoction from it (Peripl. M
Rubr., Dsc., Gal.). <GR?>
*ETYM Perhaps originally “the Lycian (plant)”, named after its place of origin: cf.
Dsc. 1, 100 pveta 5é meiotov év Kannadoxia kai Avkia ‘it grows mainly in
Cappadocia and in Lycia’, though with the addition: kai év dAAotc dé Tdm0I¢ 710AXOIc
‘but also in many other places’. Cf. Stromberg 1940: 122.
AvKOs [m.] ‘wolf (Il.); often metaph., e.g. as the name of a kind of daw (Arist, v.l.
Av«Ktoc, cf. Thompson 1895 s.v.), of a fish (Hikes. apud Ath.; Stromberg 1943: 105), =
‘hook, sting’ (Plu., Poll.), etc. IE *ulk”o- ‘wolf>
*COMP Compounds like Avké-(F)opyocg > Avkodpyocg PN, properly “warding off
wolves” (sipyw), Avkoo-otpa town in Arcadia; cf. » AvKawdc (also AUK-) [m.] and
-wic [f.].
*DER Feminines: AvKatva ‘she-wolf (Arist.), after Aéatva, etc., with -aiviov (Poll.), of
a woman; Avkw name of the moon (PMag. Par.); diminutives: Auxidetc [m.]
‘younger wolf (Sol. apud Plu., Theoc.), Avkiokoe: 1) pt) Exovoa aEovicKxov tpoxaaia,
Tprya dé ptdvov ‘pulley without a bolt, but with only a bolt-hole’ (H.); also PN
(Schwyzer: 542).
Further: Avkén, -i) ‘wolfskin’ (K 459, etc.), AUKetog Sopa ‘id. (E. Rh. 208),
' substantivized Avxeia [f.] (Plb. 6, 22, 3); AvKwdng ‘like a wolf (Arist.), AvKnSdv ‘id,
(A.), Avkn8p6¢ ‘howling of wolves’ (Anon. apud Suid.), after pvKnOpdc; AvKdoLLaL
[v.] ‘to be lacerated by wolves’ (X.). On »Avooa, see s.v.
eETYM An exact formal correspondence with \vKog is found in the North-Germanic
name of the lynx, MoSw. lo < PGm. */uha- from IE *Iuko- (see » AUyE 2). However,
one would of course prefer to connect the widespread name of the wolf, which is
preserved in e.g. Skt. vfka-, Lith. vilkas, OCS vloke, Go. wulfs, Alb. ulk. AbKog can be
derived from IE *ulk”o- if we assume metathesis. A comparable problem is found
with Lat. lupus.
878 ADA, -a Tos
For the name of the wolf, taboo may have played a role (Havers 1946: 37ff.), causing
phonetic irregularities. For IE *ulk”o-, such a taboo origin is possible as well;
however, the interpretation as ‘lacerater’ (from *uel(k)- ‘to lacerate’) can hardly be
maintained, as that root has no labiovelar.
Adpta, -atog [n.] ‘dirt, waste, garbage’, metaph. ‘contamination, defamation’ (A 314
and & 371, Hdt.); on the mg. Sinclair 1953: 330ff. (who wrongly connects \bw). <IE
*luH- ‘dirt, pollute’> .
eVAR Mostly plur. -ata. Also Av [f.], often plur. -at, ‘maltreatment (e.g. mutilation,
flagellation), damage, violation, revilement’ (Ion. poet., also Hell. and late).
*DER 1. From Ada: Avpiakec: métpat ‘rocks’ (H.), at an alphabetically wrong position;
cf. BOAaE, AiBak, etc. (Chantraine 1933: 379); Kata-Avjiakoopat [v.] ‘to be covered
with Avpaxes (ie. dirty (Tab. Heracl. 1, 56); also Avuag, -Koc [m.] Arcadian HN (cf.
pvak, ovpeag, etc; Chantraine 1933: 381f.), acc. to Paus. 8, 41, 2 because of the
afterbirth (Avpata) of Rhea that was thrown into the river, but in fact probably
because of the ooze. 2. From Avjtn: Avplewv, -wvoc [m.] ‘destroyer’ (S., E, Tim. Pers.,
Isoc.), like dnatewv (Chantraine 1933: 163), with Avpewv-evouat [v.] ‘to play the r,
(Plb.); Avuaxn (-x1)2): 1 cig Sta~Bopav AdTIN ‘grief because of destruction’ (H.), after
tapaxr or otovaxr? A transformation of Ada, AvpN is Adpap (Max. Astrol.), cf.
Schwyzer: 519. Denominative Avpaivopiat [v.], aor. AvptvaoBat (rare Avjtijva, -avat),
in two meanings: a. derived from Ata ‘to purify, remove dirt’ (Hp.), usually amto-
Avptatvopat ‘to wash, purify’ (A 313f., A. R., Agath., Paus.) with amoAvpav-tip ‘table
cleaner’ (p 220, 377); b. more often from Attn ‘to maltreat physically, damage,
destroy, violate’, also with dta-, kata- (IA, Arc.); on the mg. see Schulze 1933a: 169,
Fraenkel 1906: 49); Avpavtip “destroyer, violator’ (X.), Avavtwp (Timo, Epigr.
Cyrene), -tr¢ (S.) ‘id’ with Avpav-trptog (A.), -ttkdc (Ph., Arr.) ‘destroying,
violating’.
AvGpoc [m.], also -ov [n.] ‘clotted or thick blood’ (Hom. [only dat. -pw], Hp. Ep.),
with AvOpa6dn¢ ‘bloodstained’ (LXX, AP).
eETYM For Adya : Abn, cf. yy@pa : yv@un, xappia : -L, Bpdua : -pn, etc. To Ada,
-l) corresponds Alb. Jum ‘slime, mud’ < IE *lum-; an match for AUOpoc is perhaps
found in the Illyr. TN Ludrum (with IE d" or d), and Alb. ler ‘mud’ (IE *leu-dr-) is
also close.
The nouns mentioned derive from a primary verb meaning ‘to pollute, contaminate’,
lost in Greek and replaced by Avjtaivopiat. This verb lives on in Lat. pol-luo < *por-
Iu6é and led to the verbal noun Lat. Jutum = Olr. loth ‘excrements, dirt’. Other
derivatives are Lat. lustrum ‘puddle, marsh’ and German river names like Lune and
Lienz (from *Luantia); cf. Atak. On the geographical names, see Krahe Beitr. z.
Namenforsch. 6 (1955): 106ff. and 242ff. and Eisenstuck Beitr. z. Namenforsch. 7
(1956): 53ff.
Admy [f.] ‘pain, grief (IA). <1? *leup- ‘peel’>
eCOMP As a first member in Avmo-t6kog ‘bringing grief (Halicar.).
DER Avnnpos ‘painful, distressing’ (IA); besides Aumpés ‘id.’ (trag.), often of the soil,
opposed to evpeta (v 243), mediac (Hdt. 9, 122), also dpetvr (Arist. HA 556a 4),
Abooa 879
‘unfruitful, frugal’ vel sim; compounds mapd-Avmpoc (Str.), AuTpdyews, -xwpoc,
-Bioc (Str., Ph., App.); Aunpdtng¢ ‘frugality’, of the soil (Str.).
Denominative verb Aunéw ‘to cause sorrow, pain or distress’, -Eopat ‘to be distressed’
(Hes., Sapph., IA), after dAyéw acc. to Debrunner 1917: §194, with AUm-nLLa ‘sorrow’
(Antipho Soph.), -nttkd¢ ‘full of sorrow’ (Arist., Plu.).
eETYM Without a certain explanation. In the same way as » Aevyadéoc and relatives
could be related with Skt. rujati ‘to break’, it was suggested that Av7n could belong,
as a verbal noun, to synonymous Skt. lum pati, lupydte ‘to break, tear apart’; however,
lup- is rather dialectal for rup- in Skt. ripyati (which is related to Lat. rumpo < IE
*Hru-n-p-).
Other words going back to IE */up- rather mean ‘peel off vel sim., e.g. Lith. lupti ‘to
peel, fleece, flay’, Ru. lupit’ ‘to peel’, OHG louft, loft ‘bark’ (where IE *Iub'- is also
possible). In view of the semantics, this etymology must be considered uncertain. In
Aumpoc, an old primary derivative independent of komm may have been preserved.
dvata [f.] - Etaipa, tOpvy ‘whore’ (H.), in an alphabetically wrong position. <PG(S,V)>
eETYM Connection with Skt. lubdha- ‘avaricious, desirous, eager’ (to which belong
Lat. lubet, libet, MoHG lieb, etc.), is phonetically impossible. Fur.: 316 compares Abn
‘id’, also Aobma ‘id’; he also connects » Aintw. For the ending, cf. Qanta. Therefore,
the word is Pre-Greek.
Abpa [f.] ‘lyre’, four-stringed (or seven-stringed) instrument like the cithara (h. Merc.
423). <PG>
VAR Ion. Avpn.
COMP Compounds like Avpo-motdg ‘fabricator of lyres’ (Pl.), avti-Avpos ‘like the
lyre’ (S.).
*DER Diminutives Aptov (Ar.), Avpic (Hdn. Gr.); further Avpikdg ‘ptng. to the lyre;
lyre-player’ (Phid., Plu.); AvpiCw [v.] ‘to play the lyre’ (Chrysipp.), cf. Schwyzer: 736;
instead, xiGapitw is usual; thencewith Avptoti¢ ‘lyre-player’ (Plin.), -iotpia [f.]
(sch.), -toptdc ‘playing the lyre’ (sch.).
eETYM Technical loan from the Mediterranian area; cf. » x18apa. IE etymologies
should be rejected. Borrowed as Lat. lyra; OHG lira > MoHG Leier, etc.
AvotteAijs [adj.] ‘useful, profitable, advantageous’ (IA). <GR>
DER AvotteAéw “be profitable, useful’ (IA), -téAela ‘profit, advantage’.
eETYM Properly “paying the costs”, a governing compound of Avetv and ta TéAn.
‘Abooa [f.] ‘(martial) rage, fury, frenzy’ (Il.), ‘rabies’ (X., Arist.). <IE *leuk- ‘light’, GR
Auk- ‘wolf>
eVAR Att. AUTTa.
*COMP Some compounds like Avoco-javij¢ ‘mad for rage’ (AP), d-Avococ ‘healing
Avoca’ (Paus.), &-Avocov [n.] name of a plant, the seeds of which were used against
rabies (Strémberg 1940: 91).
*DER Avoods [f.] ‘raging’ (E.), Avoo-wdn¢ (N 53, etc.), -adéoc (A. R., Man.), -pns
(Orph., Man.), -jet¢ (H.) ‘id’; Avoonddv [adv.] (Opp.). Denominative verbs: 1.
Avoodw, -tTdw [v.] ‘to rage, rave, be mad’ (Hdt., Ar., S., PI.), with Avoontrp epithet
880 AbTtet
of kbwv (© 299; cf. AP 5, 265), and Avoontiic, Dor. -atac (Anth.) ‘raging’, Avoo-
ntiKkd¢ ‘id.’ (Ael.), -pata [pl.] ‘attacks of rage’ (E.); 2. Avooaivw [v.] ‘to rage, rave’
(S.); 3. Avoodop.at [v.] ‘to become raging’ (Ps.-Phoc.).
*ETYM Formation like d0ca, yAWooa, aica, etc., so a derived feminine. It has often
been explained as “she-wolf” and identified with Skt. vrkih, ON ylgr ‘id’; acc. to
Wackernagel-Debrunner 1930: 171, it is rather an abstract like va ‘flight, rout’.
Specht 1944: 344 and 387, rather connects Skt. riic- [f.] ‘light’ (the rage is called after
the sparkling eyes) and recalls the expression Aevkaic ppaciv ‘with white/lighting
opr’ (Pi. P. 4, 194), AevKai ppévec: Latvouevat ‘raging’ (H.). Pok. 687 agrees with
this.
AUttEt [V.] - TOAAG AaAet ‘is talkative’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM Cf. AvCet ‘eructat’ (Latte).
AbTTOS [adj.] = byNAdc (St. Byz. s.v. AUKTOG, H.). <2>
*ETYM Acc. to St. Byz., also the name of a town in Crete “Sta TO keioOau év peTtewpw
tomw” ‘because of its elevated location’, = Av«tog; thus, as an appellative, it probably
also has Cretan assimilation kt > tt (Schwyzer: 316). Etymologically isolated, but see
Fur.: 307.
Abxvoc [m.] “(portable) light, lamp’ (t 34), also a fish name (Str., H.), cf. Lat. lucerna;
perhaps called after its fluorescent organs, or after its shape Stromberg 1943: 55f.)?
<E *leuk-sn-eh,- ‘moon, stars’, etc.>
eVAR Plur. also ta AUyva, to which the sing. Abyvov was formed (cf. Schwyzer 1950:
37, Sommer 1948: 88). ,
*COMP Several compounds like Avyvobxo¢ [m.] ‘lamp-stand’ (com.), also as a second
member, like in 8epud-Avyvov = Avyv-éAatov ‘lampoil’ (Att. inscr.).
*DER 1. Diminutives: Avyvapiov (pap.), Avxvioxog fishname (Luc.). 2. name of the
candlestick: Avxveiov (com., Arist. Hell. inscr.) with Avyveidiov (-i6tov), Avxviov,
-tov (Antiph., Theoc., Luc.), also ‘lamp’ (pap.), Avyvia, -éa, -eia (Hell.). 3. name of
the ruby that emits light: Avyviag AiBocg (Pl. Com.), Avyvitng (Str.), also name of
Parian marble, because lamps were made of it (Varro apud Plin.; see Redard 1949: 56
and 244%), Avxvewc (Callix., H.), also ‘lighter’ (Ath.), Abyvic [m.] (D. P., Orph. L.),
Avyvic [f.] (Luc. cf. 4). 4. plant name: Avyvic [f.] ‘rose campion, Lychnis coronaria’
(Thphr., Dsc.), because of its crimson color, acc. to Strémberg 1940: 49, Avyvitic [f.]
‘candlewick, Verbascum’ (Plin., pap. Dsc.), because the leaves were used as a
candlewick (Strémberg 1940: 106, Redard 1949: 73; cf. on »Opvov). 5. Other
substantives: Avyvewv, -@voc [m.] ‘place to store lamps’ (Luc. VH 1, 29), Abyvwpa
‘lint’ (sch. Ar. Ach. 1175, = haytcadtov), with a nominal basis (Chantraine 1933: 187).
6. Adjectives: Avyv-atog (Procl.), also -taiog (S. E., Gal.) ‘ptng. to a lamp’, -wdn¢
‘lamp-like’ (Heph. Astr.). 7. Verb: Avyvetw [v.] ‘to light sbd.’ (Areth. in Apoc.).
*ETYM Beside Abyvoc < *AUK-ov-oG we have, with full grade, Av. raox-sn-a- ‘light,
gleaming’, OPr. lauxnos [pl.] ‘stars’, Lat. lima = Praen. Losna, OCS luna ‘moon’, MIr.
luan ‘light, moon’, all from IE *louk-sn- or *leuk-sn-; acc. to Frisk, the deviating zero
grade in Abyvoc may be related to a reluctance of Greek to use ov-diphthongs.
Abw 881
The words mentioned are all transformations of an old noun with suffixal -sn- from
the verb for ‘shine, gleam’, which is represented in Greek by >» Aevoow. An s-stem
probably served as an intermediate form (Av. raocah- [n.] ‘light’ < IE *leuk-es-, Lat.
limen from *leuk-s-men-, etc.). Uncertain is the appurtenance of Aovvév: Aaumpdév
‘brilliant’ (H.). The suffix -sn- is also found in synonymous Skt. jydtsna- [f.]
‘moonlight’.
A zero grade noun *Avk- (= Skt. ric- [f.] ‘light’) appears in the hypostasis augi-AbK-y
epithet of the night (H 433) ‘dawning’, also as a substantive ‘twilight, dawn’ (A. R.,
Opp.); and based on this, also in Avk-avyrj ‘of the grey twilight’ (Luc.), Auk-6-@we,
-wto¢ [n.] ‘twilight’ (Ael., H. s.v. Avkoetdéoc, sch.); see also on » Atooa.
Abw [v.] ‘to loose, untie, release, (re)solve, destroy, pay’ (Il.). <IE *lhwu- ‘cut off,
release’>
eVAR Aor. Adoau, fut. AVou, perf. med. A€ABpct, aor. pass. AVOFvat (Il.), aor. med. also
AvENV, AB(V)to (Hom.); perf. act. AEADKa.
eCOMP Very frequent with prefix, like ava-, dmo-, dta-, &k-, Kata-, tapa-. As a first
member )to(t)- in governing compounds like Avoi-movoc, » AvoiteArc, PNs like
Avoi-waxoc, short name Avoiag, etc. as a second member in » BovAbTdc.
DER 1. Avotc ‘solution, deliverance’ (Q 655 and t 421), from the prefixed verbs also
and-, ava-, Sia-, Kata-, éx-Avolc, etc. (Thgn., Sol., IA); thence (kata-, dmo-)AVoIWLOG
‘fit for solving, etc.’ (trag., Pl., Arist.); also Avotoc ‘bringing release’, epithet of the
gods, especially Dionysus (Pl. Plu.). 2. Avpata [pl.] = évéxvpa ‘pledge, security’
(Suid.); but katdéAb-ua [n.] ‘inn’ (Hell.), together with -udtiov (Hell. pap.) derived
from kata-Abw in the mg. ‘to lodge, visit’. 3. Aeol. Dor. Ava [f.] (Alc., Pi.), AON (Hdn.
Gr.) ‘dissolution, separation, otdoic’; thence, but with deviating mg., Avaiog, -aia
epithet of Dionysus or the Great Goddess (Anacreont., IG 5(2), 287 [I-II?]; Tim. Pers.
132), borrowed as Lat. Lyaeus. 4. (ava-, kata-)hvtip, -Fpoc [m.] ‘deliverer, arbiter’
(A, E, Hell. inscr.) with (€k-)Avtiptog ‘rescuing, liberating’ (Hp., trag.); Avtrpiov =
AbTpov (Pi, A. R.), but katadvtiptov = katdAvua (Poll. see above). Fem. Avteipa
(Orph.), also Avtnpia¢ (Orph.). 5. Sia-AvtHg “deliverer’, kata- ‘lodging guest’, ava-
‘rescuer’, ovv- ‘reconcilor’ (Th., Plb.); also (after Avotc, Abw): (Ava-, Kata-, éK-,
Tlapa-, etc.)AvTIKOs ‘fit for releasing or solving, etc.’ (Pl. Arist.). 6. AUtTpov ‘ransom’
(usually plur.), ‘substitute, retribution’ (Pi, IA), together with (dmo-, mapa-,
éx-)AvTpdw, -dopat [v.] ‘to release in exchange for ransom, etc.’ (Att.), whence
(-)ADTpwolc, AVTPWOl-LOG, ALTpWTI}¢, ATOAVTPWTIKds (Hell.).
eETYM The regular Greek verbal system apparently resulted from levelling. The
athematic aorist Av-unv, Av-to with short vowel is archaic; a more recent form is the
thematic present tw, originally with short v (Hom.), but later also long (Att;
sometimes also Hom.), probably by influence of Atoat, etc. (cf. Schwyzer: 686 and
Chantraine 1942: 372). sp
Correspondences to \bw are Lat. ud ‘to make amends, pay’, to which belongs solv6
(from *se-lud) ‘to loose, release’; the long vowel in soliitus and in the verbal adjective
Skt. lina- ‘cut off agrees with that in Bov-Ab-tdc, and points to a laryngeal in the
root. Since AbTO, Avotc, etc. have a short root vowel, the root must have been */h,u-,
882 A
perhaps to be further analyzed as a u-present *leh,-u-. This is oncfirmed by the
accentuation of Lith. liduti ‘to stop’ and PSI. *léviti ‘to diminish, weaken’.
The Skt. verb deviates formally (the nasal presents Iundti, Iunoti are not found
elsewhere, while the other finite forms are of much later date). Germanic has a verb
with s-enlargement, e.g. Go. fra-liusan ‘to lose’ < IE *leus-, fralusts ‘loss’ < IE *lus-ti-,
fra-lus-nan ‘to be lost’. See LIV? s.v. *leuH- for further forms.
d@ [v.] ‘want, wish’ (Epich., Ar., Theoc., Dor., El. inscr.). <?>
eVAR Pres. 2sg. Aric; 38g. Af, ipl. A@uec, etc, El. opt. AEotav, Cret. opt. AE(i)ou,
AEotev, subj. AEwvtt, ptc. AEtovtos, -a, etc., inf. (conj. by Ahrens Th. 5, 77) Afjv; the
gloss AXewut (H.) looks Ionic.
*DER 1. Afjpa [n.] ‘will, spirit, courage, audacity’ (Hdt.), with Anpatia: ppovjpata,
BovAebpata ‘thoughts, resolutions’ (H.), Anuatiac [m.] ‘high-spirited, daredevil’ (Ar.
Ra. 494), Chantraine 1933: 93; v.l. Anpatidc, as if from *Anuatiaw; Anuatdopat in
AEANHATMLAL Apa Exw eic TO Epyov ‘I am desirous of work’ (H.); 2. Afjotc: BobANotc,
aipeotc ‘will, purpose’ (H.), to which one adds Anjic: ... kai BobAnots (H.), for which
Laconian loss of intervocalic sigma is assumed (DELG).
*ETYM Connection with Athaiouat (root *las-) and diav (no etymology), found in
older dictionaries, is impossible. According to DELG, we could start from a pre-form
*lé-id, which would enable derivation from IE *uelh,- (Lat. velle, MoHG wollen) as
*ylh,ie/o-. It is not clear, however, if this formation would vocalize to give *fAn-. Cf.
> Awiwv.
AwBbn [f.] ‘outrage, dishonour, damage, mutilation’ (Il.), ‘kind of rash’ (Gal.). <IE
*sleh.g’- ‘seize’>
*COMP é1ti-AwBoc ‘bringing damage’ (Vett. Val.), -1\¢ ‘id.’ (Nic.).
*DER Awf17t6c ‘laden with AwB17 (© 531, Hes. Sc. 366, S.; Ammann 1956: 21), AwBr}-etc
(A. R.), -wwv (Nic. Al. 536; v.l. -twp) ‘outrageous’. Denominative verb AwBdopat
(-dw), rarely with prefixes like dmo-, éx-, dta-, ‘outrage, maltreat, mutilate’ (Il.), or
rather deverbative like twtd-ourat, vwpdw?; with AwBryTI\p ‘slanderer, corruptor’ (IL;
on the mg. Benveniste 1948: 38 and 42), fem. -rtelpa (AP); also -1jtwp (Opp., AP),
-1ytI¢ (Ar.); A@Browg = AWB (Ptol., sch.). Rare AwBebw ‘mock, ridicule’ (Od.; like
ayopetw, Chantraine 1942: 368; also Shipp 1967: 120: to avoid contracted forms).
*ETYM Formerly analyzed as a lengthened grade formation like kann, Awin, Awyn,
but such ad hoc lengthened grades can no longer be accepted.
Traditionally connected with a Baltic word for ‘aggravation, objection, burden,
nuisance, damage’, Lith. sloga, Latv. slaga < IE *sloHg”-eh,-, a verbal noun to Lith.
slégti ‘to (op)press, aggravate’, Latv. slégt ‘to shut, close’. Recently, Ragot RPh. 76
(2002) convincingly suggested, on the basis of Homeric evidence, that Awbn
originally meant ‘seizure’ and that it is connected with AdCopat ‘to seize, take hold’ <
*sleh.g”- as a regular feminine o-grade derivation.
Fur.: 302 compares AvBdletv- Aodopeiv ‘slander, abuse’ (H.), which (if correctly
compared) would point to a Pre-Greek word *Iub-.
AMBNE, -nKog [m.] - yoy ‘vulture’ (Cyran. 28). <PG(V)>
AMEE, -LKOC 883
eVAR Aovrn¢ = iktivoc ‘kite, Milvus regalis’ (Hierocl., Facet. 257, Hdn. Epim. 46),
Aovbrmtc ‘milvus’ (gloss.).
*ETYM See Fur.: 148, and cf. Lat. lupio ‘to cry, of the kite’ (Suet. Fr. p. 251). Thus, a
Pre-Greek word with interchange *lub/p-.
AwyaAtot [m.]? - dotpadyador F 1t6pvot “dice or fornicators’ (H.). <?>
eETYM In the first meaning, it has been connected to A€yw in the sense “die
Aufgelesenen”, with a lengthened grade as in Awyn, for which one also compared
PAoyddec (AiPor) ‘accumulated stones’. However, such lengthened grades are
unacceptable. In the sense of st6pvot, it is related to Awydc; see » AWydaviov.
Awyavov [n.] “dewlap (of oxen)’ (Luc. Lex. 3, sch.), also AwydaAtov (H.) and Aoydviov
(Suid.). <?>
eETYM Perhaps from »Aayaiw, »Aayapdc in the sense “(skin) hanging down’;
intermediate forms (*Awyavov, *Awyn?) cannot be determined, however. The gloss
> Awydc: 116pvn ‘whore’ (H.) also belongs here.
Awydc : 716pvn ‘whore’ (H.).
*ETYM Related to Adyvog ‘lewd’ and to » Awydwov (Persson 1912(1): 134 and 2, 939).
Awyacos [m.]? - tavpeia paott “whip made of ox-hide’ (H.). <PG(s)>
eETYM Pre-Greek, on account of the suffix -acoc.
A@ynN [f.] - kaddun. kai ovvaywyt) citov ‘reed, gathering of food’ (H.). <?>
eETYM In the last meaning, clearly related to Aéyw; a lengthened grade is also found
in éAwyiy; éAeyev (H.), with Dor. contraction of the ending, from the deverbative
Awydw; the explanation kaAdun can also be understood as a collective, e.g. ‘straw’.
Awiwv [adj.] ‘better, more desirable, more agreeable’ (Semon. 7, 30). <?>
*VAR Att. A@wy; ntr. Adiov (II), Att. A@ov, plur. Awia, A@a (Thgn., Theoc.), gen. tev
A@wv (Chalcis II), also msc. sing. A@ocg (Hdn. Gr.); Awitepov (Od.), -epog (A. R.),
-€pr) (Call., AP).
Superlative A@otog (Thgn., trag.), @ A@ote (PI.); details in Seiler 1950: 88ff.
*ETYM The neuter A@iov, which is the first attestation, can be interpreted both as an
o-stem and as a n-stem; the o-stem is ascertained only in rare and late forms: Awia,
A@a, AMwv, A@oc. The n-stem is ascertained in Awiwv and A@ovog, - (S.); the s-stem
alternating with it-appears in Aww [acc.sg.f.] (S., Pl.) and Awoug [acc.pl.f.] (S.). From
these data, Leumann Mus. Helv. 2 (1945): 7ff. concluded that the o-stem forms arose
as analogical formations from the neuter h@iov, and that Awiov is an old n-stem
form.
As primary formations, Awiwv and A@otoc may go back to a verb as well as a noun
(cf. Seiler 1950: 88ff.). Two possibilities are mentioned by Frisk: connection with Aijv,
isg. » A@ ‘wish, want’, or derivation from *lau- seen in.» ditodabw, > Agia, » hapdc,
for which we could reconstruct *loh,u-is-, perhaps connected with Arm. law ‘good,
better’.
AWLE, -ucos [f.] ‘woven cover’ (Peripl. M. Rubr., pap.). <Lw Lat»
*DER Also diminutive Awéixtov, etc.
884 Opa
*ETYM From Lat. lodix, which itself might be taken from Celtic; see WH s.v.
A@ua [n.] ‘hem, fringe, border of cloths’ (LXX Ex.). <?>
*DER Awpdttov (AP); acc. to EM = 10 yuvaixeiov, 6 dnd AttiKdv bx 8oBoc Aéyetat ...
Kal TO ei¢ TO KaATWTEPOV TOD iLatiov éniBAnpa ‘woman’s dress, which is called 6. in
Attic ... also the embroidery on the lower part of the dress’; acc. to H. also = pagn
‘seam, stitch’, kAwo}tdc (a clucking sound).
Further dovAAwtot, of @pot ‘shoulders’ (Call. Dian. 213), properly ‘not tied together’,
ie. ‘uncovered’; etAwotol- evugeic ‘well-woven’, Awotoi- eppayipévor ‘stitched’,
ddAwotot dppa@ot ‘unstitched’, Awiop1dv- A@ua (H.); see Danielsson IF 4 (1894): 162ff.
*ETYM A@j1a has been connected with evAnpa, atAnpa ‘rein’, Lat. lorum ‘id’, Arm.
lar ‘noose, cord’, but evAnpa is Pre-Greek. Connection with the root *wel- ‘turn,
wind, twist’ is hardly possible, as it does not explain the w in Ada. Both proposals
are unconvincing. See > Awtic, » Awotus.
Aw71 ‘cove, mantle, cloth’. =Aétw.
Awotus [f.]<?>
VAR Only Awotvog [gen.sg.] (Apy. Eg. 1923, N° 123, 39 and 68; Oropos [IV*]).
*ETYM Meaning end etymology unknown; cf. Kretschmer Glotta 16 (1928): 169.
Awe [f.] mg. unknown (SIG 145, 26; Delphi IV*); acc. to Danielsson IF 4 (1894): 164ff.
designatin of a ‘cloth with trimming and ornament woven and sewed on it’, and
related to A@pa, 4-obA-AWTOS, etc. (see > AM). < ?2>
DER The reading A]wtt (SIG 243 D 15) is uncertain, cf. Dittenberger ad loc.
eETYM Related to Awotuc?
Awt6s [m.] ‘lotus’, name of several nutrimental plants, “Trifolium, Méelilotus,
Trigonella, etc.’ (Il.), also of the Egyptian water lily, ‘Nymphaea’ (Hdt.), of the libyan
lotus tree, ‘Celtis australis’ (1 93 f.), and a flute made of it (E.); on the mg. Strémberg
1937: 184, Carnoy REGr. 71 (1958): 95f., Economos Class. Journ. 30 (1934-1935): 42.4ff.
<LW Medit>
*COMP EN Awto-@ayot (Od.), peAi-Awtog [m.], -ov [n.] ‘Melilotus’ (Sapph.).
*DER Awtoéetc ‘rich in lotus’, probably in Awtebdvta, -odvta for -devta, of media (M
283), see Chantraine 1942: 35 and 351, Chantraine REGr. 63: 283; AWtivoc ‘consisting
of X., made of X” (Sapph., Anacr.); Awtdpov ‘lotus flower’ (medic.), A@tak “avAntijc,
flute player’ (Zonar., Eust.).
Denominative verbs: 1. AwtiGopat ‘to pick the flower, i.e. take the best part’ (A. Supp.
963), -w (H.), amo-hwtitw [v.] ‘to take the flower from sbd. (E.), with Awtiopa ‘the
flower, best part of sth’ (A. Fr. 99, 18, E. Hel. 1593). 2. Awtéw [v.] ‘to play the flute’
(Zonar.); hardly in Awtedvta (M 283), see above.
eETYM A Mediterranean word. Acc. to Lewy 1895: 46, it was borrowed from Hebr. lot
‘otaxtn, oil of myrrh’ (LXX Ge. 37, 25; 43, 11); cf. also Arab. laddan > Addavov,
> Andavov. Hyllested 2004 assumes *luh,-to-, with vocalization of the laryngeal, but
the evidence for such a development is too limited.
Awpaw 885
Awcpaw [v.] ‘to recover, take rest, let go’ (Pl. Phdr. 251c), also trans. ‘to quench, relieve’
(poet.); on the mg. see Fowler AmJPh. 78 (1957): 176 and 179. <?>
eVAR Also -éw (Hell.); aor. Aw@ijoat (since t 459), fut. AwProw (PD 292, etc.), perf.
Aehwenka (Th., Pl.).
eCOMP Rarely with prefix, e.g. kata-.
*DER AW@NolG ‘cessation’ (Th.), A®pap- AMPA (H.), Awerjiog ‘relieving, expiatory’
(A. R. 2, 485).
*ETYM Formally, cf. the type mwtdopal, vwudw, otpw~edw, which means that it is
probably a deverbative (Schwyzer: 719). Etymology unknown; connection with
éhagpdc, éAaxvc, etc. is impossible because these have an initial laryngeal. The
comparison with the Germanic group of OHG labon ‘to quench, refresh’
(Bezzenberger BB 5 (1882): 318) is doubtful; these may also be considered borrowings
from Lat. lavare ‘to wash’. Not related to IE *sleub'- ‘hang down’ (as per Schwyzer:
719‘, followed by Pok. 964).
Leiden Indo-European
Etymological Dictionary Series
Etymological Dictionary of Greek
VOLUME 10/2
Edited by Robert Beekes
Alexander Lubotsky |
| With the assistance of
j Lucien van Beek
VOLUME TWO
LEIDEN + BOSTON
H 2010
This publication has been made possible by the financial support of the Netherlands
Organization for Scientific Research (NWO).
This book is printed on acid-free paper.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Beekes, R. S. P. (Robert Stephen Paul)
Etymological dictionary of Greek / by Robert Beekes ; with the assistance of
Lucien van Beek.
p. cm. — (Leiden Indo-European etymological dictionary series ; v. 10/1-2)
Includes bibliographical references and index. “a
ISBN 978-90-04-17418-4 (hardback : alk. paper) 1. Greek language—Etymology—
Dictionaries. I. Beek, Lucien van. II. Title.
PA422.B44 2010
482.03—dc22
2009036652
ISSN: 1574-3586
ISBN Set: 978 90 04 17418 4
ISBN Volume Two: 978 90 04 17419 1
Copyright 2009 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands.
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PRINTED IN THE NETHERLANDS
TABLE OF CONTENTS
VOLUME ONE
PECL COS 2s ez cei ati tess co cada Sa reat ce asad oe ta ated aces Sina nein nd ecbadintasteosceteaed vii
Pre=Greeks ‘loanwords in ‘Greele cece etic eet ei esas ee es aes Xv
AbbreviatiOns an disyInWol s vesacs:cssuecaeeves. coteeencsehceipenrteeessnetusnesessegespeseecestecceceutededeseereensees xlv
The Greek etymological dictionary A-A ...cceesssessssessesseseeseereseeseenessstenscecseeseeneaeeneeneaceneens 1
VOLUME TWO
The Greek etymological dictiomary M-O)... ce sessessscsesecseeteseenseneseeseetsseeacereneeteanensaees 887
Bib liGgta p My sess seaceresseseecesess settee fe Seeasesesteicetaeecdnedsseaesesetdes eos sceneertneaaeeegpaageera ass 1687
1150.6 Fat ne on ee ae ryt A eaten Men Re ee eR ie COON Pe Sep Ran tits RE Ip AAAS RE a en a SRE a 1747
M
ja [pcl.] asseverating ‘really, indeed’ (Il., IA), adversative = dé ‘but’ (Thess.). <IE
*(s)me(h.) (?)>
*ETYM Might be cognate with Skt. smd [pcl.] ‘really, truly’ and/or with Hitt. -ma
[encl.] ‘but’. It is unclear whether pd continues *mh, or *mn. See > uv 1.
wud [f.] ‘mother’, in ta ya voc. = t1i}tep yj “Mother Earth’ (A. Supp. 890, 899 [lyr.]), and
also as a woman’s exclamation (Hdt., Theoc.). <IE, ONOM>
eETYM Nursery word like Skt. ma ‘mother’ (lex.); likewise, mac = » matr/p ‘father’. See
P Lica, > LUTNP, > Ldn.
payadtc, -t5oc [f.] a stringed instrument, ascribed to the Lydians, but also to the
Thracians (Alcm., Anacr.); also a Lydian flute (Ion Trag., Anaxandr.). <Lw Lyd.>
eVAR ACc. -tv.
eDER ttayaditw ‘to play the dyadic, imitate the p., ie. sing scales’ (Theophil., Arist.),
cf. Schwyzer 736. Further ttaydc, -d5o¢ [f.] ‘the bridge on a stringed instrument’
(Ptol., Philostr., H.), with payadiov (pap. I’, Ptol.).
eETYM A foreign word from an unknown, probably Lydian source. Others have
proposed Semitic origin (Lewy 1895: 162f.). Fur.: 122, 226 reconstructs a pre-form
*uaydic, comparing mnktic, also a Lydian stringed instrument, with which it would
be identical, according to Aristox Fr. Hist. 66 and Menaichm. 4 J.
wayapic [f.] « upd od0n “small blade’ (H.). <Lw Sem.?>
*ETYM Lewy KZ 59 (1932): 192 compares Hebr. m‘gérd ‘saw’, garar ‘draw, pull’, which
remains questionable. Latte considers it a mistake for patapic, comparing paddpetc:
TAs MAatUTEpas AOyxac TOV Kepdtwv. KeAtoi; see DELG s.v.
tdyyavov [n.] ‘philtre, charm’ (Heracl. All, H.), ‘block of a pulley’ (Hero Bel., pap.
III’), ‘iron peg, bolt’ (sch.), [t. toAeptKdv ‘catapult, ballista, tormentum’ (gloss., H.), :
yayyapov ‘fishing-net’ (H.). <PG(v)>
DER Layyavdptog ‘enchanter’ (pap. III’), ‘mechanic’ (Papp.) is probably a loan from
Latin. Denominative verb ,iayyavebw ‘to deceive by machinations, bewitch, play
tricks’ with piayyav-eia ‘trickery’ (Pl. Lg., Ph.), -evpata [pl.] ‘trickeries, quack
medicines’ (Pl., Plu.), -evtr¢ ‘impostor, quack’ (Suid., Phot.), -evtixh téxvn ‘magical
art’ (Poll.), -ebtptcut [pl.] (H. s.v. BapBaxedtptiat), -evtrptov ‘haunt of impostors’
(Them.).
*ETYM As a loan, the word became widespread: Lat. manganum ‘machine’ (whence
Ital. mangano ‘sling’, with the by-form mango ‘fixer’ (from Hell. *ptkayywv?), whence
888 paydSaAta
mangonium ‘the touching up of wares for sale’; a number of European languages
may have borrowed the word from Latin: for example, Alb. mangé ‘hemp brake,
hackle’, méngji ‘medicine’; MHG mange ‘catapult’, MoHG Mange(!) ‘wringer for
laundry’ (whence e.g. Lith. majigalis ‘mangle’); MIr. meng ‘deceit, cleverness, ruse’.
Skt. mafiju-, mafijula- [adj.] ‘beautiful, sweet, charming’, mangala- [n.] ‘happiness,
salvation, good omen’ (all epic and class.) were proposed as cognates of ayyavov,
but this is not credible, as they are semantically too far off (Dravidian origin was
considered by Mayrhofer KEWA: 547, 553 and Mayrhofer EWAia: 3: 379f.). Such an
isolated comparison of Sanskrit and Greek words carries little weight. Oss. meng
‘deceit’, MP mang ‘id., Sogd. mnk ‘id. are unclear. Connection to the group of
> doow ‘knead’ is unconvincing too.
As Van Beek (p.c.) suggests to me, [iayyavov recalls unyavi) both semantically and
formally. Although the Greek form cannot be derived from an IE root *meng- (as per
Pok. 731), the pair of words shows prenasalization and interchange of y and x, which
both are typical reflexes of a Pre-Greek word. For the change in vowel quantity, we
may compare > kayKvAac « KnKidac. AioXeic (H.).
As regards the semantic development, Frisk assumes that the word originally
denoted a concrete technical object. However, the technical meanings diverge
strongly, and are attested at a later date. Rather, the connection with ,inyavr shows
that the oldest attestations depart from a meaning ‘ruse, trick’ (see > unyavr}). Later,
the word was used to denote all kinds of special tricks, and the divergent technical
meanings, e.g. yayyattov ‘fishing-net’ (H.), can only be understood in this way.
paydadtd late for dnopaydakta. ="doow.
ucySwAoc [m.] ‘watchtower’ (pap., H.). <Lw Sem.>
eVAR Or @Aoc? Also payd@A, -@Aoc.
eCOMP pLaySwAo-@ptiak ‘watchman’ (pap., H.).
DER Eg. town name MaydwaAoc (Hecat. 317 J.), Maydada (pap.).
*ETYM From Sem,; cf. Hebr. migdal ‘tower’ (also as a TN). Fur.: 312, 321 considers a
non-IE loan in Hamito-Semitic (adducing Berb. mogador ‘watchtower’ and Akk.
madgaltu ‘id.’).
dyetpog [m.] ‘slaughterer, butcher, cook (Att., Hell. and late). <PG?(v)>
eVAR Dor. payipoc.
*COMP As a second member in dpyt-dayetpos ‘chief cook’ (LXX, J., Plu.).
eDER Rarely fem. jtayeipatva (Pherecr. 84; nonce form), piayeiptooa (LXX).
Diminutive payetpioxocg [m.] (Ath.), with magiriscium ‘small figure of a butcher’
(Plin.). Adjective payetpixdc ‘of a cook or butcher’ (Ar., Pl., Arist.) with -tkdv, -tK«1)
‘art of cooking, butcher taxes, etc.’ trayetpworg ‘like a butcher’ (Eun.). Denominative
uayetpevw [v.] ‘to be cook or butcher’ (Hell.) with payeip-eiov ‘butchery, soup
kitchen’ (Arist., Hell.), -eia [f.] ‘boiled food’ (Cato, Hdn. Epim.), -yjia [f.] ‘butcher
taxes?’ (Eresos), -evpa = -ela (H., Eust.), -evtixdg (late). Probably also AndéAAwv
Mayiptog (Cyprus).
eETYM As an element of higher culinary culture, the profession udyetpoc seems to
have entered Attic from Doric (for older Sattpdc¢?). The earlier history of the word is
waddaw 889
unknown. Pisani Rev. Int. ét. balk. 1 (1934): 255ff. supposes Macedonian origin,
connecting pdyatpa ‘big knife, butchery knife’; Schwyzer: 471” recalls Lat. mactare.
Not related to » udoow ‘to knead’, as earlier authors assumed.
The word looks non-IE, because of the alternations et / i and (if udyatpa belongs
here) y/x. Is it Pre-Greek, deriving from *mak-ar’-? Aeol. udyotpoc, mentioned by
LSJ s.v., is only attested in Greg. Cor., which is not a trustworthy source. See
P Udyaipa.
uudyog [m.] ‘member of the Median caste of priests, Magus’, as an appellative
‘interpreter of dreams, sorcerer, deceiver’ (Hdt., Heraclit., S., E., etc. [Mayog A. Pers.
318]), as an adjective ‘magical, enchanting’ (Philostr., AP). «LW Iran.>
eCOMP cipyt-payoc “chief Magus’ (Epigr. Hypaipa; cf. Wikander 1946: 4of.).
DER ptayucds ‘belonging to the Magi, magical’ (LXX, Plu., etc.), waytavoc ‘magical,
enchanted’ (pap. I*; after Aowavdéc), payétav avAdv- tov payevovta tod
akpowpévous H.; ttayevw ‘perform as a Magus, enchant’ (E., Hell.) with payeia (-ia)
‘teachings of the Magi, magic’ (Pl. Alc., Thphr., Act. Ap.), tay-edpata [pl.] ‘id.’ (E.),
-EVTHG = Edyos (D. C.), -evtiKdc ‘regarding the Magi, regarding magic’ (P1.).
eETYM From Iranian; cf. OP Magus (Av. moyu-), name of a Median tribe with
priestly functions. As the appellative meaning is unknown, the etymology cannot be
established. See Schmitt Glotta 49 (1971): 105-107; recent discussion in Brust 2005:
385ff.
payvdaptc [f.] ‘blossom, seed, root (and the sap obtained from it) of the plant called
oidgtov and of a related plant’ (Thphr., Dsc., H.). 42>
°VAR Late payddapic (Gp. 2, 35, 9 codd.).
*ETYM Foreign word of unknown origin (Libyan or Syrian?); cf. the litt. in WH s.v.
magudaris (P1.).
uaddw [v.] ‘to drip, melt, be moist’ (Thphr.; concerning a disease of a fir-tree), also ‘to
fall out’, of hair. <1E *meh,d- ‘be moist, drip’>
eVAR Aor. ptadijoat.
*COMP Also with ano- (Hp., Ar., Arist., LXX).
*DER pd6nolc ‘hair loss’ (Hp.), padaioc ‘moist’ (Poet. de herb.), after ixuaioc?
Factitive adi [v.] ‘to remove hair, pluck or singe’ (medic.), also with amo-; thence
Ladtoti pov ‘instrument for removing hair, place where depilation is carried out’ =
etotpa ‘place for singeing slaughtered swine’ (Halicarn. I*, sch.), 6A0-pddt0T0¢
‘completely bald’ (Cyran.), also udSiooc (see below); as an iterative paddoKouat [v.]
‘to drip, become moist’ (medic. VII®). Expressive enlargement pa[y]da\Aet- tiAAEL,
éoGie ‘plucks, eats’; pa[y]6aAAovtec: tiAAovtec, éoiovtec (HL), cf. KvaddAAetar-
kv18etau ‘scratches’ (H.) and Debrunner IF 21 (4907): 91.
Further: tadapdc [adj.] ‘wet’ (Hp., Arist.), ‘bald’ (Luc.) with padapdtng¢ ‘baldness,
loss of hair and of the eyelashes’ (Hp., Gal.), jadapdw ‘to remove hair’ (LXX Ne. 13,
25, v.l., Crete II"), waddpwoig = -dtn¢ (Gal., Vett. Val.), probably directly from
Hadapdc; uadap-taw [v.] ‘suffer from hair loss’ (Cleopatra apud Gal. 12, 405). Also
padi-yévetoc ‘with bald chin’ (Arist.); cf. xadapéc beside Xani-ppwv. Note pddoc, -ov
(back-formation?) = dtmedoc AevKy, (Dsc.), because its root was used for depilation;
890 udadpva
rendered as wikw8pov by H., which may indicate the same plant. Further LLadwvdic =
vupaia “water-lily’ (Boeot. according to Thphr. HP 9, 13), but Bechtel amends to
padwvia. Also uddicoc: dikeAXa. oi dé 1adiBdc (H.), probably from padilw.
*ETYM For the shift of meaning from ‘flow away’ to ‘fall out’, compare éxpéw ‘to flow
away, fall out’ and Lat. défluo ‘to flow down’, also ‘to fall out’, of hair. For the pair
uaddaw : padapdc, cf. xadkdw ‘slacken’ beside yadapdc ‘loose’ and mAaddw ‘to be
moist’ beside mAadapdc ‘wet’ (rhyming), which are both semantically close. The aor.
wadfjoat is an innovation as compared to xaddoat (which behaves like Aayapdc :
Aaydoat, etc.); it is unclear how the present stem j1ada- was derived. The root is also
found in Lat. madeé ‘to be moist, drip, be drunk’ (after the intransitives in -ére), Olr.
maidim ‘to break (out)’ (intr.), ‘to fall to pieces’ (< *‘to flow out or away’ vel sim;
possibly formally identical with madeo), Skt. mddati ‘to be intoxicated’. On the
reconstruction *meh,d-, see Lubotsky MSS 40(1981): 133-138. See further > jtaotdc,
> purdea.
padpva [n.pl.] = Kkoxktunda, BpapvdAa ‘plums, sloes’ (Seleuc. apud Ath. 2, 50a).
<PG(V)>
eVAR Also dquiddpva: kokkvpNnAa. Zucv@viot (H., Phot.). Also » Gdpva, in Zkehoi de
&dpva Aéyovot Ta pha ‘apples’. napa dé Attikoic axpddpva ‘fruits grown on upper
branches of trees’ (H. and Ath. 3, 83a). Maybe also Bdadpva, but see Fur. 221.
eETYM Gddpva did not originally mean ‘belonging to a tree’, as tree names in dia-
meant ‘blossoming at the same time as’. Rather, initial /h-/ was added by folk
etymology to *d-t45pva, a form with (non-IE) prothetic vowel. This form
(&)uddpva must be a Pre-Greek etymon. If Badpva is reliable, we also have variation
ut/B, to which F may be added in order to explain > &dpva.
mata [f.] ‘barley-cake’ (IA), ‘(metal) nugget, mass, ball’ (LXX, J., pap.). <IE? *meh,g-
‘knead’>
eVAR Accent acc. to Hdn. Gr. 2, 937; Att. acc. to Moer. Also ida (Hell. acc. to
Moer.), Megar. adda (Ar. Ach. 732, 835).
*COMP Compounds: prato-vdttoc (pap. III?), -vdptov (Hell. inscr.), -véutov (Callix. 2),
-vopieiov (com.) ‘trencher for tt.’ 6Ad-{taGoc ‘with its whole mass, from top to
bottom’ (Hero Stereom.).
*DER Diminutive pal-ioxn (Ar.), -iov (Phryn. Com. et al.). Adjective pal-npdc
‘belonging to the p1a¢a’ (Poll.), for the formation cf. ottnpdc; paetvdc (for udtivoc?)
Bodc: 6 €& adgitwv ‘of barley groats’ (H.). Denominative pataw [v.] ‘to knead barley
dough’ (pap., H.), bmep-patdaw ‘to be overfed’ (Ath. Luc.); also patdw (Suid.), cf.
KptOdw. Unclear patvytov [n.] (beside ptaGic [f.]) ‘amalgam’ (Zos. Alch.).
*ETYM Derived from ptay-fva, pres. » udoow with a suffix -ta-; cf. ala pepaypévny
(Archil.). The long a would then be secondary. Borrowed from pd(a: Lat. massa
‘clump, mass’ (Plaut.). Not a Semitic loan word (Hebr. massah ‘unsoured bread’ is
rather from Greek). The comparison with OCS mazati ‘to salve, smear’, mazo
[isg.pres.] points to *meh,g-. In this case, the long a may also represent an old full-
grade.
Haoc 1 [m.] ‘nipple, breast’. >paotdc.
Hapdw 891
patos 2 [?] a fish (Epich. 69). <PG?(S)>
*VAR Also patéac = the fish f{natoc (Xenocr. apud Orib. 2, 58); watetvdc or paketvec
(Doris apud Ath. 315f).
*ETYM See Thompson 1947 s.v. The variation has no parallel, but rather points to a
Pre-Greek word. LSJ notes: “probably for jtativng in Thphr. Fr. 171.2”.
paBadic, -idoc [f.] ‘name of a cup, used as a measure (Blaes. 2, H.). <PG?(S)>
*ETYM Formation like ayx-ad-ic, pvo-ahic, tpvg-aric et al. (Chantraine 1933: 252),
but there is no root etymology. Connection with pd8viatr yvd8ot ‘jaws’ or
> acdopat ‘to chew’ seems impossible. Fur. 212 compares Lat. matula ‘pot for
liquids’ and Batoc, Badoc, Badtov ‘measure of liquids’.
HaOn *VAR LdOnotc, LaOnTIH¢, etc. =havOdvw.
uadurar [f.pl.] - yva8or ‘jaws’ (H.). =pacdopat.
piaia [f.] ‘mother’, mostly used to address elderly women (Od.), ‘nurse, midwife’ (Att.),
‘grandmother’ (Dor.); name of a big crab (Arist.), cf. ypaia; of a plant, = Aeridiov
(Orib.), cf. y€pwv and synonyms in plant names in Strémberg 1940: 56 and 159. Asa
PN, mother of Hermes (h. Merc.). <GR>
*DER flaujiog and youd = patevtixds, -Kr] (Nonn.), Matdc = Maia (E 435).
Denominatives: 1. jraevoptat [v.] ‘to be midwife, deliver’ (Att.) with poeta [f.]
‘midwifery’ (Pl.), paiev-a ‘product of delivery’, -otc ‘delivery’, -tikéc ‘pertaining to
delivery, able to deliver’ (Pl.), pouettpia ‘midwife’ (S.); 2. patdopat [v.] ‘id.’ (Hell.)
with paiw-otc ‘delivery’, -tixdc (Plu.), ttaiwtpa [pl.] ‘midwife’s wages’ (Luc.); paiot
‘adoptive parents’ (Paros).
eETYM Analogical enlargement of the nursery word a with the suffix -ta, based on
ypaia (related to ypatc, both ‘old woman’). Borrowed as Lat. maia ‘midwife’; the
ancient roman goddess Maia was later identified with Maia (WH).
Maid [v.] ‘to be eager, quiver with eagerness, rage’ (Il.). <PG?>
“VAR 388. Halpael, pl. papdwot, etc. aor. patpfjoat (E 670); enlarged form payidoow
(LXX, AP), also patwoow (Nic.) and papdtw (Ph).
eCOMP Also with ava-, mept-, éml-.
*DER paiva’: tapaxwdn¢ ‘disturbing’ (H.), padxtng, -ov [m.] “the boisterous one”,
of Zeus as god of the wind in Athens (Plu., Harp., H.), opposed to tetAixtog; also
Matjtaxtrp name of a month (Phocaia), with Maiwaxtnpidv, -dvoc [m.] ‘id. (Att.),
probably from *Mauaxtipta [pl.] name of a festival; Hayraxnc: bBptotr|s (Zonar.).
*ETYM The intensive reduplication can hardly be of IE origin; the aorist must be
secondary. The original quantity of the middle syllable cannot be ascertained.
Although productive, the suffix -ax- in paipak, HaldaKtnys, etc. points to Pre-Greek
origin. Late jtayéoow may just contain an enlargement -(a) ou, but it might also be
connected with the velar in jraytdk-tn¢, etc. Additionally, a-taysdaxetoc may belong
here (cf. s.v.), but this is semantically unclear (assuming a pleonastic privative, like in
aBéAtEpos, is unlikely).
892 paivn
The connections with paiouat and ua@pat are obsolete; see Tichy 1983: 331-334 for a
discussion of the meaning of jratudw and an attempt to derive it from the perf. ptc.
MELAaT-.
uaivy [f.] ‘name of a small herring-like fish, Maena vulgaris’ (AP 9, 412). <?>
eVAR Further forms patvopévn (sch. Luc.) with patvouéviov (Alex. Trall.), MoGr.
LaivovAa, HavaAl, etc.; details in Thompson 1947 s.v. Also patvic, -idoc [f.] (com.,
Arist.) with potvidiov (com., Arist.).
*ETYM No etymology. The connection with fish names in other languages (e.g. Ru.
men’ [m.] ‘barbot’, Lith. ménké ‘haddock’, which derives from mefikas ‘small’, see
Fraenkel 1955 s.v., and Skt. mina- [m.]) is extremely doubtful. Strémberg 1943: 53ff.
hesitatingly attempts to connect paivn with > uaivouat by interpreting it as “the
wildly raging fish”. Borrowed as Lat. maena.
paivopat [v.] ‘to rage, be furious, out of one’s mind, excited’ (l.); rarely active éx-
paivw ‘make furious’ (E., Ar.), paivw (Orph.), aor. pijvat (S., E.), intr. med. urjvacBat
(Z 160, Theoc.). <1£ *men- ‘think of, remember’>
eVAR Aor. pavijvat (IA), fut. pavéetou (Hdt.), perf. (with present mg.) péunva (A.,
S.).
*COMP Also with prefix, e.g. é«-, mtept-, b710-, év-.
*DER 1. From the present: patvac, -ddoc [f.] ‘the raging one, Bacchante’ (Il.);
patvoAng (Aeol., Dor. -Aac, fem. -Atc) ‘raging, excited’ (Sapph., A.). 2. From the root:
wavia, -in ‘fury, madness’ (IA); pavucdc, paviwdng ‘furious, raging’ (IA), fem. also
pavidg ‘id.’ (after Adooa : AVGOdC, Schwyzer: 508). Verbal adj. éu-yavijs ‘raging’ (IA),
probably a hypostasis (to pavia) after éu-pavijc, etc., as éu-paivouat does not occur
before Act. Ap., J. On » udvtic, see s.v.
*ETYM Several languages have a zero-grade yod-present corresponding to paivopat <
IE *mn-ie/o-: Skt. mdnyate, Av. mainiieite ‘to think’; Olr. muinithir ‘id’; OCS monjo
‘to think, consider’, Lith. miniu ‘to commemorate, remember’. The intr. aorist
pavijvat has counterparts in the Balto-Slavic infinitive, Lith. minéti, OCS monéti.
Secondary origin may be considered for pavijvat (which is post-Homeric) as well, cf.
gaivouat : avijvat. Formations that arose in Greek are pjvacBat < PGr. *man-s-
and péunva (after takijvat : tétIKa, etc.).
Related to the group of »uévoc, > pégova, and probably » uvijoxw. For more
cognates, see LIV’ s.v. 1. *men-.
pciopian [v.] ‘to touch, investigate, search’, present also ‘to seek to attain’ (Il.). <?>
eVAR Aeol. also udopou (Sapph. 362), fut. udooopau, aor. -udooaoBat.
*COMP Usually with émt-, in the aor. also with eio-, éx-, dugt-, peta- (Pi. N. 3, 81).
*DER Verbal adjectives d-mpoti-aotog ‘untouched’ (T 263), émi-uaotoc epithet of
aArtN¢ (v 377), mg. unclear (cf. Bechtel Lex. s.v.).
Action nouns: dopa [n.] “search, investigation’ (Cratin. 424, Pl. Cra. 421b), uaoric,
-boc [f.] ‘id’ (Call. Fr. 277). Agent noun: paotip [m.] ‘searcher’ (trag.), also [f.],
Schwyzer: 530, also name of an Athenian officer (Hyp.); pdoteipa [f] (A.),
Laotrptoc Eppijc “Hermes, God of tracing’ (A.); epic PN Maotwp; pactpdc [m.]
dxap 803
name of a financial officer (Pellene, Rhodos, Delphi), uaotpixédc¢ (Delphi II"), pa-
otp(e)ia, El. wactpda = es6vva (Messen. IP, H.).
Denominative paotetw [v.] ‘to search, track down’ (Pi., A.; Epid., X.), wdort-evoig
(Epid. IV*, Archim.), -evti¢ (X.), -eia (VIP); cf. uatebw. Perhaps also related are PNs
like Ebpatoc, Oivdpaoc, Maiwv (epic).
*ETYM The sigmatic forms (e.g. aor. -udooac8a and d-mpoti-ywactoc) suggest an
analysis paiopat < *mas-ie/o-, but they might also belong to patéw, Puatetw as
secondary formations. Often, paifopat ‘to touch’ and uaiouat ‘to strive for, try’ (the
latter with genitive) are considered to be two different verbs, but the meaning ‘try to
reach, strive for’ can be easily explained from the conative aspect of the present stem.
There are no clear cognates. In the sense ‘to touch’, paiopat has been compared with
words for ‘beckon with the hand’, etc., e.g. OCS namajati, 1sg. namajo ‘to beckon’,
Lith. moti, 1sg. mdju ‘id.’, mosuoti ‘to turn, swing’; but these clearly continue a root
*meh,- or *meh,-, and thus are formally different from Greek. In the sense ‘strive,
try’, the verb was compared with > patpdw ‘to be eager’, > uMpat ‘to strive’, but these
connections cannot be formally substantiated. LIV’ s.v. *mes- reconstructs a present
*ms-io- > *ahio- >> PG *ma'io-, but such analogical replacement is questionable.
mdotE, & udoOANs, » UaoTpomdc were compared in Frisk, but are unrelated. See
further > paotdéc.
uaipa [f.] ‘the Dog Star’. spapyaipw.
uaiowv, -wvoc [m.] ‘native cook’ in Athens (Ath. 14, 659a); patowviKad oKWPLATA
(ibd.). <?>
*ETYM No etymology. Acc. to Ar. Byz. (ibd.), it is originally the name of the comic
mask of a cook or servant, which was named after an actor. Unrelated to pacdo8at
‘chew’, as per Chrysippus (ibd.).
“aKap [adj.] epithet of gods and men, ‘happy, blissful’ (Il.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Fem. also paxap (E., Ar. [lyr.]), but more frequently udxaipa (h. Ap. 14), also
ntr. in the obl. cases (AP, Nonn.). Further also paxap (Archil. Supp. 3, 5, Sol. 14,
Diph. 126, 6), udxaps (Alcm. 10, 11).
*DER Superl. paxdptatog (Od., A., S.); waxdptog ‘blessed, happy’ (Pi.); often used as a
form of address (Pl., Ar.), cf. datovie; also paxaptotng ‘blessedness’ (PI. Lg., Arist.);
wakapia [f.] ‘id.’ (Ar., Pl. Hp. Ma. 293a); paxapitnc, Dor. -tac, fem. -tic¢ “part of the
blessed”, ‘blessed one’ (A., Ar., Men., Theoc.). Denominative paxapitw [v.] ‘to
praise, glorify’ (Od.) with paxaptotdc (IA), also barytone paxdpiotoc; pakapiopdg
[m.] ‘act of blessing’ (Pl. Resp., Arist.), waxaptotis [m.] (J.). Also paxaptdg ‘blessed’
(AP 7, 740, 5; verse-final), as if from *pakaipw. Obscure is pakapivn: avépayvn
‘purslane, Portulaca’ (H.).
*ETYM The idea of Brugmann IF 18 (1905-1906): 434 that udkap is originally a neuter
*blessedness’, whence occasionally msc. udkdp and fem. pdkaipa, is not supported
by the texts. It is rather Pre-Greek, because its formation is isolated within Greek,
and because of the interchange -ap/-dp.
894 pLakedvoc
waxedvec [adj.] ‘tall, slim’, of trees, etc. (n 106, Nic., Lyc.); also name of a people
related to the Dorians (Hdt.). <PG(s)>
*DER Also EN Maxedovec [m.pl.] ‘Macedonians’, -wv (IA) [sg.], whence Maxedov-
ta, -in, -tKdc ‘Macedonia, -nian’ (IA), also } Maxedov-ic (scil. yi}) (Hdt.), -ittc (Ael.),
-tooa “Macedonian woman’ (Stratt.); paxedovilw [v.] ‘to be pro-Macedonian’ (Plb.,
Plu.). Long medial vowel in Maxn-dwv (Hes. Fr. 5, 2, Call.), -dovia, -in (Hell. poet.).
eETYM The pair Maxe-dd6v-ec beside ptaKe-5v-dc¢ is thought to contain an old
ablauting suffix, which is also supposed in yoedvdc, etc., though a variant -5d6v- is
lacking there. A suffix -66v- is found in animal names, in other appellatives, as well
as in action nouns. %
A by-form of the EN is Maxétng ‘Macedonian’ (Gell.), -ttc [f.] (Str., AP) and -tia,
-tn (AP), -t& (pap., see Mayser 1: 3, 24); cf. oikétng, etc. Fur. does not discuss these
forms. As an analysis taKxe-dv-oc is impossible for an IE word, the ethnonym is
probably of substrate origin (cf. Aaxedaijiwv; Fick 1905: 90); the form with -t-
(which could be a variant alternating with -6-) then points to Pre-Greek origin.
The meaning of the adjective strongly suggests that it is cognate with ,taxpdc (Frisk),
but this can hardly be accounted for in terms of IE morphology. On account of the
strange suffixation, I assume Pre-Greek origin for it, too.
waxéAr [f.] ‘mattock’ (Hes. Op. 470, Theoc., A. R.), also a destructive instrument of
Zeus (A., S., Ar.). <PG(V)>
VAR paxedha [f.] (@ 259, Luc. Hes. 7).
eETYM The formation has been compared with ayédn, OvedAa, etc. The similarity
with »dikehda cannot be coincidental, but Frisk concludes that a convincing
explanation has not yet been found. A cross of dikehAa and a form *patédn,
corresponding to Lat. mateola ‘tool to stave in the earth’, supposed by Giintert 1914:
122f., is not supported by any further evidence. Arm. market ‘mattock’ shows a
remarkable similarity; it might be a loan from a common source. Unrelated are Lith.
makaras ‘big stave’ and Arm. mac ‘plough-tail’ (the latter is an Iranian loan).
The following glosses from H. may belong to pdxedAa, -€An: don: dikeAAa, BaoKa:
wakéAn and pdkkop (Lacon. for pdoKoc): épyadsiov yewpytkdv, wo dikeAAa
‘agricultural tool like a 5.’.
The variation -eAa/-é\n is best explained by a Pre-Greek ending *-ala. Therefore,
udKedda, pakéAn are Pre-Greek, as is » SikehAa, see Beekes 2008. On variation k/ox,
cf. Fur.: 295-301.
pdaxeddov [n.] ‘fence’ (inscr. Epid. IV*). <PG?(v), Lw Sem.?>
eVAR -o¢ [m.] ‘id.’ (sch. Ar. Es. 137); -o¢ [m.] and -ov [n.] ‘meat market, hall for
groceries’ (Mantinea I*, Sparta, 1 Ep. Cor. 10, 25, D. C.); wdked)a: ppaypata,
dpb@axtot ‘fence, railing; latticed partition’; pdaxehoc: Spv@axtos (H.).
DER plaxeAAwtai Odpat ‘latticed doors’ (Delos IT*), borrowed as Lat. macellotae ‘id.’
(Varro); paKeAdeiov. laniatorium ‘butchery’, paxedditn¢ corporicida (cod.
corpodicina) (gloss.); details in Redard 1949: 117. Also paxeAdc [m.] as “keeper of
latticed doors” (AP 7, 709)? See O. Masson Arch. Orbis 18:4 (1950): 7ff.
udda 895
*ETYM Frisk considers this to be a borrowing from Semitic (Hebr. mikld ‘enclosure’),
after Stowasser apud Lewy 1895: 11f. Borrowed from Greek was Lat. macellum
‘market, etc.’, whence macelldrius > jakedddptoc ‘butcher’ (gl. laniator), -tov [n.]
‘food market’ (pap. VI?). The form pakedwtai was not derived from Hebr. mikla’ot
[pl.], but from pdkedAov, like e.g. B&voavwtdc from Poavoc. The TN MakeAAa [f.], a
town in western Sicily (Hell. and late), also belongs here. The primary meaning of
udkedAov is ‘lattice, fence’, and thence ‘meat market’, etc. The fence may have
consisted of pointed objects, which would support relationship with > paKéAn
‘mattock’. If this is correct, the word must be Pre-Greek.
waxxodw [v.] ‘be stupid or out of one’s mind’ (Ar. Eq. 62, 396, Com. Adesp. 1210, Luc.
Lex. 19); Maxxw [f.] name of a stupid woman (Suid.). <?>
eETYM Popular formation with expressive gemination; further details are unclear.
Lat. (Osc.) maccus ‘person of the Atellana, fool, buffoon’ also belongs here, of which
further details and various explanations are found in WH s.v.
Haxkovpa [f.] - xeipl oSnpa, 1] xp@vtat mpd¢ tovs immous ‘an iron hand, which is used
with horses’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Improbable Semitic etymology by Lewy KZ 55 (1928): 24ff.
Haxpdc [adj.] ‘long, great, high’ also ‘deep, tall, far, lengthy’ (Il.). <1£ *meh,k- ‘long,
thin, tall’> '
*COMP Many compounds, e.g. j1aKpd-Ptog ‘having a long life’ (Hdt., Hp.), ént-, bm6-,
mp6-paKpoc ‘oblong’ (Hp.), see Stromberg 1946: 100.
*DER Grades of comparison: bakpd-tepog (8 20 = o 195), -tatoc (E 288 a. 373);
further primary forms Laoowy, j}KtoTos (see on Lf}Koc).
Nominal abstracts: dkpoc [n.] ‘length’ (Ar. Av. 1131), probably an accidental
formation, cf. Chantraine 1933: 417; waxpotng [f.] ‘id.’ (Hell.).
Denominative paxptvw [v.] ‘to lengthen, remove’ (LXX, Hero), whence paxpvopdc
‘long interval’, pakpvppta [n.] ‘sth. thrown away’ (LXX; v.l. waxpvvoic).
*ETYM Old adjective, which was also preserved in Latin and Germanic: Lat. macer
‘meagre, thin’, OHG magar, ON magr ‘meagre’ < IE *mh,kro-. A parallel /-formation
is found in Hitt. mak-l-ant- ‘meagre’. taxeSvéc cannot be formally explained in IE
terms, however. In the sense of ‘long, high’, uaxpdc ousted doAtydc, which was
inherited too. On the vocalisation of laryngeals in the position *RHC-, cf. Beekes IF
93 (1988): 25. See > LLi}KOG.
udxrpa [f.] ‘kneading trough, bathing tub’, etc. =wdoow.
dda [adv.] ‘very, quite, by all means’ (Il.). <IE *mel- ‘strong, better’>
«COMP Compar. p!aA ov ‘more, rather’, superl. udAtota ‘most of all, especially’ (II.).
*ETYM Formation like Gua, taxa, mapa, etc. (Schwyzer: 622). It is thought to contain
a zero grade stem, as opposed to the full grade seen in Lat. mel-ius ‘better’ beside
multus ‘many’ < mil-té-; a zero grade also in Latv. milns ‘very many’. The compar.
udAAov (with secondary length after @ac0o0v) probably replaced the original full
grade *uéAAov. The form pddtov: udAAov (H.), to be inserted in Tyrt. 12, 6 as well, is
896 pakaBaSpov
an innovation; the same goes for paktwtépa: mpoo@iAeotépa ‘more dear’ (H.). See
Pm LaAepoc, > pédw.
Lad dBa8pov [n.] name of an oriental spice, probably a kind of cinnamon (Peripl. M.
Rubr., Dsc., Gal., Plin.). <Lw Ind.>
*DER -tvoc ‘prepared with u.’ (Dsc.).
eETYM From Skt. tamdla-pattra- [n.] ‘leaf of the Tamala tree’, which was borrowed as
Ta pahaBa8pa, Lat. malobat(h)rum (after mdlum), -inus, -dtus.
uadadcs [adj.] ‘weak, soft, tender; effeminate, flabby’ (Il.), on the mg. cf. Treu 1955:
183, 187f. <IE? *mlh,-k- ‘weak’>
*COMP jtakaxoyvwpwv “of mild mood’ (A.), wadaKko-Kpavetc “having a weak skull”,
bird-name ‘grey shrike’ (Arist.).
*DER paAdaxia, -in (IA), adaKkdétn¢ (Pl. Arist., Herod.) ‘weakness, effeminacy’.
wadakiwv [m.] (form of address) ‘sweetheart’ (Ar. Ec. 1058), see Chantraine 1933: 165;
Ta paddxia ‘molluscs’ (Arist.); pwakaxwdng ‘softish’ (St. Byz.). Denominative verbs: 1.
Lakdoow, -tTtw ‘to soften, appease’ (Pi., IA), ttaAaypa [n.] “emollient, padding’ (Pl.,
Thphr., Ph. Bel., etc.), padkaypa-twdnc (medic.), -titw [v.] (Zos. Alch.); pdraktc
‘softening’ (Thphr., Plu.); padax-tip “weakener”, padaxtnp édépavtoc ‘ivory
worker’ (Plu.); -t1k6c ‘mitigating’ (Hp., Plu.). 2. wadaxiopat [v.] ‘to be soft’ (Att.). 3.
Lakakvvw [v.] ‘to soften’ (X., Hell.), with paddxvvote ‘softening’ (Alex. Aphr.).
eETYM The nearest cognate of paAaKdc seems to be monosyllabic BAGE, so we are
dealing with a primary x-derivative. The forms point to a split paradigm: *mlh,-k- >
*udax- and *mlh,-ek- > *taA-ax-. The comparison with the verb for ‘rub, meal’ (in
> uvAN) is outdated. See » BAGE, » waABaKdc.
padBaKdc 897
udrddakov [n.] = BdeAAtov (Dsc. 1, 67, Plin. 12, 35) ‘aromatic gum obtained from
Balsomadendrum africanum’. <LW Near East>
eETYM Fur.: 212 thinks it is a non-IE loan from the Near East, standing for
*uadadkov, and compares Hebr. b’délah, Akk. budulhu, bidurhu.
tadepoc [adj.] mg. uncertain, said of fire (Il, Hes. Sc. 18, A. Ch. 325), of lions (A. Ag.
141), of singers (Pi. O. 9, 22), also of 1680c, Apc; usually explained as ‘violent,
strong’ (or ‘consuming’), acc. to Bechtel 1914 s.v. rather “zermalmend”, ‘crushing’.
<>
eVAR LeAEpdc HapavtiKov. KavoTIKOV ‘quenching, burning’ (H.).
eETYM Formation like 6adepdc, pavepdc, etc. There is no etymology, because of the
uncertain meaning. Traditionally taken to be related to »udha in the meaning
‘violent’, etc.; acc. to Bechtel, however, it belongs to » udaAevpov and » WAN.
uddevpov [n.] ‘flour (Alc. 70 LSJ, Achae. 51, Theoc. 15, 116). <IE *melh,- ‘meal, rub’>
eVAR Cret. PN MaXevpoc (SGDI 5028 n 4).
eDIAL Myc. me-re-u-ro /meleuron/.
eETYM Either a reshaping of GAevpov (s.v. »dAéw) after 0AN, or an old word,
cognate with OHG melo < PGm. *melwa- ‘meal’, etc. The latter connection is
possible if we reconstruct PIE *melh,-uV-, in which case Myc. me-re-u-ro < *melh,-
ur- represents the old vocalism, cf. dpovpa ‘arable land’ (Myc. a-ro-u-ra) which is an
extension of *h,erh,-ur. uddevpov must then have taken its vo
or even continue an old ablauting variant *mlh,-eu- (assuming that the heteroclitic
inflection is secondary). The explanation of Myc. me-le-ti-ri-ja by vowel assimilation
from mela- (as per LIV’ s.v. *melh,-) is unacceptable, as there was no regular vowel
assimilation in Greek (see Van Beek fthc.b).
wadatiipes + vadtau ‘sailors’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Unknown. uaAn [f.] ‘armpit’, almost only in the expression b16 ttdAng ‘under the armpit, secretly’
yaddxn [f] ‘mallow’ (Hes.). <PG(v)> (Att.), after this also b10 (trv) waAnv (Plb., Luc.), mapa tiv wt. (Hippiatr.). <2>
eVAR Also poAdxn (Epich. and Antiph. apud Ath. 2, 58d, SIG 1172, 8, etc.), woddyn
(Vase inscr. Naples). pdABaxa [acc.] (Orac. apud Luc. Alex. 25).
*DER pahdxiov (Ar. Fr. 320, 10), woAdxtov (Clem. Al.) “‘woman’s ornament worn
around the neck’, also dAakiov (Poll., H.), after pakakdc; pardytoc: ix8d¢ motdc a
fish (H.), after the color (Stromberg 1943: 25); podoxitnyg (v.l. -t1c) ‘mallow-colored
stone’ (Plin., Isid.); oAdyxtvoc ‘made of mallow-fibre, mallow-colored’ (Peripl. M.
Rubr.), poAdxtva [n.pl.] ‘clothes made of mallow’ (ibd.) > Lat. molochina [f.]. Cret.
TN éu Modoyavtt (nom. *MoAoxdac, see Schwyzer: 528).
eETYM Along with Lat. malva (whence MoHG Mallve, etc.), from a Mediterranean
language; traditionally compared with Hebr. malliah, name of a lettuce-like plant;
does Georg. balba also belong here? The hapax pa\Baxa [acc.] has a remarkable
similarity with malva and points to *uaAfax/y-. We may therefore assume a Pre-
Greek form *mal”ak-. This explains all Greek variants, including the different
vocalizations. Pre-Greek may have taken the word from Semitic, or the other way
around.
eDIAL Myc. ma-ra-pi /malap*i/?
*ETYM In the same meaning we find paoydAn, but it does not seem probable that
UdAn is a shortened form of ttaoyaAn.
ad Bakdc [adj.] ‘weak, tender, soft, mild’ (P 588, also Hp., Pl.). <PG(s,v)>
eVAR Aeol. udABakos (Alc.).
*DER pad@axia ‘softness’ (Pl. R. 590 b); padrOaxwdnc¢ ‘emollient’ (Hp., Gal.),
wahOaKivoc = LadBakdc (AP).
Denominative verbs: 1. wad8doow = paddoow (Hp., trag.), with padOax-trptiov
-t1Kdc, -Etc (medic.). 2. padPaKiGopat [v.] ‘to be or become soft’ (A., E., Pl., Gal.). 3.
HarABakivw = LadaKbvw (sch.). 4. Also paA8aCw (Aret.), -aivw (Stob.) = padk8dacow,
both probably through replacement of the suffix, rather than to uddOn, > udAOwv.
Unrelated is > 14\0n.
Without suffixal -ax-: wakOwdncg = padraKtiKds i Knpwdn¢ ‘emollient or like wax’
(Hp. apud Gal.); aA8wv [m.] ‘sissy’ (Socr. apud Stob.); MaA®tov woman’s name
(Paros); pakOwow- parakwow ‘will soften’ (H.). Here also émipadOa: ayaa,
MpOOnvi}. fj HAAAKG, f} doVevi Aiav ‘good, soft, or soft, or very weak’ (H.).
898 LdAON
eETYM Formation like jtahkakdg; the two synonymous adjectives may have influenced
each other. If ppahakéc belongs with BAGE, then pakBakdc must have taken its ending
from ptadakdc. Solmsen 1909: 55 recognizes » {td 6n as the feminine of an original
adj. *ah8dc ‘weak’, which also left traces in wa Owv, etc. (though a reconstruction
-n-ko- seems improbable for jtad@akdc).
Outside Greek, the Germanic word for ‘mild’, eg. OHG milti, Go. unmildjai
‘aotopyor, has been compared, which could belong to Skt. mdrdhati ‘to neglect’
(maintained in LIV? s.v. 1.*meld'-).
However, the following considerations may show that the word is Pre-Greek: 1)
jaX9- cannot be explained from IE *mld"-, as this would give **Ba0-; 2) pakBaKdc
cannot be cognate with jtadakés, as the latter must go back to *mlh,-ek-, and there is
no trace of the *h, in the former; 3) if jpadOdCw is old, it points to suffixal *-ay-,
which together with the (more common) variant seen in ,taA8aK6dc must derive from
the well-known PG suffix -ak-.
It is now clear that words in -ako- cannot be derived from an IE derivational type
*-y-ko-, as most words of this kind (like dotpakov) are of substrate origin.
> udA8n should be separated from padBakdc as a technical loanword. However,
LarOwv, *LarOdw, etc., which seem to be derivations of ,14A6n, are rather variants of
ttadABakds without the suffix *-ak-. It is unclear whether » dytaddc ‘weak’ can be
connected; > &tak60vw differs too much phonetically as well as semantically.
See further > ,tahakdc.
udAOn [f.] ‘mix of wax and pitch’, used to caulk ships, and on writing tablets (Cratin.
204); acc. to H. also = tpvgepr [adj.] ‘delicate, tender’; is this correct? Also name of a
large aquatic animal (Ael., Opp.), perhaps after its tender or wax-like meat,
Stromberg 1943: 32. <PG(S)>
eVAR Also [taA0& (Ar. Fr. 157), kaA8nc, -8n (Hippon., S. D.); on the variation -1) : -@
cf. Solmsen 1909: 265.
*ETYM This word probably has nothing to do with »|ta\Qakds, as it is a technical
loanword. The word is Pre-Greek, as ,1aA8- cannot be explained from IE (*mld'- >
BAab-). This also explains the nom. in -& (Pre-Greek: C 3,1). Borrowed as Lat.
malt(h)a.
wadidw [v.] ‘to suffer from glanders’. «DER ttaAiaotc, the disease. =ti)Aov 1.
udAxn [f.] ‘numbness from cold’ in hands and feet, plur. ‘chilblain’ (Nic.); dAKnv- 10
émkomavov. Ildpiot ‘chopping-block’ (H.). <PG(V)>
*DER tdAkKtov [n.]: pappakov doBevéc te Kai ptddKiov ‘a weak and benumbing
medicine’ (Anon. apud Suid.), perhaps a compar. like piytov; superl. padkiotatov
Tap (Call. Fr. anon. 45). Denominative jadxiw [v.] ‘to become numb with cold,
freeze’ (A. Fr. 332 [652 Mette], X., D., Ael.), after idiw, often written piadaxiw after
lahakdc; padKkid-wvtl [ptc.dat.sg.] (Arat. 294, m.c.), padktijv. bmd Kpvous
kateokAnkévat kai SvoKivytos eivat ‘to be stiff and unable to move for cold’ (Phot.).
Here also pahkdv: jtadaKkov (H.)?
*ETYM A convincing explanation is still lacking. There have been attempts connect
Lith. mulkis ‘blockhead’, OCS mlvéati ‘be silent, dumb’, and other words of doubtful
pavddrns 899
appurtenance. The connection with jtadakdc is semantically unconvincing. A form
uadK- can hardly be explained in IE terms. The variant spelling piakaxiw may
indicate that the word is Pre-Greek.
wadddc [m.] ‘flock of wool’ (Hes. Op. 234, Milete VI*, A. S., Herod.). <PG?>
eCOMP mijyyeoi-ahdog ‘thick-fleeced’ (T 197).
*DER padAwtds ‘provided or lined with flocks of wool’ (Pl. Com., Str.) with
taAAwrtdpiov ‘sheepskin’ (pap. V-VIP); udAdwots ‘lining with wool (sch.). Further
LdAAvKec: Tpixes ‘hairs’ (H.), after dyivKes, KdAuKes, etc; with simplification of the
geminate: wddtov ‘long hair, pigtail’ (AP 11, 157, Herm. Trism.).
*ETYM The connection with Lith. milas ‘coarse homespun wool’ has been
abandoned. Greppin Glotta 59 (1981): 70-75 suggests that Arm. mal ‘ram’ is cognate
with the Greek word. The latter only denotes the ‘flock of wool’, and never the
animal, but this may be a later semantic development. An IE form *mh,]- is rather
improbable, however. Greppin explains the form from *malyo-, but this is not
certain, as the -\A- may also be a geminate of Pre-Greek origin. Clackson 1994: 232
(fn. 250) suggests that “the word is better explained as a loan from Arabic mal
‘possession’ with its transferred meaning ‘sheep’ (thus Acaryan 1977: 224).”
The word may well be Pre-Greek.
wards [adj.] epithet of tpdyoc ‘goat’ (Theoc. Ep. 1, 5), explained as ‘white’ by H. <?>
*ETYM May have been dissolved from t1ado-napavoc, properly ‘apple-cheeked’
(Theoc. 26, 1), but taken by H. to mean Aevkomdpetoc; cf. [Ladovpos (-pic) =
AebKoupos, AevKdKepKos (H.). See > pti}Aov 1.
udpata [n.pl.] + noijpata (vl. mépata “dressed food’ Meineke), Bpwpiata ‘prepared
food (H.); pLdpiptata: Bpwpata (sch. Pl. Alc. 1, 118e). <?>
*ETYM von Blumenthal 1930: 21f. thinks it is dialectal (Doric-Macedonian) for
Lidypata (and related to » ,1dc0w ‘to knead’).
uduun [f.] ‘mother’ (Pherecr, Men, Epicur. AP), ‘mother’s breast’ (Arr.),
‘grandmother’ (LXX, pap. I’, Ph., Plu.). <ONOM>
*COMP jtapipd-Opertos ‘raised by grandmother’ (Phryg., Poll.), also MapwaxvOoc
[m.] ‘blockhead’ (Ar. Ra. 990), properly “who hides with his mother” (kev6w).
*DER Hypocoristic derivatives: papia (Ar.), -iov (Phryn.), -idtov (Plu., Hdt.).
Adjective [1apyidoc, Liatpudc (pap.). Cf. maria, etc. s.v. > mamma.
Denominative papyidw [v.] ‘to cry for the breast’ [thus LSJ] (Ar. Nu. 383).
*ETYM A nursery word, from reduplicated [11a [voc.] (Ar. Byz.). Several cognates,
eg. Lat. mamma ‘mother, nurse, grandmother, mother’s breast’, MoHG (Alem.)
mamme, Lith. mama, Ru. mdma. See also Chantraine REGr. 59-60 (1946-1947): 243
and Risch Mus. Helv. 1 (1944): 119. On the geminate, see Schwyzer: 315; on the a-
vowel, ibid. 339. See > LLG, > [Lata, & LUTIPpP, & pLaoTdc,
pavddakns [m.] ‘Seopdc ydptov (band to tie trusses), sheaf, bundle’. <Lw Thrac.?>
DER piavddktov [n.] (pap.); pavdaknddv ‘in the form of a band’ (Hippiatr.).
900 Lavdahocg
*ETYM Formation like » yavvakne. Is it perhaps a loan from Old Iranian banda-ka-
‘band, fetter’ via Thracian, in view of the development b > m? See recently Brust
2005: 415ff. The formation can hardly be IE. See » uavdpa.
ptavdaroc [m.] ‘bolt of a door’ (Med. apud Erot., Artem.). <?>
*DER pavéadwoac ‘bolting(?) (H. s.v. tuAapwoac), pavdahwtdc ‘with the bolt shot’
(com., Phot.), also a lascivious kiss [LSJ].
eETYM Technical word in -ado- without etymology; cf. on » pdvdpa. The formation
can hardly be IE. Unrelated are audvédakov = a@avéc ‘invisible’ (Alc. Z 81),
apavdahoi apavie, BAdmtet ‘renders invisible, damages’ (H.), in view of the
divergent meanings. %
udvdpa [f.] “fold, pound, stable’ (S. Fr. 659, Call, Theoc., Peripl. M. Rubr., Plu.), also
‘cloister’ in dpxt-wavdpitng ‘chief of a cloister, abbot, archimandrite’ (Just.). <PG?>
eVAR Lavopat Epkn, Ppaypoi, abrAa, onkoi Bowv kai innwv ‘enclosures for cows and
horses’ (H.).
*DER Enlargement pavdpevua (D. H.), after the nouns in -evpa.
eETYM The word pdvdpa has been compared with Skt. mandird- [n.] ‘dwelling,
house’, mandura [f.] ‘stable’ since Fick, in which case we could be dealing with a loan
from a common source (Asia Minor). The unification of pavdpa, pdvdadoc,
pavddaKns under one root mand- ‘to fence in’ or ‘pound made of twisted rods’, is ill-
founded. Semitic etymology in Lewy KZ 58 (1931): 59 (to be rejected).
DELG mentions pavdpo- in names, on which see Nilsson 1941(1): 558°. Hardly an IE
formation, as a root *mh,n(d)- is improbable.
pavSpaydpac [m.] ‘mandrake’ (Att., Thphr.). <?>
*DER Havdpayopitis oivoc (Dsc.), -iti¢: Agpoditn (H.); the plant was known as an
aphrodisiac; -tkdc ‘made of wu.’ (Alex. Trall.); -.Copévn ‘drugged with wu.’ (name of a
comedy of Alexis).
eETYM Unexplained. E. Fraenkel Satura Berolinensis: 23f. suspects that the plant was
named after a person (a physician). Schrader-Nehring 1917(1): 42 (following
Lagarde) hesitatingly refers to the Persian plant name merdum gija “plant of
humans’; the Mandragora root is called dv8@pwrdpop@oc by an unknown informant,
and is referred to by Columella as semihomo. It could be a folk-etymological
adaptation of a foreign word.
From pavépaydpac, MoE mandrake, Arm. manragor, etc. have been borrowed.
wavdba [f.] a woollen garment (A. Fr. 364 = 711 Mette, LXX). <?>
eVAR -1] [f.], -ac, -¢ [m.].
eETYM Unexplained foreign word: Persian acc. to Ael. Dion. Fr. 252 and H; A. (Lc.)
and St. Byz. 415, 7 speak of AiBupvikr Wavdtn. Considerations in Brust 2005: 42off.
wtavijc [m.] 1. ‘slave’, also a typical slave-name (com.); 2. ‘kind of cup’ (Nico 1, Delos
III’, pap.); also the unlucky throw of the dice; also a bronze figure, used in the game
of k6ttaBoc (a cup, or a support?); see Ath. 487c d. <?>
eVAR paviyntec [nom.pl.], pdavac [acc.pl.].
eDER Diminutive paviov.
Havva 1 901
*ETYM The slave name is from Phrygian (@pvé means ‘slave’, among other things;
see WH s.v. manés); the connection with kéttaBoc is secondary. Mazzarino Rend.
Acc. Linc. 6:15 (1939): 366ff. thinks the word is Sicilian in the latter meaning, and
connects it with Lat. mandre ‘to flow’. We may be dealing with two different origins.
uavOdve [v.] ‘to learn, get to know, experience’ (Pi.). On the meaning, see Snell 1924:
74f. and Dorrie 1956. <IE *mn(s)-d'h,- >
eVAR Aor. padetv (IL), fut. aSr}ooua (Thgn., Parm.), perf. weydOnka (Anacr.,
Xenoph., Emp.).
eCOMP Also with prefix, e.g. kata-, &k-, Mpo-, HETa-.
*DER Action nouns: 1. 1461 [f.] ‘learning, insight’ (Emp., H.). 2. d@0¢ [n.] ‘what has
been learnt, custom’ (Alc. Hp., A.). 3. wa8notg = way (Alcm., IA). 4. wana ‘what
has been learnt, knowledge’, plur. (mathematical) sciences’ (IA, Hell.), with
pa8iat-1Kdc ‘fond of learning, scientific, mathematical’ (Pl. Arist.), -tkevouat [v.]
‘to argue mathematically’ (Dam.). 5. ua8oovvn ‘learning’ (Phr., imperial period).
Agent nouns: adt-tr¢ ‘disciple’ (IA), -ttkdc¢ ‘fond of learning; learnable’ (Pl.
Arist.), -tikevouat (Dem.), -tetw [v.] ‘to be a disciple, turn into a disciple’ (NT, Plu.)
with -teia ‘education’ (Timo, D. Chr.), -tidw [v.] ‘to be eager to learn’ (Ar.); fem.
-tpic (Ph.), -tpta (D. S., Act. Ap.); wa8eti¢ ‘id.’ (Knossos II*), after ebpetyic?
*ETYM The Greek forms all go back to the zero grade aorist aQeiv; the full grade
could be represented either in pevOnpn ‘ppovtic, yépva’ (H., EM) or in mpopnOrc
‘premeditative, careful’. The latter is isolated (cf. s.v.), but pevO- corresponds to
OHG mendi ‘gladness’, menden ‘to rejoice’, beside a zero grade in e.g. Go. mundon
sis ‘to look at, oxomeiv’, ON munda ‘to aim (with a weapon), head for a goal’.
A full grade in Lith. mafidras ‘lively, cheerful’, OCS modro ’ppdvipoc, cogdc. A pre-
form *mns-d'eh, (related to *mén-s-) is assumed for Skt. medha ‘wisdom, insight’,
Av. mazda ‘remembrance’. See > pevOrpn.
lavedKnc, -ov [m.] ‘golden collar, worn by the Persians and Gauls’ (Plb., LXX, Pln.).
<2
eVAR Also -1 [f.].
*COMP Lavvo-@dpog (Theoc. 11, 41; v.l. for duvo-).
*DER Diminutive -tdKiov (sch. Theoc. 11, 41), also wavakty (pap.); Uadvvoc, L6vvoc
[m.] ‘collar’ (Poll.).
*ETYM Formation like » pavddaknes, » yavvaxns. Usually considered to be a Gaulish
word (cf. e.g. Olr. muin-torc ‘collar’, OW minci ‘collar for horses’, etc.) with cognates
in Lat. monile ‘collar, OHG menni ‘neck ornament’, etc; see WH s.v. monile.
Relation with » udvamoc ‘aurochs’ seems improbable.
It is now thought that the other IE languages must have acquired the word from the
same (or a related) source as Greek. R. Schmitt Sprache 13 (1967): 61-64 connects Av.
zaranu-maini- ‘with golden collar’; see also Kronasser 1969: 61. Arm. maneak ‘collar’
could be of Iranian origin in view of the suffix *-aka-. The variants udvvoc, Ldvvoc
point to a non-IE origin for the Greek word: geminate -vv-, interchange a/o and
presence of a suffix -(\)ak-. Still, the origin remains unclear.
jtavva 1 [f.] ‘frankincense powder’ (Hp., Dsc.). <PG?>
902 LlavVa 2
*ETYM Probably a loan, possibly of Pre-Greek origin.
ktavva 2 [n.] ‘manna’ (LXX). <Lw Sem.>
eETYM From Hebr. man ‘manna’.
paves [adj.] ‘thin, loose, open in texture, rare’ (IA, Emp. 75, 1). <PG?(v)>
VAR pLavdc (Telecl. 61); on Bavov see below.
*COMP [L&v6-oTI]L0¢ ‘with loose chain, thin, fine’ (A. Fr. 297 = 688 Mette).
DER Llavotijg ‘thinness, rareness’ (Pl. Arist., Thphr.), pavia “id” (An. Ox.); tav@dr¢
‘thin’ (Arist.); ttavdxic ‘rare’ (Pl. Com., H.), to moAAdKic; ttavdw [v.] ‘to loosen’
(Thphr.) with ptavworc (Arist.). Variant Bavov- Aentov ‘thin, delicate’ (H.).
*ETYM Ion. t1avoc and Att. t1avdc derive from *pavpoc; beside these, we find a u-stem
in [tavu: tukpdv (cod. mKpdv). ABaiavec ‘small’ (H.). The u-stem is also seen in
Arm. manr, gen. manu ‘small, thin, fine’, manu-k ‘child, boy, servant’ (see Clackson
1994: 117). Unrelated is » udvula. Brugmann RhM N.F. 62 (1907): 634f. also adduces
avaveta: mapéAketat (H.), properly ‘isolates himself, and, hesitatingly,
> Bavavooc. However, the -av- remains unexplained.
Skt. manak ‘a little’, Lith. mefikas ‘short’, Hitt. maninku- ‘close, near’, are all of
unclear formation, as well as Olr. menb < *menyo-. If Gr. pavu- is from *mnh,-u- (cf.
Lavw@dnes, Lav-dic), it conflicts with the etymology of OlIr. menb.
Perhaps, ,t6voc could be included here. For Pre-Greek origin, see Fur.: 221 with good
motivation. See > L16voc.
javtia [f.] ‘raspberry’ (Dsc. 4, 37). <PG(O)>
*ETYM Probably Pre-Greek. Cf. Alb. Gheg mand ‘mulberry(tree)’; see Fur.: 209, 272,
who compares Sardian and Basque forms and states that >Bdtocg cannot be
separated from these words. He considers jtavtia to be Dacian, but with no apparent
reason.
Lidvttc, -ews [m., f.] ‘seer, prophet’ (Il.); also name of a plant (Nic.), of a grasshopper:
‘praying mantis’ (Theoc., Dsc.), a garden-frog (H.) as a predictor of the weather, cf.
Stromberg 1940: 79. <IE? *men-ti->
eVAR Ion. gen.sg. -toc.
*COMP Often as a second member in trag,, e.g. iatpd-plavtic ‘soothsayer who is also a
physician’ (A.), cf. Risch IF 59 (1949): 272f. Rarely as a first member, €.8. LaAVvTt-16A0G
‘predictive’ (E. [anap.], Orac. apud Luc. Man.), which is formally like oiwvo-n6A0¢
‘bird-watcher’, etc. (Wackernagel KZ 29 (1888): 143).
*DER 1. [lavteioc, -rlo¢ ‘concerning the soothsayer, prophetic’ (P., trag.), after
Baotretoc, etc; Lavteiov, -Hiov [n.] ‘oracle, oracle site’ ({t 272). 2. pLavtiKdg ‘id’,
Llavtikr) (téxvn) ‘the art of seeing’ (IA). 3. avt@oc ‘id.’ (AP), after Np@o<g, etc. 4.
Lavtootvn ‘faculty of prophecy’ (IL. Pi., Emp.), after immo-obvn, etc. -ovvoc [adj.]
‘belonging to the seer or oracle’ (Corinna, E. [lyr.]). 5. pavtevopuat (late also -etw)
[v.] ‘to predict, consult an oracle’ (I1.), after BaotAevelv, etc. with pavteia, -ein, iN
‘prophecy, prophetic faculty, oracle’ (h. Merc.), avtevjta ‘oracle’ (Pi. trag.),
[laAvTEVTIS = LLavttc (Hdt.), -ebtpia (sch.). PN Mavttog (Od.).
LLapa8ov 903
*ETYM As an agent noun in -tt-, tldvtic stands isolated (most other ti-stems are
abstract nouns); ,tapmtic ‘brigand’ (A. Supp. 826f.; broken context) and mdptic ‘calf
are similar in formation. Benveniste 1935: 83 reconstructs an old neuter *TO jtavtt
‘divination’, but ttavtt-m6A0¢, adduced by Benveniste, can easily be explained in a
different way (see above). ,tavticg seems to be derived from ttaivopiat, pavijvat (cf.
bro tod Oeod paivetau, Hdt. 4, 79). It is natural to take it as an original feminine
abstract, like atic, with an Aeolic reflex of the suffix. However, the vocalism ,tav-
would have to be an analogical zero grade (after which example?), which makes the
etymology a bit doubtful. See > pguova, > [Lévoc.
wdvota [f.] - ovoxépahov oxdpodov ‘garlic’ (H.). <PG(S)>
*ETYM No doubt a Pre-Greek plant name; it has nothing to do with ttavdc ‘thin,
loose’. For words in -Ca (with short -a, an ending characteristic for substrate words),
cf. kK6vua.
udEervog glossed as yahhepiac, dvioxog (diminutive of Svoc ‘ass’, but also a fish-
name) by Dorio apud Ath. 315f. =p1aCdc 2.
jiartéetv [v.aor.] ‘to take hold, grasp’ (Hes. Sc. 231, 304). <?>
eVAR Reduplicated ,tepiaorev [3pl.opt.aor.] (ibid. 252; v.l. Leta prtotev).
DER Further *ét-ttamtetv in éytaméwe ‘immediately, quick’.
eETYM Etymology unknown. In spite of its semantic agreement with jdpntw
(tiguaprtev, -w¢ Hes. ibd. 245, Op. 204), jtaméetv can hardly be connected with it in
formal terms.
wdapaydoc =opdpaydoc.
udpayva [f.] ‘whip’ (A, E., Pl. Com., Poll.); H. also opapayva (cf. on > optapaydoc).
<LW Iran>
eETYM The word corresponds to Syrian marayna ‘flagelli genus’. Hiibschmann KZ 36
(1900): 175f. already assumed that both were loans from OP *mara-gna- “killer of
snakes”. On the formal difficulty that MoP mahr points to *marOra- (mar6ra-),
instead of *mdra-, see now Brust 2005: 428ff., who assumes it is a loan from North-
West Iranian.
td paBov [n.] ‘fennel, Foeniculum vulgare’ (Epich., D., Thphr.). <PG?>
eVAR Also -o¢ [m., f.] (Hermipp.) and ,tapa8pov (Alex., Hell. pap., Dsc.).
eDIALMyc. ma-ra-tu-wo /marat"won/.
*COMP Compounds ev-tidpa8og ‘rich in fennel’ (AP), inmo-tiapa0(p)ov ‘Prangos
ferulacea’ (Diocl. Med., Thphr., Dsc.), dtd 16 péyeBog (Strémberg 1940: 30).
*DER Liapadic, -ido¢ [f.] = immo-t. (Ps.-Dsc.), ttapabac [m.] ‘fennel-trader’, papabitis
oivog (Dsc., Gp.); TNs like Mapa8wv, -@vocg [m., f.] (1) 80).
eETYM For a plant name, foreign origin is suspected. A cunning attempt at an
explanation in IE terms was made by Hesselman 1932: 94ff., who compared MoSw.
mjard(r)e, OSw. micrdher [m., n.] ‘fish-trap’ (or its funnel-like entrance), from
PGm. *merdra- < IE *merH-d'ro-; the plant would have been named after its funnel-
904 papaivw
like flower. Apart from formal problems, the Mycenaean form eliminates the
proposed cognates. It is rather a Pre-Greek word.
wapaivy [v.] ‘to quench, destroy’, med.-pass. ‘to die away, wither’ (IL). <2>
eVAR Aor. papavat (h. Merc.), aor. pass. wapavOfjvar (Il.), perf. med. pewapa(o)pat
and fut. papava (late).
eCOMP Also with amo-, kata-, Mp0-, ék-.
*DER pdpavoig [f] ‘fading away (Arist.), papaopwdc ‘withering’, papaopwdns
(medic.); papavtikds ‘withering’ (Phryn., sch.).
eETYM As an example for the above system of forms, Frisk suggested knpaivw ‘to
damage, corrupt’ with comparable meaning, of: Piaivw, aor. iavai ‘refresh’, with
opposite meaning, which probably had an old primary nasal present (cf. s.v.). The
precursor of papaivw may have been a nasal present as well; see >» udpvayot with
further connections.
DELG thinks that the root may be related to Lat. morior, etc. This idea finds support
in the thesis of Meier-Briigger KZ 102 (1989): 62-67 that the verb meant ‘to die out,
let die out, let waste away’, from the root *mer- ‘to die away’. However, his
reconstruction *mrn-ie/o-, with two consequent vocalic resonants, and hence the
explanation of pap-, is hardly possible and does not solve anything.
papdooat [f.pl.] - civec, dpviGec ‘dogs, birds’ (H.). <PG(V)>
*VAR Also Guapdoat ai obs. oi 5é kbvag ‘swine, others: bitches’ (H.), see Fur.: 372.
*ETYM The word is Pre-Greek in view of the prothetic vowel. It has been compared
with > wapiv.
tapavyéw [v.] ‘to contract the pupils when exposed to light; to be blinded’, of the
pupils of a cat (Plu.). <GR>
*DER papavyia ‘flicker, be blinded’ (Archyt. apud Stob. 3, 1), -yeta also name of a fish
(Xenocr.), because of its gaze, acc. to Stromberg 1943: 4af.
eETYM Compound with second member as in ypvo-, oxt-, BoA-avyéw, and with an
adjectival or verbal first member. Thus, either related to pappdpeoc ‘flashing’
(uapudpeat avyai Ar. Nu. 187 [lyr.]), or to »papyaipw, with compositional
formation like in e.g. eiAv-omdopat, » Svortahivw.
wapyapitns [m.] ‘pearl (Thphr, Str, Ael, Arr. NT). <Lw Iran.>
*DER papyapitic (Ai8oc) [f.] ‘id’ (Ath., Isid. Char.), diminutive 1tdpiov (PHolm.).
Besides, probably as a back-formation (cf. below), papyapov ‘id.’ (Anacreont.,
PHolm.), -oc [m., f.] ‘id’ (Tz.), also ‘Indian pearl mussel’ (Ael.), -i¢ (Ai80c) ‘pearl’
(Philostr., Hld.), -ide¢ [pl.] name of a pearl-like kind of date palm (Plin.); -idn¢ [m.]
(Praxag.).
eETYM An oriental loanword, mostly assumed to be from Iranian, MP marvarit, MoP
marva-rid ‘pearl (acc. to Schiffer RPh. 63 (1937): 45ff.), but critical discussion in
Brust 2005: 432ff. The older view derives it from Skt. mafijari ‘flowering bead’ (epic
class.), ‘pearl’ (lex.), with -itn¢ added in Greek, like in numerous other stone names.
The by-form majfijara- [n.] would agree well with uapyapov, but the late and rare
occurrence of both the Skt. and Greek form is no support for a direct identification.
waptedc, -Ews 905
Suggestion by Gershevitch 1989: from Iran. *mrga-ahri-ita- ‘born from the shell of a
bird’ = ‘oyster’.
From papyapitns, Lat. margarita, etc. see WH s.v.
wdapyos [adj.] ‘mad, furious, greedy’ (Od.). <PG(v)>
VAR Also pdpyoc: dmAnotoc ‘greedy’, wopyiag yaotpyapylac, Kal axpaciac
‘gluttony, being out of control, incontinence’ (H.). Moreover Gpapyoc; WapuKcac:
KivatSoc ‘catamite’ (H.), but see under the names; 4Bapkva- hyidc “hunger, famine’
(H.), which points to *aBapkos. &Baptoc: dmAnotos, of SE duapyos (HL), dBaptia:
amAnotia (H.). PNs Bdpyoc, Bapyn, Bpdyyoc, Bapyacoc, Mapyacoc. “ABaptoc
(Paus. 7, 3, 10).
«COMP As a first member in e.g. yaotpi-yapyos ‘gluttonous’ (Pi. Arist. Ph.) with
yaotpt-papy-ia (Hp., Pl.), -éw (Ph.); Blanc RPA. 65 (1991): 59-66 connects OTOLApyo<G
from *oToud-Lapyoc.
*DER Mapyitng [m.] name of the principal character of a satirical epic poem (Arist.,
Plb.), -tteia [f.] ‘fury, madness’ (Phld.); papyotns [f.] ‘madness, gluttony,
wantonness’ (PI., trag.), -oobvn ‘id” (Anacr., Thgn.); wapynévtwv- Avoowvtwv
‘raving’ (H.).
Verbs: 1. wapyaive ‘to rage, be furious’, only pres. (E 882, Democr.); 2. papyaw, only
in pres. ptc. papy@v, -Goa ‘furious, wanton’ (trag. Call.); 3. papyoopat, only in pte.
uapyoupevos, HeLapywpévos ‘id. (Pi., A.). With an unclear e-vowel: pépyile: dOpdwe
ote ‘eat at once!’ (H.).
*ETYM The many variants (prothetic vowel, x/y, u/B, a/o, etc.) are typical for Pre-
Greek words. The -e- in uépyite probably represents a Pre-Greek variation as well;
see Fur.: 217”. ‘
udapdoc [m.] ‘reed-pipe’ (Hdn. 1, 142, LSJ Supp.). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
udpn [f.] ‘hand’ (Pi. Fr. 310). <?>
*DER P edapric, whence evpdpeta; uncertain udpts, -ews [m.] name of a measure for
liquids, = 6 kotbAat (Arist, Poll.), = 10 xde¢ (Polyaen.), whence diminutive pdapiov
(pap.). Y oe
*ETYM Forssman 1966: 135-140 doubts the authenticity of udpn ‘hand’. Blanc REGr.
105 (1992): 548-556 and Blanc RPh. 70 (1996): 118 and 126 supposes that the form was
coined to explain evuaprc. Schrijver 1991: 458 rejects an r/n-stem, as this would
presuppose a root consisting of a single consonant m-, which is impossible in PIE.
Former comparisons with Germanic and Celtic words, to be found in Frisk, are now
obsolete.
faptetc, -éws [m.] ‘stone that burns when in contact with water’ (Arist. Mir. 833a 27;
v.l. papi8av [acc.]); in H. papilevd¢ AiBoc tic, bc EmtataCouevov bSatos Kaietat ‘id’,
also paptOrv [nom.] without an indication of mg. (Hdn. 1, 16, 7). <?>
*ETYM The correct form is uncertain; connected with >» papyaipw? In this case, it
would properly mean “gleaming, sparkling”. See » papikn.
906 papi
papiAn [f.] ‘glowing ashes’, opposed to dvOpag ‘glowing coals’ and omoddc, -14 ‘ashes’
(IA). <PG(V)>
eVAR Arist. also has opt-. Photius cites a form tapeivn which he connects with
Llapaive.
*COMP [taptho-Kabtng ‘charcoal-burner’ (S.).
*DER Diminutive |tapvAdia [pl.] (P.Leid. X. 56), after other diminutives in -bAALov;
LLaptA-ebw [v.] ‘to change into glowing ashes; to burn coals’, whence -evtrj¢ (Poll.).
*ETYM Formation like pvotidn, Cwpidn, otpoBirn (-tAoc), etc. (Chantraine 1933: 249).
The form with oyt- probably shows that the word is Pre-Greek, as initial IE *s- would
disappear in Greek. See > paptetc. se
uapiv [f] - tv obv. Kpijres ‘swine (Cret.)’ (H.). <PG?(V)>
*ETYM Fur.: 372 cites dutapdoal- ai adc. of dé Kbvac ‘others say dogs’ (H.) beside
Llapdooat: Kivec, SpviWec ‘birds’ (H.). Because of the prothetic vowel in the former,
utapiv (if connected) is probably Pre-Greek.
papivocs [m.] an unknown fish; perhaps a kind of barbel (Arist., H.), cf. Thompson
1947 s.v. H. glosses it xi@apog ‘chest’, a kind of flatfish, iyOb¢ PaAdoatosg ‘seafish’, Kai
Svoua KUplov ‘an ordinary name’. <PG(S)>
*ETYM Formation like attay-ivog, etc. (see on » dttaydac). The suffix -ivoc is Pre-
Greek.
pdptc [m.] a liquid measure (Arist. Poll.) = 6 KdtvAat, or 10 y6ec (Polyaen.). <LW
Iran.>
eETYM Schmitt 1989: 301-315 thinks it is a loan from OP *mari-.
tapiokos [m.] ‘bog-rush, Cladium mariscus’ (Plin. HN 21, 112). <PG(S)>
*ETYM Formation like iBioxoc, &A8ioKoc, and other plant names (Chantraine 1933:
407); further opaque. The suffix -ioxoc probably points to a Pre-Greek word.
Lappaipw [v.] ‘to flash, sparkle, gleam’ (IL, late also prose). <PG(V)>
VAR Only present. Rarely with dva-, mapa-, mept-, b1t0-.
*COMP Trvpl-, Tlept-LLappapos ‘sparkling (of fire)’ (Man., Hymn. Is.).
*DER Besides pappidpeoc ‘gleaming, flashing, sparkling’ (Il) with pappiapitw =
Lappiaipw (Pi, D. S.); jcappapvyr [f.] ‘flashing, sparkling’, of rapid movements, etc.
(IA since 6 265), cf. on » dpydc 1 for the semantics; formed after dtapvyr. Thence
Llappiapvywdng ‘seeing sparks’ (Hp.), pappapvoow (cf. dtiaptoow) = pappaipw
(Them., Jul.); pappdpvypa (Cael. Aur.).
eETYM Analyzed as a reduplicated intensive yod-present piapttaipw < *,Lap-pap-1w,
standing beside ptappidpeosc like SatdaAAWw beside SatddAeoc. The discussion of the
semantics and parallels in other IE languages by Tichy 1983: 289-296 shows that the
word may well be an onomatopoeia in origin. This means that Pre-Greek origin is a
strong possibility, and in fact, it is almost ascertained by > dtaptoow, with a
prothetic vowel. The suffix -vy- also speaks for this.
An element pap- is found in Maipa [f.] “the sparkling one”, name of Sirius (Call.
Eratosth.), also as a PN in Hom., and in > uapavyéw. Cf. further perhaps the PN -
Attgi-ttapoc, son of Poseidon (Paus. 9, 29, 6), perhaps from *A,i@i-LappLapoc?
La pntw 907
The connection with > tiapikn and > LLaptetc is quite possible in terms of Pre-Greek
origin. It was thought that Skt. mdrici- [f., m.] ‘beam of light, mirage in the air’ was a
certain outer-Greek cognate. Although accepted by Mayrhofer KEWA 2: 589 and
Mayrhofer EWAia 2: 321, the connection must be rejected, since the Greek vocalism
tiap- cannot be explained in this way (PIE has no phoneme *a). See > tudpptapoc.
Ldppapos [m.] ‘stone, (piece of) rock’ (M 380, t 499, probably also E. Ph. 663 [lyr.] and
Ar. Ach. 1172 [lyr.]), also an attribute of nétpoc (II 735, E. Ph. 1401); ‘white stone,
marble’ (Hp. Thphr., Theoc.); also wdppapov [n.] ‘id’ (Call., late inscr.); also
‘callosity on the foot of asses’ (Hippiatr.). <PG?(0)>
*COMP Some compounds, e.g. LLappiapo-peyyric ‘gleaming like marble’ (Tim. Pers.).
DER lappap-ivoc (Theoc., inscr.), -eog (inscr., pap., AP) ‘of marble’; -detc ‘gleaming
like marble’ (S.), -w6n¢ ‘marble-like’ (Et. Gud.); uncertain prappiapixdc, of doBeotoc
(PHolm. 25, 19); probably rather to Mappapixn. Further ptappiapitic (tétpa) ‘marble-
like’ (Ph. Byz.); also a plant name, ‘peony, Fumaria’ (Ps.-Dsc.), because of the blue-
gray color; Strémberg 1940: 26, also ‘peony’ (Plin., who explains the plant’s name
from its location). tLapjiap-dptoc ‘marble worker’ (inscr.; = Lat. marmorarius).
Denominative |tappiapdopial, -dw [v.] ‘to be changed into marble, to cover with
marble’ (Lyc., Hero); iappiapwots ‘callosity’ (Hippiatr.) is best taken directly from
Liappiapov, cf. on détwoic s.v. m aietdc. LLappiapwoods ‘with callosity’ (Hippiatr.) is
from Lat. marmorosus ‘id.’.
*ETYM Because of its original sense of ‘stone, rock’, Frisk connected it with piapvaiat,
assuming that the meaning ‘marble’ resulted from folk-etymological connection with
LLapLiaipw, Liapudpeoc. P. Mazon prefers a connection with |1appaipw; cf. LSJ’s ‘a
crystalline rock which sparkles’. Pre-Greek origin is probable.
The age of the veterinary meaning ‘callosity’ cannot be established; in any case, it
does not represent an independent development from a supposed mg. *‘hardening’
vel sim. but is rather a direct metaphor from ‘stone’ or ‘marble’. The same
development is seen in Lat. marmor, which was borrowed from Greek. The forms
found in Western European languages are from Latin. See > LLapvaptat, > LLappliaipw.
pdapvap [v.] ‘to fight, battle’ (Il.). <1E? *merh,- ‘seize, grip’>
VAR Only present; by dissimilation Bapvatievoc [ptc.].
eCOMP Rarely with ém1, mept-.
eETYM The zero-grade nasal present ,tdpvayiot has an exact formal pendant in Skt.
mynthi [ipv.], from which thematic mrnati ‘to crush’, also ‘to grab’ was formed. If
this etymology is correct, t1apvajiat may originally have meant ‘to crush one
another’, or alternatively, it may derive from the sphere of wrestling (from ‘to grab’).
Both Gr. and Skt. may derive from athematic *mr-n(e)h.-. For possible further
cognates, most of which do not seem ascertained, see LIV’ sv. *merh,-. See
> [LappLapoc.
Ldprtw [v.] ‘to catch, seize, lay hold off, overtake’ (II.). <PG(V)>
*VAR Aor. ptdpyat (II.), perf. uépapmev, etc. (Hes., A. R.).
*COMP Also with kata-, ovv-.
908 wdpoutitos
*DER pdpittic [m.] ‘robber’ (A. Supp. 826 [lyr.]; Schwyzer: 271, 504°); KdpyLapyic:
LLETPOV CLTLKOV, TO Tptedytvov. Aiodetic ‘a corn-measure (Aeol.)’ (H.).
*ETYM A system without outer-Greek cognates. Note the glosses (all H.) Bpayou-
ovAdaPeiv, dvardoat, kpbyat, Onpedoat ‘to gather, spend; consume, hide, hunt’ and
Bpdntev- éo8ietv, Kpvrttetv, dgaviletv ‘to eat, hide, make disappear; remove’, To
otdpiatt éXketv, f] otevatetv ‘to suck into one’s mouth, cr to sigh, groan’, with Bp- <
mr-.
With a different auslauting velar, we find Bpaxeiv. ovviévat ‘to understand’, ie. ‘to
grasp’, and Bpodkat- ovAAaPeiv, Sakeiv, katameiv ‘to gather, bite, drink’. The latter
have been compared with Skt. mySdti ‘to touchytake’. However, the variation k : 1
cannot be explained in IE terms (improbable is assimilation 1 - k > {l - 7 as per
Schwyzer: 302). Rather, the variants point to Pre-Greek *mr(a)k”-, which became
either Bpam- or Bpax-, with a reflex different from that of the IE labiovelar, or pLapm-.
See > Bpakelv, » lamtéetv.
[Lapotmmos [m.] ‘bag, pouch (for money), purse’ (X., LXX, Hell. pap.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Codd. also -tmog, -vm(1)os.
*DER Diminutive ttapoinntov, -imov, -bm(1t)tlov (Hp., LXX, Hell. pap.).
*ETYM The word is most probably Pre-Greek because of its variants in (7) and t/v.
Borrowed into Lat. marsup(p)ium, -sip(p)-; see WH s.v.
Llapttxépac [m.] according to Ctesias (apud Arist. Paus.), an Indian name for a
mythical animal, acc. to Paus. 9, 21, 4 (llaptidpa) the tigre, = avdpopdayoc. <LW
Iran.>
eETYM From Iranian; related to OP martiya- [m.] ‘man’ and Av. x’ar- [v.] ‘to
consume’, MoP mardom-x4r ‘man-eater’. Cf. Brust 2005: 440ff.
tiaptug [m., f.] ‘witness’ (Il.) ‘martyr, blood-witness’ in christian litt. <PG(s)>
eVAR Aeol. (Hdn. Gr.) and Dor. ttaptup, Cret. Epid. ttaitug (-pc), -poc, also ppaptuv
[acc.] (Simon.), pdptvot [dat.pl.] (-pot Hippon.?); thematicized in epic and NWGr.
LLaptupos.
*COMP [laptupo-rtotgoptat [v.] “to call to witness’ (inscr., pap.), yevdd-aptus ‘false
witness’ (Pl.), érti-paptuc ‘witness’ (Ar., Call., A. R.), probably back-formation from
eTll-LLapTUPOLLal, -péw; on alleged enytdptupos (for én LLaptvpoc) see Leumann 1950:
71.
*DER ptaptupia (A 325; cf. below on pLaptupéw), tlaptvptov (IA) ‘testimony, evidence’. —
Denominatives: 1. Laptvpop.at [v.] ‘to call to witness’ (IA), also with prefix, e.g. d1a-,
éml-; 2. LLaptvpéw [v.] ‘to testify, bear witness’ (Alc., Pi. IA), often with prefix, e.g.
avtt-, ék-, émt-, dia-, KaTa-, ovv-; thence LLaptUpnua (E.), (AvTi-, KaATA-)-LApTUPNOLS
(Epicur., pap.) ‘testimony’, also (dta-, &k-, émtt-, ovpl-)paptupia ‘id’.
*ETYM The basis may be a verbal abstract *[1dp-tv- ‘testimony’, seen in ,dp-tu<¢, -TvV,
-tvot. The change from the abstract mg. ‘testimony’ to the appellative ‘witness’ is
frequently attested, eg. MoFr. témoin < Lat. testimonium, MoE witness originally
‘testimony’, then ‘witness’. The suffix -po- gave rise to «dptupoc, probably of
adjectival origin. A compromise with ,taptuc then perhaps led to the consonantal
stem |ldptup-; note the gen.pl. aptbpwv (évavtiov taptupwv, etc.), which can be
waobAns 909
both from the o-stem and from the consonantal stem. Dissimilation occurred in
piaitv(p)c < *LLaptup-c; Laptvol and tdptuc can be explained in the same way.
kaptuc has been explained as a zero grade tv-derivation from the root *smer-
‘remember’, which is found in Skt. smérati and which may have other derivatives in
Greek, e.g. » épttva ‘care, concern’; the proper meaning of ,idptuc would then be
*remembrance’. However; a reconstruction *smr-tu- would rather give *Bpatv-;
therefore, I assume that it is rather a loan from Pre-Greek (see Fur.: 296). This is
confirmed by the suffixes -tu-r-, which are non-Indo-European.
Lacdopat [v.] ‘to chew, bite’ (Hp., com., Arist.). <?, PG2?(V)>
eVAR Aor. Laorjoao8at.
eCOMP Also with prefix, e.g. Sta-, kata-.
*DER Derivatives: (d1a-)pdona ‘bite, morsel’ (Hp., Antiph., Thphr.), (dta-) waonots
‘chewing’ (Thphr., Dsc.), paontip “chewer”, ‘muscle in the lower jaw’ (Hp.), mapa-
ktacrtns “by-chewer”, ‘trencher-companion, parasite’ (middle com.). Besides
Tapayacbvtns ‘id.’ (middle com.), pacbvtng (H.), Maovvtiag PN (Ar.) from
*uaovvw; cf. LLooovvev: ttacdoba Bpadéwc ‘to chew slowly’ (H.); Chantraine
corrects to tao-, which may be right or wrong; the variation might point to Pre-
Greek origin.
eETYM The meaning of pLacdojtat suggests that it is an iterative-intensive deverbative
formation to a primary yod-present (cf. pipdw to pdpw < *pip-iw). Next to it we
find an innovative *,taovvw. The yod-present has been analyzed as PGr. *mnt'-ie/o-
on account of the gloss ,d6viot- yvdBou ‘jaws’ (H.); a stem PGr. *mmnt'- can also been
recognized in » udotak << [idoto- < p1a8-T-.
As there is not enough evidence for a sound change *-tH- > Gr. -6-, I reject the
comparison with Skt. math- ‘to stir’ < IE *metH- (which is semantically not
compelling either). The synonym Lat. mando, -ere ‘to chew’ is mostly derived from
*metH-, too, but in Latin, the development *mt-nH- > mand- is regular (cf. pando <
*pt-nH-).
On the other hand, the Gm. group of OHG mindel, ON meél [n.] ‘bit of the bridle’ <
IE *ment-, Go. munps ‘mouth’ < IE *mnt- has been compared. Gr. ,ta8- was analyzed
as the corresponding zero grade, but the aspiration cannot be explained. Moreover,
the Gm. group should rather be compared with MW mant ‘gums, mouth’, Lat.
mentum ‘jaw’ as *mn-to-.
In sum, everything remains uncertain, but note that the gloss ttooovvetv could point
to Pre-Greek origin. *
tdo@Ang [m.] ‘leather’, name of leather objects (cf. 5up8épa) like ‘leather shoe, strap’
(Sapph., Hp., S.); also metaph. of a flexible and flattering man (Ar.). <PG?>
eVAR Acol. pdoAng; -nT0¢ (with loss of the 8); pao8An [f.] (S. Fr. 571, H.).
*DER ptac@Arttvos ‘like leather’ (Cratin., Eup.), pao8Anpata [n.pl.] ‘leather ware’
(Ctes.).
eETYM Formation like tdamnc, A€fnc, etc; explanation uncertain. Traditionally
derived from ipido8An (see »ittac) with loss of the anlaut (for which pdottE is
compared, see Chantraine 1933: 375, Str6mberg 1944: 44). However, such a loss is
910 pac8dc
highly improbable. Schwyzer: 533 and 7253 derives pdo8Ang from »udoti— and
> Ltafopiat; thence itao8An with secondary adaptation to itdc.
Extensively on udo8Anc, Hamm Glotta 32 (1953): 43ff. Possibly Pre-Greek (see Fur.:
172"),
Hac8dc ‘breast’. =pLacTdc.
HaoKxavAng [m.] ‘basin for ablution’. <?>
*ETYM Late transcription of Hebrew maskel (inscr. Philadelphia, Lydia III’). DELG
asks whether it is a notation of » BackatAns.
udoKn - dixedAa (H.). spaxéln. %
udoretov [n.] ‘leaf or stalk of silphion’ (Antiph.). <PG?(s)>
eETYM On the suffix -eto-, see Fur.: 1154.
udoow [v.] ‘to knead (dough), press a workable material in a form; to strike, wipe off,
make a reproduction of sth.’ (since t 92). <1E? *menk-, or *meh.g- ‘knead’>
eVAR Att. plattw, -opat, aor. pda, -o8at, pass. piayfvat, paxOfvo, perf. med.
HELLAYLLaL, act. péLLaxa (Ar.).
eCOMP Often with prefix, like amo-, éx-, dva-.
*DER 1. ékjtayetov (tayetov Longin.) ‘mass of which prints are made, offprint, mould;
towel, napkin’ (IA). 2. uayic, -idoc¢ [f.] “kneaded mass, cake, kneading trough,
dresser’ (Hp., Com, S.). 3. tuaypta [n.] ‘kneaded mass, thick salve, smear’ (pap., Plin.),
ék-, amtd-pLaypia “offprint, wiping cloth, wiped off dirt’ (Hp., S., Thphr.), piaypdv: to
KaQdpotov ‘purifying means’ (H.). 4. &k-, dva-pakic ‘wiping off (Arist.). 5. prayetc
[m.] ‘kneader, baker, sbd. who wipes off (Poll. AP, H.), probably directly from the
verb. 6. paktrp: 1) Kapdortos ‘kneading trough’, 1) mvedic ‘socket, basin’. kai dupBépa
‘leather bag’. kai dpxtjoews oxfla “scheme of a dance’ (H.); (amo-, kata-)LaKtns
‘someone who kneads or wipes off (Com. Adesp., H.), fem. anopaxtpta (Poll.). 7.
waktpa [f.] ‘baking trough’ (com., X.), ‘trough, bathing tub, sarcophagus’ (Hell.),
spelled ,taxpa, see Schwyzer: 337; (€k-, dm6-)-LLaktpov ‘offprint, towel, etc.’ (E., Ar.).
8. plaKtrptov = waKtpa (Plu.). 9. paKktpiopidg name of a dance (Ath.), after
kopdaxkiopdc; cf. on taktiHp above; thence -iotpia name of a dancing girl (ibid.). 10.
anopaydahia (Ar. Plu. Gal.), puaydadtd (Gal.), -a (Hippiatr.) “bread crumb for
handwashing’; like appadid, putadtd, etc., but with unexplained 6 (perhaps after
*anoudydnv?). u. With root-final k: paKkapia: Bpdpa ék Cwptod Kai dAqitwv ‘dish
made of soup and barley groats’ (H.).
*ETYM In Germanic and Balto-Slavic, comparanda are found that may be derived
from IE *meh,g-, e.g. MoHG machen, OS makén ‘to make, erect, build’, if from *‘to
knead, form’ (but note Molc. maka ‘to smear’), OCS mazati, 1sg. mazo ‘to smear,
salve’ (MBret. mezaff ‘to knead’ is unrelated, see Matasovi¢ 2009 s.v.); uncertain is
the comparison with Arm. macanim, macnum ‘to stick, congeal’.
On the other hand, a root IE *menk- is found in Lith. minkyti, 1sg. minkau, also
mankyti, isg. mankau ‘to knead a soft mass’, OCS moka, Ru. mukd ‘flour’ and related
Balto-Slavic words. From Gm., one might adduce MoHG mengen, OE mengan, etc., -
pdotté, -Tyos gu
if the original mg. is ‘knead together’, and from Indo-Aryan Skt. macate ‘to crush,
etc.’ (Dhatup.).
The etymology is connected with the question which velar was original in Greek, -«-
or -y-. The isolated jtaxapia is the only one with a clear voiceless stop, for ttdoow <
*tuax-tw can be explained as analogical after the aorist. If related, ,1a¢a points to -y-,
but tiayfjvat and most nominal forms -y- can be explained by analogy as well.
Therefore, both options remain open. A suppletive system *menk (whence [iaxapia,
Liicow) beside meh,g- (whence ,tayijvat) is conceivable, too. I retain some doubts,
however, about the form -paydahtd. See > 1aCa.
Ldoowvy ‘longer’. >p}Ko«.
pdota [2] - HyeL@v, i peyaAwe (H.). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
udotak, -aKosg [f.] ‘mouth; mouthful, morsel’ (I 324), also metaph. ‘locust’ (S. Fr. 716,
Nic.), Ambraciotic acc. to Clitarch. apud EM 216, 9, because of its voracity (cf.
Stromberg 1944: 17f.). <PG?>
DER tao taw [v.] ‘to chew’ (Nic. Th. 918), also ovjt- (Hippiatr.), with expressive by-
forms: 1. paotapblw (vl. -itw) [v.] ‘to chew fervently, without uttering a word’, of an
old man (Ar. Ach. 689); cf. pactapiferv: pactiyao8at. kai tpgptetv ‘to tremble’. 7}
opodpiig ft] KaK@> LLacadoOat ‘to chew violently and in a bad way’ (H.), pLaotnpvletv:
TO KaK@G fLaoao8c (Phot.); formation like keAaptlw, Battapilw, etc. 2. LLracttyaw,
only ptc. dat.sg. paottydwvtt (Hes. Sc. 389, verse-final) ‘chewing violently for anger’
= ‘grinding the teeth, foaming’ (of a boar), tacttyao8a in H. s.v. tractapiverv (see
above); back-formation ttaotiyn [f.] ‘resin of the mastich-tree’ (Com. Adesp.,
Thphr.), ttaotix-1vog (Dsc.), -npa [f.] ‘plaster from mastich’ (Aet.), after édainpdc,
etc. (Chantraine 1933: 232f.).
*ETYM Both ttdotag and ttaotdtw, which need not be directly related, go back to a
derivative |tao-t- (from *t1a0-t-, cf. the gloss dvi yva0o. H.) which stands
beside the yod-present |tacdopiat (from *{ta8-1-). The function of.the proposed
formation remains unclear, however. For the formation of paotdlw, cf. Baotatw,
kAaotatw (beside kAdw), etc. (Schwyzer: 706); for tidotak, see mdpta— (: mdptic),
wag (: wAoc). The gloss péotaka tiv LleLLacnevnv tpogry ‘chewed food’ (H.),
with deviating vocalism, does not show an old full grade, but it was simply reshaped
folk-etymologically after ,eotdc ‘mouthful’.
The group may be of Pre-Greek origin; see > L.aocopicu for further details.
Haotetw ‘to search after’. spalopat, Latebw.
udotté, -tyos [f.] ‘whip, scourge’, metaph. ‘plague’ (II.). <PG(s)>
VAR Also dat. tidott, acc. -iv (¥ 500, 0 182, AP).
*COMP LLaottyo-@dpog ‘bearing the whip’, also name of a policeman (Th., pap.).
*DER Diminutive tiaotiyiov (M. Ant.); paotty-iac [m.] ‘rogue’ (Att.), see Chantraine
1933: 93; -(a name of a magic plant (PMag. Par.).
Denominative verbs: 1. taotiw ‘to whip, scourge, thrash’ (Il.), present only, sporadic
in epic. 2. pacti(w (post-Hom.), -icSw (Theoc.), aor. pacti€at (Il; Hell.) ‘id’, either
g12 MaAotiydaw
from pdotté or enlarged from piactiw, beside jraotix-twp ‘scourger, chastiser’ (A.
Eu. 159), -tnp ‘id.’ (conj. A. Supp. 466). 3. [taotty-@oal, -dw (-Ew Hdt. 1, 114) ‘id,’
(IA), with pactiywotc ‘whipping’ (Ath.), -@outoc ‘worth a thrashing’ (Luc.), after
Aevoutos (Arbenz 1933: 99).
*ETYM The connection with tiaioptat, as an enlargement in -y- of an old instrument
noun in -ti-, is doubtful; the word is rather Pre-Greek, on account of the suffix -iy-.
HaoTixaw —LtdoTak.
taotdc [m.] ‘nipple, motherbreast, breast’, metaph. ‘hill, height’, also name of a cup
(Apollod. Cyren. apud Ath. 11, 487b, Oropos, Delos); cf. Jaeger RAM 102 (1959): 337ff.
(on the use in Clem. Al. and Ph.). <PG(v)>
*VAR Post-Hom. ptaotdc, epic ion. poet. t1atdc, Dor. (Theoc.) ptacddc, Hell. also
ptac8dc; on jactixn see > wdaotak,
*COMP @ihd-t1aotos ‘loving the breast’ (A.), yuvaiKd-Liaotog (-80¢) ‘having female
breasts’ (medic.), dexd-tialog ‘having ten breasts’ (Epigr. Gr.); taotd-de-tov [n.]
‘breast-band’ (AP); cf. e.g. axjid-BeTov.
*DER Diminutive |taotiov ‘small cup’ (Oropos), taotdpiov ‘id.’ (Delos), also ‘small
breast’ (Alciphr.).
*ETYM Attempts have been made to attribute ialdc, ttaotdc, ttac8d¢ to three
different pre-forms, *mad-do-, *mad-to-, *mad-d'o- (Schrader KZ 30 (1890): 476).
However, the existence of a nominal suffix *-d"-, and especially of *-d-, is doubtful.
Moreover, semantically, derivation from the root of j1addw is meaningless.
If the form is Pre-Greek, t1adc [mazdos] and jtactdc differ in voice only (and
aspiration in Hell. ttac6dc). Since voice and aspiration are not distinctive in Pre-
Greek, all forms may go back to the same Pre-Greek word. It is therefore not
preferable to explain ,tao@dc (attested at a later date) as a reshaping after words with
comparable meaning, or by association with words like oti80c, kba8oc, Bpdx8oc.
paotporos [m., f.] ‘procurer, procuress’ (Ar., X., etc.). <PG(V)>
eVAR Also LLeaotpods (H.); hypocoristic Waotpus [f.] (Phot.).
eDER MAOTPOTUKOG, -oTtevw, -omteia (Att.).
eETYM The usual connection with ttaiopiot ‘touch, investigate’ is uncertain, as the
variant with -@- may point to a Pre-Greek word. Fur.: 160 compares ptatpvAdos, -a
‘procurer’, tatpvAeiov ‘brothel’, tpaotpvAAgiov and tdotpus ‘procurer, -ess’; note the
variation o/ zero in these forms, on which see Fur.: 301ff.
pacxaAn [f.] ‘armpit’ (h. Merc.), metaph. ‘axil, branch’ (Thphr.), ‘bay’ (Str.), etc.
<PG(S)>
eCOMP E.g. dutpt-edaahog ‘with two arm-holes’, of xitwv (com.).
DER ptaoxanic [f.] ‘axil’ (Thphr.), wpaoyadt(v)ov, -eov (-éov cod.) [f.] ‘basket made of
palm twigs’ (H., sch.), -tatoc ‘belonging to the armpit’ (inscr., medic.); twacyadtothp
‘girdle in the arm-pits’ (Hdt., A.), like Bpayiowortip, etc. see Chantraine 1933: 328;
formally, it is a euphemistic expression for ‘mutilate’ from the denominative
acxahiCopiot, with probable original mg. “be girded in the armpits”: according to
ancient informants, all bodily extremities including nose and ears were cut off
Lath 913
during mutilation, and were fastened to a string running through the armpits.
Thence ptacxyaAdtoptd¢ ‘mutilation’, pacyadiouata [pl.] ‘cut off extremities’ (A, S.,
Lex.). The correctness of this old interpretation is doubted by Boehm in PW 14:
2060ff.
eETYM The formation may be compared with that of &ykaAn ‘bent arm’; further
details are unclear. No doubt a Pre-Greek word. A very bold attempt was made by
Adams Glotta 62 (1984): 65f. See » (tan.
PataLOs =[L4TH.
atevw [v.] ‘to search, seek, strive to’ (E 110). <?>
eVAR [Ltatéw in ptatng (Theoc. 29, 15, from Aeol. *pdathLW), pratei: Cntei; patijoat:
LLactedou, Cntijoat ‘id.’; pdcoo Cntioat (H.), pateioBat- C(nteio8au (Hp. apud Erot.).
eCOMP Also with prefix: éo-patéopat, -daoao8a (Hp.), ét-, kat-ept-patéw (Nic.) ‘to
put the finger (down the throat), to implant (a sting)’.
*DER dtog [n.] ‘investigation’ (Hp. apud Gal.), ptatip: énicxomoc ‘supervisor’,
émiCnt@v, épevvnytis ‘searcher, inspector’ with patnpeverv: La<o>tevetv, Cnteiv (H.).
*ETYM ptatevw is probably secondary for patéw (cf. Schwyzer: 732). The latter
formally corresponds to datéopiat and matéopiat, so we probably have to start from a
nominal t-stem.
The verbal nouns ddaotoc, dmaotog are parallelled by anpotittactoc, while
-[1d0(o)ac8ai, pdooa conform to the aorists ddo(o)ac8a, nao(c)ac8a. Therefore,
the verbal forms with -o- can be combined with patéw, just like nominal
as LAOTUG, [taAoTTP, [idoTLE, » Ltdopia, etc. The form ptactetw (see > [aioptat) may also
have received its -o- from these sigmatic forms.
The pair pratéw: piaiopiat may be compared with datéoptat : Saiopiat; but ascertained
outer-Greek comparanda are lacking for ttaioptat (unlike for Saiojtat).
patéw [v.] ‘to tread’, in the ptc. udteoa [nom-f.pl.] (Aeol., Incerti auct. 16, 3 LP, from
*LLATN-LLL), [latet matel ‘id.’ (H.). <IE? *men- ‘tread’>
eETYM Formed like » ttatéw ‘to search’, if not simply a rhyme with matéw. Connected
with a primary verb ‘to tread’ in Balto-Slavic, eg. Lith. minti, 1sg. mint ‘to tread
(down), break flax’, OCS meti, 1sg. mono ‘to press together’, Ru. mjat’, sg. mnu ‘to
knead, tread (loam), break (flax)’; nominal derivatives are found in Celtic, eg. W
mathr ‘trampling, mire’ < *mn-tro-. Skt. carma-mnda- [m.] ‘tanner’ cannot be
included here; see Mayrhofer EW Aia s.v. See » natéw.
uatn [f.] ‘fault, folly’ vel sim. (Stesich., A, S.). <4?
eVAR Also patin ‘id.’ (k 79, A. R.), a metrically convenient transformation (Porzig
1942: 204 and 70); jtatnv [adv.] ‘idly, in vain, without reason’ (h. Cer.).
*DER 1. Lldtatog ‘idly, empty, foolish, rash’ (IA) with pataidé-ty¢ (Hell.), -otvn
(Polem. Phgn.) ‘idleness, etc.’ and denominatives: a) (amo-)pataitw [v.] (Hdt, J.),
patacw [v.] (A., S.) ‘to talk nonsense, act foolishly’, also -a1é{w [v.] ‘id.’ (Hell.); b)
Latatdopial, -dw [v.] ‘to bring to naught, act foolishly’ (LXX, NT) with pataiwpa
(Hermas). 2. Lata, aor. [atijoat ‘to do in vain, miss, be useless’ (II.).
914 UATLOV
eETYM The difficulty in determining the original meaning of the verbal noun patn
(thus Fraenkel 1912: 115) and of its fossilized accusative udtnv makes it very hard to
find a convincing etymology. The connection with the Slavic group of Pol. matac,
sg. matam ‘to swindle, turn, lie, deceive’, SCr. matati, 1sg. matam ‘to allure, attract’,
clearly has little value.
Meier-Briigger Glotta 67 (1989): 42-44 connects the root *men- ‘to have in mind’,
with negative connotations. Fur.: 88 n. 476 notes that words for ‘stupid, foolish’ are
often of substrate origin (see also ibid. 242, 339; cf. uattaBoc: 6 uwpdc ‘moron’ H.).
See » unvbu, > pattapboc.
watiov [n.] Eg. measure of capacity (pap. II-III?) ?>
eETYM Unknown.
patic [adj.] - uéyac. tives ent tod BactAéwe (H.). <2>
*ETYM Tentatively compared with Celtic words for ‘good’, eg. Olr. maith < PCL.
*mati-. It remains doubtful whether the gloss is from Greek or from another
language.
HatpvAetov =paotpoTdc.
pdttaBoc [adj.] - 6 uwpdc ‘someone stupid, moron’ (H.). <PG? (SV)>
*VAR pLattaBnc: amopwv ‘without escape or means’ (H.), pattaPet- mepipAéret,
aSnuovet ‘gazes around, is troubled’ (H.), uattapo<b>pevoc: uéAAWV Kal aToKVaV
‘who is about to do something but hesitates’ (H.).
eETYM A popular word, acc. to Chantraine 1933: 261f. derived from pdt with the
degrading suffix -B-, and containing expressive gemination. It may well be Pre-
Greek; see Fur.: 242, who connects it with patatosg ‘idle’. See » uatn.
patttn [f.] name of a sweet dish, which is made of all kinds of ingredients, like minced
meet, poultry, aromatic spices; it is ascribed to the Thessalians and the Macedonians
(middle and new com.). <PG(V)>
eVAR Also -a [f.], -W¢ [m.].
eCOMP AS a first member in pattvo-Kdmng¢ [m.] (epithet, Amm. Marc.), perhaps also
in pattvo-Aoiydg (Ar. Nu. 451 and Hdn. Gr. 1, 231 according to Bentley; codd.
LLATLO-).
*DER pattvdcw [v.] ‘to prepare au.’ (Alex.).
*ETYM Formerly analyzed as derived from *uatttc (comparing ix6bn : ix8vc, SeApba
: deA@us, etc.), representing *uaK-tUc with a dialectal (Cretan or perhaps Thessalian)
assimilation. This would be a tv-derivative of udoow < *uak-tw ‘to knead’; see Kalén
1918: 91ff. following Ath. 14, 663b. Improbable. Fur.: 386 compares patvAAn ‘id’
(Poll. 6, 70). The a-vocalism in the root and the alternation t(t) point to Pre-Greek
origin. Borrowed as Lat. mattea; see WH s.v.
abAtg 1 + Udyxaipa. Kai 1) ploO8wTtov (Latte: pLoBiov) motodoa ‘large knife, also a
procuress’ (H.). <Lw Lyd.?>
*DER pavrilw = paotpometvw ‘to pander’ (H., sch.) with wavdtotrs [m.] (Cat. Cod.
Astr., Phot. Suid.), uavdiotpia [f.] (Suid. sch. EM); pavdtotiptov- nap’ Innmvaktt,
Udyog 915
AvStov voutoa. “a Lydian custom / currency in Hipponax’ (Agutopa cod.) Aentév TL
‘something small or delicate’ (H.); Latte gives Avdidv ti Aemtdv vouLopa ‘a small
Lydian currency’, fr. 126 Bergk.
*ETYM A chain of hypotheses is assumed by Jongkees Acta Orbis 16 (1938): 146ff.:
from Lyd. *mav-lis, an adj. built on *Mavs, the Lydian name of the mother goddess
Magna mater (seen in PNs from Asia Minor, e.g. Mava, Mav-evva, Mav-oo-widos,
etc.). Thus, it would properly mean ‘belonging to Mavs’. Thence 1. = udyatpa, as the
Magna mater was considered the patroness of metal weapons; 2. ‘woman devoted to
the Magna mater’, who makes her money as a prostitute; 3. ‘coin of the Magna
mater’ (with added suffix -trptov). Criticism of these hypotheses in O. Masson 1962:
178f.
LadAtc 2, -t506, -to¢ [f.] ‘knife’ (Call. Nic., AP, H., Suid.,sch.). =padAtc 1.
Madpoc eVAR Laupdc. >dauavpoc.
Ladptis, -ov [m.] ‘short cloak with a cap’ for women and monks. <Lw Sem.>
eVAR Lagop(t)iov [n.].
eCOMP deApatixo-Hapdptijs, -tlov ‘a pu. cut like a Dalmatian cloak’, from deA-,
daApatixn, Lat. Del-, Dalmatica (pap. imperial period).
*ETYM From Sem., cf. Hebr. ma‘aforet, Aram. ma‘afora, -for’ta ‘cloak with cap’. See
Lewy KZ 59 (1932): 192. Lat. probably borrowed mafortium, maforte from Greek, as
well as mafortis, -fors; see WH s.v. Greek borrowed covfpiko-yagdptiov (pap.
imperial period) from Latin.
udxatpa [f] ‘large knife, butchery knife’ (Il.); post-Hom. also ‘short sword, dagger’.
<PG(V)>
*COMP paxatpo-pdpog [adj.] ‘sword-bearing’, subst. msc. ‘sword-bearer’ (IA), d-
Udxaipoc ‘without a knife’ (Pherecr.).
eDER Diminutive paxaip-tov (Hp. X., Arist.), -ic [f.] (com., Str.), -idtov (Ph., Luc.);
further uaxyatpac [m.] ‘sword-bearer’ (pap., inscr.), waxaipwtdc ‘equipped with a
sword’ (Gal., Paul. Aeg.); uaxatpiwv, -iwvog [m.] plantname = Etgiov (Dsc. 4, 20, v.l.
-@viov), after the form of the leaves, acc. to Strémberg 1940: 44; also as a PN (Paus.);
Maxaupeve [m.] (Str. sch. Pi.).
*ETYM Like yépaipa, xivatpa, mieipa, etc., udxatpa looks like a derivative in *-1a- built
on an r-stem. Traditionally connected with udyouct, but DELG finds this
implausible. Semitic etymology (with reservations) in Lewy 1895: 177 (comparing
Hebr. m’kéra ‘sword’, but acc. to Gordon Antiquityy 30 (1956): 22ff., this is rather
from Greek); cf. Kretschmer Glotta 19 (1931): 160. Borrowed as Lat. machaera.
I compare pdyetpos ‘cook’, and on account of the interchange y/x, conclude that it is
a Pre-Greek word.
EaXAog [adj.] ‘lascivious’ (of women), ‘luxuriant, wild’ (Hes., A.). <PG?(v)>
eVAR LAXAI]G: Akpatrc, TMdpvoc ‘out of control, sodomite’ (H.); also uayAds, -dd0¢
[f.] (Man., AP, Ph.), payAic: étaipa, népvn ‘courtisane, prostitute’ (H.).
916 UdXOLal
*DER [layA0-ovvn ‘lasciviousness, voluptuousness’ (QO. 30, Hes., Hdt.), -tn¢ ‘id’ (EM,
Sch.); pwayAtkds ‘like a lascivious woman’ (Man.); paxAevopat [v.] ‘to be lascivious’ in
LeLayAevpevov rtop (Man.), wayA@vtec: nopvevovtes ‘prostituting’ (H.).
eETYM The comparison with Skt. makhd-, an attribute of gods, is gratuitous and
should be discarded in view of the unknown meaning of the latter (see Mayrhofer
EWAia 2: 288). Fur.: 211 adduces Baxyoc (with interchange B/), and compares (ibid.
fn. 48) Arm. mahaz ‘lascivious’, suggesting that all these words are from Asia Minor.
Note that a word of this meaning with interchange B/u may well be Pre-Greek.
udxouc [v.] ‘to fight, combat’ (Il.). <PG?>
VAR Epic also payéopat (uaxeropevoc, uaxeowuevov with metr. lengthening), aor.
uaxéo(c)acbat (Il), paxroacba (D. S., Paus.), paxeoOfva (Plu, Paus.), fut.
LaxT}oouat (epic Ion.), waxéo(o)ouat (Ion. and late), paxéouat (B 366), paxovpat
(Att.), paxettat (Y 26), perf. weudyrpat (Att.).
*COMP Often with prefix, e.g. dta-, ovv-, dmo-. As a second member in povo-udyocg
‘fighting on his own’ (A,, E.), msc. ‘gladiator’ (Str.), whence povopay-éw, -ia, etc.,
vav-udyx-oc ‘fighting at sea’ (AP), but vav-payoc from pdyn, see below.
*DER Ldn ‘battle’ (II1.); as a second member in 4-, mpd6-, obp-, vav-, immd-paxoc, with
derivatives like mpopay-iCw, ovppay-éw, vavpay-€w, -ia.
Thence: 1. paxyn-ti¢ [m.] ‘warrior’ (Hom., LXX), Dor. payatdg (Pi.), payatap:
avtimahog ‘adversary’ (H.), Aeol. paxaitacg (Alc. 350), probably hyperaeolism (cf.
DELG). 2. udx-tpWos ‘warlike, militant’ (IA), after GAKiwoc; also msc. ‘soldier of an
Egyptian tribe’, with paytKdc ‘in the way of the udywor (pap.). 3. Mayawv [m.] PN
(Aeol. epic), Ion. -éwv, with Dor. Mayav-idac.
From paxouat also pax-huwv ‘warlike’ (M 247, AP) and payx-17T6¢ ‘to be fought with’
(U 119), d-, TEpl-ywayx-1]to¢ (Att.), Lax-ntiKd¢ ‘ready for battle’ (Pl., Arist.). The
second member -pdyac, as in dmtetpo-uayac ‘unexperienced in battle’ (Pi.), Aeovto-
udxac ‘fighting with a lion’ (Theoc.), may be derived from noun or verb alike.
*ETYM Beside the thematic root present uaxoual, the isolated by-form paxéopat is
modelled on paxroopat, rather than a denominative of uayn. The pair payroouat :
éuax6-unv has parallels like an-exOroouat : ant-ex86unv, paStoouat : guaBov and
yevijooua : éyevduryv. One has therefore been inclined to analyze éuaydéunv as an
original aorist, from which uaxouct was subsequently made. Further evidence for
this view is the remarkably low frequency of the aorist in Homer (Triimpy 1950:
260*3). It is supposed that a new aorist payéo(o)ac8at arose (after the model of
Kotéooao8al, etc.) after udxeo8a had been reinterpreted as a present. The new
future payobpuat then arose from payéo(o)ac8at in analogy with the type teAéo(o)at :
fut. teho.
In the domain of fighting and battle, old inherited expressions can hardly be
expected. The connection with a supposed Iran. PN *ha-mazan- “warrior” in
PAuatw@v, dpataxdpav moAeueiv. Ilépoat, and dualavidec: ai pndréa (H.) is
ingenious, but highly uncertain. Within Greek, it is formally possible to connect
Udxopot with uayatpa “(butchering) knife’ and with unxap, unxavr ‘ruse’ (cf. yetpo-
udxa [f.], scil. étatpeia, the name of the workers’ party in Milete acc. to Plu. 2, 298c.),
wéeyac 917
a suggestion which DELG rightly calls improbable. As an isolated root, pay- may
well be Pre-Greek.
udy [adv.] ‘blindly, in vain’ (Hom.). <PG?>
*CoMP As a first member in pawi-Adyog ‘speaking in vain’ (h. Merc.), after other first
members in -, see Zumbach 1955: 22; paw-vAdKdc ‘barking in vain’ (Pi., Sapph.), etc.
*DER paw-idtoc ‘idle, useless’ (E., Theoc.), -tdiwe [adv.] (Hom.).
eETYM Adverb in -c, always occurring before vowel, of unexplained origin. Not
related to Lat. mox ‘soon’, etc. (see WH s.v.). It could well be Pre-Greek.
ueyaipw [v.] ‘to grudge, envy, refuse’ (Il.), mostly with negation. <IE *megh,- ‘great’>
eVAR Aor. Heyrpat.
eDIAL According to sch. N 563 and Eust., from Salamis (cf. Ruijgh 1957: 162).
*DER Privative verbal adj. d-éyap-toc ‘not enviable, unpleasant, unhappy’ (ll.).
Perhaps Méyatpa [f.] name of one of the Erinyes.
*ETYM Formation like éy8aipw, yepaipu, etc., formally identical with Arm. mecarem
‘to esteem highly’ from mec ‘great’, except for the yod-derivation. As Clackson 1994:
149-150 remarks, the suffix -aipw became productive in Greek, e.g. éXeaipw to éAéw
‘to pity’. Thus, it is unnecessary that an r-stem *meg(h.)-r- ‘greatness’ or *megh,-ro-
‘great’ underlies both the Greek and Armenian verbs.
The Greek development of meaning is understood by Clackson from ‘to regard as
great’ > ‘regard as too great’ > ‘grudge’. See » péyac.
uéyapa 1 [n.pl.] ‘pits into which living pigs were thrown during the Thesmophoria’
(Paus.). <LW Sem.?>
eVAR Also udy- (Men.).
*ETYM Probably from Semitic, cf. Hebr. me’ara ‘cavity’. See Lewy 1895: 94, although
he prefers identifying the word with péyapov ‘hall’.
wéyapov 2 [n.] ‘hall, room, the inner space of a temple’, plur. ‘house, palace’ (epic Ion.,
Il.); on the mg. e.g. Wace JHS 71 (1951): 203f. < PG>
eVAR Gen.pl. -éwv (Sophr.).
*ETYM Undoubtedly a technical loan from the substrate, perhaps adapted to péya; cf.
the TN Méyapa.
péyac [adj.] ‘great, big, large’ (Il.). <1 *meg-h,- ‘much, many’>
eVAR peyaAn [f.], uéya [n.]; compar. puélwv, super]. wéytotos (I1.).
DIAL Att. compar. peiCwv, lengthened after xpeittwv, dpelvwv, etc. (Schwyzer: 538),
Myc. compar. me-zo.
*COMP ueya-Bupoc ‘with great mind’ (Hom.), peyad-twp ‘magnanimous’ (I1.),
ueyahd-ppwv ‘magnanimous’ (Att.), cf. Hom. péya ppovéwv; pEeytotd-tiwos ‘with
highest honour’ (A.).
*DER 1. From peya-: péye8oc [n.] ‘greatness, sublimity’ (Il.), Hdt. v.l. éya8oc; cf.
mtAf|-80¢; -e- by vowel assimilation according to Schwyzer: 255, but this is improbable
as such assimilations were irregular; thence peye0-1kdc ‘quantitative’ (comm. Arist.),
-bvw [v.] ‘to magnify’, pass. ‘to get exalted’ (late), after peyadkvvw; -douat =
yeyakvvopat (medic., S. E.); PN Méyng with patronymic Meydéng (I1.).
918 pedéwv, -Eovoa
2. From jteyaAo-: peyad-eiog ‘grand(iose) (Pl. X., Plb.), enlarged after avdpeioc,
with -el6t1¢ ‘highness, majesty’ (LXX); peyaA-wpa [n.] ‘greatness, power’ (LXX),
-wovvn ‘id. (LXX, Aristeas), -w- analogical; -woti [adv.] ‘magnificently’.
3. From péytotoc: Leyiotavec [m.pl.] (rarely -dv sg.) ‘great lords, magnates’ (Men.,
LXX, NT), after the PNs in -dvec, Bjérck 1950: 55, 278ff.; PN Meytot-w [f.] (Emp.,
pap.), -lac, -evc; pteytotetw [v.] ‘to be(come) very great’ (App.).
eETYM A form corresponding to L1éya, wéyac is found in Arm. mec ‘great’, meca-w
[instr.] (a-stem); Skt. mahi [n.] ‘great’ (with h from *-gh.-) can also be subsumed
under IE *mégh,-. We find PGm. *meku with secondary *-u after *felu > Go. filu
‘many’, see » toAVc: ON mijok ‘very’. Further, Hitt. mekk- ‘much, many’ (Old Script)
was reshaped into an i-stem mekki-. ;
The final -a from -h, is the zero grade of -d in Skt. maha- ‘great’ (as a first member),
maha-nt- ‘id.’; the effect of a laryngeal after g was aspiration in Skt., with *gh > h. The
masculine p1éyac, -av is immediately understandable as an innovation from péya; the
other forms have an enlargement *-I-, the origin of which is unlear. This
enlargement is also found in Go. mikils ‘great’ < PGm. *mekila- and in synonymous
Lith. didelis ‘great’ (from didis ‘id.’). See » dya-, » tteyaipw.
pedéwv, -Eovoa ‘ruler’. =pédw.
ptéduytvoc [m.] corn measure (IA), a “bushel” = 48 xoivixec, which was about 52 1/2
liters in Athens. <PG>
VAR Older -ipvoc; with dissimilation Fedivoc (Gortyn).
eCOMP As a second member in typédytvov [n.] ‘half-bushel’, also -o¢ [m.]
(haplological for hut-pedipvov, originally a substantivized adj.).
DER jte6u.Lv-taiog ‘measuring one Lt.” (Gortyn), -aiov: ttétpov LLodiov (H.).
*ETYM Formally, pédytvoc looks like |1épiva ‘care, anxiety’, Aijivn ‘harbor’ (cf.
ip), OTaLLVOs “wine-jar’, etc. If we assume an enlarged mn-stem to the root *med-
(seen in Greek ,1é5op1cu ‘to care’, édw ‘to rule, govern’, ,ndea ‘counsels, plans’).
However, the -t- remains problematic. It is tempting to compare Lat. modius
“bushel”, derived from modus ‘measure’. Because of the great number of loanwords
in -uv-, Chantraine 1933: 216 considers the word to be of Mediterranean origin. To
my mind, the word must be Pre-Greek, in view of the suffix -v-. See Fur.: 246”.
11850 [v.] ‘to rule, govern’ (Emp., trag.). <IE *med- ‘measure’>
VAR Also -€w? Only present.
DER ptédwv [ptc.] ‘ruler’ (Hom.), like dpywv, fem. -ovoa “ruling”, name of one of the
Gorgons (Hes.), also predéwv, -Eovtos ‘id.’ (IL, h. Merc.), fem. -éovoa (h. Hom., Hes.);
PN Médwv, Aao-iédwv, etc. TN Medewv (Boeotia) in the sense “seat of
government”(?@).
tédojtat [med.] ‘to care for, think of, be prepared for’ (Il.), only pres. except
pedrjoopiat (I 650). Hence jtedijup: fpwt ‘hero’ (H.), probably after Kbdyt0c, Sdktpos,
etc.
eETYM In the sense of ‘think of, be prepared for’, p:édopct corresponds exactly to the
Lat. frequentative meditor, -dri ‘to reflect, meditate’, beside which we find the
primary verb medeor, -éri ‘to heal’ and the primary noun modus ‘measure’, from
petyvvLt 919
which modius, modestus and moderor are derived. Celtic has several cognates, e.g.
Olr. mess ‘iudicium’ < *med-tu-, air-med ‘measure’. The basic meaning ‘measure’ is
found in Germanic as well: Go. mitan (also miton ‘to consider’), OE metan, MoHG
messen, etc. An old specialized meaning is found in Lat. medeor ‘to heal’ (originally
‘to take measures’ vel sim.?) and Av. vi-mad- ‘healer, physician’.
See > pSopat, which has been considered to show a lengthened grade of the same
root, but may also be from a different root *meh,(d)-.
uélea [n.pl.] ‘male genitals’. =pndea.
ué8v [n.] ‘entoxicating drink, wine’ (II.). <IE *med"u- n. ‘honey, intoxicating drink’>
VAR Gen. -voc (Pl. Epigr., Nic.).
*COMP As a first member in j1eOv-1An€, -yos ‘hit by wine, drunk’ (Call. API.), etc.
*DER Denominative verbs: pe9v-oxojtat (IA) ‘to intoxicate oneself, be(come) drunk’,
aor. [leOv-o8ijvat (Alc, IA); act. [1e80-oKw ‘to intoxicate oneself (Pl. Hell.), aor.
weO0(c)-oat, fut. pebbow; 1e0-w (only present-stem) = -oKopot, often metaph.
(Od.).
Verbal nouns: 1. én [f.] ‘drunkenness, intoxication’ (IA), back-formation from
pleOvw after MANO0w : MANO; 2. "éOvOIc ‘intoxication’ (Thgn.), after mdotc (Porzig
1942: 190); 3. é8vopia ‘intoxicating drink’ (LXX, Ph.). 4. ué8vooc¢ (-on) [m., f.]
‘drunkard’ (Hecat., Ar.), first of women; also jre8bong ‘id.’ (Ath., Luc.); 5. pe8votii¢
‘id’ (Arr. AP), -botpra [f.] (Theopomp. Com.), -votdc (Trag. Adesp.). 6. e8vo T1KdG
‘dipsomaniac, intoxicating’ (Pl, Arist.); 7. teOvoiov- eidog dyimédov ‘kind of
grapevine’ (H.); 8. jte8uptvaiog epithet of Dionysus (Plu.); playful transformation of
MnPvupvaioc (from MnPvupva), according to H. an epithet of Dionysus (Wackernagel
1916: 131°).
PNs, e.g. MéOwv, -vAdos, -boKoc. On > dpé8voTOS, see s.v.
*ETYM Old word for ‘honey, mead’, which was retained in most languages: Skt.
madhu- [n.] ‘honey’, Av. maéu- [n.] ‘currant wine’, OCS med ‘honey’, Lith. medus
‘id’, ON mjodr, OHG metu [m.] ‘mead’, Olr. mid ‘id’, ToB mit ‘honey’. The
meaning ‘honey’ was limited in Greek to pédt, which was inherited as well; the
archaic word é8v, which (unlike its derivatives) was soon given up, referred to wine
only.
plefyvugu [v.] “to mix, bring together, connect’, med. ‘to intermingle, convene in battle’
(IL). <1E *meig/k- ‘mix’>
eVAR jletyv-bw (X., Arist.), pticyw (Hom., IA, etc.), ovepieiyvuto (Sapph.), aor. peiEau,
med. tixto (epic), pass. twyfjvat with fut. -hoopa, p(exOAvat with -roopat, fut.
pei, -opat, perf. med. ptept(e)ryptou; act. pépuxa (Hell.).
*COMP Very often with prefix, e.g. ovv-, émt-, kata-, dva-. As a first member in
governing compounds t1(e)tE(o)-, e.g. ,uk-gAAnvec [pl.] ‘semi-Hellenes’ (Hellanic.,
Hell.), (e)t&6-Opooc ‘mixing the crying, with mixed cries’ (A.); also ,uoy-, especially
in juoy-ayxeta [f.] ‘place where valleys meet’ (A 453), from *tucy-ayxrjc¢. As a second
member in 7tayt-, dva-, ovp-pyne, etc. (IA); thence juyr¢ (Nic.), ava-, ém-puig [adv.]
‘mixed’ (Il.).
920 pediaw
eDER Few derivatives: 1. (ovj1-)pei&ic (also -t-) ‘mixing, etc.’ (IA); 2. petypia (-i-)
‘mixing’ (Emp., Anaxag, Arist.), welxula] (Alc.); 3. émyi(e)ieia, -in ‘mixing,
intercourse’ (IA); from émi(e)iK-tos. 4. yds, -50¢ [m., f.] ‘mixed, together’ (Att.).
5. Several adverbs: (ovi1-)piya, pwyd-dryy, -d1c, ply-da, -dryv (epic poet.). 6. pryaCoptat
[v.] ‘to mix, unite’ (6 271), to iya, puydc¢ (Schwyzer: 734).
*ETYM It is very doubtful whether piyvupu, which is frequent in mss., is an original
zero grade. It is probable that petyvuzu, built after peiGar and peifw, was early. The
full grade is an alternative rendering for other forms, which in principle take zero
grade (as in pteiEic for psiEtc; (opL)-puKTOG, pépypat).
IE *m(e)ik- is reflected by Skt. misrd- = Lith. mj3ras ‘mixed’; Lith. miésti, 18g. miesits
‘to mix’, OCS méSiti, sg. mép [caus.] ‘to mix’.’A sk-present, like in icyw, is well-
represented in the Western languages too: Lat. misced, Olr. mescaid ‘mixes,
confuses’, OHG miscan, MoHG mischen (if not a Lat. loanword). The vv-present is
probably an innovation, as it is limited to Greek. Indic has a reduplicated s-
formation in mi-miks-ati ‘mix’, probably an original desiderative, with perf. mimiksé,
caus. meksayati.
All other languages have a voiceless root-final stop instead of the voiced one
represented by picyw and found in |uyfvat, piya. Since all Greek formations (except
the ske/o-present) are isolated (e.g. pass. {yijvat), these are probably analogical after
forms with a following voiced consonant (or made to the aorist peifou). It is
unnecessary to assume a variant *meig-.
jerdidw [v.] ‘to smile’ (Il.). <IE *smei- ‘smile’>
eVAR In Hom. only ptc. -t6wv, -tdwoa, later also inf. -.av (Pl.) and indicative forms,
eg. plet6id (Theoc.); aor. t1etd-aoat (Sapph., Pl. Plb., Plu.), -fjoat (IL).
eCOMP Also with prefixes like é7-, bmo-. Compound @tAo-(W)etdijg ‘with a friendly
smile’, especially of Aphrodite (il.), as if from peidoc: yéAwcs ‘laughter’ (H.), but
perhaps directly from the verb, see below. On Hes. Th. 200 see Risch 1947: 76 and
Strunk Glotta 38 (1960): 70, but also Dornseiff Ant. class. 6 (1937): 247, and Heubeck
Beitr. z. Namenforsch. 16 (1965): 204-6; see DELG.
*DER ueldnpa [n.] ‘smiling’ (Hes.), -iapa ‘id.” (Luc, Plu.), (émt-)pediacig (Plu.),
-faopa (H.), -taopdc (Poll. Sch.), TO petdtactiKdv ‘cheerfulness’ (sch.); pe.6-Gywv
‘smiling’ (Hymn. Is.).
eETYM The relationship between the above forms is unclear. The present ,te.5-tdw,
with the aor. petdtaoat, is probably an epic transformation, and the pres. ptc. may
have served as a pivot form. The form @tAo-(1)ttet51¢ can be derived from a verb as
well, and peidoc then extracted from it.
All Greek forms have an element -6-, which appears to be lacking in most other
languages. Skt. smdyate, -ti ‘smile’, ToB smi-, ToA smi- ‘id.’, OCS smijati se sg. sméjo
se ‘to laugh’, Latv. smiét, sg. smeju ‘to laugh (at)’. However, we also find the Balt.
iterative smaidit, and smaida ‘laughing. One view is that Baltic and Greek
independently added *-d- to the root. The opposite view is that Baltic and Greek
share an old *d-enlargement (DELG s.v. and LIV? s.v. *smei-). In view of the recent
insight that root-final *d and *h, interchange frequently, *smeid- may well be the
original form.
peipag 921
peiCwv [compar.] ‘larger’. =yéyac.
ueiAta [n.pl.] ‘propitiations, atonement, penalty’ (I 147 = 289, A. R., Call.).
VAR Rarely sing. -Lov.
*ETYM No good explaination exists. See > [teiAtyoc.
weidtxog [adj.] ‘soft, mild, friendly’ (Il.). <¢>
eVAR Also ttethixtog ‘id.’ (Il.); MetAtxtoc epithet, especially of Zeus (1A).
DIAL Att. also MuAixtog (early itacism, Schwyzer: 193), Dor. MnA-, Arc. MeA-, with
MetAtyteiov ‘temple of Zeus M.’ (Halaesa); details in Nilsson 1941(1): 411ff.; Aeol.
EAALXOS.
*COMP LeAANXG-qwvoc (Sapph.), d-peiAtyog ‘unfriendly, irreconcilable’ = dpteiAtktog
(II.).
*DER From ,leiAtxoc: 1. ptetAtyin [f.] ‘softness, mildness’ (O 741, Hes., A. R.); 2.
ptethty@dng ‘soft’ (Cerc.); pethixn [f.] “boxing-glove’ (Paus. 8, 40, 3), cf. muppixn; 4.
wtethicow [v.] ‘to calm, appease’ (Il.), aor. -i€ou, also with éx-; peiAtyya (uéAtypa
Milete VI*) [n.] ‘expiational sacrifice’ (k 217), (ék-)petAtEtc ‘expiation’ (Anon. apud
Suid., Eust.), jtetAtk-tiyptocg ‘expiating’ (A. Pers. 610), -tik@c [adv.] ‘id.’ (sch.);
wetAuktpa [pl.] = petAiypata (A. R.).
eETYM Popular formation with a suffix -y- like in vymiaxoc, Dor. docixos, etc.
(Chantraine 1933: 403f.), related to »eikta, but without any certain further
connection. The different dialectal forms petA- : wedA- : puA- have been explained
from \teA-v-; for comparison, Lat. mel ‘honey’, gen. mellis (if indeed from *mel-n-)
has been proposed, as well as Lith. maléné ‘mercy’. ueidtyog was undoubtedly
connected with » 1é\t by folk etymology.
uwetov [n.] ‘small animals (sheep or lambs), which were sacrificed during the
Apatouria’ (Att. inscr., Is., sch.). <GR>
eCOMP As a first member in ,let-aywydc ‘who puts the animals on the weighing-
machine’ (Eup. 116) with pet-aywyéw (Ar. Ra. 798), -etov, -ia (Suid.).
eETYM Properly a neuter of the comparative »1elwv with transition to an o-stem.
Unrelated to the IE word for ‘ram, sheep’ in Skt. mesd- [m.] ‘ram, sheep, fell’, OCS
méxo ‘leather sack’, etc.
sipag [f.] ‘gir? (com.), late also msc. ‘boy’ (Aret., Hld.). <IE *mer-io- ‘young (girl or
man)’>
*COMP gtAo-peipag [m., f.] loving boys’ (Ath., Paus.).
*DER Diminutives: 1. pteipaxtov [n.] ‘youth, younger man’ (Hp., Att.) with petpaxt-
wor ‘youthful (PL, Arist.), -dopat [v.] “to become adolescent’ (X., Ph., Ael.), -evoptat
[v.] ‘id., to behave as a youth’ (Arr., Plu., Luc.), also peipax-evopuat (Alciphr. 2, 2). 2.
wetpakioKos [m.] ‘boy’, also -1 [f.] ‘girl’ (Att.). 3. ptetpaxbAAtov ‘id.’ (com.).
eETYM For the feminine gender, cf. déAgak, néptat, oxtrAak. The diminutive
derivatives in Greek ousted the basic word.
We have to start from a noun, perhaps *teipog (cf. MiBak : Ai80c), which would agree
with Skt. marya- [m.] ‘youth, lover’, Av. mairiia- (meaning unclear), and Skt. marya-
922 pieipopat
kd- ‘small man’ (with a thematic k-suffix independent of peipag). A fem. *peipa (like
oteipa) may be also considered.
As a remote cognate, Lith. mergd ‘girl? has been adduced and, with different
vocalism, Lith. marti [f.] ‘bride, young woman’ (cf. » Bpttéuaptic); also, the unclear
Lat. maritus ‘with wife, married’ (see WH s.v.). Nowadays, Celtic words are also
connected: W morwyn, OCo. moroin ‘girl, maiden’ < PCI. *moreinad-, MW merch
‘daughter’ < *mer-k-. The connection of Alb. sheméré is “hardly convincing”
(Demiraj 1997 s.v.). In view of all the different enlargements involved, all
comparisons beyond IIr. and Gr. *mer-io- (perhaps a common innovation?) remain
a bit weak.
usipopat [v.] ‘to receive as one’s share’ (I 616), ‘to divide’ (Arat. 1054). <IE *smer-
‘remember, care’>
eVAR nope [38g.perf.act.] ‘shares in’ (I1.), 3pl. Gupopavtt tetedxaot ‘they have as a
share’ (H.), later also popes, -ov (A. R. Nic.); wepopnka (Nic.); elyaptai (-To)
[3sg.perf.(plpf.)med.] ‘it is (was) decided by fate’ (IL), ptc. (especially fem.)
eipappévn ‘fate’ (IA); Aeol. gpdppevov (Alc.), Dor. &uBpatau: elpapta, EuBpapevar
eiuappévy (HL); also innovated BeBpapévwv- eipappévwv (H.), LELOP-1]TaL, -]LEVOG
(Man., AP).
COMP Also with amo- (Hes. Op. 578), émi- (Vett. Val. 346, 6). As a second member in
> KAULOPOG (< Kd-cLOPOG), & OPO < G-cLOPOG, etc.
*DER 1. & uépoc [n.] ‘share, etc.’. 2. wopog [m.] ‘fate, (fate of) death, violent death’ (II.),
‘share, share of ground’, also as a measure of land (Mytilene, Western Locris).
Diminutive pdopiov [n.] ‘share, part, member of the body’ (IA), mathem. ‘fraction,
denominator’, with poptacpds, -ottKéc, from *poptdtw (Ptol, sch.); further popipoc
[adj.] ‘destined by fate’ (Y 302, Pi., A.), woptoc ‘belonging to the fate (of death)’ (AP),
probably also mpopic, of gAaicu, popdets ‘deathly’ (Nic.). 3. wopa [f.] name of a
Lacon. section of troops (X.). 4. poipa [f.] ‘part, piece, piece of ground, share, degree,
fate, (evil or good) fate, death-fate’, also personified ‘goddess of fate’ (IL); in
compounds, e.g. powpry-yevii¢ ‘child of destiny’ (I 182), -1)- analogical metrical
lengthening; ev-poipoc ‘favoured’ (B., Pl.). Hence poip-ad.0¢ ‘destined by fate’ (S.
OC 228 cod. Laur.), -i6to¢ ‘id? (Pi., S.), -aiog “belonging to fate’ (Man.), -tatoc
‘measuring a degree’ (Ptol., Procl.). poip-txdc, -tK@c ‘according to degree’ (Ptol.,
Vett. Val.); poupic [f.] ‘half (Nic.); poip-dopat, -aw [v.] ‘to divide, be awarded one’s
share, share’ (A., A. R.), -dGw = -dw (Anon. in Rh.). 5. woptH (Dor. -t) ‘share of the
farmer’ (Poll., Eust., H.). 6. » uopoipoc ‘destined by fate’.
*ETYM The perfect forms Aeol. upope (later taken as a them. aor., whence EMMOPES,
-ov) and Ion. ejpaptat can be explained from *sé-smor-e and *sé-smr-toi, resp. The
full grade yod-present peipopat < *smér-io- joins this pattern, also seen in p8eipw :
EpOopa : EpPappou. Initial *sm- shines through in derivatives too: eg. &-ppopoc,
Kata (L)poipay.
Corresponding forms outside Greek are doubtful. Lat. mereo, -ére, -eor, -éri ‘to earn,
acquire’ (if properly *‘to get one’s share”) might be cognate, but its formation,
*(s)mer-eh,, is different. Hitt. marrije/a-"“ cannot be connected (as it rather means
‘to dissolve by heating’; cf. Kloekhorst 2008 s.v.). The connection with the group of
uéhac 923
uéptva ‘care, concern’ is highly hypothetical. Of the nominal derivatives, only poipa
requires a special explanation: one may start either from an o-stem pdpoc or from an
older consonant-stem *pop-. The o-vowel could also be an Aeolic zero grade. See
LIV’ s.v. 2. *smer-, to be separated from 1. *(s)mer- ‘denken an, sich erinnern’.
ueiwv [compar.] ‘smaller’ (Il, Hp., X., Dor., Arc.). «IE *meiH-u- ‘less, small’>
VAR pelov [n.], also petdtepoc (A. R., Arat.), superl. petotoc ‘least’ (Locr. V*, Hdn.,
eDIAL Myc. me-u-jo, me-wi-jo /meiw-ios/.
eCOMP As a first member in petov-extéw [v.] ‘to have too little, fall short’, with -e&ia
(X.), from petov éyev after mheov-éxti¢, -eKTéw, -eFia.
*DER Derivatives, probably analogical after the o-stems: 1. petdtn¢ [f.] ‘minority’
(A.D., Vett. Val.); 2. petdopuat, -dw [v.] ‘to decrease, be inferior, diminish’ (Hp., X.,
Arist.) with pei-wotc ‘decrease’ (Hp., Arist.), -wpa ‘reduction of wealth’ = ‘penalty’
(X. An. 5, 8, 1), -@t¢ [m.] ‘who diminishes’ (Paul. Al.), -wttkdc¢ “diminishing,
decreasing’ (Hell.).
*ETYM Considered to be a primary comparative from a verbal root ‘to lessen’ (LIV?
s.v. 1. *meiH-), seen in Skt. mindati ‘to lessen, damage’, miyate ‘to become less,
wither’, etc. Cf. the opposite mAeiwv, mAEwv, TAElaTOG (see » MOAUG). The presence of
the suffixal -u- in Myc. me-u-jo and me-wi-jo is unexpected from an IE point of view
(we expect it in the positive only), but it is not contradicted by the later evidence. It
might find support in ToB maiwe ‘small, young’ < *moHi-uo- (Adams 1999 s.v.,
which he connects with ON mjor ‘small, thin’). See > pivb8w.
uéAa@pov [n.] ‘vault of the roof, roof-beams, roof, also (often plur.) ‘dwelling, house’
(IL. also inscr. Delos III*, LXX, pap.). <PG(V)>
VAR Also pedd8pa [f.] (Delos IV*).
eCOMP As a second member in byt-péAaOpoc ‘with high-roof-beams’ (h. Merc.), etc.
DER peAaOpdouat ‘provide with roof-beams’ (LXX).
*eETYM Explained by the ancients as am0 tod peAaiveoOat b10 tod Karvod, ‘because
of sooting by smoke’ (EM 576, 16). The comparison with » BAwOpdc ‘high’, proposed
by Frisk, fails because the latter would presuppose a root *mlh,- (if inherited at all),
which can never yield péAa-.
Connection with » kpéAe8pov ‘beam’ was tentatively considered by Giintert 1914:
144f. and Pisani KZ 71 (1954): 125f. because of the remarkable formal and semantic
similarity. In my view, this proves that the word is Pre-Greek, as » kyéAeOpov is a by-
form showing variation e/a and in the initial.
uéAac [adj.] ‘dark-colored, black’ (II.). <1E *mel(h,)-n- ‘black’>
eVAR Fem. -atva, ntr. -av. Compar. peAdv-tepog (Il.), superl. -tatoc (IA), late
vekavwtepos (Str.), weAatvotatn (Epigr. Gr. AP).
eDIAL Aeol. -atc.
*COMP Very frequent as a first member, e.g. weAay-xpoos (-ec¢ [pl.]), -xpoujs, -xpris,
-xpwc, pehavd-xpoog, etc. ‘with dark skin’ (see Sommer 1948: 21ff.); peday-xtL0¢
‘dark, black’ (A., E., X.), cf. dvo-xy10c, Sommer 1948: 71ff.; weddv-detoc probably
‘dark-striped’ or ‘with dark bands’ (O 713, A., E.); uehdv-dpv-o¢ ‘made of black wood
924 per Sopa
(d6pv)’ (A. Fr. 251), ntr. ‘heartwood’ (Thphr.), plur. ‘piece of tunny’, with teAdv-
dpuc [m.] ‘tunny’ (Pamphil.); teAdyt-mvpov [n.] (also -og [m.]) ‘ball-mustard, Neslia
paniculata’ (Thphr., Gal.); for the form cf. » diéomvupov, on the mg. Carnoy-REGr. 71
(1958): 96; [leAay-KdAquov [n.] (dvandva) ‘ink and pen’ (pap. V?, see Maas Glotta 35
(1956): 299f.). Often in PNs (e.g. short names like MeAatvetc, Mehavetc, MedavOetc,
Mé)avOoc).
*DER 1. pteAatv-ac [f.] name of a dark-colored fish (Cratin.), see Stromberg 1943: 22;
-ic [f.] name of a sea-shell (Sophr., Herod., Xenocr.), also name of Aphrodite in
Corinth (Ath.). 2. peddv-tov [n.] ‘ink’ (pap., Edict. Diocl.). 3. pedav-ia [f] “blackness,
black shade or pigment’ (X., Arist.), -dtn¢ [f] ‘blackness’ (Arist.), opposed to
AEvKOTHS. 4. eAavds = pédacg (Sp.), -dv [n.] ‘black pigment’ (Sammelb. IV?); after
Kedaivdc, OpPves, etc.; [ehatvatog ‘id.’ (Orac. Sib.), after kvegatoc, etc; pleAavwd1js
‘blackish’ (EM).
Denominative verbs: 1. tteAaivoptat [v.] ‘to become dark or black’ (II), act. (trans.)
-w; hence ,téAavoic [f.] ‘blackening’ (Arist.), ,tgéao-t1a [n.] ‘black spot, black paint’
(Hp.), -t6¢ [m.] ‘blackening, black spot’ (Hp., Plu.), teAavtnp-ia [f.] ‘black pigment,
blackness’ (IG 2”, 1672, Arist.), -tov ‘stain’ (sch.). 2. weAdvw [v.] ‘to become (make?)
black’ (H 64). 3. intr. pekavéw [v.] ‘id’ (Thphr,, A. R., Call.).
eETYM The formation téAac¢ [m.] < *pédav-c, péAatva [f.] < -av-ta, pérAav [n.] is
parallelled in the adjective taAac¢ [m.] ‘wretched’, taAatva [f.], taAav [n.]. It must be
remarked, however, that tdAac seems to be an original nt-stem. Traditionally,
wtéAcuva is identified with Skt. malini [f.], from alleged IE *melh,-n-ih,. The stem
ieAav- [m.] would be an innovation for older thematic *p1éAavo- = Skt. malina-
‘dirty’, but the direct comparison fails, for not only is malini exclusively known as a
gloss in the sense of ‘menstruating woman’, but the masculine malina- must be an
epic-classical derivative from Ved. mdla- [n.] ‘dirt’. The latter may be from *molh,-o-
or from *mel-o-, so we cannot decide on this basis whether the root of p1éAGc ended
in a laryngeal.
Of the many words cited under the root mel- denoting colors, a couple of Baltic
formations with a suffix -n- are interesting for Greek: Latv. melns ‘black’, OPr. melne
‘blue spot’, fem. milinan [acc.] ‘spot’; beside these, there are formations with a suffix
-u(0)-, eg. Lith. mulvas ‘yellow, of clay’. See » LoAdvw.
péASopar [v.] ‘to cause to melt’ (M 363), intr. ‘to melt’ (Nic. Th. 108). <IE *smel-d-,
*h,meld- (?) ‘melt’>
°VAR [téA.w ‘to cause to melt’ (Call., Man.); &péAdetv- tHketv ‘to melt’ (H.).
*ETYM In Greek, péASojtat was superceded by inherited trhkw. It is a full grade
thematic root present with an exact parallel in Gm: OE meltan ‘to melt, flow away’,
caus. mieltan ‘to dissolve, digest’ < *maltjan = ON melta ‘to digest, malt’; beside
these (with inital s-) OHG smelzan, MoHG schmelzen, etc. The Gm. verbs have
many derivatives, e.g. Go. ga-malteins ‘analysis’.
The relation to Greek > dptaAdbvw and déddetv is unclear. Rix KZ 104 (1991): 194%
reconstructs the root without initial laryngeal. On 1eAddttevocg (® 363) see Schmidt
Glotta 65 (1987): 65-9.
LEAL -ITOC 925
wére [voc.] in Att. @ ,téAe [voc.], ‘my best (friendy vel sim. (com., Pl.). <GR>
*ETYM Probably shortened from @ |1éAee; compare @ Tav from @ tadav.
LeAeaypic, -idoc [f.] “guiney-fowl, Numida ptilorhyncha, meleagris’ (Soph. apud Plin.,
Arist.), also jteAgaypoc: 1) Katotkidiog Spvic ‘the domestic bird’ (H.); extensively
Thompson 1895 s.v. <?>
*ETYM Probably a foreign word, adapted to Medéaypoc by folk etymology. Uncertain
hypothesis by Schrader-Nehring 1917(2): 159": connection to an Iranian word for
‘bird, fowl’ seen in Av. maraya-, which does not match the African origin of the bird
at all.
HeAdgdaiva, pehetaw, etc. =p1éAw.
wéAoc [adj.] ‘idle, vain, futile; miserable’ (1). <?>
*COMP Rarely as a first member, e.g. tieAeo-maOr¢ ‘suffering misfortune’ (A.).
eETYM As for its accent, jéAe0c agrees with secondary adjectives like yptoeos, AiPeoc,
Bdeoc (Chantraine 1933: 5of.), but conceptually it rather belongs to primary oxytones
like étedc, Kevedc, otepeds; is it a case of Aeolic retraction? Like étedc from éteféc,
uédeoc may derive from *1éAefoc. Further details are unclear. See » BAdognttos.
uéAt, -ttog [n.] ‘honey’ (I].). <IE *melit- ‘honey’>
eDIAL Myc. me-ri.
COMP Very frequent as a first member, e.g. wedi-Kpa-tov, Ion. -Kpr-tov “honey
mix”, ‘sacrifice of milk and honey’ (Od.), compounded with > Kepdvvupu; also
JleAtto-, e.g. [eArto-mw@An¢ [m.] ‘honey trader’ (Ar.); as a second member in oiv6-
jet ‘drink from wine and honey’ (Plb.), etc.; on » &mdxleht, see s.v.
*DER A. Adjectives: jteAttdetc ‘honey-sweet’ (Pi.), fem. Ledttéecoa (scil. aa), Att.
jteAtodtta ‘honey-cake’ (Hdt., Ar.), jeAtt-npds ‘pertaining to honey, honey-like’
(Ar., Thphr.), -ivog ‘made from honey’ (pap.), -wdi9¢ ‘honey-like’ (Thphr.). Probably
also [edt-xpd¢ ‘honey-sweet’ (Alc, Anacr. Hp., Telecl., Theoc.), cf. mevwypdc,
BSeAvxpdc, Chantraine 1933: 225f. See Sommer 1948: 262, who assumes it is Aeol. for
jteXt-xpwe ‘honey-colored’; acc. to Schwyzer: 450 it stands for -Xpooc.
B. Substantives: |tehit(e)ov [n.] ‘mead’ (Plu.); ptehitév- knplov, # Td EQBOvV yAEdKOG
‘honeycomb, or the boiled new wine’ H5 tteAititys (AiBoc) ‘topaz’, (oivoc) ‘honey-
wine’ (Dsc.); tehiteta [f.] ‘Melissa officinalis’ (Theoc.); {teAttioptéc [m.] ‘treatment
with honey’ (medic.) as if from “pehutivetv.
C. Verbs: j1ehttdojtcu ‘to mix with honey, be sweetened with honey’ (Th., Plu.) with
jehitwpta ‘honey-cake’ (com.), -wouc ‘sweetening’ (gloss.).
Isolated stands p1éAtooa, -tta [f.] ‘bee’ (II.), perhaps haplological for *pteAi-Avy-La
“honey-licking”; compare Skt. madhu-lih- [m.] “honey-licker” = ‘bee’ but
alternatively derived from *uéAt-1a. Thence several compounds and derivatives, e.g.
[leAtcooupydc (-tt-) ‘beekeeper’ (Pl. Arist.) with -éw, -ia, -eiov; LleAtooetc ‘id.’
(Arist. pap.), also (with different origin) as a PN; 1ehicovov ‘beehive’ (pap. III*), -ia
‘id? (Gp.), -wv ‘id? (LXX), etc. Cf. further » BditTw.
926 pehia
*ETYM Old inherited neuter for ‘honey’, formally identical with Hitt. milit < melit.
The Greek verb »BAittw and the Hitt. stem form malit(t)- show that the root
originally had ablaut, so a gen. *mlit-ds.
With thematic enlargement, it is found in Go. milip and Alb. mjalté < PIE *meli-t-o-.
Olr. mil and Lat. mel may also go back to *meli-t-; it is improbable that the Lat. gen.
mellis is from *mel-n-. Arm. metr, gen. metu was supposedly transferred to the u-
stems after synonymous *méd"u (see » 11é8v).
The gloss pteAitiov: mépa Te EkvOiKov pérttog Eyoutéevov obv bdatt kai mda Trvi ‘a
Scythian drink made from honey, cooked with water and a kind of herb’ (H.), stems
from an unknown source. m
ueAia [f.] ‘ash, lance made of ash-wood’ (II, also Thphr.). «PG? (S, V), IE? *smel- ‘ash,
grey >
eVAR Epic -in.
*COMP |teAun-yevnis ‘born from an ash’ (A. R.); é0-pyreding [m.] ‘armed with a good
lance’ (Hom.), after it pepe-ppeding ‘bearing a lance’ (Mimn.). ;
*DER téh-tvoc (p 339); with metrical lengthening tetA-wvoc (Il) ‘made of ash-wood :
like in 5pb-ivos, etc., and favoured by the metre; further pteAi-ivog (Att. inscr.), HeAé-
ivog (Att. inscr., Thphr.): after 1teAé-ivos, etc. or dissimilated from -1-t-? 12
*ETYM Morphologically and etymologically isolated. The old comparison with Lith.
(dial.) smélus ‘sand-colored, ashy-grey’ starts from the grey color of the wood.
Perhaps the word is Pre-Greek in view of the various forms in -tvoc. See Fur.: 223,
226, 317 on the consonantism (who compares » 7teAéa ‘elm’), and 354, 356 on the
vowel alternations.
weAivy [f.] ‘millet’, especially foxtail millet (Setaria italica) (IA). <?>
*eETYM Lat. milium [n.] ‘millet, proso millet’ is usually compared, although it formally
deviates from 1ehivi. Uncertain is the appurtenance of Lith. mdlnos [f.pl.] ‘swath,
foxtail millet’. The root is thought to be either that of Lat. mol6 ‘to meal’, etc., in the
sense “product to be mealed”; or that of ,téAac (cf. MoFr. millet noir, G Mohrenhirse,
denoting varieties of millet); Porzig 1954a: 178 assumed an opposition with dAqu,
supposed to be related to 4A@dc ‘white’.
On the other hand, Fur.: 246 compares éAvjtoc ‘millet’ and éhiptap- Kéyypw dSptotov i
piehivn dro Aak@vwv (H.), which may continue feA-. This seems too far-fetched.
ué)xa. [f.] ‘a dish prepared from sour milk’ (Gal., Alex. Trall., Gp.). <LW Lat»
eVAR Or [n.pl.]? Also -n.
*ETYM From Lat. melca ‘id’, which itself is considered to be a loan from Germanic;
see WH s.v. for this and other interpretations.
wéAKtov [n.] - Kpr{vy, voL@aL, Talyviov ‘source, nymphs, playful’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Has been compared with a few Balto-Slavic words of various meanings, e.g.
Ru. moloké ‘milk’, Lith. malkas ‘draught’. The second and third meanings are rather
unclear.
wédAak, -akog [m.] ‘young boy’ (inscr. Alexandria, PMag. Par.), \té\aKec: vewtepot
‘the younger ones’ (H.). <PG(v)>
uéhog 927
eVAR See below on pida€.
*DER Diminutive jtehAdKtov (Alexandria).
*ETYM Thought to be a hypocoristic short form (based on, e.g., ,teipag) of tteAA-
égnfBos (Hell. inscr.), peddA-eipryv (Sparta), vel sim.; cf. jteAAdvupt@os (S.), and see
Chantraine 1933: 379f. However, as the word is no doubt identical with > piha€ 2, it is
rather Pre-Greek (note the variant with single -A-). Therefore, etymological
connection with peAd- is improbable.
HéAAw [v.] ‘to be destined, must, need, etc.’, in various constructions; also ‘to be about
to, commemorate, linger, hesitate’ (II.). <?>
eVAR Aor. peAAfjoat (Thgn., Att. prose), fut. uehAtjow (D.).
eCOMP Rarely with dia-, kata-, dvtt-. As a first member in [teAA6-yaplocg = péAAWV
yoyteiv (S.), teAA-eipryv ‘who is about to be eiprv’ (Lacon.).
*DER téAAnotc ‘being about to do, (mere) intention, hesitation’ (Th., Pl. Lg., Arist.),
ygAAr] [ta ‘postponement’ (E., Aeschin., -ro,1a PMasp.), jiehdw [f.] ‘hesitation’ (A. Ag.
1356); |tehArjopldc ‘delay, indecision’ (Epicur., D. H.), also ‘approach’, of a disease
(Aret.); peAAtis [m.] ‘laggard’ (Th. 1, 70, Arist.), -tuxdc ‘hesitating’ (Arist.),
peAANTLaV- TO LteAAELV (H.), like Biviytiay etc., Schwyzer: 732.
eETYM The full grade yod-present péAAw, probably < *tteA-1w, is original; the non-
presentic forms and the nominal derivations were created at a later date.
Traditionally connected with Lat. pré-mellere ‘litem promovere’ (Paul. Fest.) and the
Celtic group of Olr. mall ‘slow, tardy’. On this basis, a root *mel- ‘to linger, hesitate,
be late’ is sometimes reconstructed.
According to Gray Lang. 23 (1947): 247, however, j1é\Aw is a denominative from
*uéhog ‘concern, interest’, related » ughw, Lat. melior, etc. Alternatively, Szemerényi
Am/JPh. 72 (1951): 346ff. suggested derivation from the root of toAetv ‘to go’, éAo¢
‘member’, Lat. molior ‘set in motion by force’, etc.
HéAOg [n.] ‘member’, in older literature only plur. ‘limbs’ (I.); also (articulated) tune,
song, melody’ (h. Hom. 19, 16, Thgn., Pi, 1A). <?>
*COMP Avot-peAr ‘relaxing the limbs’ (Od.), also with allusion to the pteheSttata (v
57); [eAo-molds ‘poet of songs’ with -éw, -ia (Att.), Ledeoi-mtepoc ‘with singing
wings’, of a cicada (AP), after the type é\xeoi-memtoc.
*DER 1. Diminutive feAvdpiov ‘small song’ (Ar., Theoc.), -1a [pl.] ‘poor limbs’ (M.
Ant.); wediok(Ljov ‘id.’ (Alcm., Antiph.).
2. Adjective: tehucde ‘lyric’ (D. H., Plu.).
3. Adverb: ted1)66v ‘part by part’ (Poseidon.); on pteA(e)toti see below.
4. Verbs : jteAiCw 1. ‘to analyze’ (Pherecyd. Hist., LXX), also with d1a-, éx-, amo-; 2. ‘to
sing, sing of (Pi, A., Theoc.), also with é1a-, avtt-. Further pleAtoptdc (dta-) ‘analysis’
(Plu.), ‘song’ (Str.), péAtopia ‘song, melody’ (Theoc., AP); pehuctac (Theoc., Mosch.),
-toty¢ (Anacreont.) ‘flute-player’; pedtoti ‘limb for limb’ (J.), older form pedetorti
(Hom.), probably from *teAeiGw. Also pededtw [v.] ‘to execute a recitative’ (Nicom.
Harm.). .
*ETYM For the double meaning ‘member’ and ‘tune, song’, cf. Ir. alt ‘member’ and
‘poem’. In the sense of ‘member’, ,téA0¢ has been replaced by synonymous terms like
928 LEAT, -OLLCLL
kK@Aov, dp8pov. To judge by its structure, ugdoc must be old (cf. &50c, E110, yEvoc
etc.), but it does not have a clear outer-Greek counterpart. Still, a comparison with a
Celtic word for ‘knuckle’ might be possible: Bret. mell, Co. mal, plur. mellow, also in
W cym-mal‘articulus, iunctura, commissura’. This may derive from PCI. *melsd, and
would relate to téAoc like e.g. Skt. vats-d- ‘yearling’ to *fétoc ‘year’.
WEeEATIW, -optat [v.] ‘to celebrate with song and dance; to sing, dance’ (Il.). < ?>
VAR Post-Hom. (epic lyr.) aor. péAwou, -ao8an, fut. pedo, -optat.
eCOMP Also with dva-, jteta-, é7tt-.
*DER wtéAmNO8pa [n.pl.] ‘plaything’ (I1.), peAmt{twp, -opoc [m.] ‘singer’; LoAn [f.]
‘(play with) song and dance’ (IL.), with podnaiog epithet of 40.64 (Erinn.), poAmddv
‘like a ttoAm’ (A. Pers. 389), LtoAmatic [f.] (Dor.), apposition to kepxic ‘female singer’
(AP), poAndtw [v.] ‘to sing (ofY (Ar.), whence toAmactas [m.] (Dor.) ‘singer,
dancer’ (AP), toAmtaotpia = ovpmaiktpia (H.); jtoArtot [m.pl.] guild of singers in
Milete, with jtoAmtkol ‘id.’ (V?).
eETYM No etymology. If somehow related to 1éA0c, we have to start from an original
meaning ‘member’, not from ‘song’. Far-fetched speculations by Szemerényi Emerita
22 (1954): 169ff. Connection with the Celtic group of Olr. -molathar ‘to praise’, W
mawl ‘praise’ is dubious.
tte [v.] ‘to be concerned with, care for’ (IA). <?>
eVAR wéhet jot [3sg.pres.], [léAoLLat, fut. LeATIow, -cel, -copat (Il), aor. LeAnoat,
euédnoe (Att.), pass. weArOrvan (S.), perf. wéurAa, -e (IL), med. éBAetat, -to (il.),
with a new present ,téuBAopta (A. R., Opp.), pteptéAnke (Att.), pepteArpica (Theoc.,
Call.).
eCOMP With prefix: ért-téAopia and -gojiat ‘to care for’, peta-éhoptau, Leta-péAer
jtot ‘repent’ (IA).
*DER 1. p€Antta [n.] ‘anxiety, object of care, darling’ (Sapph., Pi, A.), weAnopdc ‘care’
(EM). 2. ehEtwp, -opoc [m.] ‘who takes care of = ‘avenger’ (S. El. 846). 3. [leAeTaw |
[v.] ‘to care for, strive; to study, practise oratory’ (Hes., h. Merc.) beside jtehétn ‘care,
provision, practice, etc.’ (Hes.); because of its accent (cf. yevetr, teAetn), the latter is
probably a back-formation, like aya from &yandw; on deverbatives in - (€)taw see
Schwyzer: 705. Thence ptehet1]-pdc ‘who likes practicing’ (X.). From pehetaw: [edét-
nia ‘practice’ (Att.), -notc ‘id’ (AB), -ntikdc ‘caring’ (LXX), -ntt\¢ [m.] ‘trainer’
(Aristid.), -17tpiov ‘place for practice’ (Plu.). 4. jtehe-S@vec [f.pl.] (late also sg.)
‘cares, concerns’ (v.l. t 517, h. Hom., Hes., Thgn.), also pedn-ddvec, -dav ‘id,’
(Simon., A. R.); -eSwv- and -ndov- are both metrically conditioned for -edov-;
teheda@vat [pl.] ‘id’ (v.l 1 517, Sapph., Theoc.), sing. -vn (Hp.); tteAeSwvdc [m., f.]
‘watcher’ (Ion.), -wveuc ‘id.’ (Theoc.).
Denominative jeAedaivw [v.] ‘to care for’ (Ion., Archil.); besides, uehetaivw (Argos
VI") from pedetdw; pteAcdrtata [pl.] = pere-da@vec (PY 62), after vorpata;
jtehedrLwv ‘caring’ (Emp., AP), after voruwv etc, see Chantraine 1933: 173; jtehed-
10t6c ‘practice’ (Orac.); back-formation [teAé6n [f.] ‘care’ (Hp.), after jeA€tn.
From émt-péAopat: 1. értyteA-1)¢ ‘caring for, anxious; object of care’ (IA); thence
emmédeia ‘care, attention’ (Att.); 2. émpeAr-tr¢ [m.] ‘who cares, governor’, etc.;
MEWOVaL 929
jletoigreta ‘repentance, change of mind’ (Att.) is analogical to tteta-l1éAopLat; also
(back-formation) [tetdteAog ‘id.’ (Th. 7, 55).
eETYM Beside the full-grade thematic root-present ttéAw, the perfect [tgina has a
remarkable lengthened grade. The middle tétBAetaut, -to for *j1e-tA-e- takes the zero
grade and a thematic vowel. The n-enlargement in ped-f-ow gradually conquered
the whole verbal system: tteAf-oat, -Oijvat, pepteAty-Ke, -[LaLt.
There is no convincing etymology. Most dictionaries defend the connection with
téAAw, which is semantically not evident.
wepBpak, -axoc [m.] ‘kind of cicada’ (Ael.). < PG(S)>
*ETYM Formation like dondAak, kdpak, bpak, and other animal names (Chantraine
1933: 379). Probably related to Bpdtev ‘drone’ vel sim., as a sound-imitation. Other
such names of cicadas and locusts in Strémberg 1944: 18. According to Gil Emerita
25 (1957): 322f., the word is Pre-Greek, which must be correct in view of the suffix
and the meaning. See > pep tBpac.
pleuBpac, -ado¢ [f.] ‘kind of sprat’ (com., Arist.). <PG(S)>
eVAR ttetBpadtov (Alex. Trall.).
*COMP pLleLtBp-agba [f.] ‘kind of anchovy’ (com.), cf. the gloss apa: pepBpac (H.),
see > agua.
*ETYM Perhaps dissimilated from BeiBpac (Aristomen.). See Fur. 217. See » BeuBpac.
Méuvrat ‘to be mindful of. >pytvijoKw.
[lé[Lvwv 1, -ovos [m.] name of a black bird (Ael., Q. S., Dionys. Av.). <?>
DER peptvovidec [fpl.] ‘id.’ (Paus. 10, 31, 6).
*ETYM The birds in question were connected with the tomb of Memnon in different
ways by ancient informants; see Thompson 1895 s.v. and Hitzig and Bliimner 1896-
1910 on the attestation in Pausanias. See > [tevu, > LéLvwv 2.
[lé"v@v 2, -ovoc [m.] - 6 dvoc ‘donkey’; pleivov<e>ta Ta Svea Kpéa ‘donkey meat’
(H.); acc. to Poll. 9, 84, also name of the relevant market. <GR>
*ETYM In the meaning dvoc, we have an appellative use of the PN Méuvwv as “the
firm, steadfast one” (see > uévw and » Ayayéttvwv for a different opinion), because
of the proverbial stubbornness of the donkey (cf. A 558ff.). See dkéxtwp ‘cock’ (s.v.
> dAeKTpvwv), KaAAlac ‘ape, monkey’, and Kdotwp ‘beaver’ as other animal names
that are based on appellatives. Further examples of this naming process in Schrader-
Nehring 1917(1): 231’.
[lgtova [v.perf.] ‘to have in mind, strive’ (Il.). <1E *men- ‘think’>
eVAR ipl. pépaytev.
*ETYM Old stative perfect, identical with Lat. memini ‘to remember’, IE *mé-mon-h,e.
Without reduplication, we find Go. man ‘to think, believe’, ga-man ‘to remember’.
The ablaut, with a zero grade in the plur. téapiev < *mé-mn-me, is old and matches
e.g. Go. ipl. mun-um. Another exact correspondence exists between the imperatives
kteptatw and Lat. memento < PIE *mé-my-tod. The zero grade in the ptc. [teptawe,
plur. peptamtec, peptadtec (with metrical lenthening) is analogical.
930 LELOptov
A yod-present was formed to the root *men-, represented in Greek by > ptaivopia
(with deviating meaning); from a root *mneh,- (probably an extension) derives
> tuLtvnokw. An old verbal noun is »uévoc; perhaps, the compound > adtéuatoc
also contains the zero grade.
On the supposed forms éuptepadc (Hom.), gupigpiovev (S. Tr. 982 [lyr.]) see Leumann
1950: 52.
Hep6ptov [n.] ‘monument, mortuary monument’ (inscr. imperial period). <LW Lat>
*VAR Also [n{Loptov, Lv Udptov.
*ETYM All of the above are crosses of Lvnpteiov and Lat. memoria. From uendpiov
comes Lat. memorium. See Kretschmer Glotta.11 (4921): 97 and WH s.v. memor
memoria.
Hétpopan [v.] ‘to reproach, blame, be discontent, complain’ (IL), ‘to accuse’ (Gortyn).
<IE? *me-mb*- ‘reproach’ (?)>
*VAR Fut. péyouicu, aor. péupaoBa, Le @Ofvan.
*COMP Also with prefix, especially ém-, kata-. As the first member of a governing
compound: pepwi-owpoc ‘reproving fate’ (Isoc., Arist.).
sDER 1, (éni-, Katd-)yéwyic ‘reproof, reproach, objection (Att. since A.). 2.
(Em-)Lon@r ‘id’ (poetic since Pi. Ep. Col. 3, 13), woos [m.] ‘id? (E. Fr. 633,
Mantinea V*); éni-, Katd-LLoppoc ‘subject to reproach, reproachable, reproaching’
(As E.), either hypostases from éni, kata Hours, or bahuvrihis; also ényten@-re
reproachable’ (Nic., AP), ippentp-¢ ‘subject to complaints’ (Mantinea V*), derived
from é7-, ELL HEL Popa; Opposite d-popos (A.), d-peEL@ric (Pi, A.) with duep@-fa
(A. S.). 3. péupeipa [f.] = péyc (Telecl. Com. 62), probably personified after
mpéoBelpa, Ktedtelpa, etc. 4. HeLpwAr = péuyic (H., Suid.).
*ETYM The isolated Gothic verb bi-mampjan ‘mock, insult’ (Ev. Luc. 16, 14) shows a
remarkable similarity, although its -p- does not correspond to Gr. -@-. Celtic words
for ‘disgrace’, like Olr. mebul ‘shame’ et al. < PCelt. *mebla, lack the medial nasal.
This may point to a root *meb'-, which occurs as a reduplicated or a nasal present in
Greek (and perhaps Gothic). Most dictionaries doubt the connections mentioned
(not even mentioned in LIV’).
wév emphatic pcl. >i 1.
peveaiva, LEvolvaw =LEVOG.
HevOnpn [f.] explained as ppovtic, Lépyva ‘thought, care’ (in Panyas. 12 [?], H., EM
Suid.). <?> sa aaa
*VAR Cf. pevOnpid@ Lepytvijow, Siatatw ‘to take care of, arrange’ (H.), and a-
HEvOrpiotog = appdvtictoc, Gytépitvoc ‘without consideration, careless’ (Timo 59;
codd. a1-).
*ETYM Origin uncertain. Perhaps derived from the root of wavOdvw with a suffix
“Tpr (cf. wéppnpat, -pilw). See » pavOdvu, > LLoboa.
ttévoc [n.] ‘mind, courage, rage, strength, urge’ (II). <IE *men-s- ‘mind’>
pévw 931
*COMP Sdvo-tlevii¢ ‘evil-minded, hostile’ (Il) with Svopév-eia, -in, -aivw, etc;
metrically enlarged dvopevéwv, -govtec (Od.); a-pLevii¢ ‘forceless’ (E.); perhaps also
the PNs Auevéac, Auevioxocg and (with unexplained -vv-) Ajievvdautevog (Bechtel
1giza: 6f.)? Cf. further » duevnvoc. In PNs, e.g. KAgo-1évng; as a first member in
jlevo-etkrjc ‘suitable for the mind, delightful, plentiful’ (Hom.).
DER 1. peveaivw [v.] ‘to desire strongly, rage’ (Il.), aor. -fjvat, with -aivw added to
*meneh-. 2. tevotvaw [v.] ‘to have in mind, aim at, wish, desire’ (Il.), also -ww, aor.
-fjoat, of unclear origin (Mevoitng, -oittoc belongs to oitog fate’). Thence pevoivn
[f.] ‘intention, desire’ (Call., A. R., AP; probably a back-formation).
eETYM As an old verbal noun, ,tévoc is identical with Skt. mdnas- [n.], Av. manah-
[n.] ‘spirit, thought, will’, IE *men-s- [n.]. The adjective Svo-yevrjg matches with Av.
dus-manah- ‘evil-minded’, Skt. dur-manas- ‘sorrowful’; and eb-ptevig with Skt. su-
manas- ‘well-minded’. The root formed a perfect that is preserved in » p1é10va, cf.
yévoc : y€éyova. The related present > taivojiat deviates in meaning. See further
> LWULLVoKW.
ttévtot [pcl.] postpositional pcl. ‘however, meanwhile, yet’ (IA). <GR>
*ETYM From wév (> tv 1) and the dative tor ‘tibi’ (still distinct in Hom.). Hell.
plévtov ‘id’ modelled on évdot- » Evdov. See Denniston 1954: 405, 409-10, 495.
steve [v.] ‘to remain, stay, wait, expect, stand fast’ (Il.). <IE *men- ‘stay’>
eVAR Also ptittvw (II1.), enlarged Lyivacw (IL), fut. pevéw (Ion.), Att. weva, aor. petvat
CIL.), perf. weyévinka (Att.).
*COMP Very frequent with prefix, eg. év-, éml- kata-, mapa-, bmo-. Often as a first
member in governing compounds, e.g. weve-x apy ‘steadfast in battle’ (Il.), also -o¢
(Il.); PN Mevé-Aaog, -Aewe (Il.).
*DER HOV) (év-, Eml-, KaTa-, Mapa-, bm0-, etc.) ‘stay, abode, etc.” (IA) with ptdvytog
(map(a)-) ‘staying, steadfast, etc. (Thgn., Pi, IA); povin ‘stability, permanence’
(Emp.), ‘steadfastness’ (Tyrt.), probably after » ka,y1ovin ‘endurance’; jtovocg (Ev-,
map(a)-, émi-, etc.) ‘enduring’ (Pi. Att.). pévnia [n.] “place of detention’ (pap. VIP).
wevetoc ‘inclined to wait’ (Th, Ar.). Méuvwv (Hom.), a secondary appellative
(> [tgLLvwv 2), interpreted as “who stands firm, who persists”, but rather from *Mé6-
pwv, cf. on » Ayapiéuvwyv. An iterative deverbative émt-tujvaw is retained in the perf.
émylepuvaKavet (Del.} 91, 11; Argos III*); cf. below.
*ETYM The thematic root-present [1évw is the basis of the whole Greek system. Beside
this stands a reduplicated present ttijtvw. The perfect pleuévrka is an innovation.
Although a counterpart of these formations is not found outside Greek, we have
Arm. mnam ‘to stay, expect’, which agrees with the iterative é7tt-unjvaw; both derive
from *ména-, for which cf. Lat. céldre (to oc-culere), sédare (to sidere; cf. » €Comat).
Other formations are found in Lat. manére < *mn-eh,- and Av. manaiieiti [caus.] ‘he
makes stay’ < *mon-eie-. In Sanskrit, we find as primary formations the reduplicated
athematic ma-man-dhi (ipv.), ma-man-yat (opt.), d-ma-man (ipf.) ‘to wait, stand
still’ (only RV 10, 27; 31; 32). Further represented in ToAB madsk- ‘to reside, be’ <
*mn-sk-, and probably in the isolated verbal noun Olr. ainmne ‘patience’ < *an-men-
V-. The comparison with Hitt. mimma- ‘to refuse, reject’ as from *mi-mn-e/o-,
932 MEplva
matching |ivw (Jasanoff 2003) is doubtful for semantic as well as formal reasons
(see Kloekhorst 2008 s.v.).
uépysva [f.] “care, concern, solicitude’ (h. Merc. Hes., Sapph., Emp., Pi., trag., Ar.);
rare in prose, originally Ionic? <IE? *smer-, PG?>
*COMP &-Ltépitvog “without concern’ (S., Hell.), dyrepipiv-ia ‘carelessness’ (Plu.), etc.
eDER jlepytvaw [v.] ‘to care (for), be anxious’ (S., Ar., X., D.), whence pepmv-hpata,
Dor. -dttata [pl.] ‘cares’ (Pi., S.); -1yth¢ [m.] ‘caring for something’ (E.), -111K6é¢
(Artem., sch.).
eETYM The position generally taken is that plépiuva is a back-formation from
Lepytvaw (cf. Epevvaw : Epevva, etc.), but this idea it not confirmed by the age of the
attestations, nor by their distribution. Formally closest is » uédtpvoc; a noun *pEp-i-
Llwv or *tép-t-tia seems to have served as a basis. A primary verb *smer-
presupposed by this analysis exists in Skt. smarati, Av. maraiti, paiti-smaraiti, hi-
Smar- ‘to remember, remind’. Cognate formations can perhaps be found in
> Lépttepos, Ltéptijpa, -iCw, where further connections are given. Alternatively, Fur.:
246 assumes Pre-Greek origin because of the suffix (-utv-).
Mépwepos [adj.] conventional epithet of unclear mg. (acc. to H. pépptepa = yahena,
detva, @povtidoc aka ‘difficult, awesome, worthy of thought’); apparently a
reduplicated intensive formation. If related to pépytva, we may assume an original
mg. ‘raising concern’, whence ‘distressful, dreadful’ vel sim. (?), beside ‘pondering,
caring’, of persons. <PG(V)>
eVAR Also attested as a PN (Apollod., Paus.). In Hom. (only II.) always péppepa
[n.pl.] as an epithet of gpya, also as object of péleiv, unticacBat; post-Hom. of
kakov, BAGBn, etc. (E, Lyc., Nic.), also of persons and animals (Pl. Hp. Ma., Plu.,
Opp.); enlarged jtep-péptocg (Them.).
DER pléptinpat [f.pl.] “cares, concerns’ (Hes. Th. 55, Thgn. 1325, also IG 14, 1942 [late
verse]), Lieppenpiw [v.] ‘to care, meditate, invent, consider, linger’ (Hom.), aor. -i€cu,
fut. -i&w (cf. Ruijgh 1957: 87); also tteppiaipw [v.] (Suid., H., Phot. [codd. also -tépw]);
on amo-[eptpioat ‘forget the cares’ (Ar. V. 5, D. C.) see Ruijgh ibid.
eETYM Under jtépiuva, the primary thematic root-verb Skt. smdrati, Av. maraiti
‘remember’ (reduplicated hi-Smar-) was adduced. The length of the vowel in
Llépunpat, as opposed to péppepoc, was explained by Frisk from the verb tteppnpitw,
where he ascribed it to the meter. Yet, this is no sufficient explanation; the
interchange rather points to Pre-Greek origin (on eé/1, see Fur.: 257%). Thus,
unrelated to » [tdptuc or » LLeipoztat.
Ltépytc, -i8o¢ [f.] ‘band, string’ (k 23, D. S. 3, 21). <PG(S,V)>
VAR Dat.pl. -@aic (Agatharch. 47); acc.sg. -Oov (H.), nom. -80¢ (Zonar.).
*ETYM Formation like g\,uc ‘intestinal worm’ (1éppuvOa is a v.l. in D. S. Lc., cf.
€tuv8oc), and like dpvic, yéAytc ‘head of garlic’, etc. Cognates have been supposed in
Linpbw ‘to wind up’ as well as in » Bpdxoc and > ttdpaov ‘fennel’. But of course, the
word must be Pre-Greek, because of the alternating suffix -i0-/v0-. Fur.: 289
compares pnptv8oc, optptvGoc ‘string, thread’, and further oytfpryé ‘hair’, oprpryyes:
mAektai, cetpai, Bootpvyot ‘coils, strings; cords; curls of hair’ (H.).
uéoaBov 933
Lépttvosg [m.] ‘kind of falcon’ (Call., Ael.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Llépttvijc: Tplopxoc (H.).
*DER PN Mépuvwv (Theoc. 3, 35).
*ETYM Origin unknown, but compare the Lydian dynasty of the -Meppvddar; see
Neumann 1961: 70. Fauth Herm. 96 (1968): 257 recalls the PNs Mappak (Paus.) and
BapBak (> BapBak), and »pdpepvoc (epithet of aietdc ‘eagle’, meaning unclear). The
last connection could show that the word is Pre-Greek (alternation |/¢).
wépores, -wv, -eoot [pl.] epithet of dv8pwnoi (Hom.), Bpotoi (B 285), after these of
Aaoi (A. Supp. go [lyr.]) and, as a substantive, = dv@pwror (trag., Hell. and later
poets); also = oi Ggpovec bm EtBogwv ‘senseless (Eub.)’ (Gloss. Oxy. 1802, 48).
Further as an EN (Pi.) and of a bird (Arist., Plu.); cf. below. <PG(S)>
«COMP [lepomto-o7mdpoc ‘procreating men’ (Man.).
*DER peporty tog ‘human’ (Man., Opp.).
eETYM The original meaning is unknown, which has opened up the way for
speculations (see Frisk). Koller Glotta 46 (1968): 14-26 starts from h. Ap. 4 with the
formula ndAtc jtepdmwv advOpwmwv, said of Cos, and states that it meant ‘a city of
mortal men’. See further Ramat Acad. Toscana La Colombaria 1960: 131-157 and
Ramat Riv. fil. class. 90 (1962): 150.
The suffix -oy (-wy), probably non-IE, is found in various names of animals and
peoples, e.g. Spvow, Aptorec, napvow, Adhonec, etc. (Chantraine 1933: 259). Like the
word itself, it is probably Pre-Greek. See Beekes Glotta 73 (1995-1996): 21-27. The
relation between aépow and Mépoy is unclear (see Fur.: 246).
wtépos [n.] ‘part, share, section, row, rank’ (h. Hom., Thgn., Pi. IA). <1E *smer- ‘think
of, remember, care’>
COMP Rarely as a first member, e.g. bep-dpxn¢ [m.] ‘distributing official’ (Att.
inscr.), ‘commander of a military division’ (Hell.), very often as a second member,
e.g. MoAv-[epris ‘consisting of many parts’ (Ti. Locr., Arist.).
*DER plepic, -iSoc [f.] ‘part, distribution, contribution, plot of ground, district, class’
(Att., Hell.) with pepid-tov (Arr.); as a first member it appears in in peptd-dpxn [m.]
‘governor of a district’ (pap. LXX), etc. Further pepitn¢ [m.] ‘participant’ (D., Plb.)
with tepitixdc ‘belonging to the pepitnc (Lyd.), (ovp-)wepitedw, -opat [v.] ‘to
distribute (among each other)’ (LXX, pap.), with jtepiteia ‘distribution of property’
(pap. pleptkdc ‘concerning the part, individual, special’ (Aristipp. apud D. L.), with
-xevw [v.] ‘to consider as an individual (Steph. in Rh., Eust.); wepdev- peptotiKov ‘fit
for dividing [LSJ] (H.); pépeta or -eia in év Tat pleperau (Tab. Heracl.).
Denominative (first from |1époc, but later from epic too): wepifw (Dor. -iodw) [v.]
‘to distribute’, med. ‘to distribute among each other, to drive apart’ (IA, Theoc.,
Bion), also with prefix as ém-, dia-, kata-; thence (ém-, Kata-)peptoptdc ‘distribution’
(PL, Arist.), pépiopa ‘part’ (Orph.), kata-, dva-lépiotc ‘distribution’ (Epicur.),
Lepiotiic ‘distributor’, ovp- ‘fellow-heir’ (Ev. Luc., pap.), fem. -(otpta (sch.).
*ETYM Verbal noun from Ppeipopat ‘to take one’s share’, perf. gytope ‘to
participate’.
tgoaBov [n.] ‘strap’, fixing the pole to the middle of the yoke. < PG>
934 wécakhov
*VAR Hes. Op. 469 -wv, probably gen.pl; peooafa [pl.] (Call.); peodBotovy, vl. -6-
(Poll. 1, 252).
*DER peooafdw [v.] ‘to yoke (the horses)’ (Lyc.).
*ETYM Analyzed as an hypostasis from (év) péow Bodv ‘between the oxen’, with a
thematization like in éxatdu-Bn (HeodBoiov based on évvedBotov, etc.). However,
the compositional vowel -a- instead of -o- is unexplained (assuming that eoa- was
influenced by peta- does not help). In fact, the whole analysis is morphologically
unacceptable. If we take into consideration the forms wéooy ‘strap’ in peodra:
indvta tov mepl Tov Cvydv Kal 16 d&potpov SeSeuévov ‘a strap bound around the
yoke and the plough’ (H.), pointing to interchange of labials, and also pecoaiov: 16
bm tods tpaxtovucg doTIWé"evov ‘which i& put around the neck’ (H.), with
geminate -o0-, Leodtiov (ecdvtiov I Reg 17, 7), Pre-Greek origin becomes evident.
See Fur.: 107 on a/o, 148f. on 1/8.
Héoakdov [n.] “weaver’s beam’ (LXX 1 Ci. 17, 7). <PG(V)>
eVAR vl. -kvov, -avtiov; -KLov (H.), -kvov (Suid.); uécaKpov: Kavwv Tod iotot ‘rod
of the loom’, oi 6& dvtiov ‘others: (part of) the loom’, of 5& 16 peodk twv f wEodKpwv
(H.); peodtpyw: TO kavow, TM pEow KaAdUw Tod iotod ‘the middle rod of the loom’
(Suid.).
*ETYM Almost certainly a technical loanword from Pre-Greek, because of the many
different variants.
peonuBpia [f.] ‘midday, noon’, as a direction ‘south’ (Att. A.). <GR>
eVAR -in (Archil., Hecat.), uecayBpin (Hdt.).
*DER peonubpivdc (Att.), Dor. (Theoc.) pecauBpivdc ‘ptng. to the afternoon,
southern’ (after the adj. of time in -tvéc); weoruBptoc ‘southern’ (Ruf. apud Orib.),
ueonuBptas [f.] (Nonn.); also (after Dor. duépa) 16 weoaugpiov “at midday’ (Theoc.).
Denominative verb peonubp-14Cw (P1.), -iCw (Str.), with ptc. -.dwv, -t6wv (AP, A. R.)
‘to pass the meridian, culminate’, of sun and stars.
*ETYM An abstract formation in -ia from péoov duap, or derived from an old
adjective *pé0-au(B)p-oc, -toc ‘of the middle of the day’ from the zero grade of duap
‘day’. Thence peo-auBp-ta, -in with shortening by Osthoff, and peo-nuBp-ia with
analogical n after > juap, hepa.
wéokos [m.]? - kwdtov, déppa. Nixavdpoc ‘skin, fleece (Nic. = Fr. 119) (H.). <Lw
Orient>
*ETYM An Oriental loanword acc. to Lewy 1895: 131, Justi JF Anz. 17: 125: cf. Aram.
meska, Assyr. masku, OP maskd, MP and Arm. mask ‘hide, skin, soft leather’, etc.
Did » néoxocg arise from here by contamination with méxoc (Giintert 1914: 145f.)?
Latte simply reads néoxocg instead of péoKoc.
pecddpa - yuvt] <wo Adkwvec> (H. gl. 917). <?>
eVAR Also pecodéua: yuvi). Adkwvec (H. gl. 947).
*ETYM Unknown; -Sy1a reminds of Sapap. Fur.: 227 derives a form weo(o)oua from
the glosses cited above, but this is unwarranted.
uéomtAov 935
peoddun [f.] “crossbeam’, stretched from wall to wall in a building, or from side to side
on a ship, and in which the mast was stepped (Od., Hp., Q. S.), details in Bechtel 1914
S.V. (GRP
eVAR peoddua (Delph. IV"), weoduvn (Att. inscr.), on the phonetics see Schwyzer:
208. Also peaddun: EvAov, TO and Tig TpdmMEwWs Ewe Tod iotod (H.) and peoddpat kai
peodduata: Ta pecdotvAa. tives d& Ta tov doK@v diaothpata (H., Latte:
“ueodduata vix sanum”).
*ETYM Properly “belonging to the middle of the house”, a compound of uéoog and
the zero grade of the word for ‘house’ (Seu-, du-), seen in » Seondtng and » Sanedov,
cf. on » Sdépoc, enlarged with a suffix -a-: peod-dp-a like *éxatou-Br-a. The term
was transferred from domestic architecture to the construction of ships. The second
member -6un is often directly derived from d€uw ‘to build’ as a zero grade root-noun
(cf. véo-6ud-toc, dé-dpun-pat < *-dmh,-), so “middle structure”?
ugoos [adj.] ‘(in the) middle’, of space, time, etc. 1d uéoov ‘centre’ (I1.). <IE *med'io-
‘middle’>
eVAR Compar. pecai-tepoc, superl. -tatocg (IA), after madaitepoc, etc; also
pwéo(o)atosg (IL, Ar.), after EoxaTo«, etc; pecodtatoc (A. R., Man.).
DIAL Aeol. péooos, Cret. Boeot. pétTo<
*COMP Very often as a first member, e.g. » pecddun, > peonuBpia; Wecat-mdALo¢ ‘half-
grey, grizzled’ (N 361; cf. eg. weod-Aevkoc), like peoaitepoc, was not built on a
locative but metrically conditioned (Schwyzer: 448).
*DER Adjectives: 1. peoretg = yéooc (M 269, metrical enlargement in verse-final
position, perhaps after tyretc, TeArjetc). 2. weo(o png = péoo< (E., Eratosth.), after
nodrpns etc. 3. pecaiog = péooc (Antiph.), cf. teAevtatoc. 4. peoddtoc ‘central’
(Aeol. acc. to sch. D. T.), after d5txGdSi0¢ etc., cf. also peodlw. 5. peoidioc ‘in the
middle, mediating’ (Arist.); peoi6iov [n.] ‘property deposited with an intermediary’,
whence -16w ‘to make a deposite’ (pap., inscr.). 6. weoitng [m.] ‘mediator, arbiter’,
with -ttedw [v.] ‘to be a y, to settle’, also ‘to pawn’ (Plb., pap., NT), -iteia ‘mediation,
settlement, pawning’ (J., pap.). 7. uéons [m.] ‘wind between amapktiac and Karkiac’
(Arist.), also peaevbs = Katkiag (Steph. in Hp.). 8. peodtn¢, -1TOC [f.] ‘middle, mean,
moderation’ (Pl, Arist.). 9. weoaxd8ev [adv.] ‘amidst, between’ (Arc. IV*), from
-aydOev after mavtaxdbev.
wecodttog (Call.), weodtiov name of a strap (Poll.) are unrelated, see >» wécafbov
‘leather strap’.
Denominative verbs: 1. uecdw ‘to constitute the middle, be in the middle’ (IA); 2.
uecevw ‘to keep the mean, be neutral’ (Pl. Lg., X., Arist.); 3. peodtw = peoow (LXX,
D. S.).
pees Old local adjective, identical with Skt. mddhya-, Lat. medius, Go. midjis, OHG
mitti, all from IE *méd"io- ‘in the middle’. See further » pe(o)onyv(<c).
ugortAov [n.] ‘medlar, -tree, Mespilus germanica’ (Archil, Hp, Amphis, Dsc.), also
‘thorn, Crataegus (orientalis, oxyacantha’, Thphr.). <PG?(S)>
eVAR -fAn [f.] (Thphr.).
936 peoTtodt
*ETYM A foreign word of unknown origin. Probably Pre-Greek on account of the
suffix 4A- (Pre-Greek: suffixes). Borrowed as Lat. mespilum, -a, whence OHG
mespila, etc.
peo 05t =yé0@a.
LwéooavdAos (-ov) =pétavAoc.
He(o)onyv(c) [adv.] ‘in the middle, between’ (IL, Hp, Eratosth.). <1E *med*ieh,-g"u-
‘going in the middle’>
VAR peonyu¢ (only Orph.).
*ETYM On the facultative -c, see Schwyzer: 4oq:and 620. The similarity with éyytc is
obvious, but it is unknown whether this is due to a common origin or to analogy. See.
most recently De Lamberterie RPh. 72 (1998): 132, arguing that it contains an
instrumental pecon, like in Skt. madhyd ‘in the middle’ (Forssman IF 101 (1996):
305), and a root *g”eu- which stands beside *g"em-, *g"eh,-. See » mpéoBuc, » éyyuc.
Heotdc [adj.] “full, filled, satiated’ (IA). <1E? *med- ‘measure, be full’>
eCOMP Also with dva-, év-, émt-, etc. in different mgs., first after dvdmAeoc, etc. Also
possible is a back- formation of dva-pectodo0a (cf. Stromberg 1946: 91 and 117).
°DER HeoTOopaL, -6w [v.] ‘to be filled, fill up’ (com., S., Pl. Lg., Arist.), also with ava-,
dua, év-, kata-, whence late and rare ugotwotc ‘filling, satiation’, -wpa ‘filling’. Also
HEopa: uéotwpa (H.), perhaps an old primary formation independent of peotdc?
*ETYM Unclear. Connection with paddw is impossible from the laryngealist point of
view. A connection with *med- ‘to measure’ has also been proposed, defended by
Meier-Briigger KZ 105 (1992): 240-244, referring to de Saussure’s translation “quia sa
mesure. LIV* connects peotéc with 2. *med- ‘voll werden, satt werden’, to be
separated from 1. *med- ‘measure’.
Héoga [adv., prep.] ‘until’ ( 508). <GR>
°VAR Further péogi (Aret.); uéota (Cret. II, Cyren.), ett’ &¢ (Gortyn), péote (Arc.),
peortodt, Lec (Thess.); cf. Ruijgh 1957: 137.
sETYM The initial part is the same as in » Héxplt (and perhaps » etd); thence the + in
HEO@L was taken. Final -@a is obscure. péote corresponds to méote; peono0d: may
contain IE *pod-i ‘foot’ (see Garcia Ramén in DELG Supp.); Thess. pec (only in pac
Tag TteuMtac), might stand for péote, -ta with haplology. Many details remain
unclear, as is common with petrified expressions.
Héta, peta [adv., prep] ‘in the midst, afterwards; between, with, after’ (Il.), with gen
dat. and acc. <1 *meth, ‘in the midst, between, after’> ,
eDIAL Myc. me-ta.
*ETYM The Germanic preposition Go. mi b, ON med, OHG mit(i) ‘with, among’ < IE
*met(t) or med'i is very similar, and probably related to goog; Gr. -a could be an
innovation after katd, dvd, 614, etc. Cf. also Alb. mjet ‘middle’. A remote cognate
may be contained in the first element of > uéxpt, and possibly in » yéooc. Note ta
wétate ‘afterwards’ (Hes. Op. 394 acc. to Hdn. and other sources [Ta petakd codd.})
with -Ce like in Odpate, etc. The form wetatv [adv.] ‘in the midst, between’ (11.), late
LeTaAvaotng<, -Ov 937
also ‘afterwards’, is common and old, and may derive from peta + £v(v). Beside peta
or instead of it, some dialects (Aeol., Dor., Arc.) use » medd.
wétadAov [n.] ‘mine, quarry’ (Hdt., Th., X, Att. inscr.), late also ‘mineral, metal’
(Nonn,, AP), back-formation from petadAebw. <PG(S)>
eCOMP As a first member in uetadA-ovpyds ‘miner’, with -éw, -elov (D. S., Dsc.).
eDER 1. petadAeta [n.pl.] ‘minerals, metals’ (Pl. Lg. 678d), substantivized form of
*uetadAeiog ‘ptng. to to a mine’. 2. wetadAtkdc ‘ptng. to mines’ (D., Arist.). 3.
wetadAets [m.] ‘miner’ (Lys., Pl. Lg., Att. inscr.); thence, or from pétaAdov, 4.
wetaAAebw [v.] ‘to be miner, work in the mines, dig up from quarries’ (Pl., Arist.,
LXX) with petaAd-eia (PI., Str.), -evoig (Ph. Bel.) ‘mining’, -evtij¢ = petadAetc (Str.),
-evtikdg ‘ptng. to mining’ (Pl. Lg., Arist. pap.). 5. wetadAifonat [v.] ‘to be
condemned to be a miner’ (Cod. Just.). 6. uetaAAittc: yi} Tic ‘some kind of earth’ (H.).
On itself stands wetaAAdw [v.] ‘to investigate, inquire, examine’ (II., late prose), cf.
below.
eETYM A technical term of mining, and therefore suspected of being a loan. The
attempt to explain uétaAov as a back-formation from petaAAdw does not help, as
no convincing etymology has been found for the verb either. The explanation from
wet’ GAAa, properly “(inquire) for other things”, is hardly convincing. It is much
more probable that denominative petaAAdw is originally a technical term, which was
used in a metaph. sense by epic poets, but fell out of use elsewhere. Borrowed as Lat.
metallum ‘mining, metal’, whence MoHG Metall, MoE metal, etc. On Pre-Greek
-aAX-, see Beekes 2008.
Hetap@voc [adj.] ‘idle, vain, useless’ (Hom., Pi., Theoc.), where always -a [n.pl.], later
‘borne by the wind, raised on high’ (Simon., Ar.), by association with dveuoc. <GR>
*ETYM The word is synonymous with davepwaAtocg, and like the latter, it is modelled on
dvenoc ‘wind’. It is a hypostasis of pet’ dvéuwv for *pet-avep-wvioc, with subsequent
haplology. The glosses pwvur}; dAtywpia and pwwidv: patatov, axpetov (H.) probably
originated from a false analysis of this form. Not related to » pdtv.
HetavaoTtyg, -ov [m.] See below. <GR>
eDER In Hom. only in the expression datipntov petavaotyny (I 648 = P 59); post-
Hom. ‘migrant, emigrant, fugitive’ (Hdt. 7, 161 of the Athenians, Arat., Ph., pap.),
-ottc [f.] (Ph.) and -otpia (AP), like aytiptys : ayvptpta, etc; petavaot-toc [adj.]
‘migrating, wandering’ (AP, Nonn.), petavact-ebw, -evouat [v.] ‘to drive out,
wander, flee’ (LXX, Str. Ph.).
eETYM Hdt. and his contemporaries already understood the word as ‘wanderer’, and
connected it (as pet-avd-otl}-¢) with pet-ava-otij-val ‘to move, emigrate’,
LeTavdotaoic ‘removal, emigration’ (Hdt., Th., Hp.). In this case, however, it would
stand for *petava-otd-tn¢ with metrically conditioned haplology (cf. ém-, napa-,
Mpo-oTd-Tn¢, etc.), as an old root noun -otm-¢ < *steh,- (like in Skt. ni-sthd-s, prati-
stha-s, etc.) has no counterpart in Greek.
Since this interpretation is in conflict with the Homeric use of peta and aviotac@at,
a better hypothesis may be the explanation already given in the TLG: weta-vao-t19¢ ~
*ueta-vaiw ‘to live together with’, like uetavaté-t1)9¢ (Hes.), -taw (h. Cer.). As an old
938 petaty
parallel formation to Att. pét-orkoc, Arg. medd-Fotkoc and to petorKéTal: KATA HEGOV
oikovvtes (H.), uetavdotns would originally have meant ‘who lives among others
(as a foreigner), resident’ (and still does in Homer).
Because of the disappearance of verbal -vao- and the gradual advance of peta-
‘around’ at the expense of peta- ‘with’, petavdoty¢g was associated with
LeTAVACTHVval, WEeTAVdotaotc already in classical times. Leumann’s view (Leumann
1950: 1832°) that weta-vao-tn¢ would properly mean ‘immigrant’ (from peta-vaiw ‘to
move’) has to meet the same objections as the connection with petavactijvat. See
> vaiw.
wetakd =péta. _
wetapotos [adj.] ‘raised, high in the air’ (Ion.), equivalent of Att. uetéwpoc (Capelle
Phil. 71 (1912): 449ff.). <GR>
eVAR Dor. meddpotoc (A., Ar.).
*DER HETApotow [v.] ‘to raise on high’ (Ion.).
*ETYM Formation like avdpouoc (to *&v-aptoc), GuUBpdotog (to dp-Bpotos), etc. Acc.
to Wackernagel KZ 28 (1887): 131, it is a contracted form of *HET-dEptos > *Lét-ap-
TOG, from [eT-aeipw, -aipw ‘to lift up’. See > WeTEéwpoc.
uétaooat [f.pl.] ‘lambs born later, ie. of middle age’, between the mpdyovot and the
&poat (221); Ta peéTacoa [n.pl.] ‘later on’ (h. Merc. 125). <1E * meth,-tio- ‘born later’>
*ETYM Derived from péta like micoat “daughters born later’ to ém, so probably from
*ueta-tio-, -T10 [f.], like Skt. dpa-tya- ‘offspring’. The explanation as pét-acoat =
piet-ovtoat “being in between”, an archaic zero grade fem. ptc. of pet-eivat, meets the
problem that both ta pétacoa (for Ta petévta) and émtooat have to be explained as
analogical formations. See » mepioodc.
wétavdAog [adj.] attribute of Ppa (Ar., Lys., Plu.), also substantivized [f.] ‘the door that
opens from the (outside) court, or from the living of the men, towards the back
rooms’ (opposite 11 atAetog BUpa ‘the outside door’), in Vitr. (6, 7, 5) used of a
corresponding corridor. <GR>
*VAR pLéoavaAos (E., Ph. [v. l. -Atoc, Vitr.), ugsoavaAos (-ov) ‘the inner court where the
cattle were put for the night’ (Hom., A. R. 3, 235); weoavAn [f.] ‘court inside the
house’ (pap. VI?; reading not quite certain).
*ETYM As a hypostasis, Att. wétavAoc either stands for 1 wet’ addArv (Ovpa), ie. the
door behind the (outward) court, or for f pet’ avAijc (uet’ avA@v Bdpa), ie. the door
in the middle of the court (between both courts); the meaning, which changed with
the organisation of the house, cannot be settled without exact knowledge of the plan
of the house; cf. the explanations by Wistrand Eranos 37 (1939): 16ff. Therefore, the
etymological analysis is likewise uncertain. On peoo- for older peta-, see
Wackernagel 1920-1924(2): 242.
On the other hand, Hom. pgéooavdog seems to stand for tO péoov or (év) Léoow
avArc, meaning “what belongs to the middle of the court” or “what is in the middle
of the court”, i.e. ‘middle of the court, interior of the court’; cf. Risch IF 59 (1949):
19f. It would then have to be separated from pétavAoc. In A. R. 3, 235, epic
LLETPOV 939
ugéooavAos may have been influenced by later péoavaAog; late pecatAr conformed to
the simplex.
petéwpos [adj.] ‘raised on high, in suspense, above the earth, on high sea, superficial’,
metaph. ‘hesitating, uncertain, pending, excited’ (Il.). <GR>
*VAR Epic petijopoc, Aeol. and Dor. me6dopog (Alc., A.).
*COMP Often as a first member, e.g. uetewpo-Adyos ‘who speaks about ta petéwpa,
astronomer’, with -éw, -ia (IA).
*DER petewp-dT1¢ [f.] ‘sublimity’ (Corn.), -ia ‘absence of mind’ (Suet, M. Ant.),
-oovvn ‘id. (Man.); -idtov mg. uncertain (pap. letters). Denominative petewpifw [v.]
‘to raise high, encourage (with false hopes), etc.’, med.-pass. also ‘to become proud,
arrogant’ (IA) with petewp-toudc (Hp., Arist.), -opa (Hell.), -toi¢ (Plu., D.C.)
‘exaltation, excitedness, etc.’; -totr\¢ (H.) as an explanation of medaopiotts (beside
innog @pv<a>ypatiac), -totiKdc ‘exciting’ (Vett. Val.). Also petewpéw =
wetewpiCouat (Ph.).
*ETYM Derivation from *pet-aeipw, pet-aipw (Aeol. medaipw) ‘to lift up’, like
ovvdopos ‘coupled together’ from ovv-asipw (cf. &oxoc to ééxw, etc.). A hypostasis
of pet’ dépog ‘located in the air’, with analogical -o-, is unlikely. See » wetapotoc.
uetonn [f.] ‘metope’, element between the triglyphs on the frieze of Dorian temples
(Vitr.), codd. metho pe, -a like triumphus, sephulcrum, etc. (cf. Leumann 1963-1979:
131). <GR> —
eVAR Accentuation not found in the mss. Also peOdéma [n.pl.] (Delph. IV’*, H.;
u[...Joma Att. inscr. IV*), cf. €pdntis beside éndnti¢. etc. (Schwyzer: 220).
*ETYM Given other technical terms like pweta-Ki6viov, peta-oTbALov ‘space between
the columns’ (Att. and Hell. inscr.), weOdptoc, -ov ‘what lies between boundaries,
borderland between two countries’ (Th., X.), wetémtov must indicate a space between
the omat. Acc. to Vitr. 4, 2, 4, the onat were tignorum cubicula et asserum, i.e.
omissions or indentations in the beams, in which the heads of the crossbeams were
fitted in; these heads were covered with special planks, the so-called triglyphs.
According to another view, rejécted by Vitr., the dnai were originally openings for
light, which certainly fits the meaning of O71, ‘hatch, opening for light’, better.
Demangel BCH 55 (1931): 117ff. argues for the latter, seeing the triglyphs as a grid
which was put before the onai afterwards.
The form petdmn is clearly secondary to petdmov, and adapted to the simplex,
perhaps because the metopes themselves seemed to be “openings in-between”;
ietom) ‘opening between (the triglyphs) would be a compound of the type mepi-
knTo< ‘garden around (the house)’ (Hell. and late pap.), cf. Risch IF 59 (1949): 252, or
understood like peo-avAn (see » wEtTavAOG).
uétpov [n.] ‘measure, goal, length, size; metre’ (I].). <IE *meh,- ‘measure’>
eCOMP Many compounds, eg. ovupetpoc ‘with the same measure, measured,
appropriate, symmetrical’, cuppetp-ia ‘harmony, symmetry, etc.’ (IA); mepi-etpoc
‘exceeding (the measure)’ (Od.); but iepi-uetpov (Hdt., Arist.), -o¢ [f.] (scil. ypayun)
‘circumference’, with verbal connotation after mepiodoc etc. (cf. mepi-uetpéw Luc.).
940 LETWTIOV
*DER Adjectives: 1. uétptoc ‘moderate, suitable’ (Hes.) with petpi-dt1¢ ‘moderation’
(1A), -oobviy ‘poverty’ (pap. VIP), -axdcg ‘moderate’ (pap. VIP), -4¢w ‘to be moderate’
(Att, Hell.) with -aopdc (Suid.); wetpieveta (H. s.v. Aayapittetat). 2. wetTpiKdc
‘metrical, by measure’ (Arist.). 3. wetpnddv [adv.] ‘in metrical form’ (Nonn.). 4.
Verb: petpéw ‘to measure (out)’, etc. (Hom.), very often with prefix, e.g. dva-, d1a-,
émt-, €k-, Amo-, ovv-; hence (often with prefix) wétp-101¢ ‘measurement’ (IA), -1yHa
‘measure’ (E., Hell.), -1;t1"\¢ [m.] “measurer”, name of a measure, ‘metretes’ (Att.),
-1ytic [f.] ‘id’ (Amorgos IV*), -nttatocg ‘sticking to a wu.’ (Caryanda), -1T1Ké¢
‘regarding measurement’ (Pl.). As a second member in several verbal compounds,
e.g. yew-pétp1)¢ [m.] ‘geometer’ (Pl. X.) with yewpetp-ia, Ion. -in) (Hdt., Ar.), -tKd¢
(Democr., Pl.), -€w (Att.), Bov-uétpry¢ “measurer of cows” = 6 ém OQvoidv
Tetaypévos mapa AitwAoic ‘who has been appointed at a sacrifice (Aetolian)’ (H.).
Backformations, e.g. diauetpog (scil. ypappr) [f.] “diameter, diagonal, etc.’ (Pl.,
Arist.), émtipetpov ‘excess, addition’ (Hell.).
*ETYM Beside pétpov, we find untpa [f.] ‘areal measure’, etc. (Cilicia) with an
identical suffix, but a different root grade; corresponding exactly with Skt. matra [f.]
‘measure’. Also in épeot-prtpryv: Thy yewuetpiav (H.), see on » gpa.
It may go back to the root *meh,- seen in the athematic present Skt. md-ti ‘measures’.
Greek shows a short vowel in pétpov, as opposed to Skt. matram [n.] ‘id’; this
derives from a vocalization of the zero grade *mh,-tro- > wetp- (rather than *imh,tr- >
unjtp-). The latter would be the expected vocalization, if we assume that *NHC-
develops like *-CNHC- > Gr. CN1/a/wC. However, contra Beekes 1969: 183, it seems
that the *m- remained consonantal in initial position, see Beekes IF 93 (1988): 22-45.
A derivation IE *méd-tro- from *med- ‘measure’ is impossible, as it would have given
*uEOTPOV. See > [Li]TIC.
tétwrtov [n.] ‘the space between the eyes, forehead, brow’, metaph. ‘front, front of an
army’ (Il.); also as a plant name = yadBavn (Dsc.). <GR>
*COMP evpv-pétwro¢ ‘with a broad forehead’ (Hom.).
*DER twos ‘on the forehead’ (A 95, P 739), also substantival = ‘forehead’ (see
below), -tov [n.] ‘front’ (Priene IV*), ‘bandage on the forehead, etc.’ (Gal.), name of a
salve prepared from the plant p., etc. (Dsc., Gal.); uetwrt-idtog ‘of the forehead’ (Hp.,
AP), but mpo-yetw-idioc ‘on the forehead’ (Hdt., X.), mept- “covering the forehead’
(Hp.), from the corresponding prepositional forms; -taioc ‘id’ (medic.); -iac [m.]
‘with a typical forehead’ (pap.); petwrtic: iatpikdc énidecpoc ‘medical bandage’ (H.);
petwr-dov (Hdt, Th.), -466v (Opp.) ‘forming a front’. On the PN Métwmoc
Sommer 1948: 87.
*ETYM Acc. to Arist. (HA, 491b 12), it originally means petakb twv Oppatwv, ‘space
between the eyes’, a hypostasis from peta and wm-a ‘eye, face’ with a thematic vowel.
The form petwr-1ov ‘forehead, front’ may be a parallel formation containing a suffix
-to-. The expression is understandable when one starts from an animal’s head, which
has the eyes on the flanks (cf. Sommer op.cit. 115").
wéxpt [adv., prep.] ‘as far as, until’ (Il.). <1E *me-g's-r-i ‘until’>
eVAR Also péxpic (© 128, X, Hell.).
prSopat 941
*eETYM Identical with Arm. merj ‘near, by’, whence merjenam ‘to approach’ < *merji-
anam; from IE *mé-¢"s-r-i, containing the word for ‘hand’. See » axpu.
tuy [pcl.] ‘not, that not’ (IL). <IE *meh»>
eVAR Further pide, pndeic, pnkét1, pte, etc. ;
*ETYM Old prohibitive negation, identical with Arm. mi, Skt. ma, Av. ma, OP ma,
and ToAB ma; IE *meh, also to be included here is Alb. mo ‘id.’ < *meh, next to mos
< *meh,k”e. See » ov.
tujdea 1 [n.pl.] ‘male genitals’, of pwtdcg (Od., Androm. apud Gal., Call. also Ant.
Lib.), péCea (Hes. Op. 512, Lyc.); wédea (Archil. 138); metaph. ‘urine’ in Opp. (Cyn. 4,
441); uéCoc: aidoiov ‘private parts’ (H.). <PG(V)>
eCOMP As a second member in evpéleoc (cod. -udtews; leg. -peléoc?)- evepuris (cod.
-eig; leg. -otc?) toic aidoiotc ‘well-endowed qua private parts’ (H.).
*ETYM The variation between pide, péCea and pédea clearly points to a Pre-Greek
word: interchange e/n (cf. Fur.: 25847), 5/¢ (Fur.: 253ff.). The form prdea is not a
euphemistic replacement for péCea, pédea (as per Wackernagel). WP compared MIr.
mess (< *med-tu-) ‘gland’, assuming an original meaning ‘swell, swollen in the form
of balls’ (which does not make sense for this root).
yjdea 2 ‘counsels, cares’. =yndopat.
tjStov [n.] plant name, ‘Campanula lingulata’ (Dsc.). <2
eDER é1ttunStov name of an unknown plant (Dsc.).
eETYM Stromberg 1940: 122 supposes connection with undioc: padaxds ‘soft, delicate’
tdoptat [v.] ‘to deliberate, estimate, contrive, decide’ (Hom.). <IE *meh,, *med-
‘measure’>
eVAR Aor. ujoac8at (Hom.), pfjoto: <é>BovAetoato (H.), fut. uj}oopat.
Comp Rarely with ém- and 61a-. As a second member eg. in 9pacv-prd19¢ ‘with bold
plans’ (Pi, B.), also as a PN (IL). 2. pndoobvn ‘prudence’ (Hell.). 3. urjotwp, -wpoc,
-opos [m.] ‘adviser’ (II., Hp.), also as a PN (II.); as a second member in e.g. dopt-
urjotwp [m.] ‘adviser in war’ (E.), often in PNs, e.g. Ogo-potwp (Hdt.), KAvtat-
UNjotpa, -1 (see on & KADW), etc.
*DER Sea [n.pl.] ‘counsels, plans’ (II.).
eETYM Primary thematic pdSopat, whence aor. urjoac8at beside older pijoto, and
rjoouat, is commonly identified with the near synonym pédopat (see > wédw). The
lengthened grade -1- is also seen in Dor., so it must be old. This is remarkable, as all
other presents with a long root vowel have an old full grade plus a laryngeal.
Therefore, one might consider influence of the root *meh,- ‘measure’ (discussed
under pijtic and pétpov) on pédopat, so as to yield dopa. This cross would have
to be old, as the verbal noun undéea ‘plans’ has an immediate counterpart in Arm.
mit-k‘ [pl.] ‘id’. See Beekes IF 93 (1988): 30f., and also Clackson 1994: 147-149, who
denies that Arm. mit-k‘ and Greek Sea necessarily constitute a shared innovation
of these two languages.
942 LNnKaopat
unkdouat [v.] ‘to bleat’, of sheep, also of a hare and of a horse; in the formular verse
Kad’ & éneo’ év Kovinot pLakwv, of a horse, deer, boar, and also of a man (Phryn. PS,
Procop., sch., H.). <ONOM *meék- ‘bleat’>
eVAR pnKatw (Nic.), perf. pgpjka only in ind. plpf. euéunkov (t 439) and ptc.
Lleinkd@c (K 362), fem. tteptaxvica (A 435), aor. ptc. wakwv (P 469, k 163).
DER After kettac and other animal names: unkdc [f.] ‘bleating’, in Hom. only plur. of
alyec ‘goats’, later (S., E.) also of dpvec ‘sheep’, and (substantivized) = aif. Late
derivatives: unx-aopidc (Plu., Poll.), -17846¢ (Opp.), - (Ael., sch.) [f.] ‘bleating’,
-11tK6¢ [adj.] ‘bleating’ (sch.).
eETYM The pair ué\ujka: plaKetv (ptc. pakwv) agrees with AgAnka : Aakeiv (with
comparable meaning ‘to scream, screech’), xéxpaya : Kpayetv ‘to croak’, etc. Several
types of present were created from the old intensive perfects and thematic aorists:
Luka, -dopat (cf. Adokw, Kpatw, etc.). On Lakwv, see Leumann 1950: 235 n. 31. The
formation is onomatopoeic, starting from the sound-imitation un (*me), and with
many cognates, e.g. MHG meckatzen ‘bleat’, mecke ‘he-goat’, Lith. mekcidti, mekénti
‘id’, Lat. miccio ‘id’, Skt. (lex.) meka- [m.] ‘he-goat’, Arm. mak‘i ‘sheep’. The ablaut
Luyk-/ [tak- cannot be of IE date, so it must be analogical.
wWijKo¢ [n.] ‘length’ (Od.). <1 *meh,k-os- ‘length’, *mh,k- ‘long’>
DIAL Dor. pakog (Archyt.).
*COMP Often as a second member, e.g. mept-tirk1)¢, Dor. -udkns ‘very long, very high’
(Il.), with expressive enlargement mepipurK-etog ‘id.” (Hom., Arat.), after maxetoc,
apiSeikETos, C4LLAaLaKETOG, etc.
*DER Superlative jtjKtotog (Dor. pdkiotoc) ‘longest, highest, greatest’ (Il.), with
Mnktotetcs PN (Il); compar. pidoowv, ntr. paooov (8 203, etc.), after dooov etc.,
derived from > 1aKpdc after EA\dcowv, macowv, Bdcowv; secondary jlaKpd-tatoc,
-TEPOS.
Old denominative verb [inkbvw (Dor. paxbvw) ‘to lengten, stretch out’ (Pi. IA),
rarely with prefix, e.g. dmo-, émt-. Hence the rare and late prosodic terms ,uj}K-vvotc
(sch.), -vowdcg (Eust.) ‘lengthening’, -vvtikdég ‘which can be lengthened’ (A. D.).
Further derivations, also rare and late: nKedavoc ‘long’ (AP, Nonn.), for ttaxedvdc
after tynedavoc, etc; unK-tKdc¢ ‘regarding the length’ (Procl.), -68ev ‘from afar’
(Aesop., Paul. Aeg.), -6t1¢ [f.] ‘length’ (Gal.).
eETYM A counterpart to [lijKo¢ is Av. masah- [n.] ‘length, greatness’, with a short
stem vowel. Likewise, Av. masista- and OP ma@ista- are opposed to tujKtotos in their
vocalism, which is not well understood. The full grade formation *meh,k-os- in
ui}kog is typical for an old s-stem. On the short vowel in » tLaKpdc < *mh,k-ro- see
further »\tétpov. The root is also seen in Lat. maciés ‘leanness’, mace6 ‘to be lean’
and Hitt. mak-l-ant- ‘lean’.
wykwv [f.] ‘poppy, Papaver somniferum, poppy-head’ (© 306), meatph. of poppy-like
objects, e.g. ‘ink-bag of the cuttle-fish’ [m.] (Arist.). «IE *meh,k-n->
eVAR Dor. Arc. [LakKwv, -wvoc.
*COMP Linkwvo-@dpoc (scil. yi}) [f] ‘poppy-bearing country’ (pap.).
[uAOV 1 943
*DER 1. name of poppy-like plants (Euphorbia, wild lettuce): unx@v-tov (Hp.,
Thphr.); also = ‘opium’ (Phld.), -ic [f.] (Nic., inscr., pap.). -itic (Gal.), also name of a
stone (Plin.), Redard 1949: 57. 2. Liyk@v-etog [adj.] ‘spiced with poppy’ (Philostr.),
ntr. ‘opium’ (S. E., sch.), -i¢ [f] (Alcm.), -txéc ‘poppy-like’ (Thphr.). 3. Diminutive
Lnkwvaptov (Androm. apud Gal.).
*ETYM Formation like BArXwv. It is clearly related to the Slavic and Germanic word
for ‘poppy’: CS make, Ru. mak (o-stem), and OHG maho, MHG mahen, man, and
(with the reflex of Verner’s Law) OHG mago, OSw. val-méghi (val- < *yalha-
‘torpidity’), etc. The Verner variants and the short vowel (as opposed to Gr. -a-) are
notable and point to old ablaut. Kroonen 2009 reconstructs an ablauting n-stem for
PGm., which is the same formation as Greek and points to an inherited lexical item.
As the poppy originates from the Mediterranean according to botanists, it is often
thought that we are dealing with a “Wanderwort’, which was borrowed into Indo-
European at PIE date. Fur.: 218 compares Bynkwwov- eidocg Botavnc and concludes to
a Pre-Greek form, but this is improbable.
Ay [f.] ‘chirurgical probe’ (Hp., AP). <GR?>
eCOMP As a second member in mAatv-pAn ‘broad probe’ (medic.) and other
determinatives (Risch IF 59 (1949): 285), dugi-undov [n.] ‘probe with two ends’
(medic.).
*DER pnAdw [v.] ‘to probe’ (Hp., Ar.), also (med.) ‘to paint wool’ (Eust., H.), with
LirjAwotc ‘probing’, [inAw-t1, -tic, -tpic, -tpidtov ‘probe’ (medic.); pnA-agpaw [v.] ‘to
probe’ (Sophr., H., EM, Eust.), after ynAagau; tAwO8pov ‘painted wool’ (Eust., H.).
*ETYM Prellwitz proposed a pre-form PGr. *mas-ld- derived from the root of t1aioptat,
aor. [tdo0cao0at ‘to touch, examine’. Possible, but uncertain.
LunAoASvOn [f.] ‘beetle, gold-beetle, dung-beetle’ (Ar. Nu. 764, Arist.). <GR>
VAR Also pnAoAdvOn (Poll.), pAdvOn (Herod.).
eCOMP Xpvoo-inAoAdvOtov (Ar. V. 1341).
DER |tAoAdvOtov (sch. Ar. V. 1332).
eETYM From pnAov oAdvOlov, properly “fig-sheep”; it consists of |tjAov ‘sheep’ and
bdovGoc ‘wild fig’, because many beetles are parasitic of figs and other plants. The
formation is like immo-ndétattog (for tmmog motdtuoc). It was reshaped to pnAoAdvOn
by folk etymology, based on &v0oc; thence (after oivévOn ‘blossom of the vine’, etc.)
unddvOn. Extensive treatment in Strémberg 1944: 5ff.
wfAov 1 [n.] ‘apple’ (IL), also of other stonefruits (Hp., Dsc.), ‘(seed-)capsule of a rose’
(Thpr.), metaph. plur. ‘breasts, cheeks, tonsils, apple-like beaker’ (Ar., Theoc.,
medic., pap., inscr.). 42>
eVAR Dor. Aeol. paAov.
eCOMP As a first member in hA-ow ‘apple-colored’ = ‘yellow’ (1 104), ado-mapavocg
‘with apple-like cheeks’ (Theoc.); pinA-amtov [n.] name of a fruit (medic., Plin.), etc.
As a second member in determinatives, e.g. yAvkb-padov, -~ndov ‘sweet-apple’
(Sapph. [but cf. Risch IF 59 (1949): 10], Call.), preAi-unAov ‘summer apple, Pyrus
praecox’ (Dsc.), also ‘apple mead’ (medic.) for tmA6-pedt (Dsc.); cf. KoKKb-LAov; cf.
further » émmuniic.
944 UrAov 2
*DER A. Substantives: 1. unAéy, -a “‘apple-tree’ (Od.); 2. undric, wadric [f.] = undéa
(Ibyc., Theoc.), ‘yellow pigment’ (Plu.), name of a distemper of asses, perhaps
‘glanders’ (Arist.); 3. unditys oivoc ‘apple-, quince-wine’ (Plu., Dsc.); 4. undAioKa
[n.pl.] name of cups shaped like apples (Delos III*); 5.MijA-tadec [f.pl.] “fruit-tree
nymphs’ (Poll.), like xpijv-tadeq; 6. uAWOpov [n.] = dumedog AevKr (Thphr., Dsc.),
cf. witw8pov ‘id.’ from yithdw, mbpwOpov = mbpEOpov.
B. Adjectives: 7. urjAtvoc, udAtvocg ‘made of apples, apple-colored’ (Sapph., Thphr.);
8. pAetog ‘concerning the apple’ (Nic., A. R.); 9. unA@d1 ‘apple-like’ (Gal.).
C. Verb: 10. pnAilw ‘to resemble an apple (in color)’ (medic.). Perhaps the island
name MijAog; see Heubeck Glotta 25 (1936): 271.
*ETYM Mediterranean word. From Greek stems Lat. malum, mélum, with mdlinus
‘apple-colored’, mélinus ‘of quince-apples’; see WH s.v. 1. mdlus. The word was
formerly connected with Hitt. mahla-, but this appears to have a different meaning
‘grape, vine, twig of a vine’, see Cuny REA 20 (1918): 364f. It can hardly be related to
dudpagtuc, as per Fur. 212.
LthAov 2 [n.] ‘small cattle, sheep and goats’ (Il.). < IE? *meh,lo- ‘small cattle’>
VAR Mostly plur. -a. unddtwv (Lyc. 106) after 1popatwv.
DIAL Also Dor.
*COMP Often as a first member, e.g. undo-Bdti\¢, Dor. -tag ‘shepherd’ (Pi., E.), also
-Bottp (2 529, h. Merc. 286) in verse-final -Botijpac, after the simplex; unAdtav: TOV
mowéva. Bowtoi (H.), haplological for und-nAdtav or for unddtav after BornAdtav
(Bechtel 1921, 1: 307); on » uNAOAGVON, see s.v. Rarely as a second member, only in a
few bahuvrihis, e.g. moAU-pjAog ‘with many sheep’ (II.); also in PNs, e.g. Boeot. ITtot-
petAoc.
*DER [NAeloc ‘pertaining to the small cattle’ (Ion. E.), unddtat- moimévec (H.),
unAdwtr [f.] ‘sheepskin’ (Philem. Com., Hell.), like knpwtt etc. with MinAwotoc
epithet of Zeus (Corc., Naxos), prop. “who is wrapped in a sheepskin” (Nilsson
1941(1): 395f.).
eETYM Anold word for ‘small cattle’, which is well-attested in Celtic, e.g. Olr. mil [n.]
‘small animal’, and is sporadically found in WGm. too, e.g. in OLFr. mala ‘cow’,
MoDu. maal ‘young cow’. Opposed to these words, which may all go back on a pre-
form *meh,lo-, stands Arm. mal ‘sheep’ with a-vocalism, as well as Ukr. mal [f.]
‘small cattle, young sheep’, Ru. (Crimea) malic ‘kind of Crimea-sheep’. It seems
obvious to connect these words with the Slavic adjective for ‘small’, e.g. OCS mals,
Ru. mdlyj. One step further is the Gm. word for ‘small, narrow’ in Go. smals, etc.
which is often used of small cattle, e.g. ON smali [m.] ‘small animal’, OHG smalaz
fihu ‘small cattle’. If we posit IE *(s)\mehJ-, (s)moh,l- (OCS mal, etc.), and (s)mh,l-
(Arm. mal, Go. smalls, etc.), it seems possible to bring together all words mentioned.
For Arm. mal, Acaryan 1977: 224 (approved in Clackson 1994: 232”°°) proposes a loan
from Arabic mal ‘possession; sheep’.
tuyv 1 [pcl.] confirming pcl., ‘honestly, certainly; truly’ (II.). <IE *sme ‘really, true’>
eVAR Dor. Aeol. pdv.
pips -Lyyoc 945
eETYM Commonly compared with the asseverating pcl. Skt. sma, sma, but the exact
relation with this form and with:uda remains unclear. The particle » pév ‘really, true’,
which is functionally identical and related in meaning, can hardly be separated from
pur. Like » dr beside » 5, urjv must have undergone vowel shortening as a result
of a weakening of its function; this shortening then entered Attic and the other
dialectal areas from the epic and Ionic scientific language. See Leumann Mus. Helv. 6
(1949): 85ff.; extensively on rv Schwyzer 1950: 569f. See > 1d.
tujy 2 [m.] ‘month’ (IL), also ‘moon-sickle (Ion., Ar., Att. inscr., Thphr.). <IE *meh,n6t,
*meh,n-es-s ‘moon, month’>
eVAR Also Att. weic, Dor. rjc, El. pede; gen. pnyvdc, Aeol. pijvvoc.
*COMP pnvo-etdr¢ ‘formed like a moon-sickle’ (IA), PN Mnv6-dwpoc, also pnvi-
apxoc, -dpxn¢ [m.] ‘monthly prefect’ (pap. IV*). after taki-apyoc etc; NAtTd-yNVvos
‘missing the right month’ (T 118; cf. s.v.), é1l-pt|v-tog ‘lasting a month, monthly” (IA).
*DER uv-y ‘month’ (Il.), like ceAnvn; -a¢ ‘id’ (E.); unv-ioxog [m.] ‘moonsickle’,
especially of objects in the shape of a moon-sickle (Ar., Arist.); unv-tatog ‘a month
old, monthly’ (Hp., LXX, pap.), -tetog ‘monthly’ (Hell. pap.), uv-aiocg “belonging to
the month’ (Orac. apud Lyd. Mens. probably from unvi); pnvaoteia [f.] ‘monthly
achievement’ (pap. III?), but cf. Mrwaotai [m.pl.] ‘adorers of Mr’ (Rhodos);
urjviov [n.] (botanical) ‘peony’ (Ps.-Dsc.), from its astrological use, see Strémberg
1940: 133.
*ETYM From the oblique cases (gen. pi}vv-0c < *ménsos, etc.), an analogical nom.
*méns arose, whence *mens by Osthoff’s Law. By subsequent loss of the nasal and
compensatory lengthening, peic and prc developed. The new nom. pv arose by
analogy with gen. uyvd<, etc. (after simplification of the -vv-), and El. etc is built on
the model of Ziqvdc : Zevc.
Originally, a disyllabic nom. *ménds- (with lengthened grade) or *méndt- (with
alternating -t-) existed beside the obl. stem *ynvo- < IE *méns-. Thence arose Lith.
ménuo ‘moon, month’, Go. menops ‘month’, etc. The disyllabic form is also seen in
Lith. ménes-is ‘month’. On monosyllabic *méns- are based both Lat. méns-is (gen.pl.
ménsum) and Skt. mds- ‘moon, month’ < PIlr. *maHas- < *meh,ns-. The
development of the calendrical meaning ‘month’ was accompanied by the creation of
new expressions for ‘moon’ (oeArvn, lina, etc.). Original derivation from *meh,-
‘measure’ (see > ufjtIc), from the role of the moon as a measure of time, is quite
possible.
wtijvey§, -tyyos [f.] ‘skin, cuticle’, especially “cerebral membrane’ (Hp., Arist., Gal.), also
‘cuticle in the eye’ (Emp., Arist.),’drum of the ear’ (Arist.). <PG(s)>
ecoMP As a first member in unviyyo-vAag [m.], name of a chirurgical instrument
(medic.). ;
*DER Diminutive pnviyylov (gloss.); MoGr. unwyyitic [f.] ‘inflammation of the
cerebral membrane’, MoFr. méningite (Redard 1949: 103f.).
eETYM The semantic parallel with words like Lat. membrana ‘thin, soft skin’ and
Slavic words for ‘inner part of the skin, etc.’ (e.g. SCr. mézdra, Sln. mézdra, Ru.
mezdrd), all ultimately derived from the root of IE *méms- ‘meat’, is striking.
946 LF) vic
However, piywy& cannot be combined with them. The unexplained -v-, together with
the suffix -tyy-, clearly points to a Pre-Greek word.
jtijvic [f.] ‘wrath’, especially of gods, but also of Achilles (I1.). <?>
eVAR Dor. pavic, -toc, -tdoc.
*COMP As a second member in &t-ttavic ‘filled with wrath’ (Cret.), on the formation
Sommer 1948: 113.
DER pn viw, Dor. ptaviw [v.] ‘to rage’ (I., Hdt., Hell.), aor. -ioa, rarely with ano-, ém-
(avtt-, ék-); puyve-pa [n.] “(reason for) wrath’ (I1.), -Oj16¢ ‘raging’ (P 62, 202, 282); also
unviaw “id” (LXX, D. H.), on the formation Schwyzer: 732, and unviaua (LXX);
enlargements -ta(w (Et. Gud.), -if(w (An. Ox.) and -topta (Iolkos III*). From ,tfvic
(unviw?) also pn vitnys (-tHs?) [m.] ‘a man filled with rage’ (Arr. Epict.).
eETYM Etymology unknown. The identification with Lat. mdanés ‘souls of the
departed’ by Ehrlich KZ 41 (1907): 294f. is now abandoned. The explanation from
*uva-vic¢ (from the root of wéuvnuat by Schwyzer RAM 8o (1931): 213ff. was later
doubted by Schwyzer himself (Schwyzer 1939: 495); instead, he proposes connection
with ttayiadw. The semantically obvious connection with yévocg and cognates is
impossible because of the long a@ in Doric (see Bjérck 1950: 177f.); on tunvitis, see
also Radermacher RhM 63 (1908): 444ff.
Lyvbw [v.] ‘to notify, betray, announce’ (h. Merc.). < IE? *meh,- ‘notify’>
eVAR Dor. ttavbw, aor. -doau, etc.
eCOMP Also with prefix: kata-, ék-.
eDER ytrvujta [n.] ‘indication, information’ (Th. Men.), (kata -)urjvvotc ‘id’ (Att.);
uyvutii¢ [m.] ‘informer’ (Att.), also -thp ‘id’ (A. Eu. 245, Orph. H.), wavitwp ‘id’
(AP); ttnvotikds ‘containing information; boastful’ (Ph., D. C.); juyvutpov, usualy
plur. -a ‘reward for infomation’ (h. Merc.) with tinvutpiCoptau ‘to be denunciated (for
a reward)’ (Hell. pap.; also H. as an explanation of uunvbeo@al).
*ETYM vbw is either a primary thematic vv-present (with present suffix introduced
in the aorist) or a denominative from a pre-form *tivuc or *tuyvoc. The word
remains without obvious cognates. LIV? takes up the connection with the BSI. group
of Lith. moti, OCS namajati ‘to beckon (with the handy and reconstructs *meh,- ‘to
notify’.
ptijov [n.] Name of an umbellate, ‘bald money, spignel, Meum athamanticum’ (Dsc.,
Plin.). <PG?(V)>
VAR Ltelov (v.L.).
*ETYM Carnoy REGr. 71 (1958): 96 connects mei- ‘to be refreshing’, which does not
convince. Fur.: 235% compares jtaiov “Trifolium arvense’, which would point to
substrate origin.
wipptys [?] - dxavOa yrvopévny év tots épioig tov mpoBatwv ‘thorns which grow in the
fleece of cattle’, ie. ‘bristles’? (H.). <PG(S,v)>
eVAR optfpty§ mda, Kai eidoc dkavOnc¢ ‘grass, also a kind of thorn’; oprptyyes:
TAEktal, celpai, BootpvxXot ‘braids, cords, curls of hair’. kai Tv kvvOv Ev Toic [U]pOIc
unpoKacw 947
kal toic abdyéotv op8ai tpixes ‘hairs which stand upright on the shank and neck of
dogs’ (H.); a kind of hairdress (Lyc. 37, Poll. 2, 22).
eETYM In the sense of ‘braids, cords’, optfpry& agrees with » tujptv8oc. The occasional
meaning ‘rope, string’ may have been caused by the similarity with ,ujptvOoc, pnpbw.
The meaning ’év toic unpoics... tpixec is clearly a folk-etymological attempt to
connect jtipty& with pnpdc. Fur.: 2897° separates the gloss as dxavOa from the other
words. All of them are clearly of Pre-Greek origin, of account of the suffix -tyy-, the
prothetic o-, and the lack of possible cognates.
unptv8o¢ [f.] ‘cord, thread’ (Il.). <PG(s)>
eVAR opujptv8oc [f.] (Pl. Lg. 644 e). Cf. pipivg Orph. A. 597, and further oytptyé,
-tyyos ‘hair’ (Lyc. Poll. 2,22, H.); optrptyyec: mAektai, ceipai, Bootpvyol (H.), see
> ufipryé.
*ETYM Because of its suffix, tuptvOoc is probably Pre-Greek. Adaptation to pnpvoptat
has also been assumed, a word that was probably inherited. However, there is little
reason for this: see > pupvopat.
unpdc [m.] ‘the upper meaty part of the shank, shank’ (I].). <IE? *mé(m)s-ro- ‘fleshy’>
eVAR Plur. both pnpoi [m.] (O 146) and ptjpa [n.].
*COMP Few compounds, e.g. unpo-tpagrs ‘with fleshy shanks’ (Str., AP), obp-npos
‘with the thighs closed’ (Hp.).
*DER pnpia [n.pl.] ‘thigh-bones’ (Il.), -iov [sg.] (Posidon.); |np-taiog “belonging to
the shanks’ (X.), like vwt-taioc, etc. (Chantraine 1933: 49); unpiCw [v.] ‘to strike on
the thigh’ (D. L.), after yaotpiCw; dta-tinpitw [v.] ‘to hold the thighs separated’ with
-topdg (Ar., Zeno), also xata- ‘id.’ (Suid.).
eETYM According to Vine 2002: 333, Uijpa continues an old collective plural *méms-
reh,, although one would expect Greek to develop anaptyxis as in **ueuBp-. Via a
back-formation *méms-ro-, this collective may have been the basis for the thematic
neuter for ‘flesh’: IE *méms-(o-), seen in Skt. mamsd- [n.], Go. mimz, Ru. mjdso, ToB
misa [pl.], all ‘meat’. We also find a form IE *més- (with unexplained lack of nasal) in
Skt. mds- [n.] ‘id’. Reflexes of *méms-ro- can be found in Lat. membra [n.pl.] ‘limbs,
body parts’, Olr. mir ‘piece, bite’, CS mezdra ‘inner side of a rind’. To account for the
Greek forms unpdc and tuhpa, it would be best to depart from the nasalless pre-form
*més-ro- seen in Skt. mds-. Unrelated is > kjwyé.
EnpvKkatw [v.] ‘to ruminate’ (Arist., Thphr.), -dopat. <?>
VAR piap- (Ath. 9, 390f, Jul. Gal. 314d), -i¢w (Gal.).
eCOMP Also with ava-, amo-, (LXX, Ph., Plu. et al.).
*DER pnpuKtoptdg [m.] (LXX), dva-pnpv«notc [f.] (Aristeas) ‘ruminating’; back-
formation tujpv§ [m.] name of a (supposedly) ruminating fish, ‘Scarus cretensis’
(Arist.), see Stromberg 1943: 53.
eETYM The three verbs puypvK-dopat, -4Cw, -ifw are derived either as denominatives
from a noun with a suffix -x-, or as enlargements of a primary *{tpv«-, which may
itself have an enlargement -«- (cf. épv-K-w, épvk-dvw, -avaw to épvopat or éptw).
Frisk connects *unptbw, -vopat ‘to wrap, wind’, referring to the turning movements
of the mouth and muscles of a ruminator; unconvincing.
948 Lurjpvopat
unpvopat [v.] ‘to draw up, furl, wind (upy (170, Hes., Hp., X., Plb., Hero). <PG(v)>
eVAR Dor. prap- (Theoc., cf. below), aor. unptoaoSat, perf. ueynpuKka (Hp.).
eCOMP Also with prefix, e.g. €k-, TEpl-, OVV-.
*DER pnpvpa [n.] ‘knot, strand’ (Hero, Ph. Bel., Nic.), -dtiov (Hero); ovpnpv-otc
[f.] ‘winding together, connection’ (M. Ant.). *pfpus ‘clew’ is posited by Fur.: 218 on
account of Brpvocevetv: orteiperv (supposed to stand for omeipav), éAiooetv ‘to wind’
(H.); which he assumes to be a denominative of *Brjpvoca = *pfpus.
*ETYM The word is probably Pre-Greek, on account of the variant in B-. Fur.: 289
suggests that unpvouat is a denominative of *ui)puc. See > prjptvOoc.
unrnp [f.] ‘mother’ (Il.). <1E *meh,ter- ‘mother’>*,
eVAR Dor. patnp; gen. pI]Tpds, acc. pIyTEpa, etc.
eDIAL Myc. ma-te.
eCOMP Many compounds, e.g. untpo-matwp ‘mother’s father, grandfather through
mother’ (Il.) and other kinship-names, pntpd-7oAtc [f.] ‘mother-state’ (Pi., Simon.,
IA), a-urtwp ‘motherless’ (Hdt.), poet. also ‘unmotherly’ in ujtnp aprtup (S.);
probably in » Anuntnp. On the compounds see Sommer 1948: 147, 176f., Risch IF 59
(1949): 17f., 59 and 261, Wackernagel Glotta 14 (1925): 38.
*DER 1. Diminutives: patpvA(A)a [f.] “‘brothel-hostess’ (Phryn., Eust.) with patpvA-
eiov ‘brothel’ (Din., Men.), see Leumann Glotta 32 (1953): 224, Bjérck 1950: 67;
Ltpapiov = matercula (gloss.). 2. urtpa, Ion. -1) [f.] ‘uterus, womb’ (IA), metaph.
‘hardwood, marrow’ (Thphr.), see Strémberg 1937: 122ff., also ‘queen bee’ (Arist.),
see Sommer 1948: 1474; untpidtoc “having a womb”, ‘rich in seeds’ (Ar. Lys. 549),
after kovpidtoc, vupgidioc? 3. untpic (scil. yi) [f.] ‘land of the mother’ (Pherecr.),
after matpic. 4. untpiKdc ‘regarding the mother’ (Arist., Hell. inscr., pap.). 5. untpd-
Bev (Dor. pa-) ‘from mother’s side’ (Pi.).
6. Denominative verbs: untp-ta¢w ‘to honour the (Great) Mother’ (Poll.), after Ovot-
aw (cf. Schwyzer: 735), -i(w ‘to belong to the (Great) Mother’ (Iamb.), -d@w ‘to
resemble the mother’ (gloss.). 7. PN Mrntpeic (Schulze 1933a: 419), Matpuc
(Leumann Glotta 32 (1953): 220). 8. See also » untpwe and > untpuid.
eETYM Old inherited word for ‘mother’. It has been retained in all branches except in
Hitt. (which has anna-): Skt. matdr-, Lat. mater, Lith. mdté “woman, wife’, (dial.)
‘mother’, OHG muoter. The word does not go back to a nursery word *ma (see 4),
as it contained a laryngeal (*meh,-ter-), as shown by the acute accent of Lithuanian.
ttf tI, -tog, -t50¢ [f.] ‘measure, skill, craft’ (Il). On the concept of ijtic, see Detienne
and Vernant 1974. <IE *meh,- ‘measure’ >
eCOMP As a second member in ioAv-untic ‘capable of many machinations,
inventive’, of Odysseus, also of Hephaistos (Hom.), aykvAo-untns ‘having crooked
counsels, cunning’, of Kronos, also of Prometheus (Hom.).
*DER 1. untiéta [nom.sg.m.] (originally vocative?), epithet of Zeus, ‘who possesses
pfjttc’, metrically conditioned form at the end of verse for *untita, cf. vepeAnyep-éta
(Zevc); acc. pytétV (metr. inscr. Tegea), nom.- ét¢ (Corn.). 2. untidetc ‘imbued
with u.’, of Zevc, pappaka, etc. (5 227, h. Ap. 344, Hes.).
NXavn 949
Denominative verb: aor. unticac@at, fut. unticeoOat ‘to ponder, design, devise’
(Hom., Emp., A. R.); pres. untiouat (Pi. P. 2, 92); as a present, epic poetry uses
LNTidw, -dopat (untiwv, pntidacBal, etc.) for metrical reasons (after the type in
aw), also prefixed émt-, ovv- (Hom. A. R.). Verbal noun pntipata [pl.] (H. s.v.
urtea, for undea?).
*ETYM An original verbal noun meaning *‘measuring’, pijtic is derived from the root
*meh,- found in Skt. mimati ‘measures’, etc. The formation *meh,-ti- itself is found in
an isolated Germanic word, OE med [f.] ‘measure’, and is presupposed by the
denominative Lat. métior ‘to measure’.
Another Greek formation is ptpa ‘land-measure’, ablauting with > uétpov, with the
instrument suffix *-tro-. Other languages also preserved isolated verbal nouns in
various meanings, e.g. in Germanic: Go. mel ‘time’, OHG mal ‘point of time, (time
for) meal’. The unassibilated -t1- (for -ot-) must be explained as an archaic element
of Aeolic (and perhaps Doric). See further > undopat.
utpa1 ‘uterus’. >untnp.
untpa 2 ‘land-measure, KAfipoc’. =pétpov.
utpws [m.] ‘male relative of the mother, maternal uncle, grandfather’ (Il.). IE
*meh,tér ‘mother’, *meh,tr-u- ‘relative of the mother’>
eVAR Dor. pdtpwe, -woc and -w (further forms in Schwyzer: 480 and in LSJ).
*DER UNtpwioc, -@ocg (Dor. pa-) properly ‘belonging to the untpwec, i.e. to the
mother’s family’ (t 410), later referring to uytnp directly: ‘what belongs to the
mother, maternal’ (A.); tO Mntp@ov (scil. iepdv) ‘the temple of the Great Mother
Cybele’, which was used as a state archive in Athens (Att.); ta Mntp@a (scil. iepd)
‘the temple-service of Cybele’ (D. H.); with untpwakdc ‘belonging to the service of
Cybele’ and untpwtw ‘to celebrate the Cybele-festivals’ (late); untpwikdc = untpiKdc
(Delos II*). By-form ptpwv (Dor. ud-), -wvog [m.] (inscr. Asia Minor; originating
from the acc. prtpwv). pntpvia (Dor. pa-, Ion. -) [f] ‘stepmother’ (Il.) with
ntput-wdr¢ ‘like a stepmother’ (Plu.), -4¢w ‘to act as stepmother’ (gloss.); jocular
innovation ntpuidc [m.] ‘stepfather’ (Theopomp. Com., Hyp.).
*ETYM If untputd is connected with pntpwe (following the communis opinio, but
there is in fact no decisive evidence for this), we must start from a long -du- > 6, of
which -v- in untpvia would be the zero grade (cf. Schwyzer: 470f.). Regular
correspondences with untpuia (probably for older *urtpuid, gen. -vtdc, see
Wackernagel KZ 33 (1895): 574’, Schwyzer: 469°) are found in Arm. mawru, gen.
mawrui (< *matruyi-) ‘stepmother, mother-in-law’, and perhaps also (though
further off) in OE modrige ‘sister’s mother’ < PGm. *médruuion-. The formation
would have to be of pre-Proto-Greek age. Cf. Kuiper 1942: 56ff. See » prytnp.
unxavij [f.] “expedient, contrivance, cunning; means, tool, machine, device’ (IA, Dor.).
<PG(S,V)>
eVAR Dor. payava.
950 pia,
*COMP Lnxavo-motdc ‘machine-builder, engineer, machinist’ (Att.), d-u}xavoc (Dor.
-a-) ‘without any means, helpless; unmanagable, irresistible, impossible’ (Il.), partly
associated with pnxavdouat; thence gunxav-ia, -in (1 295), -€w (Ion.).
*DER 1. Uncertain Maya-vevc epithet of Zeus (Argos, Tanagra, Cos, since V*), also a
month name (Corcyra), Mayaveiog month name (Chalcedon); Maxav-ic epithet of
Athena (Cos), -itic epithet of Aphrodite and Athena (Megalopolis). 2. unyawatn¢
‘deviser, machinator’, of Hermes (h. Merc. 436; after dyyeAt-@ti¢, etc.). 3.
Luyxavdploc ‘engineer’ (pap.). 4. unXav-detc ‘inventive’ (S.), -iKdc ‘id., pertaining to
machines, mechanical’, subst. ‘engine builder’ (X., Arist.). 5. unxavwua (Dor. pa-)
[n.] ‘apparatus, crane’ (Thphr., Delphi), enlagyged from unyavi (Chantraine 1933:
187). 6. Denominative verb pnxavaoua (-4w) ‘to devise (with ruse), realize,
construct, manufacture artificially’ (I].), aor. unxavrjoaoGua, etc. also with prefix, e.g.
éml-, Avtl-, Mpoo-; hence unxav-1pa ‘invention, apparatus, mechanical device’ (Hp.,
D., trag.), -1)01¢ ‘id’ (Hp., Plb.), -17t1¢ [m.] “deviser of war machines’ (sch.), -1ytukd¢
‘inventive’ (X.). Besides, we find ufxap [n.] (indecl.) “means, expedient’ (A., Lyc.)
and uixoc¢ (Dor. wa-) [n.] ‘id’ (Il, Hdt.); unlike pnxavi, both words are dying and
remain without compounds and derivatives.
*ETYM Dor. payava, IA pnxavi are not derived (as traditionally assumed) from a
heteroclitic *uayap, *payavoc. They have oxytone accentuation, like the verbal
nouns gvAakn, Koutdn. Beside the r/n-stem, we find an s-stem xoc, according to a
regular pattern. The root is usually recognized in verbal forms with a short vowel in
Germanic and Slavic, e.g. Go. mag ‘can, is able’, MHG mag; OCS mosti, 1sg. mogo,
Ru. moc’, 1sg. mogu ‘can, be able’. These verbs have accompanying nouns Go. mahts
‘power, might’, etc. = OCS moStv, Ru. moc’ ‘id? < QIE *mag'-ti-. Beside this ti-
derivation, we find an n-stem in OHG magan, megin, ON magn, megin ‘power,
might’. It is doubtful if Lith. magéti, sg. magu ‘to please, be pleasant’, mégti, 1sg.
mégstu ‘to love, like’, etc. can be connected with pnyavi, already in view of the ablaut
*é: Gr. d.
Since PIE had no *a, the question is how we can derive the ablauting forms. In
Beekes MKNAW 61 (1998): 10f., I pointed out that a laryngeal cannot have been
vocalized to Slavic *o. This means that the Germanic and Slavic forms (which are
closely related, both semantically and formally) cannot derive from *mh,g'-. As a
consequence, the Greek word remains isolated.
The suffix -av- is typical for Pre-Greek words; note that Greek has no forms with
*udx- either that could point to a zero grade. In fact, the connection with
> udyyavov (Van Beek p.c.) proves that navi is Pre-Greek.
Lat. machina was borrowed from Dor. payava; Pashto mécan ‘handmill’ from
unxavr (Morgenstierne Acta or. 7 (1929): 200; Morgenstierne Acta Orbis 18: 143); for
the meaning, cf. VLat. machina also ‘millstone, handmill’.
pia [f.] ‘one’. =eic.
ptaive [v.] ‘to stain, soil, defile’ especially ‘to defile through bloodcrime’ (Il.); in Hom.
also a technical term for coloring or dying (A 141-7), see Myc. below. <PG2, IE? *smei-
“‘smear’>
Hikpdc 951
eVAR Aor. pldvat, [tijvat, pass. wavOfjvat (I1.), fut. piav@ (Cyrene, Antipho), pass.
wtavOrjoouat, perf.pass. pepiacpar (Att.), act. wepiayKa (Plu.), pwd [3sg.-subj-aor-pass.]
beside fut. pwacet (Cyrene).
eDIAL Myc. mi-ja-ro, probably of colored fabrics.
eCOMP Rarely with prefix as éx-, Kata- ovv-. Compounded utat-pdvoc ‘committing a
defiling murder, defiled by murder’, epithet of Ares (Il. E and 9, B., Hdt., E.), pu-
ovocg (Archil.), ptat-povéw (Att.), -ia (D., D. S., Plu.). Isolated are piaxoc: piacua,
and ulaxpdv: <ob> ka8apdv (H.). 5
*DER piaopa [n.] ‘defilement, abomination, horrible stain’ (IA), on the formation see
Porzig 1942: 241; laopuds [m.] ‘defilement’ (LXX, Plu.), piavots [f.] “id” (LXX);
yudotwp [m.] ‘defiler, avenger’ (trag., late prose), -o- like in piacpa, cf. also dAdotwp;
yudvtns [m.] “id.” (EM), d-piav-toc ‘unstained’ (Thgn., Pi.), of a stone = doBeotoc
(Arist., Plin., Dsc.). Further tapdg (Il.), ptepd¢ (Call.) “defiled, soiled, polluted’,
especially through bloodcrime, with ptap-ia (Att.), -6tn¢ (An. Ox.).
*ETYM Although the interchange *r/n in ttaivw : wtapdc looks Indo-European, clear
cognates are unknown. Improbable or uncertain hypotheses are listed in Frisk.
The first member in tat-pdvoc is probably verbal, like in taAai-nwpoc, so properly
“Oo ptaivwv pdovw”. Beside it, we find ttn-pdovoc, probably secondary like AA®n-
beside AAOat-pévijc.
Blanc BSL 96 (2001): 153-179 connects Go. bi-smeitan ‘to besmear, strike’, but there is
no evidence for sm- in Greek; moreover, the development of meaning within
Germanic is not evident.
If there is no etymology, t1aivw is rather Pre-Greek. Did it have *m’a(n)-, with
palatal *m-? We know that an /a/ could be pronounced as [e] after a palatalized
consonant; this might be the origin of the ¢/a-alternation in adjectives of the type
LLapdc/twEpdc.
piyvupu =petyvou.
Lixpdc [adj.] ‘small, short, little’ (E 801, y 296, trag., Att.). <PG(V)>
*VAR Also opikpdc (P 757, Hes. Op. 361, Ion., trag., Att.), uixKdcg (Dor. Boeot.), pudc
(Att. inscr. 1V*, Trag. Adesp. 31, pap.).
*COMP Very frequent as a first member, especially in scientific and technical
language.
*DER Diminutives and hypocoristics: txbAo¢ (Mosch. 1, 13); pxbOivov: TO pkpdv Kai
vijmov ‘infant’ (H.); *puKktyog (cf. dcoixoc etc. Chantraine 1933: 404) in Lacon.
pkKtxidddpEevoc ‘under age’ (inscr.), from *ptKKtyiCopuo; cf. also the PN below.
Abstract: (o)uixpdtrc¢ [f.] ‘trifle, insignificance’ (Anaxag., Pl.). Denominative:
(o)ptkpbvw [v.] ‘to diminish, reduce, belittle’ (Demetr. Eloc., LXX), also with prefix,
especially kata-; kataopKpitw ‘id? (Arist., Phid.), opixpifecOar- Stat tao8au ‘to sift’
(H.); dnooptkpdw ‘id. (Tim. Lex.). PNs, e.g. Dpicpiviis [m.] “niggard” (Men.), like
Aioxivys, etc; Mikwv, Mikiwv, Mixv8oc, -iwv, Cpicv8iwvy (Leumann 1950: 155,
Schulze 1933a: 671). .
*ETYM The group of words has a familiar and colloquial aspect, as is shwon by the
variants pKdc and geminated tuKxkdc. The initial interchange in ptkpdc and (older)
952 uirak 1
outkpdc is unexplained and (also) points to Pre-Greek origin. The connection with
the comparative peiwv, assuming that the x was taken from the opposite paKpdc,
fails because optxpdc is clearly older: the latter cannot be combined with peiwv
(which belongs to Skt. mindti ‘reduce’, etc., and has no s-mobile). Old alternation of
suffixes in pKk-pd-¢ : pKk-v-06c¢ (Bloomfield Lang. 1 (1925): 94) is improbable.
witak 1 ‘taxus, bindweed’. eVAR pidoc. sopida.
ptikag 2 [?] + HAtkia ‘age-group’ + éviot dé péAAak. kai map’ ‘Eppinnw év Oeoic (fr. 33)
ayvorioac Aptepidwpoc éxel yap pIAdE éotiv, SnAoi Sé TOV SypoTIKdv ‘some have
wéAAak, among them Artemidorus on Hermippus’s “Gods” (fr. 33), but wrongfully,
as piAat is found there, and it means a kind petson’ (H.). DELG adds that the gloss
may be partly corrupt, referring to pédAa& in H., ie. wéA[A]axec: vewtepor ‘the
younger ones’ (corrected to peAA- by Salm.). <PG(v)>
*ETYM Identical with » piAag 1 as a metaphor? Baunack Phil. 70 (1911): 461 supposes a
cross of peipak (pronounced pip-) and péAAak (2). The word is Pre-Greek on account
of the variant seen in » péAAak.
WWA(A)Og [adj.] - Bpadvc, Xadvoc ‘slow, loose, spongy; frivolous’ (H.), cf. apyoc: pwAdc,
Bpadvc and vwoxéAeia ‘slowness’ .... wwAdTNS (-wTI¢ cod.) (HL), vwxedrc: O wtAdc,
Bpaduc, &xpnotos ‘useless; ineffective’ (H.). <PG(V)>
*DER PN Midwv (inscr.).
*ETYM Unexplained; cf. Latte Glotta 34 (1955): 19if. DELG compares > pikak 2. The
variation \/NA points to a Pre-Greek word. Fur.: 226, 317 compares mtio¢ ‘having an
eye-disease through which the eye-lashes fall out’, but this is not very convincing.
uidtos [f.] ‘ruddle, red earth, red color, cinnabar, vermillion, red lead’ (Hdt, com.,
Att. inscr.), also ‘rust’ in plants = épvoifn (Paus. Gr.), and a taboo for ‘blood’
(PMag.). <PG>
*DIAL Myc. mi-to-we-sa /miltowessa/.
*COMP ulAto-mdpnos ‘with red-painted cheeks’, of ships (Hom.), gu-, obp-pwATOG
‘painted red’ (Dsc., Lebadea).
DER ptAtaptov = ‘blood’ (PMag.), wtAteiov ‘vessel for storing u.” (AP), piAt-etoc ‘of
wu.” (AP), -wdn¢ ‘u.-colored, rich in w” (Eub. com. Str.), -ityn¢ [m.] name of a red
stone (Plin.), -6w ‘to smear with pu (Hdt, Ar.). PN MiAtetc (Epid.VI*), or an
appellative, MiAt-1a5n¢ (after Utpewi-adnc), MiAtw [f.], etc.
eETYM A technical foreign word. The connection with péAac ‘black is phonetically as
well as morphologically impossible, and semantically uncompelling. The word is
undoubtedly Pre-Greek.
wiAgot [m.pl.] a disease, ‘falling off of the eyelashes’ (Dsc., Gal.). <PG?>
*DER pidgwois [f.] ‘the falling off of the eyelashes’ (Gal.), cf. éAkwotc, iAAwotc,
kvidwotc, etc; back-formation ptA@dc [m.] ‘sbd. who suffers from pidgwotd (Vett.
Val.).
*ETYM Like so many nouns in -gog, pid@ot is etymologically unclear. Fur.: 225, 317
compares » mtiAo<g ‘id.’ and » uA(A)dc ‘slow’ (but see s.v.).
[lvrjoKw 953
juaixvAoy [n.] ‘fruit of the kdpapoc (com., Thphr.), cf. Dawkins JHS 56 (1936): 1.
<PG(V)>
eVAR Also pepaikvdog (Gal.), pydkvdoc (H.).
*ETYM A foreign word, no doubt Pre-Greek (note the variations). For the ending, cf.
&kvAog ‘acorn’ with comparable meaning.
ptiptapKuc, -vog [f.] ‘hare-soup, jugged hare’, from the intestines with their blood
(com.). < PG>
eETYM The form pipapkucg seems to display reduplication. A tempting similarity
exists with a synonymous Germanic word: OE mearh ‘sausage’, MoNw. mor ‘meat-
sausage from intestines’, ON morr ‘the fat inside a slaughtered animal’, etc. PGm.
*mdrhu- < IE *mdarku- or *morku-. If related, it would have to be a very old
anatomical expression of cattle-breeders, cf. tjvvotpov ‘fourth stomach of a
ruminant’, which is unlikely. Unrelated are Lat. murcus ‘maimed’ or Hitt. mark- ‘to
cut apart’ < *merg-.
Acc. to Neumann 1961: 85f., piuapkuc is a loan from Hitt. or another IE Anatolian
language. I agree with Fur.: 366° that the word cannot be IE. The reduplication is
clearly Pre-Greek.
[tutvijoKw [v.] ‘to remind (oneself), remember, heed, care for, make mention’ (I1.). <IE
*mneh.- ‘remind’>
eVAR Usually -opat (-oxw, Schwyzer: 7oof, Aeol. pvatoxw [gramm.], pvioKetat
Anacr.); fut. uvijow, -opat, aor. uvijoat (Dor. uvaoat), -acBat, perf. med. pwéuvnpat
(Dor. -uva-, Aeol. -uvat-) with fut. pewvroopat (all Il.), aor. pass. uvnoOijvan (6 418,
Aeol. pvac8fjvat) with fut. pvnoOrjoopat (1A).
Also pres. Lvdopat, Lv@pal, LVWovTO, LvwdpEvos, etc. (Il), ‘to woo for one’s bride,
court’ (Od.) ‘to solicit’ (Hdt., Pi.), mpo-pvdaopat ‘to court for’ (S., PL, X.); see below.
*COMP Often with prefix, especially bmo-, dva-; also map-, mpoo-vTOMWLVIOKY, ém-,
ODVV-, TIPO-AVALLLVIOKW.
DER 1. via, Dor. Aeol. vaya [n.] ‘memorial, monument, tomb’ (Il) with pvnp-
eiov, Ion. -iiov, Dor. uvap- ‘id. (Dor., IA), cf. oijpa : onpetov, etc., rare and late
-ATLOV, -ddtov, -dglov, -dplov (see > LELdpLOV); LvNATiTI|s Adyos ‘funeral oration’
(Choerob., Eust.); bm6uvn-pa ‘remembrance, note’ (Att.) with -patikds, -patifopat.
2. uvtun, Dor. vaya [f.] ‘remembrance, mention’ (Dor. IA), uvn-o-un (Lycaonia);
hence or from pvia: pvnu-tiog ‘as a remembrance’ (Phryg.), -iokouat =
LvijoKopat (pap.). 3. pveta [f.] ‘remembrance, mention’ (Att.), verbal noun < * pva-
ta like mev-ia etc. (cf. Chantraine 1933: 81). 4. uvijotic (uvao-) [f.] ‘remembrance,
thought, posthumous fame’ (v 280) with -o- like in wvnoSijvat, uvnotuc, etc; after
Afjotic (see »AavOdvw) rather than the other way round. 5. avd-, bm6-Uvn-o1c
‘remembrance, admonition’ (Att.); also uvnot- as a verbal first member in pvnot-
kakéw [v.] ‘to remember the (suffered) wrong’, whence -ia, -og (IA). 6. uvnotuc,
-voc [f.] ‘courting’ (Od.), later replaced by pvnot-eia, -evpa (see pvnotetw). 7.
uvotrp (Uvao-), -tipoc [m.] ‘wooer’ (Od.), on pvnotiip beside pvnotic see
Fraenkel 1910: 327; also month name pvaotnp (Messene); adjectival ‘remembering,
reminding’ (Pi.), uvijotetpa [f.] ‘bride’ (AP), ‘reminding’ (Pi.); uvijotpov ‘betrothal,
954 Lipos
marriage’ (Cod. Just.); mpouvijotp-ta (mpo-uvdaouat) [f.] ‘matchmaker’ (E., Ar., P1.),
-ig ‘id? (X.). 8. uvijotwp ‘mindful (A.). 9. wvnoti [f.] ‘wooed and won, wedded’
(Hom., A. R.), also “worth remembering’ (Sammelb. 6138), toAv-uvyoTtn (-0¢) ‘much
wooed’ (Od.), also ‘mindful; remaining in memory’ (Emp. A.); but A-pvatoc
(Gortyn); hence pvnotetw (uvao-) [v.] ‘to woo a wife’ (Od.), also ‘to apply for a job’,
with vijotevpa (E.), -eia (Hell.) ‘wooing’. 10. uvipwv (va-), -ovoc [m., f.] ‘mindful’
(Od.), often as the title of an office ‘notary, registrator’ (Halic., Crete, Arist.), first
derived from pvia, but also directly associated with the verb. Thence pvnpo-obvy
‘remembrance’ (© 181), also the name of one of the Muses (h. Merc, Hes.); -ovvov
[n.] ‘id.’ (Hdt, Th. Ar.); probably poetical; -gc¢ ‘for remembrance’ (LXX); besides
Mvapdv-a (Ar. Lys. 1248), cf. on ebepdvin; Mvnu-® (Orph.) = Mvrpootvn.
Denominative vnuovetw [v.] ‘to remember’ (IA), with pvnpovev-otc, -pa, etc.
Adjective uvnuov-tkdc ‘for remembrance, with good memory’ (Att.). 11. PNs like
Mvnoets (Pl.), short name of Mvijo-apxoc (BofShardt 1942: 130), MvaoiAAet
(Boeot.); Mvacéac; probably a Hellenisation of Sem. M’nasse = Mavacon.
eETYM The above paradigm (including all formations derived from tva-) is a Greek
creation. A monosyllabic IE *mneh.- is represented in classical Skt. a-mndsisuh
[3pl.aor.] ‘they mentioned’ (which recalls tvfjoat); further, in a-mnd-ta- ‘not
mentioned’ and mndyante ‘are mentioned’. It is probable that this is a root extension
of *men- ‘to remember’, but its function is unclear. Other cognate languages present
nothing that could be compared directly with the Greek forms.
It has been thought that uvdopat corresponds exactly to Skt. mndyate, so from
*mneh,-ie/o-, but it was rather analogically formed to (e.g.) the aorist uvrjoac8a;
LlpvoKw may also have been secondarily created, like e.g. KixArjoxw or BiBpwoKw.
The meaning ‘to woo a woman, court’ developed from uvdopuat ‘to think of, be
mindful of as a courteous expression; see Benveniste 1954: 13ff. The connection with
yovn < *g"n-h,- should be discarded. See > pLaivopat, > UeLova, » LEvos.
wipoc [m., f.] name of an actor, ‘mime’ (A. Fr. 57, 9, E. Rh. [lyr.], D., Plu. pap.), kind of
scenic sketch, founded by the Syracusan Sophron, ‘mimus’ (Arist.). <PG?>
eCOMP [lpLo-ypdupog ‘mime-writer’ (Hell.), Aoyd-yocg [m.] ‘actor or writer of
spoken mimes’ (Hegesand. Hist.), apxi-utpoc [m.] ‘chief comedian’ (Plu.); as a
second member mostly verbal to pipéopal, eg. yuvatkd-pios ‘imitating women’
(trag.).
*DER ppd, -ddoc [f.] ‘mimic player (female) (Ael.), uyw [f.] ‘ape’ (Suid. s.v.
miOnkoc), wi(e)ia [f.] ‘farce’ (Ph.), ppixds ‘regarding the pivoc, mimic’ (Hell.).
Probably denominative pipéopa, pturjoacGa ‘to imitate, mimic, copy (in art)’ (h.
Ap. 163), also with prefix, e.g. dmo-, éx-, with derivatives: (avtt-, dito-, éx-)pipnots
‘imitation, artistic, especially dramatic presentation’ (IA), (d7to-) pina ‘imitation,
representation’ (IA); (ovu-)puysytN¢ [m.] ‘imitator, artist? (IA), puprtwp, -opoc [m.]
‘id’ (Man.); puptikds ‘able at imitation, imitating, mimetic’ (Pl. Arist.); uyumddc
‘jd_’, also ‘imitated’ (Luc, Plu.), or ‘referring to pityoc (Chantraine 1933: 242), with
ppnAdtw (-iCw?) = pipeéopat (Ph.).
eETYM Compared with pipéopat, pipoc is attested only rarely and at a late date; still, it
is most likely that pipéopat is a denominative built on the latter. The technical
purview 955
meaning of pipoc makes aloan probable. The connection with Skt. maya [f.] ‘magic,
etc. is dated: the translation found in Frisk (following Schulze) as “Zauber(bild),
Truggestalt’ is deceptive, as it focuses on the notion of ‘image’, which is not found in
the earliest attestations of maya. It rather means ‘magical power, skill, etc.’.
uiptoc was borrowed as Lat. mimus ‘id.’. There is no etymology, and Pre-Greek origin
is quite possible.
wuv [encl.pron.] “eum, eam, id; se’, anaphoric or reflexive pron. 3sg. (IL.), late also 3pl.
<IE *h,i- ‘he, who’>
VAR Also anaph. viv ‘id.’ (Dor,, trag., cf. Bjérck 1950: 163).
eDIAL Myc. -mi /min/.
eETYM Compare especially Cypr. piv ‘id’ < *h,i-m (Lat. is, etc.). Not from a
reduplicated form *im-im (as per Rix 1976: 186), which looks rather strange for
indefinite pronouns. The initial nasal may have been taken from (the end of) the
preceding word, as happened in OP dim and OPr. dim (reanalysis of the neuter
ending *-od), e.g. in the 1sg. aorist *(h,e)deiksm Him > *(e)deiksam im >> *(e)deiksa
mim > &dei&4 uv. Cf. Beekes KZ 96 (1982-1983): 229-32.
wivdak [f.] ‘a kind of Persian incense’ (Amphis 27 Kock). <2
eETYM Unknown.
wivdec [?] ‘association for the maintenance of tombs’ (Tit. As. Min. Il, 1, 62,
[Telmessos]). <LW Lyc.?>
eDER pevditat ‘members of such a society’.
eETYM A local word, perhaps from Lycian mifiti. See Neumann 1961: 53f. and Laroche
BSL 58 (1963): 78°.
wivOn [f.] ‘mint’ ([A, Thphr., Plu.); on the mg. Kretschmer Glotta 12 (1923): 105ff.
<PG>
eVAR Also piv0a (Thphr.), wivOoc.
eDIAL Myc. mi-ta.
*ETYM A foreign word, like Lat. menta. It is undoubtedly Pre-Greek, because of the
variant ending -a. See » kahapivOn.
uivOog [m.] ‘human ordure’ (Mnesim. Com.). <PG?>
DER ptvO-dw [v.] ‘to stain with yu.’ (Ar.), metaph. ‘to renounce utterly, abominate’
(Hell., com.).
eETYM Formation like é6vOoc, oméAe8oc, etc. (Chantraine 1933: 369); further unclear,
but perhaps Pre-Greek.
uvdOw [v.] ‘to lessen, fade away’, also trans. ‘to reduce’ (Il.). <IE *mi-n(e)-u- ‘lessen,
diminish’>
*VAR Also tuvvvOavw (PMich.); ipf. -bBeoKov (gurv00et Hp.), fut. pivvdrjouw, aor.
-foot, perf. peptvbOnKa. (Hp.).
*COMP Rarely with stepi-, ovv-, aito-..
*DER Medical terms: pvi0-norc [f.] ‘waning’, -ryata [pl.] ‘what is lessening, dying
members’, -&O1¢ ‘weak, lessening’ (Hp.), on the verbal derivation see Chantraine
956 puvopiCw
1933: 431, -tkdc ‘diminishing’ (Cael. Aur.). Beside it pivuvOa [adv.] ‘for a short time’
with pvvvOddtoc ‘lasting a short time’ (Il.).
*ETYM Built after the synonym @O@tvv08u, either from a vu-present (corresponding to
Lat. minud, cf. *pOivf-w) or from an adjective *ttvbc (cf. BapvOw : Baptc), which
seems to have been preserved as a first member in a few compounds, though late and
rarely attested: puvb-wpoc, -wptoc ‘living a short time’ (AP), pivitrov- oAtydBiov
‘having a short life’ (H.). The same adjective has been recognized in pivvv0a, ie. acc.
*uvbv + -Oa e.g. after the opposite 6nO4.
An IE adj. *minu- is also presupposed by Lat. minud, and probably also by minus
(secondarily s-stem), and is assumed for Germanic (e.g. Go. minniza ‘smaller’ <
*minuiza-) as well. If a suffix -nu- is separated, Peiwv, etc. may be compared.
tuvupivw [v.] ‘to whimper, whine, complain (in a low tone)’ (E 889, 5 719), ‘to sing in a
low tone, wharble, hum’ (Ar,, Pl. Arist.). <PG?>
eV AR tavupicat [aor.] (Plu.).
DER [uvUplopa ‘twittering’ (Theoc., S. E.), -toudg ‘id.’ (sch.), -iotpta [f.] ‘twittering’
(andwv, verse inscr.); unclear pvupiypata [pl.] (Philox. 2, 28). ptvbpopat [v.] ‘to sing
in a low tone, twitter’ (A., S Ar., Call.), utvupdc¢ ‘whimpering, whining’ (A., Phryn.
Com.), ‘twittering’ (Theoc.).
eETYM Expressive and onomatopoeic words, resembling ktvupifw +: ktvbpopat :
Kivupdéc, with which they were amalgamated in a way that can no longer be
established. There is no further evidence for a variation k/, as proposed by Fur.: 388.
Still, Pre-Greek origin is possible.
Acc. to Leumann 1950: 244, ptvupiCw is the oldest form of the series. Lat. minurrié,
-ire ‘twitter’ (Suet.) shows a remarkable similarity: if it is not directly borrowed from
Greek, it was at least influenced by it. Similar reduplicated formations are puptypdc:
tov innov pwvn ‘horse’s voice’ and pdtaca: ypepeticaca, pwvrjoaca ‘to neigh (of
horses), resound’ (H.). See » utpopa.
wupyaBwp - TO AvKd@we ‘twilight’ (H.). <GR?>
eVAR Lp y@oat: 11A@oat ‘to cover with mud or clay’ (H.).
*ETYM A relationship with pioyw (uipyaBwp as dialectal Laconian or Elean for Ion.
*uloy-tFus, e.g. Brugmann-Thumb 1913: 150) has been assumed, the second element
being the word for ‘dawn’. However, the gloss on tupyd@oait (if it belongs here at all)
cannot be correct. Connection of the first element with Lith. mirgéti ‘flicker’, ON
myrkr, acc. myrkvan ‘dark’ < PGm. *merku-, *merkuiia- is improbable.
wipyua [n.] (2) ‘éni tod Kakomtvods Kal punapod Kai novinpod ‘filthy, dirty, bad’ (H.).
<>
eVAR ulpua ms, (DELG).
eETYM Unknown. Latte connects the glosses tipy@oat and pupyodAov.
tupyodAov [n.] boos, piaopa ‘defilement, stain’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Unknown. See > pipypa.
tupov [2] Stav vvotaly tic A€yovot Tapavtivot ‘The Tarentians say this whenever
someone is sleepy’ (H.). <?>
Luc8dc 957
*DER Perhaps the PN Mipwv (see Latte)?
eETYM Unknown.
pupvKeov = Lupin.
picyw
*ETYM See > pei yvup for utoy-dyketa, see also GyKoc (> dyK-).
jucéw [v.] ‘to hate, abhor’ (Pi., IA). <PG>
*VAR Aor. tlofjoat (P 272), aor. pass. twonOfvat (Hdt.), fut. pass. \woroopat (E.), also
-MPrjoopat (LXX), perf. wepion-Ka, -wat (Att.).
*COMP Also with prefix, e.g. dta-, dmo-. Very often as a first member (opposed to
PtXo-), €.g. [L06-Be0¢ ‘who hates the gods’ (A., Luc.), cf. Schwyzer: 442.
*DER piorua [n.] ‘what is hated’ (trag.), uion®pov (-tpov) ‘charm producing hatred’
(Luc, pap.), after otépynOpov, Benveniste 1935: 203; tor Téc ‘hated, hateful’ (A, X.),
“NtLKG ‘prone to hatred’ (Arr.), piorjtile: picet, otbyet ‘id? (H.). pont [f.]
‘lascivious woman, whore’ (Archil. [?], Cratin.), accent according to Ammon. 94; cf.
|uon|t6c: .., amAnotoc ‘greedy’ (H.) with unclear change of mg., with wontia
‘lasciviousness, unsatiable desire’ (Ar., Procop.). uticoc [n.] ‘hatred, enmity, grudge,
object of hatred’ (trag,, Att.).
*ETYM The date and the spread of the respective attestations do not favor the
common assumption that jucéw is a denominative to tiooc; if it were, we would
expect an aorist Hom. “pioe(o)oev instead of pionoev (but perhaps it is analogical
after piAnoev?).
A suffix -cog does not exist in inherited words. Therefore, Fur.: 254 assumes a Pre-
Greek word, with an assibilated dental *t’.
to Odc [m.] ‘hire, pay, wages, reward, daily wages’ (II.). <1E *misd'o- ‘salary’>
*COMP Several compounds, e.g. to80-56-tn¢ [m.] ‘who pays the wages’, -téw, -oia
(Att.), compounded forms of pic8dv Sobvan with a suffix -ty-; p1080-popéw [v.] ‘to
get paid’ with -pdpoc ‘who served for hire’, -popa ‘wages’; éu-pto80¢ ‘being paid’
(Att.).
*DER Diminutive tuoO8apiov (Hp., com., pap.); pio®iog [adj.] ‘hired’ (Hell.);
utoOdopat, -dw [v.] ‘to hire for oneself, act. ‘to hire’ (IA) with several derivatives:
uioOwpa ‘rent, lease’ (Att.), -wpdtiov (Alciphr.), uicOwotc ‘hiring’ (Att.), -wooc
‘which can be hired’ (Lex. apud D.), -wotaiog (gloss.); pto8wtdc (directly from
uto06c?) ‘hired, hireling, mercenary’ (IA), -wtrj¢ [m.] ‘tenant’ (Att.), -wtpia [f.]
(Phryn. Com.), -wttkdc ‘belonging to rent’ (Pl., pap.), -wtrptov ‘meeting place of the
wucOwtot (Ephesus II?, H. s.v. Sw’ AGEs).
*ETYM This old word for ‘reward, recompense’ vel sim. was also preserved in Indo-
Iranian, Germanic and Slavic: Skt. midhd- [n.] ‘prize in a contest, contest’, Av.
mizda- [n.] ‘wages’, Go. mizdo [f.] ‘wages’, MoHG Miete ‘rent’, OCS mozda, Ru.
mzda [f.] ‘wages, hire, reward’, all from IE *misd"6-. Because of the gender of the
Gm. and Slav. words, Meillet MSL .21 (1920): 11 considers *misd"6- to be an old
feminine; but if so, the change of gender in tc86c would be remarkable. In the sense
958 LLoTUAT]
of ‘wages’, ,uo8dc¢ was replaced by oywwvov in the Hell. period (Chantraine 1956a:
2sf.).
wot DAN
*ETYM See > utvoTtAn (also for piotvAGopat).
wot BAA [v.] ‘to cut up meat’ (I].). <PG?>
eVAR Aor. tuotbAat, -acBat (Semon., Lyc., Nonn.); dta-puotbAat (Hdt. 1, 132).
*DER Backformation ,tiotvAAov ‘piece of meat’ (Strato Com.).
eETYM As a denominative, juottdAAw seems to go back to *potbAog ‘cut up,
consisting of pieces’ (cf. otwptAAw : -bAOG, KaytMbAAW : -bAOG). As a further basis,
one might posit a noun *,uoto-, which could stand for *miT-to-, and could be
connected with some Germanic words for ‘hew, cut’, e.g. Go. maitan ‘to injure,
mutilate’. Skt. méthati ‘to be inimical’ is not related (cf. Mayrhofer EWAia). The
word may rather be Pre-Greek. See > titvAoc.
wtiov, -voc, -éws [n.] 1. ‘copper ore’ found in Cyprus (Hp.); 2. ‘ruffle, Tuber aestivum’,
growing near Cyrene (Thphr.), cf. André 1956 s.v. misy. <LW Anat.?>
eETYM Perhaps an adjective ‘brilliant’ borrowed from an Anatolian language; cf. Hitt.
misriuant- ‘brilliant’, from the root *meis- (Skt. misdti ‘to open the eyes’). See
Neumann Kadmos 28 (1989): 94f.
wioxog [m.] 1. ‘stalk of a leaf, fruit or flower’ (Thphr., Porph.); 2. name of a Thessalian
instrument for field work, ioyupdtepov étt tij¢ SuKéAAng ‘even stronger than the 6.’,
. & paddAov eic BaBoc Katiov mAgiw yi Tepitpémet Kai KatwtépwOev ‘which,
reaching deeper, turns around more earth, and from a greater depth’ (Thphr.). Acc.
to H. = 6 napa t@ pbAAW KOxKkog ‘the seed at the leaf, which can hardly be correct.
Also difficult to understand is jtickog = ‘pod, shell’ (Poll. 6, 94). Extensively on
pticxoc Strémberg 1937: 115f. <1. PG(V); 2. PG?(V)>
*COMP &-{uo oc ‘without stalk’ (Thphr.).
eETYM Probably an agricultural term in origin, and transmitted to botany by the
botanist Theophrastus. No etymology. The connection with jtioxatog: Kijtog ‘garden’
(H.), which is also compared to Lith. miskas ‘wood, forest’, also ‘wood for burning or
building’, is semantically void, unless one accepts a basic meaning ‘trunk, bar’ for the
Lith. word.
Fur. 133 connects psioog with ptiokog ‘pod, shell’, which means that the word is Pre-
Greek. However, he does not connect the stalk with the Thessalian tool. On the other
hand, he may be right in connecting the latter with ticxatog ‘garden’, where oy/ox
also points to Pre-Greek origin.
witog [m.] mg. uncertain, ‘thread of the warp, chain’ vel sim., also ‘thread’ in general,
Lat. licium (since Y 762), see Bliimner 1875-1887: 141ff. where other interpretations
are discussed. Cf. kata ptitov ‘uninterrupted’ (Pherecr., Plb.). <?>
*COMP Often as a second member, e.g. Aentd-uTo¢ ‘with fine threads’ (E.), moAv-
Lutos ‘consisting of many threads, damask’ (A., Cretin., Peripl. M. Rubr.).
uva 959
DER jutt@dn¢ ‘thread-like, made of threads’ vel sim. (S. Ant. 1222), ptitivot ‘licinae’
(gloss.), tutrnpdc, putdptov (sch. E. Hec. 924); tutdopiat, -woac8at [v.] ‘to hitch up
threads vel sim. (AP), pticac@au(?) ‘id’ (Pl. Com.), ,utioacBau ‘liciare’ (gloss.).
*ETYM Because of the uncertain meaning, all explanations are hypothetical.
uitpa [f.] ‘girdle bound with metal’ (11), ‘maiden’s girdle’ (Theoc., A. R., Call.), ‘fillet,
diadem’ (Alcm., Hdt., E., Ar., Call.), ‘victor’s chaplet, wreath’ (Pi.). <2>
VAR Ion. -pn [f.].
*COMP jtltpn-pdposg (also -o-g-) ‘bearing a it. (Hdt, Plu.), aiodo-pitprys ‘with
glittering girdle’ (E 707, Theoc.), on the ending -1)¢ see Schwyzer: 451); &-ptpoc
‘without girdle’ (Call.).
*DER jutpiov (gloss.), ,utpw@dn¢ ‘like a tt. (An. Ox.), kutpatov (cod. -gov) motKkiAov
‘many-colored’ (H.); putpdopat, -dw [v.] ‘to put on or wear a tL, to dress with a ut
(Str., Nonn.).
eETYM For comparison, one has thought of Skt. mitrd- [n., m.] friend’, properly
‘friendship’, Av. mi@ra- [m.] ‘treaty, friend’, as a personification ‘Mithra = OP
Mi9ra-, assuming an inherited word *mi-tro- with original meaning ‘connection’,
from IE *mei- ‘to bind, attach’ (Pok. 710). The combination remains quite
hypothetical, as long as a corresponding primary verb is not found (Ilr. may- ‘to fix,
establish’?). Extensive treatment of mitrd- in Mayrhofer EW4Aia s.v.
Given its technical meaning, \titpa (which is isolated in Greek) could very well be a
loan, perhaps from an Indo-Iranian source. Or does the short -& (in the acc. pitpav
[LSJ) point to a Pre-Greek word?
witvAos [adj.] Adjunct of aif (Theoc. 8, 86) of uncertain mg; acc. to H. jtitvAov.
éoxatov, viymiov. Aakedai,toves ‘utmost, childish; foolish’. <?>
eVAR [t0TIAov: éoxatov, ap’ od Kai TOV vewtatov ‘utmost, whence (?) also the
youngest’. of dé kai 16 dtoBaivov Kai 6 viymiog Kai 6 véog ‘that which results, infant,
young one’ (H.); see Leumann Glotta 32 (1953): 217.
eETYM Explained as ‘hornless’ and connected with tuotbAAw, in which case pttA0¢
must have arisen by means of metathesis. However, as DELG remarks, the
explanation may be due to a folk-etymology with Lat. mutilus by a later scholiast.
Dissimilation from an original *ttstvAog could be imagined (similar cases in
Schwyzer: 258). The similarity with the PN MoutiAnvn (also MitvA-) is probably
irrelevant (cf. WH s.v. mutulus).
wituc, -vos [f.] name of a substance used by bees (Arist.). < PG?>
*ETYM Unexplained; it could very well be Pre-Greek.
uva [f.] ‘mina’, weight and a sum of money = 100 drachmae (IA). <LW Sem.>
VAR Gen. -a¢ (Ion. -f¢), etc., Ion. jrvéau [pl.].
*DER Diminutive ttvaddptov (Diph. Com.), probably for *tvad-dptov from *[tva-
dtov, -uva-tdtov (like Cw5-dptov : C@-Sdtov); [tva-aiog, [vaiog ‘weighing or worth a
mina’ (com., X., Arist.), -idiog ‘id? ¢Arist., Hell.), -ieiov [n.] golden coin = 1 silver-
mina (pap.); on -taiog, -telog see Chantraine 1933: 49 and 53.
960 Uvdopat
*ETYM A Semitic loanword. Cf. Hebr. mane, Akk. mani name of a weight. Borrowed
from va was Lat. mina. Skt. mana- [f.], name of a golden ornament, remains far;
but MoP man as a designation of a weight might belong here, too; see Mayrhofer
EWAia 2: 308. Fur.: 380 connects pvdaotoc/v and assumes a cultural term from the
Near East.
{tvdoptat “to remember, think of, ponder’, also ‘to woo (a woman), court’. =WIpLvioKw.
uvapdv [adj.] glossed as padakdv, 5b, pPaddtov ‘delicate, sweet, easy’ (Phot.), or
Ovufpes ‘delightful’ (H.), respectively (Cratin. 431). <?>
*ETYM Probably for umapdv (*uviapov), cf. Schwyzer: 274. See > uviov.
{tvdotov [n.] name of an Egyptian waterplant, ‘Cyperus esculentus’ (Thphr.). <Lw
Eg.>
VAR Also pvavtotov.
*ETYM From Eg. mnw; see Hemmerdinger Glotta 46 (1968): 245.
uviov [n.] ‘seaweed’ (Lyc., Nic., Agatharch., Str.), also uvidc = amaddc ‘soft’ (Euph. 156
from EMand Hdn.). <?>
*DER ilvt-Getc (A. R.), -wdn¢ (Nic.), -apd¢ (Opp.; AP) ‘weak like moss’.
eETYM Unexplained. See » uvdoc,
tvdoc, ttvoic [m.] ‘soft down’ (on young birds) (Hp., Ar., AP). 42>
*ETYM Rhyming word with yv6oc, yvotc [m.] ‘down, foam, crust’. On the other
hand, cf. uviov ‘seaweed’. Is trvdoc a cross from these two? See > uviov.
ttve@a [f.] name of the serf population of Crete. <?>
eVAR pvwia, uvota.
*ETYM Polomeé Latomus 13 (1954): 83 argues against the connection with Georg.
mona ‘servant, slave’ as a Caucasian-Pre-Greek correspondence (as per Hubschmid
1953b: 103, with Dumézil). See » dude.
toyéw [v.] ‘to toil, be distressed, suffer’ (IIl.). <PG>
*VAR pLeLoynwe [perf.ptc.] (Nic.).
eCOMP Rarely with ovv-, év-. As a first member in poyoo-tékoc epithet of Eileithyia
il.) and Artemis (Theoc.), who where assist at child-birth; also of wdivec (Lyc.), of
the Trojan horse (Tryph. Ep.), of @pa (Nonn.). Compound mg. uncertain, but not
(as per Bechtel 1914) ‘causing pain’, taking poyoo- as an acc. pl. < *~dyove. In any
case, LOYO-TOKOG was metrically impossible (Chantraine 1942: 95).
*DER pLOyog [m.] ‘toil, trouble, distress’ (A 27, rare). From pdyoc probably poyepdc
‘laborious, distressful’ (trag.). Adverb poytc ‘with toil, barely’ (Il.). Perhaps PN
Moyéa@ [m.] (Boeot.).
eETYM poyéw may be a denominative from udyog, but the scarcity of the substantive
makes it more probable that an old intensive verb poyéw gave rise to udyoc as a
back-formation.
There are no certain cognates. The Baltic adjective Lith. smagus ‘heavy, strong,
powerful (of blows)’, Latv. smag(r)s ‘heavy’ rather belongs to Lith. smodgti, 1sg.
smagiu ‘to scourge, beat, throw (something heavy)’. Meier-Briigger Glotta 70 (1992):
LoLydg 961
134f. proposes that the word belongs to *megh,- ‘big’, but this is semantically not
immediately convincing.
A by-form with initial ou- is found in opoyepdv- oxAnpdv, émipovdAov, Lox8npdv
‘harsh, treacherous, sorrowful’ (H.), cf. also »ouvyepdc ‘painful’, etc. Beside
Opoyepdov and ouvyepdc, Fur.: 140, 363 connects Udy8oc, LoxAdc, and judges the
group (probably correctly so) to be Pre-Greek. See on »uddAoc. See > Ldx8oc,
P LOXAdc, » LOALC.
{t680¢ [m.] “battle-din’ (Il, Hes. Sc., Nic.). <PG?>
*COMP LoBotpac: Tac Aabac tov Kwmdv ‘the grips of a handle’ (H.), explained in
Solmsen 1909: 567.
*DER pO0ak, -akoc [m.] ‘child of the Helotes or Perioikoi, who has received his
education together with a Spartan’ (Phylarch. Hist. [III*], Plu, Ael.); ud8wv, -wvoc
[m.] = dak (sch., EM., H.), also ‘impudent man’ vel sim. (Ar. Pl. 279), parodically
represented as a demon (beside KofaAot etc., Ar. Eq. 635); name of a vulgar dance,
practised by sailors (Ar., Poll.), also name of a melody on the flute that accompanies
the dance (Trypho apud Ath. 14, 618c). woOwwkdc ‘like the u60wvec’ (Ion apud Plu.
Per. 5), po8wvia: dAaCoveia tic TOD COMLATOS KLvI}TLKT] “a boasting posture of the body
that sets in motion’ (EM).
eETYM The great stylistic difference between epic ud80c and Dor. yd8ak and pd8wv
is remarkable, but it is clear that Homer preserves the oldest meaning ‘turmoil’.
No cognates outside Greek. Has been compared with CS motati se ‘agitari’, Ru.
motdt’ ‘to throw to and fro, waste; to reel, wind up’, or with Skt. mdnthati, mathnati
‘to stir, shake’, but Gr. 0 as against Sl. t and Skt. th contradicts this (*-tH- does not
regularly yield Gr. -9-); moreover, regarding the latter equation, a vocalic nasal does
not vocalize to -o- in this position in any Greek dialect. Perhaps the word is Pre-
Greek.
[Loutvaw
*ETYM See pvdw (s.v. > uvw) and » LWAAOV.
pLoutwAdrAw
eETYM See WWAAW s.v. » UWAN.
[Loiog =opotdc.
loipa [f.] ‘part, share, lot’. =peipopat.
ttoitoc [m.] ‘xdptc, thanks, favour’ (Sophr. 168). <LW Ital.2>
*ETYM As the word is Sicilian, perhaps it is a borrowing from OLat. (or Italic?)
*moitos ‘exchange’ (seen in Lat. mutdre ‘to change, exchange’; cf. mituus ‘mutual’,
etc.); see WH s.v. mutd. At any rate, unrelated to the group » duotoc, » Lotoc, and
> OLOLOc.
{torxdc [m.] ‘adulterer’ (IA), ‘idolatrous person’ (Ep. Jac. 4, 4), cf. polyaric, porxda,
-e0w. IE? *hmeig'- ‘urinate’>
eCOMP Sometimes as a first member, e.g. polx-dypta [n.pl.] ‘fine imposed on one
taken in adultery’ (0 332), after »Cwaypia, Chantraine 1956a: 513 (cf. s.v.); also
962 wdKpwv
oe = |olxd¢ (Vett. Val.), probably back-formation from KaTaporyevw
pap.).
*DER A. Several feminine formations, mostly late: |toix-a¢ (Aeschin. Socr.), -adic
(LXX, NT, Hld.), also ‘idolatrous woman’ (NT), -1, -i¢ (Ar. Byz.), -atva (Tz.); older
LLoixebtpia (see below).
B. Adjectives: ,1o1x-iS5toc ‘begotten in adultery’ (Hecat., Hdt, Hyp.), after koupidtoc,
see on ® KOPN}; -tKOG (Luc., Plu.), -to¢ (AP), -@Sn4¢ (Com. Adesp., Ptol.) ‘adulterous’.
C. Abstract formation: jorxoobvn = poryeta (Man.).
D. Denominatives: 1. taxa [v.] ‘to seduce into adultery, be adulterous’ (originally
Doric: Gortyn -(w), of a man (the Lacedaimonian Callicratidas in X. HG 1, 6, 15);
~dopat ‘“id.’, of women and men (LXX, NT), ‘té:be idolatrous’ (LXX), ‘to bastardize’
(Ael.), after Lat. adulterare; 2. Lotxevw = -dw, also pass. ‘to be seduced’ (Xenoph.
Att.), med. -evopiat ‘to be adulterous’ (Att. only of women, LXX also of men); to
idolate’ (LXX); jroiyeia ‘adultery’ (Att.), jorxev-trig = pL01Xd¢ (Man.), -tpia [f.] (Pl.
Plu.); 3. Lotx-aivw (Vett. Val.); 4. -alw (Anon. apud Suid.) ‘id’.
*ETYM Often analyzed as an agent noun of > Oueixw ‘to urinate’, as a vulgar
expression. Borrowed as Lat. moechus. The initial laryngeal (*h,meig*-) is usually
assumed not to have vocalized before a resonant and an o-grade root (the Saussure
Effect). Alternatively, it may be thought that the semantic connection of adultery
with urinating is not specific enough, and that the etymology must be abandoned.
HOKpwv [?] [Lkpwva- Tov dEbv. "EpvOpaior ‘sharp’ (H.). <PG?>
uy Latte Gnomon 31 (1959): 32 corrects it to ,6kwva, after the Acarnanian name
Mokwvy; an adjective *t16kwv would explain LLokKwveic: Tepippoveic ‘very thoughtful;
arrogant’ (ms. [toxKw@vwotc). Fur.: 341, 372 identifies LOKpwv with dyiakpw@rtic =
GyimehOmpacov ‘wild leek, Allium Ampeloprasum’ (Ps-Dsc. 2, 150), but it remains
unclear on which grounds.
HoAydc [m.] ‘bag made of cowhide’ (Ar. Eq. 963, D. C.), Tarentinian acc. to Poll. 10,
187. <LW Thrac.>
eDER tOAytvoc ‘made of ox-hide’ (Theodorid. apud Poll. 10, 187); p6d-ynjg, -17to¢ [m.]
(like névng, TAdvI|G, etc.) = LLox8npdc (Crates Gramm. apud sch. Ar. Eq. 959), in the
same mg. also ,toAydc (Suid.).
eETYM Differs from a Germanic word for “bag, pouch’ only in the velar and accent:
OHG malaha, MHG malhe ‘leather bag’, ON malr ‘bag’ < IE *médlko-. It has
therefore been assumed that Gr. -y- is due to borrowing, perhaps from Thracian
(thus Pok. 747). Also, Go. balgs “ballows, bag’, Ir. bolg have been compared, in which
case LtoAyéc must have been phonetically influenced by apérAyw.
Fur.: 126 assumes a pre-IE Wanderwort. Cf. Taillardat 1962: §§160 and 209,
commenting on the meaning ‘glutton, kivatdoc’; cf. also Taillardat REGr. 64 (1951):
10ff.
toAgiv ‘to go, come’. =BAWoKw.
LtOAOUpOG 963
ttoAebw [v.] ‘to cut off and transplant the shoots of trees’ (Lex. Att. apud Poll. 7, 146);
LloAovelv: €yKOMTELV Tag Tapapudadas ‘to engrave the offshoots’ (H.). <1E? *melh;-
“come, appear’, PG?>
eETYM Probably built on *,16A0¢ or *poAevc ‘runner’, from the root of ttoAkiv ‘to go,
come’; see » BAWoKw. The form jtoAovetv is explained as modelled on koAovetv.
Perhaps, {16Aoupoc [m.] ‘kind of snake’, oAoupic, -idoc [f.] ‘locust’ (Nic.) should
also be included here? It may be asked, however, whether the variation -ov-/-ev- is
not rather a Pre-Greek phenomenon. I do not believe in a variation |t/k as in
LoAetbw/KoAobw (Fur.: 388). See > LLGAOUpOG.
MOAIs [adv.] ‘hardly, barely’ (trag., Att.). <?>
eVAR = [LOYIc.
*ETYM No etymology. Earlier proposals (see Solmsen 1909: 169ff.) are problematic:
connection with ,iddoc ‘fight’, if from earlier ‘trouble’, is formally doubtful because
of the root vocalism; that with ,1éAAw ‘to be about to do, hesitate, etc.’, semantically
uncompelling. See > Ltoyéw.
HoAOBpdc [m.] scornful or ignominious qualification, referring to Odysseus, who has
not yet been identified, by the goat-herd Melanthos and the beggar Iros (p 219, 0 26;
after this Lyc. 775); also of the head (keqaAn) of a plant in unknown mg. (Nic. Th.
662). <PG(V)>
DIAL Myc. mo-ro-go-ro /molog"ros/.
eDER toAdBp-tov [n.] ‘the young of a swine’ (Ael.), -itny¢ bc ‘id’ (Hippon.). PN
MoAoBpog [m.] (Th. 4, 8, 9; Lacon.).
eETYM Numerous doubtful proposals have been advanced. In antiquity: and tot
LtoAetv Kai tapayiveoBat mpdc Bopav Kai tpopryv ‘from going, and having recourse
to food’ (sch. Lyc. 775), which is clearly folk-etymology; and also recently: Neumann
KZ 105 (1992): 75-80 derives it from *tLodog, related to Skt. mdla- [n.] ‘dirt’, and the
root *g’rh,- ‘eat’ in BiBpwoKw, assuming a meaning ‘Dreckfresser’. Although this is
clearly better than earlier proposals, it does not explain the second member -Bpog, as
*-g"rHo- would have given *-Bapo- (I do not accept the loss of laryngeals in
compounds). Rather a Pre-Greek word; Fur. 388 compares koAdBptov ‘young of a
swine’ (Ar. Byz. apud Eust.).
ftoAGBovpos ‘evergreen plant, asphodill, Asphodelus ramosus’ or = dAdoxotvos,
‘Scirpus holeschoenus’ (Euph. 133, Nic. Al. 147). 4?
eETYM Unknown.
t6Aovpos [?] unidentified snake (Nic. Th. 491). <?>
*ETYM It has been assumed that a word for a locust is derived from this word:
ptodoupic, -id0¢ (Nic. Th. 416). Gow and Scholfield think that it is the snake
toAovpoc, but Gil Fernandez 1959: 52 translates ‘locust’. Hesychius has |toAodptc:
aidoiov ‘private parts KoAoBr Ady) ‘blunt spear(head)’: 7} ,1dAc ovpwv ‘urinating
with difficulty’ (folk-etymology), and ptodovpidec: Batpaxides kai tov otaxbwv Ta
yovata ‘little frogs, the knees of the offspring’ (?); Suid. has ttoAvpic, podvpidec:
wodvpidas tac aKpidas ‘locusts’ pact. No etymology.
964 HOOK
toAdxn [f.] ‘mallow’. =paddyn.
ptoAmH [f.] ‘dance with song’. >yéA Tw.
HdAGov [n.]? - ceAivov KavAdg Kai dvOoc ‘stalk and flower of the celery’ - oi 58 thv
bropvdda (H.). <%>
eETYM Unknown.
tt6AGo¢ [m.] 6 SrUdc. Aiodeic fat (Aeol.) (H.). <2
*ETYM Compared with yéAdw. See Hoffmann 1893: 241, who reads dr U16¢ for SfjpLoc.
tOAVB Soc [m.] ‘lead’ (IA). «LW IE Anat.>
*VAR HOAIBog (A 237, also Hell. prose), als wdAvBocs (LXX), uddAtBSoc (Plu.
BoAvBSoc (Att. defix.), BoAyLOC (Delph., Epid.), res ie . sy erect :
*DIAL Myc. mo-ri-wo-do.
*COMP pLoAvBSo-xoéw ‘melt lead, solder with lead’ (Ar, inscr.).
*DER A. Substantives: oAvBd-atva [f.] ‘weight of lead, plummet, ball of lead’ (Q 80
Hp., Arist.), ‘a plant, Plumbago europaea’ (Plin.), see Strémberg 1940: 26; file:
diatvar, etc. (Schwyzer: 475, Chantraine 1933: 109); -i¢ [f.] ‘id’ (Att. Hell.); -tov [n.]
leaden weight’ (Hp.), poAiB-tov [n.] ‘leaden pipe’ (Antyll. apud Orib.), -iSiov (Hero);
LoAvpd-Iti¢ [f.] ‘lead-sand’ (Dsc., Plin.); -wua ‘lead-work’ (Moschio apud Ath ‘
HoAvBac, -Gtog [m.] ‘lead-worker’ (pap.). a
a a Ram a ces (WOAIB-) ‘leaden’ (IA, Paul. Aeg.), -ob¢ (uodiB-, LoAvB-)
1d. (Att. Hell.); -@d1j¢ ‘like lead’ (Dsc., Gal.), -txdc ‘ y SV: TC
eae aaa ae ( Gal.), -1xd¢ ‘leaden’ (gloss.), podvBpdv: Td
C. Verbs: pokvBSdopat (uodtB-) ‘to be furnished with leaden weights, etc.’ (Arist.)
with -wotg (gloss.); nept-BoAiB@oat ‘frame with lead’ (Rhod.); poAvBd-1dw [v.] ‘to
have the color of lead’ of the face, as a symptom of disease (Com. Adesp.).
Here also poAPic: otaOuidv tt éntapvaiov (H.) with loss of internal 1 or v (Solmsen
1909: 607).
*ETYM Because of its variants, the word is commonly considered to be an Anatolian
loan. The form Bodog would be due to metathesis and BodtBog due to assimilation.
The forms p6AiBoc and pdAvBdoc are clearly the most archaic; apart from these
there is also Myc. /moliwdos/; and LOAtBSoc is now also found in Olbia about 560%
ee Mycenaean form could easily be the oldest, assuming that i changed to u before
w(d).
A connection with Lat. plumbum cannot be substantiated. The Latin word is rather
related to Celt. *pl(o)ud"o-, as I have shown in Beekes MSS 59 (1999): 7-14; the
Germanic word *laud- (E lead) was borrowed from Celtic. The Greek word cannot
have come from the West (cf. also Basque bertn ‘lead’), as lead was much older in
Greece.
The Greek word has now been compared with Lyd. marivda-, of which we now
know that it meant ‘dark’ (as in E murky); its Hitt. equivalent is ‘Markuuaia-
chtonic deities’. marivda- would be an IE word from the root *merg”-, *morg"iio-
giving *marwida-, which may have become *marwda- with syncope, which in turn
Ovo 965
might have become *marwida- by anaptyxis. For the semantics connecting ‘lead’ and
‘dark’, cf. Lat. plumbum nigrum. See Melchert 2004.
toAvvw [v.] ‘to defile, pollute, stain’ (Att.). < IE? *mel(h,)- ‘dirt’>
*VAR Mostly present stem; pohvv@, woAdvat, -vvOijvat, etc. (Hell.).
eCOMP. Also with prefix, e.g. dva-, ovv-.
*DER LOA-vvotc, -vopdc ‘defilement, pollution’ (LXX, Str.), -vopa ‘stain’ (late), -vppa
‘id’ (gloss.); poAvviny 1 muy ‘behind, rump’ (H.), udAvyvov-: Svotahéov (H.), leg.
abota\gov “dried up’?; Latte gives Seicahéov ‘filthy’ vel sim.
Perhaps also the Boeot. HN Moddoate, if “the filthy one”, from *udA0¢?
*ETYM Denominative in -bvw from an unattested base form. Schmidt KZ 32 (1893):
384 connects it with Lith. mulvé ‘mud, mire’ and the factitive verb mulvinti ‘to cover
with mire’. In order to combine the root vocalism with that of Lithuanian, he
assumes *pLadbvw (like Lith. -ul- from *-J-), and assimilation *a > o before v in the
following syllable, but there are too many counterexamples to such a rule.
Numerous words for ‘dark, dirty color’ and ‘dirt, defilement’ are assembled under a
root *mel(H)-, but only Skt. mdla- [n.] ‘dirt, defilement’ is of interest here, with a
derivative mdlavant- ‘dirty’, which formally matches the hydronym ModAdetc. Both
Greek poAtvw and ModAdetc may have been built on older *~dAoc, -ov ‘dirt’ (cf.
aioxtvw, oxkAnptvw, etc.), which corresponds with the Skt. word if we assume a pre-
form *molH-o-. Cf. Mayrhofer EWAia, s.v. mdla-.
Alternatively, Fur: 227 compares poAbvet- poAbvet (H.), which could point to a Pre-
Greek word. See > péAac.
ptovartoc [m.] Paeonic word for Bovacoc, BoAtv8o«, ‘aurochs’ (Arist.). <PG(V)>
eVAR Also pdvaurtog (Arist.), u6vwy, -witoc (Ael.).
*ETYM Fur.: 207, etc. adduces pdvaittog (Arist. Id. Mir. 830a) and derives udvwtoc
(Antig. Mir. 53 cod.) from *uovaftos < *y“ovamtoc; both pdvattoc and *povantocg
may continue a Pre-Greek pre-form *monap’-. Other variants could be BoAtv8oc and
Bdvac(o)oc, but details are unclear.
povOvAebw [v.] ‘to stuff, fill, etc” <PG?(v)>
*ETYM If dvOvAetw stands for FovO-, it may show the characteristic Pre-Greek
variation F/ (Fur.: 246). See » dvOvAEtu.
wOvytog ‘lasting, steadfast’. +yéEvw.
ttovoc [adj.] ‘alone’. <IE? *men- ‘small’, *mon-uo- ‘alone’>
VAR LLobvos (epic Ion.), u@voc (Theoc.).
*COMP Frequent as a first member, e.g. dv-apxoc [m.] ‘monarch’ (uobv-), with -éu,
-ia, etc. (Thgn., Pi., 1A).
*DER 1. Lovdc, “ovvic, -ddoc as an adj. [f., m.] ‘lonely’ (trag., AP), subst. [f.] ‘unity’
(Pl.) with povad-taiog ‘of uniform greatness’ (Hero), -«d¢ ‘consisting of unities,
uniform, individual’ (Arist.), -toti [adv.] ‘in unities’ (Nicom.), -top6¢ [m.] “formation
of unity’ (Dam.). 2. wovax-f (Pl. X.), -@¢ (Arist.) ‘only in one way’, -ob (Pl., Thphr.)
‘only in one place’; wovaydc [adj.] ‘single’ (Arist. Epicur.), also [m.] ‘hermit, monk’
(AP, Procop.), Lat. monachus, with povay-ovoa [f.] (Jerusalem VIP), -1xdc¢ [adj.]
966 udpa
‘hermit-like, monkish’ (Just. pap. VIP); substantive povaytouds ‘monastic life’;
Hovax-dw ‘to get lonely’ (Aq.). 3. wovvdk [adv.] ‘lonely, alone’ (Od., Arat.), wovatta
‘lonelyness’ (sch., Eust.) from *povatdc like &t&dc, etc; PN Movéétog (VP). 4. povds,
Lobwos ‘living alone, wild’ (Call, AP), woviacs [m.] ‘lonely man’ (Ael.). 5. povia, -in
‘lonelyness, celibacy’ (Max.), Hovortng [f.] ‘unity’ (Sm., Iamb.), ‘singularity’ (Alex.
Aphr. in Metaph.). 6. povvd8ev (Hdt. 1, 16; vi. -o8évta), pova-dnyv (A. D., EM),
ouva-d6v (Opp.) ‘lonely, alone’. 7. Verbs: Lovdopat (ovv-) [v.] ‘to be left alone’,
-6w ‘to leave alone’ (11.), with udv-wotc ‘lonelyness’ (PL. Ph.), -t1¢ [m.] = Loviac
(Arist.), -wtikdc ‘(left) alone’ (Ph.); povatw [v.] ‘to stay alone, separate oneself
(LXX, Christ. authors, gramm.) with povacuds ‘lonely situation’ (Eust.),
Hovactripiov ‘cell of a hermit, cloister’ (Ph., pap;), wovaorpra [f.] ‘nun’ (Just.).
*ETYM PGr. *pvfocg (whence Ion. podvoc, Att. Ovoc) probably stands beside
*pavpdc in wavéc, » uavoc ‘thin, rare’, albeit with a somewhat different meaning.
The latter agrees with Arm. manr, gen. manu ‘small, thin’. An element -yo- also
appears in the synonym *oifoc (see > oloc), and also in » doc < *sol-uo- ‘whole’.
Otherwise, *p6vfoc is isolated. A different formation may be found in Skt. mandk ‘a
little’, Lith. meyikas ‘scanty’, ToB menki [n.] ‘lack’, etc. which contain a velar.
Unrelated is Hitt. maninku- ‘short, near’,
LL6pa =e{popau.
Hopytac [f.] - yaotpipapyias Kal axpatiac ‘gluttony, being without command;
incontinence’ (H.). <PG?(v)>
*ETYM It has been suggested that this is the Aeolic equivalent of *uapyiac. On the
other hand, we may also be dealing with the Pre-Greek variation a/o (Pre-Greek,
sections 6.1 and 6.3). See » udpyoc.
HOpyoc [m.] ‘twined basket of a chariot, in which straw and chaff was transported’
(Poll. 7, 116, H.); acc. to H. also oxbtivov or Bdetov tebxo¢ ‘leather ware’. <PG?>
*DER Lopyevw [v.] ‘to transport in a udpyoc’ (Poll. L.c.). Unclear pdpytov: uétpov yis,
5 éott thEBpov. Kai eiSoc aunéAov ‘land measure, which equals a plethron; also a
kind of vine’ (H.). Chantraine reads HOptiov and connects poptr, without
argumentation.
eETYM The connection with > Oudpyvuut or Apopydcs would presuppose the
operation of the Saussure’s Law (loss of initial or root-final laryngeal in an o-grade
root). However, the connection is semantically uncompelling and speculative. As a
technical term, probably Pre-Greek. See > LLdapyoc.
jtopiat [f.pl.] of £Aaia, probably to be corrected in Hoptai (Scheller 1951: 128 and 132+),
name of holy olives in Athens (Ar., Lys., Arist.). Thence A@nva Mopia and Zevc
Mépto¢ as protectors of olive culivation (S.). Cf. Nilsson 1941(1): 442. 42>
eVAR Rarely sing.
*ETYM Probably from udpoc, pdptov ‘lot, share’ (see > usipoua), as these trees
formed the share due to the goddess in every plantation (Latte in PW 16: 302f.).
Nilsson (lc. fn. 4) refers to “den primitiven Rechtsbrauch, da ein Baum dem
gehért, der ihn gepflanzt hat, auf welchem Boden er auch wachst”. Different
LOpHLM, -odc¢ 967
explanation by Heubeck Beitr. z. Namenforsch. 1 (1949): 281 (with Brandenstein): a
Pre-Greek word for ‘olive’, whence several PNs in Asia Minor and Greece were
derived, e.g. Mpa (Lyc.), Mbpat (Thess.).
Lopppocg [m.] name of a sea-fish of the family of the breams (Sparidae), ‘Pagellus
mormyrus’ (Arist., Archestr.); details in Thompson 1947 s.v. < PG?>
eVAR With dissimilation popytAoc (Dorio apud Ath., Opp.); also popu (Epich. 62).
eETYM According to Strémberg 1943: 76 “probably called after the sound, which
arises from its quick movement in the water”. The connection with poor, popw
‘to flow, trickle’ (Strémberg l.c.) is not convincing. Connection with Hopyipw is
quite possible, if the fish meant here would properly be the bubble-blower :
Borrowed as Lat. murmillé ‘gladiator with Gaulish helm, on top of which was a fish’;
see WH sv.
Loptttpw [v.] ‘to bubble up, foam’, of water (IL, late prose). <ONOM>
VAR Present stem only; also pupyvpw (H.).
eCOMP Also with ava-, ém-.
eETYM Onomatopoeic verb with intensive reduplication (Schwyzer: 647 and 258,
Chantraine 1942: 376). Such formations are frequent: Lat. murmur6, -dre [v.] ‘to
murmur’, Skt. murmura- [m.] ‘crackling fire’, -d [f.] name of a river, marmara-
‘roaring’, Lith. murméti, murm(Dénti ‘to grumble, murmur’, Arm. mfmr-am, -im <
*murmur-am, -im) ‘id.’, etc. See » utpopat.
Lopttw, -obc [f] “bogey, spectre’, also personified and as an interjection (Erinn. [?],
Ar., X., Theoc., Luc.). <PG?>
VAR Also -6voc, -6va, etc. (Schwyzer: 479).
*DER poppwtoc ‘frightful (Lyc.); wopy-booopat [v.] ‘to frighten (Call.), poppvtav-
tec (Phryg. IV"), also poppdver and poppet: detvorotel scares (H.). Further the
nouns pwdpuopoc and pvtppoc: doc, HOPE YaAem}, exmdnKTUKT (H.). ae
Mépuv8oc (like Topyw : Tépyv80c, Leumann 1950: 155'°); also the PN Muputddvec?
Enlarged verbal form poppodvttovat = popytoooum (Ar, Pl, X., Ph.),
ywopporvEduevoc (Gal.) with poppodvK-1, Dor. -a [f.] (Sophr. 9, Str.), -etov (-eiov)
[n.] (Ar, Pl. wa.) = poppe; also poppoptlw ‘id.’ (Phot).
eETYM popuw has been compared with Lat. formido ‘terror, fear, ghost by assuming
a dissimilation analogous to that supposed for ptpuné beside Lat. formica. Further
connections are uncertain; it is probably a reduplicated formation like Topyw (see
yopydc), which was originally used as a terrorizing call, and perhaps cognate o
yoputpw. The by-forms Moubpo, Moup® (H.) clearly show ia popular character o
the word. Beside popuw, we find both popytvoooua, -dvet, -dpet and LoppLo-
ASTTOLAL, -AUKI}, -AUKEtov, for which ToUPdALE, ToUPoALEat (to Mods) may be
compared, though dissimilation from *yoppoptttopat (Schwyzer: 258) is also
imaginable (the nouns LopyoAvKn, -etov are backfomations). dye
A connection with Lat. formido, etc. does not seem obvious. To my mind, it is likely
that the words are Pre-Greek, although there is no concrete proof of this. See Fur.:
364.
968 yopdetc
wopdets [adj.] opdevta epithet of Eppata “ear-pendants’ (E 183, 6 298). <GR>
eVAR Only ntr.pl. -oevta; a different word is ,topdeic derived from |tdpoc ‘fate (of
death), as in popdéev notév ‘fatal drink’ (Nic.).
eETYM Acc. to H. and Eust. 976, 40 = peta MoAAOD Kaptatov Temtovnéva ‘what has
been accomplished with much pain’ (from dpog ‘share’; per H., also = mdvoc
‘labour, pain’); therefore in Q. S. 1, 152 also of tebyn. Acc. to LSJ, it probably rather
derives from p6pov ‘mulberry’, in the sense ‘having the color or shape of mulberry’.
udpov [n.] ‘black mulberry, blackberry’ (Epich., A., Hp.). <2
*DER jtopéa, -én [f.] ‘mulberry tree, Morus nigra’ (Nic. Gal.); poptvoc ‘mulberry-
colored’ (pap.); on > topdetc s.v. Here also ,tqpidec: tdvtetc ‘seers’ (H.), where the
latter must be a mistake for pavtiat vel sim., which Dsc. 4, 37 gives as the Dacian
name of the mulberry (see » Batoc).
eETYM Gr. ,t6pov matches with Arm. mor, instr. -iw ‘blackberry’, whence mor-i, mor-
eni ‘berry-shrub’. Latin has mérum ‘mulberry’, whence (as loans) Germanic words
like OHG mir-bere, mér-bere, MHG miulber. In spite of its long vowel, Lat. morum
may be a loan from Greek; the same holds for Arm. mor. Thus, all forms mentioned
may go back to Gr. t6pov. For the compounded form oukdéptopov, see » odKov. Pok.
749 gives |iwpov (H.), but I can only find wpa: ovKdutva, which Latte corrects to
LLopa.
wOpotos [m.] ‘kind of pipe-clay, used to bleach clothes’ (Gal., Aét.). <PG(V)>
VAR Also t6pox8o¢ (Dsc.).
eETYM The variation &: x6 (like in Epex8evc : Epexosc) is typical of Pre-Greek; see
Fur.: 263 Anm. 3. The interchange 9/o may reflect a phoneme *# (Pre-Greek: section
5.5).
udpottov [n.] éx pAotod mAgypa Tt @ EtUMTOV GAAMAOUS Toic Anttntpiotc ‘kind of
wickerwork made of bark, with which people used to beat each other during the
Demetria’ (H.). <PG?>
*ETYM See Nilsson 1906: 3237. Fur.: 341 connects Calabr. marrotta. A Pre-Greek word
is probable (cf. DELG).
woppta [n.pl.] name of an oriental mineral (‘Derbyshire spat’ or akind of agate); also a
vessel made of it, “murra vessel” (Paus.). <LW Iran.>
eVAR LLovpptva (Arr.); also tto(v) ppivn [f.sg.] (Peripl. M. Rubr.).
*ETYM Probably of Iranian origin; cf. MoP mori, muri ‘glass balls’; the Greek word
was borrowed as Lat. murra, vasa murrina (whence perhaps jtovpptva, -ivn?). See
also Kretschmer Glotta 1 (1909): 337.
Lopoutos [adj.] ‘decided by fate, temtpwpté voc’, of tap = ‘day of death’, thence also of
man (X 13): ‘destined to die, mortal’ (Il. also Hdt.). IE *smer- ‘think of, remember,
care’>
eETYM Related to > tte{popa, and traditionally derived from *"dpotc, supposed to be
Aeolic for *smy-ti- in the sense of ,tdpoc, » ttoipa. This analysis is doubted by DELG
s.v. ,leipopat, which prefers a derviation in -oytoc. The connection with the word for
Loper 969
‘death’ (Lat. mors, IE *mr-ti-) or ‘mortal’ (» {toptéc, » Bpotdc) is rightly rejected by
Frisk.
woptdc [adj.] = dvOpwrtoc, Ovntdc (H., Call. Fr. 271), rather dptoc (Latte). <1E *mdr-
to- ‘mortal, man’>
*COMP jtoptoBativ: davOpwroBdtiv vabv (H.), mg. unclear; cf. wopto-Batn ‘trodden
by the dead’ (LSJ). As a second member in Ayé-, KA6-, Xapi-optog (Lesbos, Syros,
Lato), Bechtel 1921, 1: 123; Masson RPh. 89 (1963): 218ff. (more names in DELG).
eETYM DELG correctly remarks that there is no reason to take the gloss as Aeolic, in
view of the Doric names. Therefore, the vocalism points to original *mér-to-,
identical with Skt. mdrta- and Av. marata- [m.] ‘mortal, man’. See » Bpotéc.
mOpTos - [téAac, Patds ‘black, grey’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Uncertain. DELG compares |toptoow and refers to Pok. 734.
uopvoow [v.] Only perf. ptc. pepopuxpévos (vl. -y-) “defiled, blackened’ (v 435, Nic.,
Q. S., Opp.), also 28g. aor. opt. popbEaic ‘one should besmear’ (Nic. Al. 144). <2
*DER Compar. j.opvx@tepov (used as an adverb) ‘darker’ (v.l. in Arist. M etaph. 987a
10), Mépvxos epithet of Dionysus in Sicily (Sophr. 94), as his face was besmeared
with yeast during the wine harvest; also name of a tragic poet (Ar.) with Mopvxia
oikia (Pl. Phdr. 227b); see Praechter Herm. 42 (1907): 647.
*ETYM For Mépvxog, cf. fovxoc, BOotpvxoc, and other popular words in -xo¢ (see
Chantraine 1933: 402ff.); a back-formation from propboou, with analogical -booa, is
possible.
Possible Greek cognates are mentioned under > 1dppvoc. Outside Greek, Slavic
words for ‘smear’, etc. have been considered, e.g. Ru. mardtv, mardju ‘to smear,
stain’, etc. (but these have IE lengthened grade).
Lopen [f.] ‘shape, form, beauty, grace’ (0 170 and \ 367), on the mg. cf. Treu 1955: 175f.
<2
*COMP Very often as a second member, e.g. ToAb-tLop@og ‘with many forms (Hp.,
Arist.) with moAvpopg-ia (Longin., Him.).
*DER Three denominatives: 1. ptoppdopat, -dw [v.] ‘to assume a shape or form’
(Thphr, Arat, LXX, NT, Plu), also with peta-, dia-, etc, whence (jleta-,
dia-)pLdppwots ‘shaping, embodiment’ (Thphr, Str., Ep. Rom.); wopp-wrtpta [f.] “she
who shapes, represents’ (E. Tr. 437), -WTLKOG ‘forming’ (Gal., Procl.); also pdppwpa
‘form’ (Epicur., Aq.), butin trag. (A., E.) as an enlargement of pop@n, cf. Chantraine
1933: 186f.
2. poppacw [v.] ‘to make gestures, behave’ (X.) with -aojid¢ name of a dance (Ath.,
Poll.), ‘to embellish’ (Eust.); é7tt-Leoppatw ‘to pretend, simulate’ (Ph.).
3. hoppvvet- KahAwrtiCet, Koopet ‘to adorn’ (H.), after kakAbvw etc; from d-LLoppoc:
atoppbveiv: ob dedvtwe mpattetv ‘not proceeding as one should’ (H., Antim. 72).
Two names: Mop@a [f.] epithet of Aphrodite in Sparta (Paus., Lyc.), Mopgetc [m.]
son of Sleep (Or. Met. 11, 635), after the dream-images created by him. Adjective
Ltopepnetc ‘with beautiful shape’ (Pi.).
970 LLOpPvos
*ETYM aptep@éc: aioxpdv (H.) points to a noun *tugp@oc [n.] beside open. A verbal
root *merg’"- vel sim. that could be the basis of the verbal nouns *épqoc and pLopepr
is unknown. Lith. mdrgas ‘many-colored, beautiful’ and mi rgéti ‘to flicker’ (with zero
grade), point to a root *merg™- (Winter’s Law) and therefore cannot be related.
Van Beek (p.c.) suggests that Lith. merga ‘girl (which has no good etymology)
makes a nice formal match, if from ‘beautiful appearance’; we would have to assume
a pre-form *merg””-h,- in which Gr. introduced an o-grade. Lat. forma (the long 6 is
secondary, De Vaan 2008 s.v.) may be a loan from Greek via an intermediary (e.g.
Etruscan), but perhaps it could be related to oper, assuming a relatively early
metathesis *merg’”- >> *g""erm- > *g”"orm- > form-.
&,
udpevos [adj.] epithet of aietéc (O 316), also name of a kind of eagle (Hes. Sc. 134,
Arist., Lyc.), ‘vulture’ acc. to Suid.; cf. Thompson 1895 s.v. <?>
eVAR Accentuation after Hdn. Gr. 1, 173 (following Aristarchus); ttop@vdc is cited as
well.
eETYM Like the rhyming word op@voc ‘dark’, pdp@voc is usually explained from a
meaning ‘dark-colored’ vel sim. (thus already Hdn., Suid.). Similar words are
(LOPL@OV: OKOTELVOV, LtéAav ‘dark, black’ (H.), Loptoow, Mdpvxos, as well as > ,tdpov.
Connection with oper cannot be proven.
Pisani RILomb. 73 (1939-40): 497ff. suggests an Aeolic form *,topBo-@v-o-¢ < IE
*mrg”o-g""n-o-, with a first member related to Skt. mrgd- [m.] ‘big bird’, and
influenced by the eagle name vrttogévog “killer of ducks” (Arist.); doubtful in view
of the haplology that has to be assumed. See » open.
udcovv, -ivoc [m.] ‘tower-like building of wood’ (X%, A. R,, Call. D. H.), also of other
wooden constructions (Lyc.). <LW?>
eVAR -votc [dat-pl.].
*DER Mooovv-oixot [m.pl.] ‘inhabitant of the pdcovvec’, name of a people south of
the Black Sea (Hecat., Hdt,, X., Arist.); wooovvikot EvAtvot TiVaKEeG MeyaAol, Mote év
avtoic kai dita Laocetv ‘large wooden planks, for pressing barley groats in’ (H.);
also as an ethnicon in tooouwka jtaCovopteia (Ar. Fr. 417), cf. H.
*ETYM Stated to be a loan from Iranian (comparing Oss. (Digoron) masug ‘turris’).
However, acc. to Brust 2005: 464ff., this must be regarded as uncertain. Fur.: 340
follows a proposal by Kretschmer Glotta 22 (1934): 112 that the word is a pre-IE
substrate word.
Hooobvety =Lacdoud.
LdovAov [n.] kind of cinnamon (Dsc. 1, 14, cf. Gal. 14, 257). <>
eDER |loovAitic a kind of cassia (ib.).
eETYM Has been compared with the PN MoovAou. Cf. Redard 1949: 67, 74.
uUdoxoc 1 [m.] ‘offshoot of plants, slip’ (A 105, Thphr.., ‘stalk of a leaf (Dsc.); ‘young
cow, heifer, calf (also fem.), also of other young animals and of young men (Hdt.,
com., E., pap.). <IE *mos¢"o- ‘young of an animal’, *mosg'o- ‘young shoot’>
LOTOG 971
eCOMP As a first member almost only in the sense ‘calf’, e.g. tooxo-tpdgos ‘raising
calves’ (pap.), |toox6-tavpoc [m.] “bull as old asa t1d0x0c’, ie. “bull-calf (Al. Le. 4, 3);
as a second member only in |tov6-\tocyoc ‘with one stalk’ (Dsc.).
*DER 1. Diminutive |tooy-idtov ‘small shoot’ (Ar., Ael.), -iov ‘young calf’ (Ephipp.
Theoc.), -dptov ‘id.’ (LXX, pap.).
2. Substantives: pooy-dc, -460c [f] ‘shoot, slip’ (Pamphylian), after putac etc.
(Chantraine 1933: 353), also ‘heifer’ (gloss.); -iac [m.] ‘young of a animal’ (Poll.), like
veaviac etc; -v, -@voc [m.] ‘calf-stable’ (pap.); -fj [f.] ‘hide of a calf (Anaxandr.).
3. Adjectives: 160x-(e)tog ‘of a calf (E., X., Plb., AP); -\voc ‘of calf-leather’ (pap.),
-ivol- of okiptytikoi ‘the jumping ones’ (H.). 4. Adverb: ,toox-nddv ‘Tike calves’
(Nic.). 5. Verb: pooxetw [v.] ‘to plant a shoot’ (D., Thphr., D. H.), also ‘to raise a calf
(Philostr.), with pooy-eia [f] ‘planting of shoots’ (Ph. Byz.), -evoic [f] ‘id’ (Gp.),
-evpia [n.] ‘shoot, offspring’ (Thphr., pap.), -evpiattkdg = malleolaris (gloss.).
Perhaps related is the EN Méoxot “youngsters”, see Brandenstein 1954b: 82.
*ETYM The form pocxiov seems to match Arm. mozi, gen. -voy ‘calf exactly.
However, a number of objections may be raised against the reconstruction of a
Graeco-Armenian isogloss (see Clackson 1994: 152-154). First, the Armenian word
may havea number of different origins; it is not excluded that it is a borrowing from
Greek, for example. Further, the meaning ‘calf is comparatively recent in Greek
beside ‘stalk, shoot of a plant’, in which meaning jh60x0< is traditionally compared
with Lith. mdzgas ‘bud of a tree’. Also, the semantic development ‘heifer, young’ >
‘shoot’ seems strange (though not without parallels: DELG compares E to sucker).
Now, the Lithuanian word is mostly derived internally from mégsti ‘to knit’, so that a
couple of options remain:
1) [L60X0¢ ‘calf and Arm. mozi are a Graeco-Armenian isogloss *mos¢"o-, and Lith. is
unrelated.
2) Greek and Lith. are related as *mosgo-, and Arm. is a loan from Greek.
3) two etyma *mos¢"o- and *mosg''o- merged in Greek (improbable).
L66XOc 2 [m.] ‘musk’ (Aét, Alex. Trall.). «LW Iran>
*DER LLOoyitN¢ = OopVAoc, name of a sea-octopus that emits a strong odor (sch. Opp.
H. 1, 307).
eETYM From MoP muék ‘id’, which is from Skt. muskd- [m.] ‘testicle’, because of the
shape of the gland; cf. wwoyov. 16 avdpeiov Kai yuvatkeiov tdptov ‘the male and
female genitals’ (H.). Late Lat. muscus ‘id.’ with muscdtus, -um also belong here,
possibly a borrowing from Greek. All other European forms came from Latin.
wota [n.pl.] - Dapdtavou BaAavor ‘acorns’ (Dsc. 1, 106). <PG>
*ETYM Fur.: 304 compares pdotrva Kdpva (a nut-bearing tree, Ath. 2, 52b); further,
dwtov = Kaotavetov ‘chestnut’ (Ageloch. apud Ath. 2, 54d). So an interchange
Lto(o)Tt- ~ d-twt- remains, which points to Pre-Greek origin.
Lotdc [m.] ‘lint pledget, lint, compress, tampon’ (Hp., Dsc.). <PG?(V)>
eVAR Ta ptoTa [pl.] (Call. H.), like pnpdc : ptfipa etc., gen. LLotawv (Q. S. 4, 212; verse-
final); ,Lotdc ... kotAoc “drainage tube’ (Hp.).
972 oT tia
*COMP ,toto-gvAak [m.], -aktov [n.] ‘bandage to retain a compress’ (medic.), &1-
Llotog ‘provided or treated with u.’, also ‘ulcerating’ of wounds (medic. since Hp.),
also metaph. (A. Ch. 471), cf. Bechtel 1921(3): 294f.
*DER Diminutive potdptov (Gal., EM), Lat. motarium; further j6t-wta [n.] ‘lint
dressing’ (Hp., pap.), -npia [n.] ‘linen, oakum’ (pap.). Denominative otéw [v.] ‘to
stop up, pack’, also with Sta-, émi-, mept-, whence (Sta-, mept-)udtw-o1c ‘packing’
(medic., LXX), back-formation dtépotov [n.] ‘lint, tent’ (Paul.Aeg.); besides éu-
ptotéw ‘id.’ (medic.).
eETYM Technical medical expressions without etymology. Fur.: 182 compares 1dda-
otpwiata ‘anything soft for lying on: mattress, etc.’. If this is correct, the word is
Pre-Greek. *
pottia =116x60c.
podoa [f.] ‘Muse’, goddess of song and poetry (usually in plural), also metaph. ‘song,
music, poetry’ (IA, II.). <1E? *men(s)-d"h,- whence *mond"-ih., PG?>
eDIAL Acol. ttoioa, Dor. ttWoa, Lacon. [td (Ar.).
*COMP Many compounds, e.g. LLovo-nyétnc, Aeol. ttoio-ayétac [m.] ‘who leads (the)
Muses’ = Apollo (Pi., Att.), d-tovooc ‘without Muses, uneducated, etc.’ (IA), dpLove-
ia ‘lack of education’ (E., Pl.).
eDER A. Substantives: 1. ,tovo-eiov ‘seat of the Muses, school for higher education,
Museum’ (Att.), Lat. muséum, -ium, also ‘varicolored sculpture of stones, mosaic’;
thence late Gr. Ltovoiov ‘id.’ (WH s.v.). 2. Movoa-iotai [m.pl.] ‘guild of worshippers
of the Muses’ (Rhod.), like ‘Epptatotai etc. 3. jrovowvec of Kopv@aiot Twv [tayeipwv,
kai of teyvitat ‘the top cooks, i.e. the specialists’ (H.), with Movowvios, -ia (if not
Etruscan; Solmsen 1909: 49). 4. Lovodptov name of an eye-salve (Alex. Trall.).
B. Adjectives: 1. trovoikds “belonging to the Muses, musical, educated’ with jtovotky
(téxvn) ‘music, poetry, mental education’ (Pi., IA), -xevoptau [v.] ‘to be a musician’
(Duris, S. E, sch.). 2. ,totc-aiog ‘belonging to the Muses’ (Pi.). 3. obo-etog ‘id’ (E.,
AP).
C. Verbs: 1. tovodopat ‘to be led and educated by the Muses’ (Ar., Phld., Plu.), -6w
‘to endow with music’ (Ph.), éx- (E. Ba. 825), kata- (Jul.), ‘to ornate with mosaics’
(Tralles), with ,Lovowtr¢ ‘mosaic-worker’ (Syria VI?); probably a back-formation to
jtovdiov (see above). 2. ftovo-ifopa (E.), -iodw (Theoc.) ‘to sing, play’, with
LLOVOLKTAG WaATNs, Texvitng ‘harper, artist’ (H.). 3. povo-tadw ‘id. (Phid.).
eETYM Although the precise original appellative meaning of j1odo0a is unknown, it is
clear that the Muses are connected with poetry and singing. The word may analyzed
either as *tt6vt-1a or as *pdvO-1a. It cannot be directly related to *men- (\1évoc,
ptgtlova, etc.). The explanation from *pdvt-ta (as ‘mountain woman, nymph’) is
impossible, as the root of Lat. mont- ‘mountain’ is not found in Greek (and is
actually IE *men-, LIV? s.v. 23. *men-). More plausible is the comparison of jtotoa <
*n6v0-1a with > pevOripn, > LavOdvw. In this context, it may be remarked that the
Muses are connected with memory and remembrance, which is indeed the meaning
of the root IE *men- (LIV? sv. 1. *men-).
pba, -dK0¢ 973
So far, all explanations have started from the assumption that the word is IE, while it
could also be of Pre-Greek origin (continuing *mon?)-a).
6x80 [m.] ‘exertion, difficulty, distress, misery’ (Hes. Sc, Pi. trag., mostly poet.).
<PG>
«CoP Often as a second member, e.g. toh-L0x 80g ‘of much labour’ (trag., Arist.),
also as a technical expression (in construction) in mMpdpox8or- Ta TPOPEBANHEVA TOV
Toixwv ‘the projecting parts of the walls’ (H., also Delos II’). _
*DER 1. p0x0-npdc ‘laborious, miserable, worthless, bad’ with Hox8np-ia ‘bad
condition’ (1A), -doptat [v.] ‘to be troublesome’ (Aq.). 2. ptox8-ret¢ (Nic.), -wdn¢
(Vett. Val.) ‘id’.
Verbs: 1. wox8-éw ‘to exert oneself, subsist with difficulty’ (poet. since K 106), also
with ék-, etc. with poyOrjpata [pl.] ‘exertions’ (trag.); 2. 1t0x8-iCw ‘id.’ (poet. since B
273), a metrical variant of ttox8éw, see Chantraine 1942: 95, Shipp 1967: 95; 3. ox0-
6w ‘to tire’ (Aq.).
sETYM For the sequence -x0-, we may compare dx8oc, 580s, Bpdx80¢ etc. When
compared with synonymous > Ldyoc, > Loyew, the words show a variation y/X8s
which must be Pre-Greek. It is improbable that ,6x80¢ contains an ‘expressive
enlargement” -0- (Frisk).
Fur: 319f., 388 connects tottiac: @ OTpEPOVOL TOV PUTHPWV tov aEova ‘by which one
turns the &€wv of the reins’ (H.) as Cretan for *poxtiac.
HoxAdc [m.] ‘handle, lever, long or strong rod’, often used to bar doors, ‘crossbeam,
-bar’ (Od.). <PG(V)>
eVAR jtoKAdc (Anacr. 88).
*DER Diminutive toyA-iov (Com. Adesp., Luc.), -ioxog (Hp. Ar.), [oxA-uKdg
‘regarding the lever’ (Hp., Ph. Bel.).
Verbs: 1. LoyAetw ‘to (re)move with a lever’ (Ion. poet., also late prose), also with
ava-, éx-, whence loyA-eia ‘removing with a lever, restoring with a lever’ (Arist.,
medic.), -evotc ‘id.’ (Hp.), -evtis¢ (Ar.), -evtikdc ‘pertaining to leverage’ (medic.); 2.
[Lox Aéw ‘id.’ (M 259); 3. |LoxAdw ‘to shut with a bar’ (Ar.).
eETYM A pre-form *ttoy-oAo-¢ with the instrumental suffix has been assumed, as
seen in Lat. pdlus ‘pole’ < *pag-slo- from *peh.g- ‘to fix’. The basis has been taken to
be the stem seen in »{16x80c¢ and »pLoyéw. The variation «/x, and (if correct) the
comparison with p6x60c and jtoyéw, show that the word is Pre-Greek.
pd 1 [n.] the twelfth letter of the Greek alphabet (inscr. IV*). <Lw Sem.>
*ETYM Transformation of a Semitic name based on vi; cf. Hebr. mém. Ion. has tw
instead (Democr., Delos III*; Schulze KZ 42 (1909): 113), like v@ based on pa. Cf.
Schwyzer: 140.
pd 2 [interj.] ,tupb imitation of a complaint (Ar. Eq. 10). <ONOM>
eETYM Cf. Schwentner 1924: 29 and sof., and Lat. mui facere. See > plu.
uvak, -aKoc [m.] “(sea) mussel’ or its shell (medic. Plin.); ‘spoon’ (medic.), from
‘shell’. <PG?(S), GR?>
974 pvdw
*ETYM Formation like dondAak, péuBpak, bpag, and other animal names (Chantraine
1933: 378f.). Probably derived from |td¢ (which may also mean ‘mussel’), like tvioKn,
-o¢ ‘id’; cf. also Lat. miisculus ‘mussel’, and see Stro6mberg 1943: 109. Connection
with bw ‘to shut (oneself) is not very probable. Although the suffix -a€ is typically
Pre-Greek, it is quite possible that this suffix was added to the IE word *muHs
mouse’.
pvdw =1100.
pvyepds > LvKapic.
ndS5aw [v.] ‘to be humid, decay (due to moisture), (Ion. poet., Plb.). <PG?(v)>
eVAR Aor. pwvdfoat (H.), perf. jepwsdnka (Dsc.).
eCOMP Also with mept-, dta-.
eDER pt0d-adéoc ‘soaked, dripping’ (since A 54), dta- (A. [lyr.]), -addetc ‘id’ (AP);
ubdSoc [m.] ‘moisture, corruption’ (Nic.) with pwddeig = pvdadéos (Nic.), pvdav,
-@vog [m.] ‘putrefaction of an ulcer’ (Poll.). (ta-)pbdyoig ‘moisture, corruption’
(medic.), ,10d5aivw [v.] ‘to moisten, make wet’ (A. R., Nic.), also with dta-. For
> uvdpoc, which may be cognate, and » 10 ‘suck’, which was wrongly connected.
*ETYM It is doubtful whether pbdoc was the basis of the Greek group, as it is late and
rare (see below). A verb or a noun may have served as a basis for pvdadéoc, which is
the earlier attestation (formation like ixpadéoc, aladéos, etc.); beside this adjective
(probably with metrically lengthened 0), the verb ttvdaivw may have its long vowel
by analogy (after avbahéoc : abaivw, etc. see Schulze 1892: 160ff.). prvdSdw is
ambiguous too: it can be denominative from ,1doc, but it can also be understood as
a deverbative formation (cf. Schwyzer: 719, also 682 on ttaddw), in which case pbd0¢
would be a late back-formation.
Comparable words outside Greek do not clarify the situation: Lith. mdudyti ‘to
bathe’ (full grade iterative), may have secondary d and is probably related to Latv.
matt ‘to submerge, swim’; Lith. mudrus ‘lively’ cannot be from IE *mud-, as the
expected reflex of Winter’s Law is missing (so it must derive from *mud'-). Further
Skt. mudira- [m.] ‘cloud’ (class.), also ‘frog’ and ‘lover’ (lex.), where all meanings
probably derive from mud- [f.] ‘lust, joy’, mddate ‘to rejoice’. For the semantics, note
Skt. mddati ‘to rejoice’, beside » taddaw. Further, MoDu. mot ‘fine rain’ and other
Germanic words are compared.
Fur.: 249f., 259 connects ,t0coc¢ and takes 6/o to point to Pre-Greek origin. The
variation of vocalic length may also point in the same direction.
wvdiov = [L0c.
uvdo¢ [adj.] Gpwvoc (H.). <PG(V)>
eVAR [t0vdoc (S. Fr. 1072, Lyc. 1375, Call. Fr. 260), in lower Italy ‘with small ears’
(Rohl fs ByzZ 37 (1937): 58f.).
*ETYM The connection with bvdoc (see also on » LvKdéc) immediately presents itself,
and it would point to a Pre-Greek word (prenasalization). Connection with Arm.
munj ‘dumb’ may seem obvious, but is unclear in the end (Clackson 1994: 45 lists.
ubtw 2 975
munj < *mundio- as ‘somewhat dubious’); it could well be a substrate word. Pok. 751
does not help.
uvdpoc [m.] ‘metal or iron mass roasted in fire, glowing stones (of a volcano)’, etc.
(Ion., A., S., Antiph., Arist.) on the mg. see Kagarow Eos 31 (1928): 195ff. < PG>
eVAR ouvdpoc: Statvpoc oidipos ‘red-hot iron’ (H.).
*COMP As a first member in pudpoKtuTéw ‘to forge glowing iron’ (A.), -«tb70¢ (E.).
*DER As a medical technical term, pvdpi-aoig (Ion. -notc) [f.] ‘broadening of the
pupils’ (Cels., Gal. Cael. Aur.), as if from *t1wdp-taw “to glow like metal”; naming
motive uncertain.
*ETYM If related to wvddw, which is formally proximate (Uvdpoc : pvdaredc; cf.
Debrunner IF 23 (1908-1909): 5 and 9), pbdpo¢ originally denoted the molten,
flowing metal mass as opposed to the hard iron. However, the technical meaning
rather suggests a Pre-Greek word. This is confirmed by the variant opvdpoc.
tveddc [m.] ‘marrow’ (II.). <PG?>
eVAR Epic } with metrical lengthening. Late Greek has pwaddc, rejected by
Phrynichos.
*COMP Some compounds, e.g. d-edoc ‘without marrow’ (Arist.).
*DER pved-deic ‘full of marrow’ (Od.), -wén¢ ‘like marrow’ (Arist.), -tvoc ‘soft as
marrow (AP); pveAdouat [v.] ‘to be changed into marrow, consist of marrow’
(LXX).
eETYM For the formation, cf. m1eA\1 ‘fat’ with comparable meaning. Has been linked
with tvwv ‘cluster of muscles’ (see » tbc). Marrow and muscles, both being soft,
stand in opposition to the bone. The old word for ‘marrow’, seen in Skt. majjan-,
OHG mark, etc. was replaced in Greek by ptvehdc, and in Latin by medulla.
The word has no further etymology. Chantraine 1933: 244 is probably right that the
word is Pre-Greek. Fur.: 350 adduces ttvaddc as a Pre-Greek variant, but this may be
recent and is unreliable.
pvéw =0W.
vw 1 [v.] ‘to suck’ (Hp. X.). <ONOM>
eVAR Aor. tvlijoat (A 218), pres. also pvl-dw, -éw (Hero, late).
eCOMP Also with ék-, do-. As a first member in ,10{-ovpte ‘fellatrix’ (Com. Adesp.).
eDER (ék-)dtrjolc, éK-pLvt-18udc, -rNoptdg ‘sucking’ (medic.), pvtntis [m.]
‘caterpillar’ (Sm.).
*ETYM Properly “to do pv”, because of the position of the lips when sucking, and
basically identical with »pi{w 2. The traditional connection with pvddw is not
obvious semantically. See for further details Tichy 1983: 103f., 143f.
tv 2 [v.] ‘to mutter, moan’ (Hp., A., Ar, Arist.). <ONOM>
eVAR Aor. pvEat (Men.), fut. pwEw (D. L.), perf. ptc. wepvtdote (Antim.), after Hom.
TepuCotes.
eCOMP Also with ém- in éméuvéav (A 20), énepbEato: émeotévakev, Emeyoyyvoev
‘groaned, muttered’ (H.).
976 yd80¢
eDER pvypos [m.] ‘moan, sigh’ (A., Arist.), also ‘production of the sound w (D. T.);
further pvyxpde ‘id.’ (w 416).
eETYM Properly “to say ub”, an old onomatopoeic formation with several
correspondences, like Lat. miigid ‘to roar’, Hitt. migae- ‘to evoke, invoke, entreat’,
OHG muckazzen ‘to speak slowly’, etc. See Tichy 1983: 150. A connection with
> Lwooopuat may also be envisaged. See » uvKdopaL, » LOB0c.
pd80¢ [m.] ‘word, discourse, conversation, deliberation, story, saga, tale, myth’ (II);
on mg. and use see Fournier 1946: 15f. <PG?>
*COMP LUVBOASYog [m.] ‘story-teller’, whence -éw, -ia (Att.), -edw ‘to tell’ (Od.), metr.
for -€w; ToAV-"LvBO¢ ‘rich in words (stories)’ (1. Arist.).
*DER 1. Diminutives: 1v6-cptov (Str.), -iStov (Luc.), -WSptov (Tz.). 2. Adjectives: pv6-
ix6c ‘belonging to the u.’ (PL, Arist.), -@d1W¢ ‘fabulous’ (Att.).
3. Verbs: a) pv8éo-p.at ‘to tell’ (I].) with wv8n-t1¢ ‘story-teller’ (Antig.), uvOntTHp_ec:
otactactai ‘leaders of a revolt’ (H.), also wvOtftat (like oixti-tat, modt-ftat) =
otactactai (Anacr. 16; cf. Coll. Alex. 248f.); also sing. with unclear mg. (Phoen. 1, 7);
b) uv8etw ‘id’ (E, Arist.) with wi8evpa ‘tale’ (Arist, D. H.); c) wv8ilw ‘id’ (Dor. in
Ar. Lys., Theocr., AP). On itself stands 08a: pwvr). Kumptot ‘voice (Cypr.) (H.).
*ETYM Frisk thinks that pb8o¢ is originally a creation of popular and everyday
language, drawn from an onomatopoeic element yt. DELG objects that there is no
trace of sound-imitation, not even in the earliest texts. There are no comparanda; the
word is quite possibly Pre-Greek.
ttvia [f.] ‘fly’ (IL). <1E *mus-ih,>
VAR Also pba.
*COMP Some compounds, e.g. uv(t)o-o66n [f.] ‘fan against flies, fly-flap’ (Delos III’,
Men.), > wowy 1 [m.] ‘horse-fly; goad, spur’, » kvvauuia [f.] “dog-fly’.
DER 1. wWvitic, -td0¢ [f.] = O8Ado7u, ‘Capsella bursa pastoris’ (Ps.-Dsc.), also pvi6-
mtepov (ibd.), as the partition of the fruit was compared to the wing of a fly
(Strémberg 1940: 55). 2. wulikdc ‘pertaining to the fly’ (gloss.), uviwdry¢ name of a god
in Elis, who was also called uvi-aypos “fly-catcher” (Plin.). 3. pvivda zailerv ‘play the
game via yaAxiy’ (Poll. H.).
eETYM Formation with the suffix -1a-, like vijooa, xicoa, and other animal names
(Chantraine 1933: 98). An old word for ‘fly, mosquito’ is found in several languages,
but it was subject to all kinds of (tabooistic?) transformations. PGr. *mus-ia, whence
via, agrees best with Lith. musid, musé ‘fly’ and with the Slavic group of OCS
mosica ‘mosquito’. Lat. musca ‘fly’ has a suffix -k-, and Arm. mun (gen. mn-oy)
‘mosquito’ a suffix -n-, if it derives from *mus-no-. A basis without -s- is possible too,
like in ON my [n.] < PGm. *mi-ia-. Forms with (secondarily developed?) velar are
found as well: OHG mucka ‘id.’, Slavic words (with ou-diphthong) like Ru. muxa ‘fly’
< IE *mous-h,-, etc. Onomatopoeic origin (from the humming sound) is quite
possible; see WH.
tdKdopat [v.] ‘to low, bellow’ (of cattle), metaph. ‘to roar, crack’ (almost only poet.).
<IE *muH- ‘bellow’>
VAR Aor. pxetv (IL), poKroao8at (Ar.), perf. wéwd«a (IL).
LOKNS, -NTOG 977
eCoMP Also with prefix, e.g. dugl-, Mapa- (kK 413). As a second member in épi-pdkoc
‘lowing loudly’ (Hom.).
*DER Action nouns: pdK-nOpud¢ [m.] ‘the bellowing’ (Il.), Chantraine 1933: 137; -mua
‘id’ (E., Arist., Call.), -notc ‘id.’ (Arist.); back-formation uxt ‘id,’ (A. R.).
Agent nouns: pvK-ntr¢, Dor. -atdc ‘the bellowing’ (Theoc.), -rtwp ‘id.’ (Nonn.),
-yntiot cetopoi (Arist.), “ceiovtes tiv yi peta Bpduov” ‘shaking the earth with a
roar’; cf. on Bpaouatiacg s.v. > Bpdoow; LUKduWwv ‘bellowing’ (Hymn. Is.).
Adjective puxrytikds ‘bellowing’ (Corn., S. E.). Adverb puxnddv ‘with bellowing’
(unknown poet POxy. 864, 22).
eETYM The pair pixetv : uéudKa agrees with xpiyetv : Kéxpaya, Aaketv : A€ANKa, etc.
The present puxdoua, to which poKroac8at is an innovation, was formed from this
pair after intensive verbs like BéBpbya: Ppdydouc (Fraenkel 1912: 95f.*); on the
middle diathesis, see Schwyzer 1950: 227.
The Greek verb has direct couterparts in Balto-Slavic and Germanic: Lith. miikti, 1sg.
mukiu ‘to bellow’, Ru. mycat’, Ukr. mukaty, etc. MHG mihen ‘id,. Lat. miigio, etc.
have IE *g (see on > uvlw 2).
pukapic [?] - vuxtepic ‘bat’ (H.). <PG?>
*ETYM The assumption of a taboo reshaping of vuxtepic based on puxtip, pvka,
uvKntes, etc. is unconvincing. Latte thinks the gloss is corrupt (see DELG), but this
cannot be maintained as there is no argument. Fur: 122 compares pvyepdc =
vuxtikdpat ‘long-eared owl’ (Cyran. 29), so the word could be Pre-Greek.
wov«n [f.] «7 OrK1 ‘chest, box’ (Suid.). <PG?, IE? *mu(H)k-n->
eVAR Cf. pvkwv- owpdc, Onuwv ‘heap’ (H.), and dudKapic: TANG0c, &8poicua ‘mass,
aggregate’ (H.).
*ETYM The identification is by Fur.: 372. If the third gloss is correctly compared, the
&- is evidence for a Pre-Greek word. Pok. 752 compares ON muigi ‘heap’, OE miga
‘heap, mass’, Bav. Mauche ‘Auswuchs, Fussgeschwulst der Pferde’. See now Kroonen
2009: 116ff. on the possibility to reconstruct an IE n-stem for n0Kwv beside a Proto-
Germanic paradigm nom. *miho, gen. *mukkaz.
udvKnpos [m.] ‘almond, kind of nut’ (Ath. 2, 52c and 53b, H.). <PG(V)>
eVAR Lacon. povKnpos, acc. to Seleuc. and Pamphil. apud Ath. 2, 52c and 53c
Laconian and Teian for auvydahn; another by-form is dyx8addetc; further forms
given are Guvktov: yAvKU ‘sweet’. of 5& Gpuctov (H.), and duuKdic yAvKvc, Hdv¢ ‘id’
(H.), see Fur.: 140.
*COMP povKrpd-Batocg (Ath. 2, 53b), -Bac (H.) ‘kapvokatdKtig, nutcracker’,
probably for -Bayoc = -Fayos to (f)ayvuut ‘break’; cf. Bayo: KkAdopa ‘fragment,
morsel’ ... Adkwvec (H.); details in Kretschmer Glotta 18 (1930): 95f.
*ETYM The variants (prothetic a-, v/t, «t/ y6/ x8, etc.) show that the word is Pre-
Greek.
KN, -NTOS [m.] ‘mushroom’, also metaph., e.g. ‘mushroom-like protuberance, any
knob or rounded body, cab or cap at the end of a scabbard, snuff of a lamp-wick,
membrum virile’ (IA). <PG>
978 wvKhoc
VAR Gen. also -ov (Ion. -ew), plur. -at.
*DER [UvKi]t-tvog ‘made of mushrooms’ (Luc.), pvxdopat ‘to become like a
mushroom, become spongy’ (medic.).
*ETYM Traditionally taken to be a formation in -1(t)- from a noun possibly found in
Lat. miicus ‘snivel, mucus of the nose’; for the development of meaning, cf. Sln. gliva
‘agaric’ beside Lith. gleivés ‘slime’; for further details, see » uvcoopat. However, Fur.:
298 correctly remarks that the meanings of this word cannot all be explained by
derivation from pvooouat ‘to snuff, blow one’s nose’. He assumes a basic meaning
‘prominent, extremity’, as p0Kr)¢ may also mean ‘stump of a felled olive tree’ (inscr.).
He connects the word with pvoxAor of muOuévec TOV Enpwv ovKwv ‘stalks of dried-
up fig trees’ (H.), which implies that the wordhis Pre-Greek (interchange «/ox). On
the suffix -1)¢, -17toc in Pre-Greek, see Fur.: 172°.
udvKAos [adj.] ‘lascivious, lewd’ (Archil. 183 as a PN, Lyc. 771, H.), as epithet of the pack
mule (Lyc. 816), also name of the ass itself? (PT eb. 409, 7, I’; written potx-, reading
very uncertain). Acc. to H., w0KXot or pvKAat are ‘black stripes at the neck and feet of
the ass’; according to EM 594, 18 and sch. Lyc. 771, wvK)o< is ‘a fold on the ass’s neck’.
<PG(V)>
eVAR Cf. udoxAot (below).
*DER uvxAdc, a Phocaean name of a stallion ass according to H., but also = oxodAtdc,
OxXEVTIIS, Adyvijs, LOLXdc, AKpatris ‘twisted, someone lewd, lecherous, adulterer, not
in control’; cf. also ubvoKAor OKOALOi (H.).
*ETYM pvxXAdc has been reduced to a pre-form *yvxoddc and identified with Lat.
mulus ‘mule’, if from *mukslo-; a deviating formation is found in Alb. mushk ‘mule’
as well as in Slavic forms like ORu. mosko ‘mule’.
As the breeding of mules originates from Pontic Asia Minor (cf. on » évoc), Frisk
remarks that we are probably dealing with a Wanderwort. I do not agree with this:
the variants (notably k/x, ox) are typical for Pre-Greek words (Pre-Greek section 5.5),
and thus receive an easy explanation. Fur.: 299% thinks that pvxdoc is a separate
word.
vKdc [adj.] - d@wvoc ‘speechless’ (H.), alphabetically in a wrong position. <PG?, ?>
eVAR With dental stop: uvttdc, pbt¢, UvdSo¢ (H.), uvvdo¢ (S. Fr. 1072, Lyc. 1375, Call.
Fr. 260), in lower Italy ‘with small ears’ (Rohlfs ByzZ 37 (1937): 58f.), wwvapdc (H.)
‘id’.
On itself sands uvpkoc: 6 Ka8dAov un Svvduevocg Aadelv. Xvpakovotot, évedc,
d@wvos ‘who is unable to speak at all, dumb’ (H.); wvpixdc: d@wvos, év Eavt@ Exwv 6
uéhAet Mpattetv ‘who keeps for himself what he is going to do’ (H.), cf. von
Blumenthal 1930: 42.
*ETYM Skt. muka- ‘dumb’ has been compared. Perhaps from sound-imitating ma.
For the dental formations, cf. Lat. mitus. Arm. munj ‘dumb’ < *mun(d)io- (?) can be
connected with ptvdoc. Lat. murcus ‘mutilated’ (he who cuts off his thumbs, so as to
avoid becoming a soldier) corresponds formally with ppxog; it is rather a loan from
Latin in Sicily than the other way around (see WH s.v.).
worn 979
Does pvpikac continue a Pre-Greek form *mur’-k-? The other forms do not fit in
easily; it is very unclear whether the words with pu(v)6- belong here. The form
udvvdoc may be a prenasalized variant beside pvdoc (and must therefore be retained
pace Latte, whose note is unclear to me). It seems that uvvapdc is a misreading for
*uvvdpoc.
udvKwv [2] - owpdc, Onuwy (H.). =pvKn.
uvAatkd [n.pl.] a kind of figs (Ath. 3, 78a). <GR>
eETYM Perhaps from a place called Mvdau.
uvAdoaoBat [v.] - TO o@pa 7 tiv Keqadny oun—ao8at. Kimptot ‘to wipe off the body or
the head (Cypr.) (H.). <?>
eETYM Taken as a denominative from *yvAn or *pAov, and connected with a Slavic
word for ‘soap’: Cz. mydlo, Ru. mylo, etc. These derive from a Slavic verb myti ‘to
wash’ < *m(i)uH- with the instrument suffix *-d"lo-, which is the Slavic equivalent of
Gr. *-tro-. The connection is therefore highly improbable.
uvAN [f.] ‘handmill, mill’, “(the lower) millstone’ (Od.), metaph. ‘molar’ (LXX), ‘knee-
cap, hard formation ina woman’s womb’ (Hp., Arist.). <1E *melh,- ‘grind’>
eVAR Hell. and late also pvAog [m.] (LXX, NT, Str.), cf. Fraenkel 1912: 58.
*COMP pvAo-et519¢ ‘like a millstone’ (H 270), uvAt-patos ‘ground by a mill (B 355, A.
R,, Lyc.); xetpo-uvAn “quern’ (X.), also -uvdog (Edict. Diocl.), -uvhov (Cass. Fel.), cf.
on Povtupov; diminutive -uw0Atov (Dsc., pap.).
*DER A. Substantives: 1. uwAak, -aKog [m.] ‘millstone, big rounded stone’ (M161, AP,
Opp.), cf. Ni8ak etc. (Chantraine 1933: 379). 2. Hence, with a suffix -p-, pbAaKpos [m.]
‘millstone’ (Alcm.), plur. = yougiot dddvtec ‘molars’ (H.); -axpic, -ido0¢ [f.] as an
attribute of AGag ‘millstone’ (Alex. Aet.), substantively ‘cockroach’, also (influenced
by axpic) ‘locust’ (Ar. Fr. 583, Poll.); also -aBpic ‘id.’ (Pl. Com., Poll.), perhaps after
aBpdc, GBpa; -nOpic ‘id’ (Poll.). 3. wvAwv, -Wvoc [m.] ‘millhouse, mill (Att.) with
-wwkdg ‘miller’ (pap.), diminutive -wviov (gloss.). 4. uvAwOpdc [m.] ‘miller’ (Att.,
Arist.); cf. Chantraine 1933: 373 on the rather unclear formation; hence -wOpic [f.]
‘milleress’ name of a comedy of Euboulos; -w6pixdc ‘belonging to a miller’ (Plu.),
-w8péw ‘to grind’ (Men.); back-formation -w6pov = pvAwv (Phot.)? Also -w@piaior
epithet of kaAuntijpes (perhaps = ‘roof-tiles’, Delos II*, reading uncertain); also
uvdwpdc ‘miller’ (Aesop., Poll.), after muAwpdc, etc. 5. diminutive wvAdpLov ‘small
handmill’ (pap.). 6. uvAetc [m.] epithet of Zeus as keeper of mills (Lyc.). 7. uvdiac
[m.] (Ai8oc) ‘millstone, stone from which millstones were made’ (PI. Arist., Str.), see
Chantraine 1933: 96. 8. wvAitys [m.] (Ai80c, d600c) ‘millstone, molar’ (Gal.). 9.
Movddeic¢: motaudsg Apkadiac ‘a river in Arcadia’ (H.), but cf. the HN Moddetc,
usually connected with Skt. mdla- ‘dirt’, s.v. » WoAvw.
B. Adjectives, all rare and late: 1. udA-toc “belonging to a mill’ (Procop.); 2. wvA-tKdg
‘id’? (Ev. Luc., Gal.); 3. -tvog ‘consisting of millstones’ (Smyrna); 4. -atog ‘working in
a mill’ (AP), -atov [n.] ‘handmill (pap.); 5. -tatot od6vtec ‘molars’ (medic.); 6. -detc
‘consisting of a millstone, belonging to a mill’ (Nic., Nonn.); 7. -nttki) gumAaotpoc
‘remedy for toothache’ (Gal.).
980 wAAOV
C. Verbs, all rare: 1. uvAtaw only in udAtwvtec [ptc.] ‘gnashing with the teeth’ (Hes.
Op. 530), on -ta4w Schwyzer: 732; 2. pvAdopat ‘to be hardened, cicatrized’ (Hp.). On
itself stands pvAAw = Bivéw (Theoc. 4,58) with wvA(A)ac [f.] ‘whore’ (Phot., Suid.),
uvAAOs [m.] ‘cake in the form of the pudenda muliebria’ (Ath. 14, 647; Sicilian).
eETYM The primary verbal noun van, secondary uvdoc (perhaps after Ai8oc or dvocg
adétnc), and the primary yod-present wAdw are consistent in their u-vocalism,
which is now explained by Vine 1999b: 565 as a raising *oli > uli, comparing @vAAov
beside Lat. folium, and a few more examples. The v then spread from uvA)w to pvrn
before the former lost its agricultural meaning.
The yod-present is seen in OHG muljan, ON mylia ‘to crush’, from a zero grade
which also appears in W malu ‘to grind’ and Arm. malem ‘to crush’. Further verbal
forms are Olr. melim [1sg.], OCS meljo [1sg.] from *melH-, Go. malan, Lith. malu
(usg.] from an o-grade, like Hitt. malla-' / mall- < *molH-ei; Lat. mol6 is probably
from *melod like Olr. melim.
The technical meaning ‘grind’ may have evolved as a specialization from ‘rub’ or
‘crush’. As a verbal noun, uvdAn looks archaic in Greek, while p0AAw, which
developed an obscene meaning, was replaced by » dhéw, which was also inherited,
but limited to the eastern languages. » udAevpov stands by itself. Remarkable is the e-
vowel of Myc. me-re-u-ro ‘meal’ and me-re-ti-ri-ja ‘female grinders’, which seems to
point to a root *melh,- instead of the usual reconstruction *melh,-.
uvAdov [n.] ‘lip’ (Poll. 2, 90). <ONOM?>
eDER Verbs pvAdA-aivw, -iw (Phot. Suid.), pvuAddw in peuvrAAnke Stéotpartat,
ovvéotpantat ‘distort the mouth, make mouths’ (H.). With intensive reduplication
pombdA)erv: Oirdcetv, éoGietv ‘to suck, eat’. kai ta xeih Mpoodntetv aAAT)ots ‘attach
the lips to each other’ (H., Hippon., Com. Adesp.), cf. uovdw s.v. > Ud.
Adjective, probably a back-formation: pvAddc (cod. -b-) = kaumtA0c, OKOALdc,
KvAAOc, OtTpEBAdc ‘bent, curved, crippled, twisted’ (H.), also Eust. 906, 54 ‘swivel-
eyed’.
eETYM Frisk compares a Germanic group with a single consonant: OHG mula [f.],
MHG mal [n.] ‘mouth, jaws’, and further Skt. mila [n.] ‘root’, but acc. to Mayrhofer
KEWA s.v., Dravidian origin cannot be excluded for the latter. It does not seem that
d8oc is connected, nor that the gemination is expressive. Perhaps an onomatopoeia.
uvAAOs [m.] name of a Pontic fish, also found in the Danube (Ar. Fr. 414, Ephipp.,
Gal., Ael.). <?>
eVAR LLUAOc (Opp.).
eETYM As there is no further specification of the fish (see Thompson 1947 s.v.), all
explanations are up in the air. Therefore, the connection with the group of péAac,
under the assumption that we are dealing with the mullet (Strémberg 1943: 22; see
also WH s.v. mulleus), is a pure hypothesis. Borrowed as Lat. mullus.
uvAAW =pL0AN,
udpa [n.] ‘meat, cut up and mixed with blood, cheese, honey, vinegar and tasty herbs’
(Com. apud Ath. 14, 662 d). <?>
ape
udpioc 981
eETYM Unexplained. See > puttwtdc.
popap —duvuov.
uvvapdc, pUvd0c¢ = LWUKdc.
potvn [f.] ‘pretext, 1pdqaoic (@ 111). <?>
DER Acol. pbvapat in pvvapevos [ptc.] (Alc. Z 69), mg. uncertain: ‘to pretend’?, ‘to
divert’?
eETYM The former connection with dutvw, duevoao8at is impossible because the
prothetic vowel developed from a laryngeal, provided that the latter words are IE.
ubvr might be a back-formation from uvvapo (Hamm 1957: 143°”).
pvvvaxia [n.pl.] ‘kind of shoes’ (Poll. 7, 89, Ath. 3514). <GR>
eETYM Reported (by Poll.) to have been named after their inventor.
uvéas [f.] ‘slime’. =yvooopa.
uvéa 2 [f.] ‘kind of plum-tree’. <PG>
*eETYM Fur.: 129” (also 393) compares uvokAov ‘id.’ (Orib. Syn. 6, 43).
uvpatva [f.] ‘kind of eel, moray’ (Sophr., A., Ar.). <PG(S,V)>
eVAR Epich. -d-; opbpatva (Pl. Com. Mnesim., Arist.).
eDER LPO (Dorio apud Ath. 7, 312), opipoc (Arist.) [m.] ‘kind of sea-eel’; cf. e.g.
AbKatva : AVKOG; extensive treatment in Thompson 1947 s.vv.
eETYM Connected with optptc ‘emery powder’, etc. by Wood AmJPh. 49 (1928): 172,
and with words for ‘grease, fat’, e.g. OHG smero < IE *smer(u)- (Pok. 970f.), which
would fit the eel as a fat creature.
However, this does not explain the Greek 0. Names of fishes are often Pre-Greek.
The suffix -otva is well-known in such words (Fur.: 171””), as is the prothetic o-.
Therefore, it is a clear Pre-Greek word.
uvpixn [f.] ‘tamarisk’ (I].). <PG?(s)>
eVAR Originally {; t from metrical lengthening, see Solmsen 1901: 14f.
*DER [Lupik-tvog ‘of the tamarisk’ (Z 39, pap.), -{veog ‘id.’ (AP), -5n¢ ‘tamarisk-like’
(Thphr.); Muptkaiog epithet of Apollo in Lesbos (sch. Nic. Th. 613).
eETYM Ending in -ikn (like éhixn, a6ikn), wupi«n is a loan of unclear origin, probably
Pre-Greek word. In favor of Semitic origin is Lewy 1895: 44: connection to Hebr.
marar ‘to be bitter’ because of the bitter bark (cf. uvpixiy; Svowdnc¢ H., related to
Aram. morigd ‘crocus’?); cf. also » uvppa?
pLvpios [adj.] ‘countless, immense’, usually plur. (IL, poet.). <2>
eVAR wvptot [pl.] ‘ten thousand’ (Hes. Op. 252).
eCOMP Often as a first member, e.g. wvptd-Kapmoc ‘with countless fruits’ (S.), -pdpoc¢
(vac) ‘freighter carrying 10,000 measures’ (Th.); also pvptdvt-apyoc “commander
of 10,000 men’ (A,, after €kaT6vt-apyoc).
*DER pvptdc, -d50¢ [f.] ‘the number 10,000, myriad’ (IA); pwpt-ootds ‘ten
thousandth’ (Att.), after éxatootdc, eixootdc¢ -aotdég ‘id” (Hell.), after uvpidc;
-oot0¢ [f.] = wupids (X.); pupt-dxtc ‘ten thousand times’ (Att.), also -ovtdxic ‘id.’ (H.
982 pdpung, -NKos
as an explanation of jtupidic; after exatovtaxtc); pUplovtad-tKkdc ‘of the number ten
thousand’ (Theo Sm.), from *puptovtdc after éxatovtdc.
*ETYM No etymology.
pdpuné, -1Koc [m.] ‘ant’, metaph. ‘submarine rock’ (IA, Lyc.), also as a proper name
(Hdt.), also ‘gauntlet with metal studs’ (Poll.). For the mg. cf. pwppujkia ‘ant-hill;
throng of people’. <IE *morui- ‘ant’>
eVAR Dor. (Theoc.) wdppak, -axoc. Also pbppoc (Lyc.), BUppak, Poppa, SppuKac
H.).
ae Rare in compounds, eg. puppinko-Agwv (LXX) and Aeovto-pdpyng§ (Hdn.
Gr.), name of a fabulous animal. Cf. Risch IF 59°(1949): 256.
*DER 1. jtuppnk-té [f.] ‘ant-hill’ (Arist, Thphr.), ‘crowd’ (Com. Adesp., H.), ‘triller,
arpeggio’ (Pherecr.). 2. ,.uppuk-(a ‘wart under the skin’, or the irritation caused by it
(Hp. Ph.), with pupynxidw [v.] ‘to be afflicted with warts’ (LXX), whence -iaotc
(medic.). 3. wuptttyk-(e)tov [n.] name of an ant-like spider (Nic. Plin.). 4. poppnkias
NBoc ‘stone with ant- or wart-like lumps on it’ (Plin.), ~ xpvodc ‘gold dug out by
poppnkes? (Hld.). 5. puppjkitic (A(Boc) ‘id.’ (Plin.). 6. peuppK-@6dn¢ ‘ant-like’ (Plu.),
-weic ‘full of warts’ (Marc. Sid.), metrically lengthened from -detc. 7. wupynKitw as a
medical expression ‘to feel as though ants were running under the finger’ ie. ‘to be
quick and feeble’ (of the pulse); ‘to itch’ (medic.). On itself stands jtuppdaov-
Evvorkia TOV LLUpLU|Kwv, a transformation of wwpyng, and pwppndovec: oi pdpp]KEs
bd Awptéwv (H.), a derivation from ,bpjtoc (see above) after tevOprdwv and other
insect names; cf. also oprkwv and other names of habitation in -wv.
eETYM The suffix is found in oxwAné ‘worm, maggot’, opné ‘wasp’, etc. Parallel forms
with a velar suffix (probably genetically unrelated to prvpjint) are Lat. formica ‘ant
and Skt. valmika- [m., n.] ‘ant-hill’. The basic form was probably *morui-. It is found
in various forms, most of which underwent some deformation, perhaps of tabooistic
origin. Influence of *u(o)rmo/i- ‘worm’ may also be assumed.
IE *morui- is directly continued in Av. maoiri-, Olr. moirb, ORu. morovij, etc. IE
*mour-, *meur- in e.g. ON maurr- [n.] < PGm. *maura-, OSw. myra [f.] < PGm.
*meurion-. Other forms are Skt. vamrd- [m.] (cf. also valmika- above) and Pdppak,
Bvpuat, where B- probably stands for F-; in dppuKkac, a F- may have been lost. In Lat.
formica, the f- may go back to m- by dissimilation (cf. on |topjtw); it would then be
close to prippné.
wdpopat [v.] ‘to shed tears, bewail’ (II.), later (Lyc., A. R.) also ‘to flow’ (of a river) and
‘to drip’ (of blood). <ONOM>
eVAR Only pres. and ipf. (3pl. ipf. podpov Hes. Sc. 132), except for aor. wpacbat
(Mosch.).
*COMP Also with mept-, 1poo-.
*ETYM If it originally refers to a murmuring sound, pvpotat is onomatopoeic, and
related to » yopjtipw. The connection with Lat. muria [f.] ‘pickle’, Lith. murti, 1sg.
murstu ‘to become wet’, etc. is not preferable. Probably derived from the same root is
the seond member of adt-ttuprets, -ptvpric, an epic epithet of motaidc, méTPN, etc.,
although its proper meaning remains uncertain.
LbpTOS 983
tvpov [n.] ‘sweet-smelling oil, salve, perfume’ (Archil., Lesb. lyr., IA). <?>
*COMP Often as a first member, e.g. wwpo-mwAr)¢ ‘seller of salves’ (Att.). ptup-eydc
[m.] ‘preparer of unguents’ (Critias, Arist.).
*DER 1. Substantives: diminutives twp-idtov (Ar.), -dagtov (Arr.); pwpic [f.] ‘salve box’
(Poll.), cf. onupic, also = pwepic (Thphr.), see > pdppa; ,twpwpa [n.] = pdpov (Ar. Ec.
1117); ftuptvry¢ otvoc (Hell. com., Ael.), beside puppivijs (see > pOppa and » pWpTos).
2. Adjectives: wp-1pdc ‘belonging to pbpov’ (A., Ar.), like éhaipdc; -detc ‘full of
salves, smelling like salves’ (AP, Man.), -w61@¢ ‘salve-like’ (sch.). 3. Verbs: pupitw
(IA), opupitw (Archil.) ‘to salve, perfume’; ttupdojtat ‘to be salved or perfumed’ (Ar.
Ec. 1117 [v.l. wepdpropat)).
*ETYM Evidently a culture word, t10pov may be a loan (thus Chantraine 1933: 16).
Traditionally connected as IE (together with optic ‘emery’) with a Germano-Celtic
etymon for ‘smear, fat’: OHG smero ‘smear’, Olr. smi(u)r ‘marrow’ (perhaps also in
Lat. medulla if < *(s)meru-lo-). However, this comparison does not explain the
Greek -u-. The isolated form ovpiGw may rest on association with ojiiptc, opvpva,
but it may also be a variant.
> ttwpaiva is also a Pre-Greek word on account of the variants in ou-, and probably
unrelated. See also » opvpic, > ojtvpva.
pdppa [f.] ‘myrrh, sweet-smelling wood of the myrrh-plant’ (Sapph., Thphr.). <Lw
Sem.>
*DER wWwepic, -idoc¢ [f.] ‘sweet cicely, Myrrhis odorata’ (Dsc. 4, 115) beside jtupic
(Thphr. CP 6, 9, 3) from (or after?) tt0pov (cf. below). uvppitnys (-ttc) [m., f.] name
of a stone (Plin., “myrrhae colorem habet”), and of a wine (Edict. Diocl.); also
wwppivis (scil. otvoc; Hell. com.), if not from > ptWptos or » pdpov.
*ETYM From Semitic, cf. Aram. mara, Hebr. mor, Arab. murr ‘myrrh’ (Lewy 1895:
42ff.); should »uvpixn also be included here? Borrowed as Lat. murra, murrina.
According to Ath. 15, 688c, ,twppa stems from pdvpov. pbppa was replaced by
unrelated opdpva, » opdpvn, which had the same meaning; this may in turn be a
back-formation from Ltupvaia [adj.] (properly ‘Smyrnaean’), which arose as an
epithet of p0ppa. Further details in Heubeck Beitr. z. Namenforsch. 1 (1949): 272f.
ttpoos [adj] - Kdgtvoc wta éxwv ‘basket with ears’, bc kai dppiyos ‘a kind of wicker
basket’ (H., Call. Fr. anon. 102). <PG?(V)>
*ETYM Groéelj Ziva Ant. 5 (1955): 112 compares Etr. murs ‘urna’. Fur. 65 accepts this,
and further compares (213) Buppdc: KavOapoc. Tuppryvoi ‘dung beetle’; metaph.
‘drinking cup’ (H.). Probably Pre-Greek.
pwptos [f.] ‘myrtle, twig or spray of myrtle’ (Pi. Simon.). <PG(v)>
eVAR ptwptov [n.] = ttupoivn (Archil. acc. to EM 324, 14), ‘myrtleberry’ (Att.),
‘pudenda muliebria’ (Ar.); on the difference in gender see Schwyzer 1950: 30.
*COMP Few compounds, e.g. tupto-ma@Ar)¢ [m.] ‘myrtle seller’ (Sammelb. I*), iepd-
tuptos [f.] = pwpoivn aypia (Ps.-Dsc.).
*DER 1. pWpotvog ‘of myrtle’ (Eub., Thphr.), Att. w0pptvoc, also pvptivoc; [tupoivn,
Att. -pp- [f.] ‘myrtle, -twig, -crown’ (IA), pwpotvo-etdijg (h. Merc. 81), pwpotv-iti¢
(olvoc) ‘myrtle wine’ (Dsc.), ‘kind of stone’ (Plin.), probably after the color, ‘kind of
984 [dc, Wd
Euphorbia’ (Dsc.), after the form of the leaves, acc. to Strémberg 1940: 43; -tvoc ‘of
myrtle’ (Dsc., Aét.), Mupptv-otc, -odvtoc [m.], -ottta [f.] names of Attic demes,
with -ovovot [pl.] ‘inhabitants of M.’; ,vpotvatov éAatov ‘myrtle oil’ (medic.); also
wwptivn [f.] ‘kind of olive, kind of pear-tree’ (Nic.). 2. wptic, -id0¢ [f] ‘myrtle-berry’
(Hell.), also puptia: tvpoivn, kai tvptic (H.), wuptac, -ddoc [f.] ‘kind of pear-tree’,
etc. (Nic. Gal.). 3. ,tuptidavov [n.] ‘myrtle-like plant’, etc. (Hp.), perhaps from
wwptic, cf. Epev0é-Savov ‘madder’, Strémberg 1940: 147f. 4. pwptadric: 7 O&vmvppivn,
wo AdKkwvec “butcher’s broom (Lacon.)’ (H.), like ouk-ahic etc. (Stromberg 1940: 78).
5. pwwpt-itns = pwpotv-itns (Thphr., Nic.). 6. pwptewv, -@voc [m.] ‘murtetum’
(gloss.), also pwpoewv ‘id’ (gloss.). 7. puptw@tai [f.pl.] ‘vases decorated with myrtle-
twigs?’ (vase-inscr., AmJArch 31, 349f; like whAwT etc.). 8. pwWptwv, -wvoc [m.]
‘weakling, debauchee’ vel sim. (Luc. Lex.). 9. puptitwy- C@ov Ti ‘an animal’ (H.);
formation like aiyiAwy etc. with a Pre-Greek suffix. TNs and PNs like Muptog,
Mupt@oc, Mipotvoc, Mipooc, Muptitoc, Mupoidos, etc. see Heubeck Beitr. z.
Namenforsch. 1 (1949): 271.
*ETYM Because of the phonetic similarity and their semantic proximity, tptoc,
LLUppa, Lupikn are usually considered to be mutually cognate Semitic loans without
further argumentation, as first stated by Lewy 1895: 42ff. (see especially Heubeck op.
cit. 282, with further hypotheses). However, the variation upt-/jtupo- points to Pre-
Greek origin (see Fur. 259) and should not be explained by assuming all sorts of
cross-influence. Semitic origin is also rejected by DELG. Heubeck (l.c.) takes the
group as coming from Asia Minor, which does not exclude that it is Pre-Greek.
Lat. murtus, -um, as well as Arm. murt, MoP murd, were borrowed from tptoc,
-Ov.
wdc, Vdc [m.] ‘mouse, rat’ (IA, etc.), metaph. of sea-animals: ‘mussel, kind of whale’,
etc. (A. Fr. 34 [= 59 Mette]); details in Thompson 1947 s.v., on the naming motive see
Stromberg 1943: 109f.; also ‘muscle’ (Hp., Arist.); cf. below. <IE *muHs ‘mouse’>
VAR ,tbv [acc.sg.] analogical, see below.
*COMP tv-yaAiy (-én) [f.] ‘shrew-mouse’ (Hdt., com., Arist.), {v0-8r|pac [m.] ‘mouse-
catching snake’ (Arist., sch.), d-j1vog ‘without muscle’ (Hp.), also ,tvo-Kéhevdpa
[n.pl.] ‘mouse dung’ (Dsc., Moer., Poll., H.); for the second member cf. Lat. miis-
cerda ‘id.’, but unclear in detail.
*DER 1. Diminutive pvidtov (Arr. M. Ant.), also w0dtov ‘small boat’ (D. S.), ‘small
forceps’ (medic.); ,vioKn, -oc ‘small sea-mussel’ (Hell.). 2. On » pak, -Gxog [n.] ‘sea
mussel’, see s.v. 3. [wwv, -Wvoc [m.] ‘cluster of muscles, muscle’ (P 315 and 324, A. R.,
Theoc.). 4. tvwvia (rather -14) [f.] ‘vulva’, properly ‘mouse hole’, as a term of abuse
for a lewd woman (Epicr. 9, 4), directly from 0c like iwwd from tov, etc; more in
Scheller 1951: 45f. 70f. 5. Adjectives pwwdng¢ ‘muscular’ (D. S., Plu.), also ‘mouse-like’
(Plu.); tbetog ‘of the mouse’ (An. Ox.), wwivoc ‘with the color of a mouse’ (EM,
Phot.). 6. tuw-td¢ epithet of yitwv (Poll.), ‘mouse-colored’ or ‘of mouse-skin’? also
name for an arrowhead (Paul. Aeg.), also ‘having muscles’ (Clearch.); thence
wvdotat ‘to be or become muscular’ (medic.), trans. -dw.
LvooOLLal 985
*ETYM Old IE name of the mouse, retained in several language families: Lat. mis,
mitr-is, OHG mis, Skt. mis-, etc. the acc. \tbv must therefore be secondary for *15a
by influence of bv to bg, bds, etc.
The vocalic length was caused by a laryngeal, for which there are two indications: the
accent of SCr. mis, and ToB mascitse ‘mouse’, with mas- < *mwas- <*muHs-. A
variant with short vowel has been wrongly supposed in Skt. muskd- [m.] ‘testicle’ cf.
P LOGXOG 2.
The metaphorical meaning ‘muscle’ (after the mouse-like movement of certain
muscles under the skin) can be observed in other languages too: beside Greek, also in
Germanic (OHG and OE ‘muscle of the upper arm’), Lat. musculus ‘small mouse,
muscle’, Arm. mukn ‘mouse, muscle’. Derivation from the verb for ‘steal’ in Skt.
mus- (pres. musndti, mosati) is purely hypothetic. On several plant names containing
the word for ‘mouse’, see Amigues RPh. 74 (2000): 273f.
udoog [n.] ‘pollution, defilement, horrible sight’ (Emp., trag., Hp.). <?>
«COMP Few compounds, e.g. xepoptvors ‘polluting the hands’ (A. Ch. 73) with verbal
interpretation of the second member, pvo-ay6rj¢ ‘cumbered by poo, horrible’
(Nic. AP).
*DER Adjectives: .vcapdc ‘polluted, defiled, horrible’ (Hdt., E., Ar.), -epdc¢ (Man.), cf.
Luapdc/-epdc; cf. woapia (Sm.); also Lwod Luapa, Lepuacpeva, pvcapa ‘polluted’
(H.). Verbs: 1. peuadttopat, -axOijvat, -d4EaoGat ‘to feel defiled, loathe, abhor’ (Hp. E.,
X., Luc.), whence jt0oaypa = piWoog (A. Supp. 995) and expressive |wodyvn [f.]
‘prostitute’ (Archil. 184), = ,uonth, axaBaptoc ‘to be abhorred, unclean’ (H.),
Ltvoayvov: pLeLtoAvopévov ‘stained’ (H.), cf. BdeAvtTTOMaL : BSedvxpdc. 2. pLwcdtw =
Lvodttopat (Aq.). 3. ,tvotdw ‘to abhor, loathe’ (Corn.), after verbs of disease in -tdw.
With velar enlargement (but perhaps a Pre-Greek variant) in tvoKoc-: pLiaopa, KijSo¢
‘pollution, anxiety’ (H.), cf. ,tlayog s.v. > Luwaivw.
eETYM iwooc recalls \licoc, but remains without certain etymology. A couple of
isolated words meaning ‘unclean’ from Celtic, Germanic and Slavic are compared in
Pok. 742: e.g., Olr. mosach < *mussdko-, LG mussig ‘dirty’, Ru. muislit’ ‘to suck,
beslaver’. The group has been compared with the root of ,tvddw ‘to be moist, decay’
as *mud-s-o-, but this remains hypothetical. The sparsely attested forms » duvoypdc,
> atvxpdc could be related if puscoc is Pre-Greek.
udooouat [v.] ‘to blow one’s nose, snort’ (Hp. Epic. in Arch. Pap. 7, 5); also act. ‘to
wipe off (Pl, E, Arr. AP), metaph. ‘to deceive’ (Men., H.). <IE? *mug-, *muk-
‘slime, glide’, PG?(V)>
VAR Fut. pwEopat.
*COMP Usually with amo- ‘id’? (Ar. X. Arist.), also with mpo- ‘to deceive sbd. for
money’ (Hp.), ‘to snuff a lamp’ (Ar. V. 249 v.l. for npdBvoov), ‘to extort money’.
*DER 1. [tuKTIp, -i]poc [m.], often plur. ‘nostril’ (Ion., com., X.), also ‘mocker’ (Timo),
as a back-formation from jtuxtnpitw, ‘mockery’ (Plu., Luc.); thence pwktnpilw (amo-
H.) ‘to bleed at the nose’ (Hp.), ‘to be mocked’ (Lys. Fr. 323, S., LXX), whence
-nptopidg ‘mockery’, -npiopata [pl] (H. as an explanation of anookwyaTa),
-nptotis [m.] ‘mocker’ (Ath.). 2. Ea, -n¢ [f.] ‘slime, mucus’, also ‘nostril, snout,
986 wvotak, -aKoc
spout of a lamp’ (Hes. Sc. 267, Ion., Arist.), with several derivatives: diminutive
wvEdpiov (M. Ant.); v€wdn¢ ‘slimy, full of slime’ (Hp., Arist., Thphr.); pwk-wtipec
[pl.] (Hdt., Hp.), -ntipes (Gal.) ‘nostrils’ (cf. tpomwtip, kwrntiip, etc.); pvF-alw,
-dw ‘to be slimy’ (sch.); fishnames: wEwv, -wvoc [m.] ‘kind of mullet’ (Arist.), as a
back-formation pb&oc ‘id’ (Ath.), cf. kKoKKwv : KOKKos, etc. (but see below on the
derivation); pwkivog ‘id’ (Hices. apud Ath.), like kopaxivoc, etc. 3. amdpvé-tc
‘snuffling’ (Plu.), -ta ‘mucus’ (AB, H.). On »tikng¢ ‘mushroom’, see s.v.
eETYM t0oooplat is a yod-present; Latin has a nasal present é-mungo ‘to wipe the
nose’ (cf. oxiGw beside Lat. scind6). Frisk explains ,10Ea as follows: in the same way as
kvion and kvioa may go back to the s-stem supposed in Lat. nidor, ba could go
back to an s-stem perhaps continued in Lat. miicor [m.] ‘mold, moistness’ (Solmsen
1909: 238f.). He then asserts that ,0Ewv, bE oc can be derived directly from Ea. For
the sporadic forms with o- (opvooeta and opvxtip H., ov Arist. beside
uv&wv), Frisk adduces a Celtic parallel in Gael. sytic, smug ‘mucus’. Further
proposed cognates include MIr. mocht ‘weak’ < *muk-to- (problematic, see
Matasovi¢ 2008 s.v. *muxto-), the Germanic group of ON mjtkr, and Latv. mukls
‘marshy’.
To my mind, the forms pvéa, pbEoc, wwEwv (the above derivation of which seems
doubtful) beside |tux-, as well as the existence of variants with initial o-, could also
point to Pre-Greek origin. On joKoc: tiacpia (H.), see » ptbooc. See > pdlw 2,
> poy 8iCw.
pwotak, -aKxoc [m.] ‘upper lip, moustache’ (Stratt., Eub., Theoc., LXX), a Doric and
Laconian word (cf. Arist. Fr. 539). <PG(V)>
eVAR LLUTTakec [tvKat (cod. pvKaL). LikeAol. "Iwvec (leg. Adk-) mmywva ‘beard’ (H.).
On Btotaé see below.
eETYM According to Ehrlich KZ 41 (1907): 288 and Giintert 1914: 128, a
transformation of ttdota— ‘mouth’ by influence of the rare »BUotak ‘moustache’
(Antiph.), which has itself been explained as an innovation. Frisk assumes a cross of
tdaota& and pvAAov ‘lip’, which seems impobable. Both the variation ,1-/B- and the
variant ,wwttaKeg point to Pre-Greek origin; see Fur.: 218, 304.
LVOTHplov = bw.
wvottAn [f.] ‘piece of bread, scooped out as a spoon’ (com. Ath., Aret., Poll.). <PG(s)>
*DER Diminutive ptvotiAdptov (Poll.), denominative ptvotiAdopat [v.] ‘to gulp out
soup with a ptvotivn’ (Ar.). Further twotpov [n.] ‘id’ (Nic. Fr. 68,8 = Ath. 3,126b),
also -o¢ [m.] (Poll. Hero Mech.), also ‘spoon, especially as a measure or dose’
(medic., pap.), Lvotpo-81jKn [f.] “spoon-case’ (pap.); diminutive ttvotpiov (medic.).
eETYM Probably a Pre-Greek word because of its suffix -iA-, which is frequent in
these words. For the suffix of pvotthn, one may compare CwitAn, otpofiAn, LapiAn,
médtAov, etc. (Chantraine 1933: 249). For an Indo-European etymology, one would
have to assume a nominal basis, e.g. *twWotov, -o¢, for which there is no further
connection. The notation poTbA(A)n, -dopat is due to confusion with > uotbAAw.
udotté [adv] - dua tH oKdtet ‘at the time of darkness’ (H.). <GR>
HoxXdc 987
*ETYM From vw, with an adverbial suffix, see Janda Sprache 40 (1998): 21.
EvtTtds [2] - TO yuvaiketov ‘female genitals’ (H.). <PG(v)>
*eETYM Fur.: 218 compares BUTtOG TO yuvatkaiov aidoiov ‘id.’ (H.), which proves Pre-
Greek origin. See > tLukdc.
pvttwtdc [m.] ‘dish, kind of paste’, made of cheese, honey, garlic, etc. (Hippon.,
Anan., Hp., com., Thphr.). <PG(v)>
VAR Also -oo- (Hp. Loc. Hom. 47), -o- (Call. fr. 282).
*DER puttwrtevw [v.] ‘to change into a ., to hash up’ (Ar.), wwoowrtevpata: aptbiata
‘condiments’ (H.).
*ETYM For the realia, cf. on pdpa. A formation in -wt6c, probably denominal (cf.
Chantraine 1933: 305f., Schwyzer: 503). In view of the variation -tt-/-co-/-o-, the
word is Pre-Greek.
vx 8itw [v.] ‘to blow the nose, sniff; to ridicule’ (Theoc., Plb., AP). <PG?>
eVAR Gva-pvxOiopat ‘to sniff, sigh loudly’ (A. Pr. 743); in H. also mpopvyGifer and
émeptbyOtoav, the latter as an explanation of énétvEav.
DER [LvxOtoptdc [m.] ‘snorting, mocking’ (Hp. E., Aq.); tvy8wdSn¢ ‘snorting’ (Hp.),
as if from *ubx8oc (cf. below).
eETYM An expressive present, related to » uvooopat and » 10fw ‘to moan, sigh’. Frisk
suggests that the starting point for the present pwy8itw may have been the aorist
wbEau, wwEacSat, perhaps via an intermediary *|ty8o¢ (see above), or alternatively
after Bpd—at : Bpdx8oc : Bpox8ifw. The element pvx8- could be Pre-Greek (not in
Fur.).
HvXAds =LKKAOG.
LLvx6¢ [m.] ‘the innermost place, interior, corner, hiding-place, storage room’ (Il.); on
the mg. in Homer see Wace JHS 71 (1951): 203ff. < PG?>
VAR px [pl.] (Call. Del. 142). On jioxol- see below.
*COMP éntd-LLvxoc ‘with seven hiding-places’ (Call.).
*DER 1. pLbxLo< ‘innermost’ (poet. since Hes. Op. 523, late prose); several superlatives,
all from pvxdc: pvxoitatog (p 146), from the loc. -"vxot in Loyot- évtdc. Tlaprot
‘inside’ (H.); pwwxaitatog (Arist.); -tepog (Hdn. Epim.), after ecai-tatoc, -tepoc,
etc.; byatog (A. R., Call.), after Eoyatos, etc. ptvxéotatog (Phot.). 2. pwWwy-ahog =
-atoc (trag. anon. pwxaka Taptapa; also E. Hel. 189 [lyr.]?), cf. pvxdrpun, BvOdc
Baddoons ‘depth of the sea’ (Phot.), cf. GApin, and BUcoahor Bd8por ‘holes’ (H.). 3.
wivxywdng ‘full of corners’ (E.). 4. woxdc [f.] = pwxdcg (Lyr. Adesp. Oxy. 15 II 4). 5.
ivydopat [Vv.] ‘to be hidden in a corner’ (sch.).
On \wWoxov- 16 avdpeiov kai yuvatketov [L6ptov ‘male and female private parts’ (H.),
connected by Fick KZ 43 (1909-1910): 149 assuming *LUx-oKOV, see & [L600 2.
*ETYM As a fourth series of stops (*k’, etc.) is not assumed anymore, the genetic
connection with Arm. mxem ‘to immerse’ (Frisk) is obsolete, but it was semantically
doubtful anyway. The Gm. group of ON smjtiga ‘to slip in, MHG smiegen ‘to nestle’
may theoretically derive from IE *smeug'-, like Greek, but the Gm. words may also
go back to *smeuk, and correspond to OCS smykati se ‘to drag on, cooper’, Lith.
988 wow
smukti ‘to glide (away)’, etc. Fur.: 364 thinks that ptvxydc is Pre-Greek; but without
further arguments (see »BvO06c and Fur.: 254). One argument could be the gloss
Biooakot, if it really belongs here; another, the gloss poxot: évtdc¢ with a vocalic
interchange.
jtbw [v.] ‘to close, be shut’, of the eyes: ‘to shut the eyes, abate’, especially with kata-
(S. Fr. 774, Call., Nic.). <1E? *meus-, *meuH- ‘shut’>
eVAR Aor. ptdoat (QO 637), late prdca (AP), fut. pow (Lyc. 988), perf. péptdKa (OQ 420).
ecomP Also with prefix, especially ém-, kata-, ovv-. As a first element in 1)-wy,
thematically enlarged -wmdc “with closing eyes”, i.e. ‘near-sighted’ (cf. Sommer 1948:
9°). %
*DER 1. Adverb in -ti with privative a: duvoti ‘without closing (the lips), at one
draught’ (Hp., Pherecr.), whence dtvotic [f.] ‘drinking at one draught’ (Anacr.,
Epich., E.), whence duvotitw [v.] ‘to empty the cup at one draught’ (E., Plu.). 2.
(ovpt-, KaTA-)pdotc [f.] ‘closing’ (Hp., Thphr,, Plu.). 3. pwotng [m.] ‘sbd. initiated (in
the Eleusinian mysteries)’ (Heraclit., Ar., E.), probably from “who shuts his eyes”, in
opposition to the émdénti¢ “the observer”: he who has reached the highest degree;
twotic [f.] name of comedies of Antiph. and Philem., also in LXX; ptvottkdc
‘belonging to the ttvotat (mysteries), secret’ (IA), p1voTrptov, usually -a [pl.] ‘secret
service’ (IA), pvotnp-twdrj¢, -uKdc, etc.
Beside ttvw stands |tvéw (mostly pass. {tvéojtat) ‘to be initiated’, secondarily act. ‘to
initiate’ (IA), aor. punPijvat, tvijoat, fut. ponOrooptau, perf. pepdrpiat; rarely with év-,
ovv-, mpo-. The mg. probably developed from ‘to have one’s eyes closed’ (cf. t10otN9¢).
Thence jtwnots [f.] ‘initiation’ (Hell., inscr., Ph.).
On itself stands pvdw ‘to shut the lips (the eyes?)’ (only in Ar. Lys. 126 ti jot prwate;
explained with oxapSapittete by H.), also ttowvdw (H., Phot.); perhaps constructed
from the passage in Ar; but cf. the reduplication in proyiwAAw s.v. > LHAAW.
*ETYM The present ,tsw can be explained either from *mus-ie/o-, or from *muH-
ie/o-. The short vowel in the aor. joa, like that of p@doat, etc., may perhaps be
explained from an older root aor. (Frisk suggests that pp30av O 637 stands for older
*u10v); doa can be secondary after tw. The fut. ,t30w derives from the aorist. The
innovative presents ,tvéoptat and véw may have arisen from non-presentic forms
enlarged with 1, like ptunOfvat, wepdrptat; cf. Schwyzer: 721. The perfect pépixa
recalls other intransitive perfects, like gotnka, BéBiyka, etc. and could be a recent
formation.
From other languages, Oettinger 1979: 161ff. connected Hitt. munnae-* ‘to hide,
conceal’, which is followed by Bernabé and Rodriguez Somolinos Glotta 71 (1993):
121-129. |tbw cannot belong to » dytwvvw, however, which requires a root *h,meu-. The
connection with Pal. mus- ‘to satiate oneself as IE *meus- ‘to shut oneself by Janda
Sprache 40 (1998): 21 is semantically not very attractive. Finally, Fur.: 378 compares
> qtuw and considers the possibility of Pre-Greek origin.
So: either the root was *meus-, in which case the perfect was innovated, or it was
*meuH-, when the aorist and nominal forms like t.wotn¢ are young.
ttvw&dc [m.] ‘dormouse’ (Opp. K. 2, 574). <PG?(S)>
Hadhog 989
*ETYM The proposal to derive jwwkd¢ from a pre-form *pv-wk-10c, a verbal
governing compound of |1bw ‘to shut’ and the IE root *h,k’- ‘eye, sight’, with a suffix
-10- and compositional lengthening, is untenable: it would have resulted in -oo-, not
in -§-. Unclear is pwwkia, glossed bBptotixds Adyog by H. and Suid; according to
Suid., it also means ‘mouse-hole’, » {tuwmta. If so, the first member may be Ltd, but it
may also be folk etymology. The word is rather Pre-Greek, cf. »t16pofoc for the
suffix.
pvwria [f.] 1. ‘mouse hole’ (Arist., Ael.); 2. ‘shortsightedness’ (Aét.). < GR>
eETYM In the first meaning, a compound of jtdc¢ and m1 ‘hole’, with compositional
lengthening and suffixal -ia; cf. Scheller 1951: 45f. In the second meaning, the word is
derived from > pwswy 2 ‘shortsighted’.
wy 1, -w7o¢ [m.] ‘goad, spur; gadfly’, also ‘stimulus’ (A. PL, X., Arist.). < PG?(s)>
DER ptvwmiCw [v.] ‘to spurn’ (X., Plb.); truw7ifopat [v.] ‘to be stung by gadflies’ (X.,
J.).
*ETYM Boisacq’s proposal *t.vi-wy “with the aspect ofa fly, fly-like” is called doubtful
by DELG. The suggestion of a special use of twy 2 (Gil Fernandez 1959: 81-4) is not
convincing either. For the suffix -wy in insect names, cf. kwvwy ‘gnat, crane fly and
Sommer 1948: 9?. Since kwvwy is probably a Pre-Greek word, the same may hold for
pbwy as well.
wbwy 2, -wros [adj.] ‘shortsighted’ (Arist.). <GR>
*DER jtuwmia ‘shortsightedness’, -wmiacg [m.] ‘shortsighted man’ (Poll., Paul. Aeg.),
-wilacicg = -wria (Gal.), after the words for diseases in -iaotc, as if from *-wmidu;
LLvwdatw [v.] ‘to be shortsighted’ (2 Ep. Pet. 1, 9). Also thematic ,tvwmdc ‘id.’ (X.
Cyn.).
*ETYM Properly “with eyes getting shut”, from ,ttw and dy. See > ww 1, > pw.
ti [2] Name ofa letter. =10 1.
ewKdoptat [v.] ‘to mock, ridicule, insult’ (LXX, Epicur., Agatharch.). <PG(v)>
*COMP Sporadically with prefix, like dta-, kata-.
*DER |twkdc [m.] ‘mocker, insulting’ (Arist., LXX), ttwkia ‘mockery’, ,t@Kog [m.]
‘insult’ (Anon. apud Ath., Simp.), jewKatw (Suid.), -ebw (Zonar.) ‘to insult’; peoKnpa
(LXX), dta-, kata-pwKiots (Plb., Ath.) ‘mockery’.
*ETYM Formally (cf. Bpwudopct, mwtdoptal, etc.), it is obvious to take jtwkdoptat as an
intensive deverbative; the rare forms ttwxdc and ktwKoc must then be back-
formations. One might also compare intensives like pnkdoptot and ptvKdopta, but
further details are obscure. According to an anonymous spokesman (Stud. itfilcl.
N.S. 1, 93), the word was originally used for a camel (Kdtndog [twKdtal), an
indication which could point to onomatopoeic origin. Fur.: 133 compares [lwyxeTat
p8ovet (H.) with a different velar, and concludes to a Pre-Greek word. See > [1@10¢.
t@Aoc [m.] ‘battle, turmoil of battle’ (I, 6 233, Hes. Sc. 257; after these Archil. 3). <IE?
*meh,- ‘get tired’>
990 pwaoAv
*COMP As a second member in et1wdoc: dyads TMoAEoTI¢, evoTtAos ‘good fighter,
well-armed’ (H.), EdjtwAiwv (Sparta); further in the following words from Gortyn,
which semantically belong together: avtijtwog “avtidtkoc, opponent in court’,
avtywwia dikn gic iv of avtidikot napayivovtat ‘trial in which the adversaries are
present’ (H. s.v. pwAet), dttpitwdrog ‘about which a trial is held, disputable’, dtwAet
‘without trial’, uncertain ayxepiw[Aia], perhaps = ayxtoteia?
*DER Denominative verb twwhéw [v.] ‘to go to court, litigate’ (Gortyn), also with
Cyt@l-, ATtO-, Em; pwAET pLaxetau ‘battles’, jwArjoetar payroetat, TiKpavOroetat ‘will
be embittered’ (H.). Here probably also MaAeta [n.pl.], name of an Arcadian festival
(sch. A. R. 1, 164). Y
*ETYM Connection with Lat. molés ‘heavy masé, effort, etc.” (Frisk) is by no means
certain: the original meaning would then be ‘effort, labor vel sim. (cf. 0c “Apnos),
whence ‘fight’ (cf. mévoc), and thence, with transition to the juridical sphere,
‘Tawsuit’ (cf. dioxetv, pevdyetv; see Triimpy 1950: 160ff., Ruijgh 1957: 95f.).
A better solution seems to separate a suffix -I-, and connect a group of Germanic and
Slavic words: OHG muoan ‘to cumber, bother’ (G miide), Ru. 1sg. mdju ‘to exhaust,
tease’, Lith. pri-si-muol-éti ‘to get tired’. See LIV’ s.v. *meh,-. See > [10Atc, > EL@AvC.
ud)» [n.] name of an unknown plant (k 305, Com. adesp. 641), identified in various
ways by later authors (Plin., Dsc., Ps.-Dsc., Poet. de herb.). According to Thphr. (HP
9, 15, 7) it is an Arcadian name for a kind of garlic ‘Allium nigrum’; also pi@Auc pila
(Lyc. 679). See Ferrari RILomb. 88 (1995): 12ff. <PG?(V)>
eETYM A foreign word, which may be compared with » twAva. This has a non-
Greek suffix (cf. kovuta, dpvta), which means that our word is probably Pre-Greek,
too. For the u-stem, cf. ptiov, Bpd8v, oWpv, etc. (Chantraine 1933: 119). All proposed
IE etymologies (see Frisk) have to be rejected.
um@Avéa [f.] name of a kind of garlic (Hp.). < PG(s)>
eETYM Related to tt@Av with the same ending as in kévula, dpvta, pita, etc. See also
André RPh. 84 (1958): 235. As the ending can hardly be explained in Indo-European
terms, it must be Pre-Greek. It could represent /-d’a/ or /-t’a/.
u@Ave, -voc [adj.] ‘(mentally) enervated; dull, feeble, weak’ (S. Fr. 963. Nic., Demetr.
Lac.). <?>
eVAR Also pt@AvE: anaidevtocg ‘lacking education, stupid’ (H.), cod. -6-, cf. von
Blumenthal 1930: 42f.; twAvKa: TOV damaidevtov. ZaKbvOtor (H.); pwAvPdv: vwOpdv,
Bpadv ‘sluggish, slow’ (H.).
DER ttwAvw [v.] ‘to boil imperfectly, scald, simmer’, med. ‘to become powerless, fade
away’, especially of wounds: ‘to fail to come to a head’ (Hp,, Arist.), also -bva,
-bvolal; aor. pass. LwAv(v)Ofvat, perf. med. ttep@AvopaL, rarely with dno-, kata-,
dia; pwrvetar ynpdoxet ‘becomes old’, prepewrvoptévi> Tapeytévn ‘slack, weakened’
(H.). Verbal nouns puwdvoicg (-vvotc) [f.] ‘scalding, simmering’ (Arist. Thphr.),
opposite of Zynotc; -vtic éméwv mg. uncertain (Timo).
*ETYM For ttwdbw (whence [twAbvw), compare kwivw. The much rarer i@Av¢ could
be a back-formation. With velar: u@Avé like kdpvk veavioxog ‘boy’ (H.), see Kdpn;
LO LOG 991
pw rvpdc like éyvpdc, kamupds, etc., if not dissimilated from -vAdc. Because of the
unclear meaning and formation, tt@Avuc is etymologically hard to assess.
Connection with téXeo¢ does not explain the long vowel -w-. Comparison with
L@Aoc is mentioned by Pok. 746. Petersson 1923: 18 relates LpwAtw to [LoAobw (see
ptohevw), like kwAbw to KoAotw. As Frisk remarks, everything remains hypothetical.
The suffix -vx- looks Pre-Greek.
u@dak [?] a Lydian name for wine (H.). <PG?(V)>
*ETYM Fur.: 219 compares BwAnvr = dyimtedoc, a kind of vine in Bithynia (Gp. 5, 17, 5).
If correct, the word seems Pre-Greek in view of the interchange.
L@AwY, -wrtoc [m.] ‘stripe, wale, weal, bruise’ (Hyp., Arist, LXX, medic.). < PG(S)>
DER ptwAwm-tKdc ‘stripy’ (Gal.), -iCw [v.] ‘to make stripes, wallop, bash’ (Aq. , Plu.).
eETYM The analysis as a compound containing -wy ‘eye, sight, etc.’ is wrong. Words
like these contain a suffix -wy (see eg. »kwvwy) and are certainly of Pre-Greek
origin. Any relation with *mel- ‘black’ (téXac, LoAVvw) is out of the question.
udpat [v.] ‘to strive, try, desire’ (poet.). <?>
eVAR 38g. tt@tat (Epich.), 3pl. pp@vtat (Euph. [III*]), opt. x@to (Stob.); perhaps also
El. ptaito, see Fraenkel 1910: 45, Bechtel 1921, 2: 854; inf. t1@oOc (Thgn.), pte.
tt@pevoc (A., S.), aor. ewoato: ebpev, éteyvaoato, élrjtNGEv ‘invented, contrived,
investigated’ (H.).
*DER pWotc [f.] ‘searching’ (Corn.).
eETYM It cannot be established whether the primary verb jt@ptat is an athematic
formation or a yod-present (cf. Schwyzer: 675°). There is little support for the
supposition of Bechtel 1914 s.v. ptatidw, that papi derives from a lost perfect. The
hapax étwoato is an innovation from ,t@pat. Connection with the reduplicated verb
Puayidw and the ambiguous > taiopict is possible. Prellwitz BB 26 (1901): 300ff.
connected the Gm. group of Go. mops ‘courage, fury’, followed by Pok 7o4f.
Ud@poc [m.] ‘blame, reproach, blemish’ (poet. 6 86, late prose), ‘stain of a sacrificial
animal’ (LXX). <?>
eVAR Lt@tap [n.] (Lyc.).
*COMP d-~Lwiog ‘without blame’ (Ion. poet.), [iwpo-oKdmtog ‘who inspects the
sacrificial animal for a blemish’, together with -oxonéopau, -éw (Ph.).
*DER [t@l-twos “with blame’ (Stoic.); cf. vduuytoc, etc. Denominative verbs: 1.
Lwptcdopat ‘to blame, abuse, defame’ (Ion. poet. since II.), Ion. -éopat, rarely with ém-,
dta-; thence pmpnua (LXX, v.l.), -notc (sch.) ‘blame’, -17t1\¢ [m.] ‘censurer’ (Hp.),
-1t1K6¢ ‘censorious’ (Hell.), -nAdc ‘blameful’ (Hld.). 2. prwpebw [v.] ‘id’ (¢ 274, Hes.
Op. 756), in order to avoid contracted forms, cf. AwBaoptat next to AwBetw (see
> AwBn). 3. uwptaive [v.] ‘id. (Hdn. Epim.).
eETYM Beside tt@poc stand pdpap- aicoxoc, pdfoc, woyoc ‘shame, fear, blame’ and
jtupapiCet- yeAoudlet ‘jests’ (H.); the old connection with dythuwv ‘noble, royal, vel
sim.’ as a privative formation from *dua is rather doubtful. Ablaut w (from *ou) : v
is hardly possible, in spite of examples like Cwpdc : Gon. The word remains isolated,
but cf. Lewkdoptou, Lk@Koc for the meaning.
992 Havvs, -vxXoc
tudvvk, -vxoc [adj.] ‘with one hoof, mostly plur., of horses, as opposed to the split
hooves of cattle and sheep (Hom., Hdt, Arist.). <IE *sy1-h,nog""->
eVAR On thestem formation, see Sommer 1948: 96ff.
*ETYM The ancients derived it from *1ovf(o)-ovvk, with syllable dissimilation and
compositional lengthening, an opinion defended in modern times by Runes Glotta
19 (1930/1931): 286f. However, Saussure 1922: 266 derived it from *opt-@vv§ with an
old zero grade of IE *sem- (see » sic ‘one’). Under this hypothesis, pwvv—& must be an
extremely archaic form, which Frisk did not consider very likely. However, the
reconstructed form must be *sry-h,nug"- > |1w-vvy-, as was shown by the present
author (Beekes Orbis 20 (1971): 138-142).
uw pdc 1 [adj.] ‘stupid, obtuse, foolish’ (IA). <?>
*VAR Att. tL@pocg (accent probably taken from the vocative; see Schwyzer: 380 and
383).
«COMP Compounds, mostly late: e.g. pwpo-Adyoc “who speaks stupidities’, whence
uwpo-Aoyia, -Aoyéw, -Adynua (Arist.), b716-tLwpoc ‘a little stupid’ (Luc.).
*DER tlwpia [f.] ‘stupidity’ (IA), , Ion. -in; pwpict inno Kai Bods tnd ApKkddwv
‘horses and cows (Arc.)’ (H.), jwpiac [m.sg.], like e.g. pvOpiac, and with a semantic
development like in MoGr. dAoyo = inmoc; Mwpiwv (Arc. Gramm.). Denominatives:
1. ftwpaivw [v.] ‘to be stupid, foolish’ (A, E, X., Arist.), ‘to play the fool, make
foolish’, pass. ‘to become insipid’ (LXX, NT), whence pwpav-otc = pLwpia (sch.). 2.
pwpdopat [v.] ‘to become insipid’ (Hp.). 3. trwpedw = wpaivw (LXX). 4. pwpitw ‘to
be stupid’ (Gal.).
*ETYM Unexplained. Usually connected with Skt. mira- ‘foolish’, with ablaut 6(u) : a,
but this ablaut is now not accepted anymore, cf. Mayrhofer EWAia s.v. With words
of this meaning, we must reckon with deviations and crosses, which makes
comparative work rather difficult. Lat. mdrus ‘mad, silly was borrowed from Greek
(see WH s.v.).
uwpdc 2 [adj.] - 6&0, patatov, apBAv ‘sharp, in vain, blunt; dull (H.). <?>
eETYM On the gloss 6&0, see Leumann 1950: 272”.
LOX ETAL = LwWKGOLLAL.
N
v- variant form of the privative prefix, in v-nA(e)r¢, v-tvepoc, v-wddc, etc. <IE *n-
‘un-’>
eETYM In Beekes 1969: 98-113, it was shown that forms in vn-, va-, vw- arose from the
IE negating prefix *n- combined with a following sequence *HC- (for *H = *h,, *hz,
*h,, respectively). This vocalized as *n-HC-. See > a-.
vaBAa [f.] name of a Phoenician lyre with 10 or 12 strings (Soph. Fr. 849 [uncertain
conj.], LXX). <Lw Sem.>
VAR -ac [m.] (com., Str.), also vabAa [f.] (Aq., Sm.), -ov [n.] (H.).
*DER vaBhifw = wardw (gloss.) with vaBAtotr¢ [m.] ‘vaBAa-player’ (Euph.), also
vaBAtoto-Ktumtets ‘id’ (Man. 4, 185) for *vaBAo-Ktbmoc (through cross and with
formal enlargement -evc), vaBbAiotpia [f.] (Maced.).
eETYM Like the instrument, the name was probably also Phoenician; cf. Hebr. nébel
name of a harp. More in Lewy 1895: 161. Borrowed as Lat. nablium, nablum, see WH
SV.
Originally, the word seems to have meant ‘vase’. See Masson 1967: 67-69 and
Heurgon 1966: 518-522. Etruscan has naplan, designating a cup.
vaeppa [f.] » déomotva ‘mistress’ (H.). <GR>
eETYM An Aeolic form, probably for va<ét>eppa; cf. vaiteipa (leg. vaét-?)-
oikodéortotva (H.), see Hoffmann 1893: 241.
vai [pcl.] affirmative pcl. ‘really, yes’ (I1.); vai 61), vai trv, vai pa Aia, vi Aia, etc. <IE?
*(h,e)no- ‘that one’>
VAR Also vi} (esp. Att.), vei (Boeot., also Arc.).
DER vaixt (S., Pl.), with -x1 like in obyi, pnxi; vartdap@co (Com. Adesp.) after ovdayiac,
pindapidc.
eETYM Greek vi corresponds with Lat. né ‘really’; vai could have a formal
counterpart in ToB nai ‘indeed, surely’. For vi): vel : val, cf. : et: ai ‘if; » dat is
analogical beside 54. The word is usually connected with the demonstrative IE
*(h,e-)no- ‘he there’; see » éxeivoc and WH s.v. enim.
vais [f.] ‘Naiade’ eVAR vai, Ion. vnidc, vnic. =vaw.
vatktooopevovras - énitndes Siaovpovtac kai éevteAiCovtag ‘they who willingly “tear
to pieces”, that is to say, disparage’ - trvéc SE pact vaiktoorpetc Aéyeo8at enti Tod
eu@aivovtoc OpoAoyeiv Kai Ll] OpoAOyovvTos ‘others say that v. is called he who
994 vaiw
makes it appear that he agrees, even if he does not agree’ (Pherecr. 222), émi tov
Katewevopevwv 1 €éEtc ‘the way of speaking of those who speak falsely’ (H.). Cf.
Photius s.v. <?>
*ETYM It has been attempted to recognize vaiyt (= vat) in the beginning.
vaiw [v.] ‘to live, inhabit’, occasionally ‘to be situated’ (in this mg. also med. ed
vatdulevoc), aor. trans. ‘to settle, give as a home’, intr. ‘to settle’ (Il.). <1E? *nes-
‘escape, return home’, PG?>
eVAR Aor. vdaooat, -cac8at, -Oijvat, late forms vaujoavto, perf. vévaopat, fut.
VACOOLLAL.
eCOMP Also with prefix, e.g. Kata-, Am10-, OVV-, TEpl-, Tapa-.
*DER Enlarged vatetdw ‘to live, inhabit’, also with mept-, ueta-, mapa-; also ‘to be
situated’, especially in eb vatetdwv ‘well situated, livable’ (Il.); cf. Chantraine 1942:
358. From the present stem (probably in part a back-formation from vatetdw): mept-,
ueta-vaétat [m.pl.] ‘who live around, together with’ (O 488, A. R. 4, 470, Hes. Th.
401), aAt-vorétat ‘who live in the sea’ (B. 16, 97); év-vaétat ‘inhabitants’ (Isyll, A. R.),
-étic [f.] (A. R.). Simplex vaétij¢, Dor. -tac ‘inhabitant’ (poet. since Simon.), vouétic
[f.] (Call.); secondary (év-)vaetjip [m.] ‘id’ (AP), évvaéteipa [f.] (API). On
> [LETAVAOTI|G, See S.V.
eETYM The causative meaning of aor. vaooat probably arose from its opposition to
intr. vacOfvat. The meaning ‘to be situated’, which is often found for vatetdw
(especially in eb vatetawv), but rarely with vaiw, has not yet received a convincing
explanation; perhaps we must start from the ptc. eb votetdwv, if properly ‘where one
lives well’, with the same shift as in 6 émBdAAwv, etc. (type café chantant).
The verbal stem vao- (vaiw < *vdo-1w) is isolated. Comparison with *nes- as in
> véopat, vOoToG is semantically attractive, but the a-vocalism poses a problem. A
solution could be that vao- arose by restoration of v- in the zero grade do- < *ns-;
thus e.g. LIV’ s.v. *nes-. Note, however, the original reflex of the zero grade in
> copevoc.
Alternatively, vao- could be Pre-Greek. See further » vadc.
van [f.] ‘woollen skin, fleece’, especially of sheep and goats (€ 530, Lyc., Paus.). < PG>
eVAR More common is vaxog [n.] (Pi., Hdt., Simon., inscr.).
eCOMP As a first member in vaxo-déwrjc [m.] ‘tanner’ (Hp.), as a second member in
Katw-vakn [f] “coarse cloth, worn by slaves working on the field, with a front of
sheepskin’ (Ar.), which is properly a bahuvrihi; on dpvaxic see > dprjyv.
*DER vaktptov: dépua ‘skin, hide’ (H.); formation unclear, perhaps to be changed
(following Schmidt) into vax0<d>ptov (like wed-ddptov etc., Chantraine 1933: 72f.).
eETYM For vakoc: van, cf. vamtog : van and common pairs of abstracts, like BAdBoc
: BAGBn; the suffixation of vaxoc is like eipoc, papos, etc., that of vaxn like Awmn, etc.
(all names for ‘wool’ and ‘cloth’).
The reconstruction as IE *nak-s-ko- and comparison with OE nesc ‘soft leather, e.g.
deer-skin’ < PGm. *naska-, which is isolated in Germanic, cannot be upheld for
obvious reasons. Rather a Pre-Greek word; see Fur.: 294, 305. The suffixation of
vakbptov points in the same direction. See » vacow.
vaoc 995
vamapav [acc.sg.m.] ‘candelabrum? (inscr. Delos 2240f.). <LW Sem.>
*ETYM Through metathesis from Syr. m‘nara ‘id.’; see Gregoire Byzantion 13 (1938):
181f. Ronzevalle Mél. Univ. St. Joseph (Beirut) 22 (1939): 109-121 starts from Syr.
n*mara ‘crown’.
VAVVAG, -a =VEVVOS.
2 L « ? 4
vavvapiov [n.] - obtw Kahovpevov ei6d¢ TL AowTwv ‘a sort of hopeless people
duewvov 62 Tov TpUPEPOV Kal HaAdaKdv aKovely ‘better: hearing softly and delicately’
(HL). <>
*DER Also name of a courtesan (Theophil.11); cf. perhaps vavvav.
eETYM Unknown.
vavvapic [m.] - kivatdoc ‘someone lewd’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Unknown. See > vavvdptov.
vavog [m.] ‘dwarf (Ar. Fr. 427, Arist. Longin., H., POxy. 465, 225 [II?]); also a cake
made of oil and cheese (Ath. 14, 646c). <ONOM>
*VAR Often vavvos (mss.); on the notation vavvoc (hypocoristic gemination) beside
vavoc cf. Schwyzer: 268.
«comp AS a first member in vavvo-@urjc ‘of dwarfish stature’ (Ar. Pax 790).
*DER vav@dnc ‘dwarflike’ (Arist.), vavvovdtov ‘lapdog’ (sch. Luc. Conv. 19). .
*ETYM An onomatopoeic word of unknown origin; cf. Schwyzer: 423 and Bjérck
1950: 67. Borrowed as Lat. nanus > MofFr. nain, etc.; see WH s.v.
vatos [adj.] epithet of xohooodc (Epigr. apud Phot.). <¢>
eETYM According to Geffcken & Herbig Glotta 9 (1918): 97 ff., to be accented vatdc =
‘driven (with a hammer), related to > vaoow. According to G. and H., the name of
the island N&Eoc should also be included here.
vadc [m.] ‘temple, house of a god, sanctuary’ (Dor., Thess., late Att. Hell.). <GR? *nas-
wo-, PG?>
eVAR varéc (Lacon.), vadoc (Lesb.), vid (Hom., Hdt.), vews (Att.).
*COMP vao-Kopocg (Delph.), va-Kdpog (Dor.), vew-, VvEO-KOPOG (A, Hell.) [m.]
‘temple-warden’ with derivatives (see »Kopéw); va(O)-, VEW-TOLOG, secondary
-m10(t)ag (Schwyzer 451), -7t0({)n¢ name of an office in charge of the construction of a
templé, whence -no1gw, -motia, -Totetov, -Mo Kd, etc. (inscr. since v")s as a second
member in mp0-vaoc (A.), Att. -vews, also -vatoc, Ion. -vijic (A8nva Tpovata,
-vnta), ‘in front of the temple’, substantivized mpd-vaoc, Ion. -vrjoc [m.], -vaov,
-vaov, -viiov [n.] ‘front hall’. :
*DER 1. Diminutives: vaiStov (Plb., Str.), vatoxog [m.] (Str. J.) with -ioxtov, -toKaptov
(pap., sch.). 2. Adjective: vaikéc ‘belonging to a temple’ (Dodona). 3. Denominatives:
vaevw [v.] ‘to take sanctuary in a temple’ (Gortyn); vaow ‘to lead into a temple
(Crete); cf. vavetv- iketevetv, mapa tO émi tiv Eotiav Katapebyely Tovc iKétac
‘supplicate, after the fact that suppliants take refuge at the hearth’ (H.) .
eETYM A pre-form *vaofoc has to assumed for the different dialectal forms.
Therefore, the word is mostly analyzed as PGr. *nas-wo- and derived from vacoat,
996 vartn
> vaiw as ‘habitation, house (of the god)’, which is quite possible. However, Fur:
1 : L . a y t
338° adduces the variants vatdc (Clinias apud sch. A. R. 2, 1085, H.) and vetdc (inscr.
Samos IV*), variants which would point to substrate origin.
vann [f.] ‘wooded vale, chasm’ (© 558 = P 300); vana: OULPUTOG TdT ‘overgrown
place’ (H.). <PG?>
*VAR vaTtos [n.] (Pi. S., E., X.).
*DER vart-atog ‘like a wooded vale’ (S., E.), -81¢ ‘id’ (Eust., St. Byz.).
*ETYM Cf. the TN Namtoc (Lesbos); probably Pre-Greek. See > TPOVWTEIS.
var, -voc [n.] ‘mustard’.
eVAR Also ofvamt. %
*DER vartetov (Nic. Al. 430), after YITEloV, KMVELOV. = of var.
eae [f.] ‘spikenard, Indian narde, Nardostachys Jatamansi’ (Hell. and late). <Lw
em.>
*VAR vapdov [n.] (Thphr. Od. 12, Poll.).
*COMP Few compounds, e.g. vapS6-otayvc, -voc [m.] = vaod : j
poo xX ¢ [m.] = vapSov otdyuc, vapSoc
eDER vap8-tvoc ‘of nard’ (Antiph., Men., PIb.), -it1¢ olvoc ‘wine spiced with nard’
(Dsc. in tit.), -itig Botavn ‘nard-like plant’ (Gal.) ; -i{w ‘to resemble the nard’ (Dsc.).
*ETYM From Phoenician, cf. Semitic forms like Hebr. nérd, Aram. nirda, and Babyl.
lardu. Further connection with Skt. nadd- ‘reed, cane’ (beside nadd- ‘id.’) is quite
uncertain and should probably be abandoned; the Semitic words rather come from
Skt. ndlada- [n.] ‘Indian narde’ (AV), on which see Mayrhofer KEWA: s.wv. nadéh
and ndladam. Borrowed as Lat. nardus, -um; see WH. Beside vapdoc, we have vaptn
[f.], designating aromatic plants (Thphr. HP 9, 7, 3).
Fur.: 199 also compares » vapOnt and suggests that we are dealing with a Middle
Eastern culture word.
vapn 1 depwv kai pwpd ‘an insane and stupid woman’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
vapOnk, -nkoc [m.] ‘giant fennel, Ferula communis’, also denoting its hollow stalk
which was used as a thyrsos and splint, among other things (Hes.); also ‘cabaule.
cupboard’ (Str.). <PG(s,v)>
*COMP Few compounds, e.g. vap81yko@dpoc ‘v.-bearer’ (PI. X.).
eDER vapBriKtov ‘small splint’ (medic.), -ia name of a v.-like plant (Thphr.), cf.
Paxtnp-ia, aptnp-la, etc; vapOrK-tvoc ‘made of v.’ (Arist.), vap®nx-iGw [v.] ‘to
splint (medic.), whence -topdc, -topa (Apollod. Poliorc., etc.); vapOryxwvtec
vapOn& mrijooovtes ‘hitting with v, (H.). TN Nap@dxtov in Phthiotis, also a
mountain in Thessalia (X., Plu.).
*ETYM The variant vé@pak- vapOnt (H.) with metathesis, as well as the TN
Nap@dktov, point to original -ax-, which is a Pre-Greek suffix. See Fur.: 199, who
compares > vapdoc.
vapkagGov [n.] ‘a fragrant Indian bark’ used as spice (Dsc. 1, 23). <PG?>
F
vaoow 997
*VARAIso vaokag8ov (written vadkagpwov, which will be a simple mistake), but also
vakapBov. Also A\dxapBov (Paul. Aeg. 7, 22)?
eETYM Fur.: 299 thinks it is a cultural term from the Middle East, in spite of the
suggested Indian origin. On a possible variation p/o, see ibid. 299f.
vapxn [f.] ‘numbness, deadness, numbfish’ (IA); on the fish see Strémberg 1943: 57.
<PG?>
VAR Secondary vapKa (Men.).
*COMP As a second member in Onpto-vapxn [f.] name of a plant that paralyzes a
snake (Plin.).
*DER vapKw6dn¢ ‘paralysed’ (Hp.); vapkaw [v.] ‘to be paralysed’ (© 328), also with
amo-, dta-, éx-, whence dmovapKn-otc (Plu.); vapkow [v.] ‘to paralyse, deaden’ (Hp.)
with vapKw-otc, -TiKdc (medic.).
eETYM vapkn has been analyzed as a zero grade verbal noun with barytone accent
(Chantraine 1933: 22f.), belonging to a Germanic verb OHG sner(a)han, MHG
snerhen ‘to swing, knot, draw together’, with deverbative ON snara ‘to turn, swing,
wind’ < PGm. *snarhén- and the verbal noun OHG snar(a)ha, ON snara [f.] ‘swing’.
The supposed connection (thus still LIV’ s.v. *snerk- ‘zusammenziehen, schlingen’)
is semantically far from convincing; moreover, one would expect *rk- to yield Gr.
*v(6)pax-. The structure of this word looks non-IE. Therefore, we should rather
assume a Pre-Greek word *nark-; the variant nom. in -G also points to this.
vapxiov [n.] - dox6v ‘skin, hide, belly, bellows, etc.’ (H.). <?>
eETYM DELG considers connection with X\dpKoc, Aapkiov, and perhaps vdpvak, and
rejects the connection with > vdpxKn,
vapkiooos [m.(f.)] ‘narcissus’ (h. Cer.). <PG>
*DER vapkicotvog ‘made from narcissus, narcissus-colored’ (Hp., Dsc., pap.), -it¢
name of a stone (D. P., Plin.), because of the color or the smell?
*ETYM The suffix clearly points to a Pre-Greek word; cf. Hester Lingua 13 (1965): 361,
with Heubeck Vox Romanica 19 (1960): 151f. The connection with vapxn is due to
folk-etymology.
vapéc [adj.] ‘flowing, liquid’. =vdw.
vap@n [f.] - ckevactds dptoc 6 kai paontpic ‘prepared bread/cake, which is also called
u.” (HL). <2>
eETYM Unknown.
vaoow [v.] ‘to stamp down, squeeze close, press together, stuff’ (@ 122). <PG?(Vv)>
VAR Att. vattw, aor. vata, fut. vaEw (H.), perf. med. vévayyau, vevacpat.
eCOMP Rarely with prefix, e.g. Kata-, ovv-.
*DER Verbal adjective vaotdc ‘pressed together, stuffed’ (medic., J.), substantivized
(scil. mAaKkovdc) [m.] name of a cake (com.) with vaotioxog [m.] (Pherecr.); also
vaktds ‘pressed together’ (Plu.); vaxtad- toc mikovug kai Ta gumidia ‘things made of
felt and felt shoes’ (H.). Verbal substantive vaya [n.] ‘closely sqeezed stone-wall’
J-)-
998 vavaydc
*ETYM It is unclear from the attestations whether the verbal stem originally ended in
a velar (vata p 122) or a dental (vaotdéc from *vattdc?). Etymology unknown;
connection with » vakoc ‘woollen skin’ cannot be proven. Borrowed as Lat. naccae
‘fullones’, perhaps from *vaxtau; see WH s.v. The verb is probably Pre-Greek.
vavaydc [m.] ‘shipwrecked person’ (Hdt.). <GR>
eVAR Ion. -nyoc.
*DER vav-ayéw, -ryéw [v.] ‘to be shipwrecked’, -dyia, -ryyia [f.] ‘shipwreck’, -ayia,
-Hyta [n.pl.] (rarely -tov [sg.]) ‘wreck (ofa ship)’ (IA).
*ETYM Compounds of vatc and dyvuui, dyfivat ‘break’ with long compositional
vowel. This may be due either to compositional lengthening or analogy after other
such compounds (thus in Ion. -ny-), or to inflience of Katayvypu, sya, see Bjorck
1950: 42 and 147.
vavkAnpog [m.] ‘shipowner, captain’, sbd. who lets his ship and the places on board to
other persons (IA), on the mg. against &imopog and Kdmndog see Finkelstein Class.
Phil. 30 (1935): 320ff.; metaph. ‘owner of a rented house’ (com.). <IE *krh,s-ro-
‘head’>
*DER vavkAnp-ia [f.] ‘employment as a vabKhn-poc, society of shipowners,
navigation’ (Att.), perhaps from vavkAnpéw (see below); tov [n.] freighter’ (D., E.);
vav-KAdp-toc epithet of Poseidon (Delos I"), -Anpikdc ‘belonging to the v.’ (Pl. Lg.),
vavkAnpdou.ot otéyat Ta TavSoKeia ‘rooms, taverns’ (H.), after prcOwoipoc.
Denominative vavk\np-éw [v.] ‘to be vawk\npog’ (Att.), metaph. ‘to govern (a state)
(trag.), with vavkAnpruata [pl.] ‘shipping’ (Tz.). Further vavxpapoc (vabkAapoc H.)
[m.] name of the manager of a vavkpapia (Lex Solonis apud Arist. Ath. 8, 3, Hdt.)
with vavkpap-ia [f.] part of a phyle in Solonic Athens, for financial and
administrative purposes (Arist. Ath. 8, 3), ~ta [n.pl.] ‘registry of the vatxpapor’
(Ammon. gramm.), -1Kdc ‘belonging to the vavkpapos or -ia’ (Lex Solonis apud
Arist.).
*ETYM The usual term vavkapoc / vavKAnpos arose by dissimilation and folk-
etymological connection with KAfjpoc from older vavKpapoc. The latter only
remained in a technical sense. The original mg. is “who stands at the head of a ship”.
The zero grade in the second member of vatKpapoc (*-krh,-C-) may be compared
with that in 6p06-Kpaipa (see >Kpaipa). Here, kpap- may derive from *krah-ro-
which belongs to *krahn- < *krh,-s-n- seen in >Kpdaviov, and inflected forms of
>Kdpa. Other ablaut grades are continued in Kdpnva < *krh,-es-n-h, and Lat.
cerebrum < *kerh,-s-ro- (see » kapnva, > Képac).
The same element appears in Boeot. PN (A)a-Kpapidag < *Aé-Kpapog (Solmsen
RhM 53 (1898): 151ff.). Borrowed as Lat. nauclérus, cf. Friedmann 1937: 26ff.
vadAov [n.] ‘fare, freight, passage-money’ (Att., Hell.). <GR>
eVAR -o¢ [m.], also -AA- (inscr.), Schwyzer: 238.
*DER vavAdw, -dopat [v.] ‘to let out a ship, freight a ship’ (Plb., pap.), with vavb)-wotc
freighting’, -@outoc ‘belonging to freighting’ (also of KTH, Svot), -wttkr [f.], scil.
ies = ovyypagn ‘freighting agreement’ (all pap.); cf. Kalbfleisch RhM 94
1951): 94f. .
vatob\ov 999
eETYM Probably from » vaic, though further Ao-derivatives of nouns and semantic
examples are missing. See Chantraine 1933: 241. Borrowed as Lat. naulum. See
> vavo0Aov.
vai [f.] ‘ship’ (Il.), details on the inflection in Schwyzer: 578. <1E *neh,u- ‘ship’>
VAR Epic Ion. vnc; gen. vews (vndc, vedc, Dor. vadc), dat. viii (vat), acc. vabv (vija,
véa), plur. nom. vijec (véec, vaec), gen. vedv (vn@v, vadv), dat. vavoi (vuoi,
VIEGOL), acc. vag (vijac, véac).
*COMP vav-apxyocg ‘commander of a ship’ (IA), see also » vewplov, » vewAKéw; in
dat.pl. as a first member, e.g. vavoi-KAvtos, -kAettoc ‘famous for his ship’ (epic poet.
Od.), vavoi-mopog (X., Arist.) = vat-1opoc (A., A. R.) ‘sailed by ships’; as a second
member in xtAt6-vavg ‘consisting of thousand ships’ (E., Str.); amalgamation with a
suffix -ia- in eg. (tevtekat-)dexa-va-ia [f.] ‘fleet of fifteen/ten ships’ (Plb. and D.).
Cf. further » vavaydc, » vabKAnpos.
*DER A. vijioc, Dor. vaiog (Il.), vijitns (Th., A. R.) ‘consisting of ships, belonging to
the ship’, or vijtnc? See Redard 1949: 12 and 43.
B. vabtng, Dor. -tac [m.] ‘sailer, ship-passenger’ (Il.), vavotnc¢ (pap.) with analogical
-o-. Thence several derivatives: 1. vabtic, -t60¢ [f.] epithet of yuvaikec (Theopomp.
Com.), vavtpta [f.] (Ar. Fr. 825); 2. vavt-eia [f.] ‘shipping’ (Hell. inscr. and pap.),
after otpateia (to otpatetbw), etc; 3. vavt-ia (Arist., Aret.), Ion. vavoin (Semon.),
‘seasickness, disgust’ (Scheller 1951: 41) with vavtt-wdng “prone to seasickness,
sickening’ (medic., Plu.), vavt-.aw [v.] ‘to be seasick, be disgusted’ (Att.), vavtia
partly a back-formation; -taopdc = vavtia (Hippiatr.); 4. vavt-tKdc “(consisting) of
seamen’, also (referring to vatc) ‘nautical’ (IA); 5. vavt-iAoc [m.] or [adj.] ‘shipper,
seaman; nautical’ (Hdt., trag.), also name of a mollusc, ‘paper nautilus, Argonauta
argo’ (Arist.), see Thompson 1947 s.v; on the formation Chantraine 1933: 248f.);
vavttA-ia, -in ‘navigation, sea-journey’ (0 253), also connected with vavtiAAouau
(Scheller 1951: 35), vavtiAAoptat [v.] “to be sailor, sail’ (Od.); 6. Navtetc [m.] PN (8
112 beside mpupvetc; see Wackernagel KZ 24 (1879): 297).
C. See » vabAov and » vato8)ov.
*eETYM Old IE word *neh,u- ‘ship’, which is also found in IIr., Arm., Lat., Celt., Gm.,
and Illyr. The inflections of Greek, Sanskrit (and also Latin) seem to correspond:
vats = Skt. ndus < IE *neh,u-s; vi(F)a = Skt. ndvam, Lat. navem (whence nom.
navis) < IE *neh,u-m; vi(p)ec = Skt. ndvas < IE *neh,u-es, vij(p)ac = Skt. ndv-as < IE
*neh,u-ns, etc. Other reconstructions (e.g. nom. *neh,-éu-s, acc. *neh,-eu-m, gen.
*neh,-u-os << *nh,-u-os, cf. Beekes 1985: 96) are also possible.
Examples from other languages: MoP nav, Arm. naw (perhaps from Iranian), Olr.
nau, ON nor [m.], Illyr. TNs Nau-na, Nau-portus, etc.
Lat. nauta, nausea were borrowed from Greek.
vato8Xov [n.] Arg. for vadAov: ‘fare, freight’ (~ddiov kai vado8Aov, IG 4, 823: 12 [IV%,
Troezen], H.). <GR>
*DER vavo8Ado-pat, -dw [v.] ‘to be carried for fare, transport’, (as a passenger)
‘travel’ (E, Ar. Lyc.).
1000 vadooov
eETYM Built on vatc with a suffix -@Ao- also seen in Q@vo-O\a, Oée-Oda, etc.
(Chantraine 1933: 375); the -o- must be secondary (cf. vavotn¢ beside vattn¢ s.v.
> vatc). Unrelated is » vatcoov.
vatooov [n.] ‘name of a tax’ (Cyzicus VI’, Cos I*). <?>
*ETYM Because of the -oo- (original sampi) a technical foreign word, perhaps from
Carian; see Wackernagel RhM 48 (1893): 299.
va@8a [f., n.] ‘petroleum’ (LXX, Str., Dsc.). «LW Iran.>
eVAR -ac [m.].
eETYM Cf. MoP naft ‘petroleum’, which is of uncertain origin. Acc. to Brandenstein
OLZ 43 (1940): 345ff., the Greek word is from ‘Iran. *nafta- from *nab- ‘be wet’. On
the meaning and further forms see Brust 2005: 471ff. Borrowed as Lat. nap(h)tha.
vagpov [n.] - Atvodv papa ‘linen thread’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
vaw [v.] ‘to flow, stream’, mainly of water (II.). <?>
eVAR Only present stem except for dtavatoat dianAebdoat ‘to sail across’ (H.) and the
ptc. aor. dugt-vaévtocg (Emp. 84). A long vowel is found in ipf. vae(v) (A. R, Call.),
vaiov (1 222); note vavet: péet, BAUCet ‘flows, gushes forth’ (H.), interpreted as Aeol.
°COMP Rarely with augt-, dta-, mept.
*DER 1. vaétwp: péwv, toAbppous ‘streaming, having much current’ (H.), vatwp (S.
Fr. 270); 2. vapdc ‘welding, streaming’ (A. Fr. 347 = 764 Mette, S. Fr. 621); 3. vapa
[n.] ‘flowing water, source, stream’ (trag., Pl., X., Arist.) with diminutive vaid-tiov
(Thphr.), -tiatog “from sources, source-’ (Aeschin.), -twéry¢ ‘rich in sources’
(Thphr.); 4. vaoptdg = vaua (E.), -wdn¢ (H.). Probably also 5. Naidc, Ion. Nyjtac (Od.,
A.R., AP), Naig, Ion. Nnjic [f.] (IL) “Naiade’, see below.
*ETYM It is usually assumed that all present stem forms go back to *vdf-w (Frisk,
DELG, LfgrE). This is only possible if one assumes that shortvocalic vaw (vaet,
vaovovv ¢ 292, D 197) stands for vaiw as a rhythmical variant (Chantraine 1942: 167).
Note, however, that vaiw is only attested in 1 222 (with a v.l. vaov). The ptc. dtgt-
vaévtoc (Emp. 84) was probably formed under the influence of pvévtoc. It seems
that a basic form *vafepa or *vafryia has to be assumed for vata (which is common
in Attic), although such a formation is unparallelled; if so, vapdc could also be from
*varepdc, vaoptog from *vafeopidc, and vatwp from *varétwp (cf. Bechtel 1914:
234f.).
The forms with long vowel va-idc, -ic, vrj-tac, -ic presuppose a noun *vdf-a (cf. e.g.
Kprjv-1] : -ldi¢); the proper meaning would then be “daughter of the source”. As all
nymphs are considered to be daughters of Zeus, the Naiades are connected with the
Dodonaic Zet¢ Ndioc. However, a source in Dodona is only mentioned in late Latin
writers, and Zeus is unknown as a god of sources (cf. Nilsson 1941(1): 426f.); so the
proper meaning of Ndioc remains unclear. If the Naiades have something to do at all
with Zetc Ndioc, their qualification as daughters of a source must be left open.
Correspondences to vaw outside Greek are uncertain. One might compare the
athematic long grade present Skt. snauti ‘to drip’, with zero grade ptc. snuta- (cf.
veBpdc 1001
LIV? s.v. *sneu-), although the explanation of the Greek a-vocalism as an analogical
zero grade *snaw- beside *snew- remains dubious. See > véw, > vijxw, > Nnpeve.
-ve [pcl.] in Thess. 6-ve, t6-ve, Ta-ve = -d¢, t6-6e, ta-Se; beside it -vv in Arc. Cypr. 0-
vv, with deictic -t Arc. gen.sg. tw-vi = Tod-de, tovdi, etc. <IE *eno- ‘this, that’>
*ETYM Like vai and vi, -ve has also been connected with the demonstrative stem
*(e-)no-. On -vv, see on & vu, viv , viv ‘now’. See > vai.
vedic [adj.] ‘fresh, powerful, rested’ (Ar. Fr. 361, Pl. X., D.). <GR>
eVAR -GAr¢ (Nic.).
*ETYM Originally ‘newly fed, newly grown (upy, from *veo-aAnc, a compound of
véoc and the root of an old verb ‘to feed, nourish’, preserved in » dvaAtoc, and in
Lat. alo, etc. The compound underwent compositional lengthening and is formed
with the suffix -1)¢ (cf. Schwyzer: 513).
veavias, -ov [m.] ‘youth, young strong man’, also as an adj. ‘youthful, strong, wilful’
(Od.). <GR> ;
eVAR Ion. verving, -ew; vedvic [f.] ‘young lady, girl’ (IL, also LXX), Ion. veryvic,
contracted vijvtc; -t60¢, -Lv.
*DER 1. Hypocoristic: veavioxoc, verv- [m.] ‘id.’ (IA) with Vea vlok-E00 Hal [v.] ‘to be
in youth’ (com., X.), -ebpata [pl.] = Lat. Iuvenalia (D. C.); NEGO OY (Arr.
Epict.), -bdptov (Theognost.). 2. Adjective: veavikdc ‘youthful’ (Att., Hp.) with
veavix-éw [v.] ‘to be youthful (Eup.), -6tn¢ ‘youth’ (Sext. Ps.). 3. Verbs: veavievouat
[v] ‘to behave youthful or recklessly’ (Att.), rarely with prefix as em, mpoo-; thence
veavievpia [n.] ‘youthful behaviour’ (PI.), veav(vjeia [f.] (Ph.); veavitw (Plu., Poll.)
sETYM A substantival derivation in -lé¢ from *veaivdc vel sim., which must itself be
an enlargement of véoc. A proposal for the origin of this suffix -an- was made by
Leukart 1980: 238ff.
véatoc [adj.] ‘lowest, utmost’. eVAR Epic also velatoc. =veldc, véoc.
vedw [v.] ‘to plough up a fallow land’. =veidc, véoc.
veBAGpat = mepaivety ‘to finish, fulfill (H.). <?>
eETYM Cf. veBAdpetat (?) in Phot. = Ar. Fr. 241.
veBpdc [m., f.] ‘young of the deer, fawn’ (IL). <2> —
comp As a first member e.g. in veBpo-tOxKog ‘bringing forth fawns (Nic.).
sDER Several derivatives, most poet. and late: 1. Substantive: veBpic, -td0¢ [f.]
fawnskin’ (E.) with veBpi5-tov (Artem.) and veBpttw [v.] ‘to wear a fawnskin’ (D. 18,
259, beside xpatnpitw ‘drink a bowl’, of the participants of a Dionysus-festival),
veBptoytdc ‘wearing veBpic’ (gramm.); veBpij [f.] ‘id’ (Orph.); veBpiac [m.] of yadeoc,
name of a shark (Arist.), after its color, cf. Thompson 1947 s.v. Ehapos veBplas deer
(H. s.v. Addac); véBpaxec: oi Gppevec veoTttol TOV dAeKktpvdvuv ‘the male chicks of
the rooster’ (H.), cf. oxvdak, mépta— and Chantraine 1933: 3795 veBpitnc diBoc
(Orph.), -itic (Plin.), after the color. 2. Adjectives: véBptvos (S.), veB petoc (Call.,
API.) ‘of a fawn’, véBpetov name of the Pastinaca sativa (Ps.-Dsc.), Strémberg 1944:
1002 vénhug
50; veBpwong ‘fawn-like’ (AP). 3. Verb: veBpdouat ‘to be changed into a fawn’
(Nonn.).
eETYM An exact match to veBpdc has been sought in Arm. nerk, -oy ‘color’, deriving
both from IE *(s)neg”ro-. However, the meaning of the Armenian word has nothing
to do with ‘deer’. The correspondence is listed as “doubtful in Clackson 1994: 182.
Janda Sprache 38 (1996): 87-92 derives it from *neg"-ro- ‘naked’ (= unarmed).
The deer and hind are often called after their variegated color, eg. mpd&, mpoKdc
‘deer- or roe-like animal’ from mepxvdc ‘speckled’, 1pexvov- moiKtAdxpoov ~Aagov
‘varicolored deer’ (H.).
véndug ‘newly arrived’. =éAetoopat.
veixog [n.] ‘quarrel, strife, feud’ (IL, Hdt.), on the mg. Triimpy 1950: 144f. <IE *neik-
‘attack, run at’>
iw As a second member in stohv-verkrj¢ ‘much quarrelling’, as a PN TIoAv-veikns
*DER vetkéw [v.] ‘to quarrel with words, blame, abuse’ (II.), epic also -eiw < *-es- ie/o-,
aor. vetxéo(O)au; thence vetkeo-trp ‘quarreler’ (Hes. Op. 716; vl. -NTNP); vetkéootoc:
TOAE MOG ‘hostile’ (H.), after ixéotoc etc.
*ETYM Related to the Baltic group of Lith. ap-nikti, also su-nikti ‘to attack somebody’,
Latv. nikns ‘bad, grim, vehement’, naiks ‘vehement, angry’, and to Hitt. nini(n)k-* ‘to
set in motion, mobilize’ (see LIV’ s.v. *nejk- ‘sich erheben’). Greek only preserves
derivations from the s-stem, and perhaps also > vikn.
ve1dc [f.] ‘fallow field’ (Hom., Hes., Call., Arist., Thphr.); on the mg. see below. <IE?
*ni- ‘(below >
eVAR Also vedc (X., Amorgos IV"), ved (Amorgos IV"), ved or véa (Thphr., Att.
inscr.).
*DER With deviating semantics: vet-68ev [adv.] ‘from below’ (K 10, Hell. poet.), vet-
60e ‘id. (poet. inscr. III, Luc.), vet-68t ‘below’ (® 317, Hes. Th. 567, Hell. poet.).
Superl. vetatoc ‘lowermost, utmost’ (mainly epic since II.), also véatog, Arc. vijatos,
after Zoxatoc, mbpatos, cf. Uéoos : ueoatog; vedtn [f.] (Cratin., Pl.), contracted vty
(Arist., Ptol.), scil. xopdry ‘the lowest string’ (with the highest tone); vetotatov-
katwtatov ‘lowermost’ (H.); also wijiotog in wiiota: goxata, katwtata (H.),
probably also in Nrjiotat (Boeot. -ittat) mbAat a gate in Thebes (A. Th. 460, E. Ph.
1104). Fem. veiaupa (véatpa Simon.) ‘the lowermost’, as a substantive (scil. yaotrp)
‘belly, abdomen’ (Il., Hp., Hell.), cf. yépatpa, etc. (Chantraine 1933: 104, 234; cf. also
Benveniste 1935: 112); contracted veipa (A. Ag. 1479, E. Rh. 794 [readings not quite
certain], H.); vetipdg [m.] (Lyc., H.) with veipt Kkoin Kowia éoxdtn ‘outermost
stomach’ (H.), Schwyzer: 475. On the entire set of forms, cf. Schwyzer: 503.
Denominative vedw [v.] ‘to plough a fallow land’ (Hes. Op. 462, com., Thphr.),
connected with véog ‘new’ at an early date, if not even derived from it, cf. on » véog;
veatdéc [m.] ‘working of fallow land’ (X. Oik. 7, 20; like dAoatdc), véaots [f.] ‘id’?
(Thphr.) with vedoipos (gloss.), see Arbenz 1933: 87.
*ETYM If vetd8ev, vetatoc, veiaipa are cognate with vetdc, vetdc (scil. yi, xwpa), it
must have originally meant ‘with a low location, low plain’; the meaning ‘fallow
veKpdc 1003
land’, which is also possible for Homer, could rest on the folk-etymological
connection with véoc ‘new’; cf. Lat. novdlis, -e ‘fallow land’.
The comparison of vetdc < *vetrdc with a Slavic word for ‘field’, e.g. Ru. niva [f.], is
doubtful (see Derksen 2008 s.v. with alternatives). For Greek, if we separate a suffix
*-uo-, it is possible to compare the IE adverb *ni ‘low’ seen in Skt. ni, with derivatives
in e.g. OHG nidar ‘downward’, OE neowol ‘steep’ < *ni-yol-. However, the writing
vn- in viiotoc, Arc. vijatoc has not been explained in a convincing way. Since an old
lengthened grade is highly improbable (especially in a superlative), the n must be
secondary.
wh_ ¢
veiget [v.] ‘it snows’ (Il.). IE *sneig’"- ‘snow’>
eVAR Aor. vetwau, veipOfvai, fut. veiwet. Cf vipa [acc.sg.f.] (falling) snow’ (Hes. Op.
535).
*COMP Sometimes with prefix, eg. kata-. Compounds, eg. vip-d-Bodog ‘snow-
covered’ (Ar., E.), dya-vwi-o¢ ‘with much snow’ (A 420, = 186, Epich.).
eDER 1. vig-d6e¢ [f.pl.], also sing. wp-dc, -d50¢ ‘snow-flake, snowstorm’ (IL, Pi.,
trag.), also [adj.] ‘rich in snow’ (S.); 2. vip-etdc [m.] ‘falling snow, snowstorm’ (II,
Arist.) with vipet-®6n¢ ‘connected with snow-fall’ (Arist. Plb.); 3. vip-detc ‘snowy,
rich in snow’ (Il).
*ETYM The full-grade thematic root present veipet (vipguev M 280 stands for veig-),
from which the other Greek verbal forms arose, neatly corresponds with Av. snaéza-
(e.g. subj. snaézat), OHG and OE sniwan, Lith. sniégti, 3g. sniéga, as well as perhaps
Lat. nivit ‘it snows’ (Pac.), from thematic PIE *sneig’"-e- ‘it snows’. A zero grade
thematic present is found in Olr. snigid ‘it drops, rains’, and a nasal present in Lat.
ninguit, Lith. snifiga.
Deviating in meaning is the zero-grade yod-present Skt. snihyati ‘to get wet, sticky’,
metaph. ‘to find affection’, with sneha- ‘stickyness, affection, etc., with a shift of
meaning that has been ascribed to the mild climate, like in the Celtic word (see
above). Comparable to this shift in Greek is e.g. Nonn. D. 22, 283 aipatt veigetc of
sticky blood, Lyc. 876 ouBpia vipdg of a rain shower. It is also possible that ‘to be
sticky’ is the original root meaning, as advocated by LIV’ s.v. *sneig#"-.
The root noun acc. viga (beside which as a nom. vipetoc, vias, xtWv) is identical
with Lat. nix, nivis < IE *snig”"- and is also continued in &ya-vvigosg < *-snig”'-. viBa-
xt6va ‘winter’ (H.) could also be included here as Illyrian (Krahe IF 58 (1942): 133).
An o-stem *snoig’"o- is found in Gm. (e.g. Go. snaiws, MoHG Schnee) and in Slavic
(e.g. OCS snégo).
vexpocg [m.] ‘corpse, dead’ (Il.), plur. ‘the dead’ = ‘inhabitants of the Underworld’
(Od., Th., LXX, NT), also attributive and adjectival (-4, -6v) ‘dead’ (Hell.); vexpov
‘atnov (Pi. Fr. 203) is probably predicative. <1E *nek-(u-) ‘violent death, corpse’>
*COMP Often as a first member, e.g. vexpo-déypwv ‘receiving dead’ (Atdng, A. Pr. 153
[lyr.]); rarely as a second member, e.g. pvupid-vexpos ‘with uncountable casualties’
(uaxn, Plu.). :
*DER1. Substantive: vexpwv, -@voc [m.] (Tegea II*, AP), vexpia [f.] “place of the dead,
graveyard’ (Hell. pap.), on the unknown accent see Scheller 1951: 46. 2. Adjective:
1004 vektaipovotv
vekp-tt.atog ‘belonging to a corpse’, To vexp-tuaiov ‘corpse’ (LXX), after Ovijow-aioc,
Chantraine 1933: 49; vexp-tkdc ‘regarding the dead’, ta vexpucd ‘inheritance’ (Luc.,
Vett. Val.); vexp-w6d1)¢ ‘like a corpse’ (Luc., Gal.). 3. Verb: vexpdopat, -dw ‘to die, kill,
enervate’ (late) with véxpwotc ‘being dead, killing’ (late), -@owwa [n-pl.] = vextora
(church-writers, gloss.), to Bavacyoc (Arbenz 1933: 93), -@pata [pl.] ‘dead bodies’
(comm. Arist.), -wtikdc ‘causing death’ (Gal.).
In the same mg. véxic (post-Hom. -t-) [m.], also [adj.] ‘dead’ (epic poet Il., also Hdt.
and Gortyn), véxup: vexpdéc. Adxwvec (H.); some compounds, e.g. vexvo-pavtilov,
-eiov ‘oracle of the dead’ (Hdt.), iod-vexug ‘corpse-like’ (E. Or. 200 [lyr.], after iod-
oc, see on iooc). Thence: véxuia [f.] ‘offer to the dead, so as to summon them’ (D.
S., Plu. Nic.), old abstract formation in -14 instead of later -id (cf. dA Gera beside
-eia, etc., cf. Solmsen 1909: 248ff.); in the same mg. vexviouds (Man.); on formations
in -topdc see Chantraine 1933: 142ff. vexvora [n.pl.] ‘feasts of the dead’ (Hell. pap.),
cf. BaAtoia, yevéoia, whence Nekvotoc [m.] Cretan month-name (II*); vexvikdc
‘belonging to the dead’ (Cyran.); vexva [f.] plantname = pAdpoc (Cyran.), because of
its use in the conjuration of the dead; after kapva, otkva, etc; on » vexbdah(A)og see
SV.
Archaic is véxec: vexpoi (H.), note also vex-dc, -ddoc [f.] ‘heap of dead’ (E 886, AP),
like vipac, etc. (Bechtel 1914 s.v., Chantraine 1933: 352).
Unrelated is » v@xap, -apoc [n.].
eETYM The monosyllabic stem of véxec corresponds exactly to Lat. nex, necis [f.]
‘violent death, murder’ and OAv. nas- [f.] ‘need, distress’, from a root noun IE *nek-.
The u-stem in vékuc also appears in Iranian, in Av. nas, gen. nasduuo [f., m.]
‘corpse’; originally, the Gr. v was short, corresponding to Iranian ablaut wu: dv < *u:
ou, as established in Beekes and Cuypers Mnem. 56 (2003): 485-491. Lat. nequdlia
‘detrimenta’ is sometimes adduced, but rejected by De Vaan 2008 s.v. nex. The ro-
formation in vexpdc has no parallel outside Greek.
The root was verbal in PIE, e.g. Skt. nasyati, ToA nakdt [3sg.pret.] ‘to disappear,
perish’; see LIV’ s.v. nek- for further forms.
Probably unrelated is » véxtap.
vextaipovotv [v.] - koAdCovotv ‘chastise’; vextdpac: paotiE ‘whip’; vex tapOry: ECnpw6n
‘was punished’ [corr. for (vpwOn] (all H.). <2>
eETYM Not related to » véxtap. Unknown.
véxtap, -apos [n.] ‘nectar, drink of the gods’ (II.). <IE?, PG?>
eCOMP As a first member in vextapo-otayrjc¢ ‘dripping nectar’ (com.), etc.
*DER vektap-eoc ‘of nectar, smelling like nectar’ (Il), -wdn¢ ‘nectar-like’ (Gp.);
vextaptov [n.] plantname = éAéviov (Dsc.), also name of a medicine and several eye-
salves (Gal.), with vextapitis (oivoc) ‘wine spiced with vextdpiov (Dsc., Plin.).
*ETYM In contrast with auBpooia, which is of related meaning (see » Bpotéc), véeKtap
does not have an ascertained etymology. Often considered to be a compound of the
root noun *nek- ‘death’, found in véxec (cf. » vexpdc), Lat. nex ‘murder’, and the
verbal root *terh,- ‘to cross, overcome’, found in Skt. tdrati, the zero grade of which
indeed occurs as a second member in Skt. ap-tir ‘crossing the waters’, visva-tur
VELEOLG, -EWG 1005
‘overcoming everything’, etc. (cf. on » tépya). There is no reflex of word-final *h.,
which may be assumed to have been lost in the oblique cases, e.g. *nek-trh,-os >
véxtapoc. However, it seems unlikely that the latter stem form was introduced into
the nom./acc., since these were much more frequent. We rather have to assume
analogical reshaping of the nominative; cf. the discussion in Beekes 1969: 161.
If the etymology ‘is correct, véktap would be an element of IE poetic language (cf.
Schmitt KZ 77 (1961): 88, who refers to Skt. mrtytimati tr ‘to overcome death’
odanéna ‘by rice-milk (AV 4, 35), as well as R. Schmitt 1967: 38f., 155ff.). Various
older speculations should definitely be rejected (e.g. véxtap would originally mean
‘not being dead’, belonging to the gloss xtépec vexpoi ‘the dead’ [H.]; cf. on
>Ktépac); see Frisk for references.
Meanwhile, different explanations have been suggested assuming non-Indo-
European origin. Fur.: 320 compares vikdptov, an eye-salve. If this is correct, the
word may be Pre-Greek. He also points to other Pre-Greek words in -ap (op.cit.
13475), remarking that the traditional interpretation as a compound is too Indo-
Iranian in character for a Greek word.
Drew Griffith Glotta 72 (1994): 20-3 explains the word as a loan from Egyptian ntrh
‘divine’, a sodium carbonate used in mummification; in T 37, véxtap is dripped into
the nostrils of Patroclus. The word is found as nit(i)ru in Akkadian, and as nitri in
Hittite. Since these forms have no velar, the difficulty of explaining the Greek cluster
-KT- remains. It is suggested that it went via a Semitic form *netky, but such a form is
not attested. Drew Giffith further compares daxtvAog ‘date’ from Eg. dq, but this
form may have been influenced by the word for ‘finger’. It cannot be assumed that
the velar was introduced from véxuc, so the explanation cannot be maintained. The
Egyptian word was later borrowed as > vitpov. Finally, Levin SMEA 13 (1971) derived
the word from Semitic nqtr ‘to burn incense’.
vexvdad(A)og [m.] ‘the cocoon of the silkworm’ (Arist, Ath. Clem. Alex.). On the mg.
Immisch Glotta 6 (1915): 203ff. < PG(S)>
*ETYM Formation like kopt-5-ad(A)osc ‘crested lark’ (see kdpvdoc), “so probably
derived from vékuc in view of the apparent lifelessness of the larva” (Frisk).
According to Immisch Glotta 6 (1915): 203ff., the name is also connected with the
view of the Seelenschmetterling (butterfly of the soul) and its symbolic views.
Incorrectly, Giintert 1919: 220 f.: properly “deathworm”, from vékug and del- ‘split’ in
datdaAAw, etc. The interpretation in Frisk seems most improbable. The word is
clearly Pre-Greek (on -aA(A)oc, see Beekes 2008).
vEKUG > VEKPOG.
vétteotc, -ews [f.] ‘righteous anger, retribution’ (Il.), also personified (Hes.); on the mg.
below. IE? *nem- ‘attribute’>
*DER Nepéota [n.pl.] ‘festival of Nemesis’ (D.), appellative vepéoiov [n.] as a
plantname = wxoetdéc ‘catchfly’ (Ps.-Dsc.); Nepeoeiov (-tov) ‘temple of Nemesis’
(Hell. inscr.); vepeoitrs AiBoc [m.] name of a magic stone (Cyran.).
Denominative verbs: 1. vewec(o)dopat, -dw ‘to become indignant, rage, get angry,
resent’ (IL), aor. veeo(o)-1Bijvat, -}oao8at, -fjoa, verbal adj. -1;t6c; analogical after
1006 VELLOG
other verbs in -dopat, -dw (cf. Chantraine 1942: 358, Schwyzer: 727), -oo- beside -o-
is also analogical / metrical, as in vepéoot [dat.sg.] Z 335; veweontikdc ‘prone to
perturbation’ (Arist.), vepeorjwwv ‘unwilling, perturbed’ (Call, Nonn.). 2. vepeoifo-
ttc (only pres. and ipf.) ‘id” (Hom.).
eETYM Formation in -tt¢ (cf. yéveoic, Adyeotc; see on > Aayyavw), often connected
with »véuw. The proper meaning would be *‘(just) assignment, attribution,
imputatio’; this perhaps still shines through in the usual epic expression ov vépectc
(ttvi), originally ‘one cannot attribute (to sbd.)’, i.e. “one cannot blame sbd. for sth.’
(cf. Bischoff Gnomon 15 (1939): 549").
véuog [n.] ‘grove, forest’ (since A 480). <IE? *nem, ‘attribute’, *nem- “‘bend’>
*DER Probably here Neyéa, epic -ein [f.] valley and place in Argolis with a forest
dedicated to Zetc¢ Néuetoc (since Hes.).
*ETYM Identical with Lat. nemus [n.] ‘forest, (holy) wood’; also related is a Celtic
word for “(holy) wood, sanctuary’, in Gaul. nemeton, Olr. nemed. For IE *nem-os-
beside *nemeto-, cf. téXoc : tedeti. Further combinations are hypothetical:
connection with Skt. ndmati ‘to bend’ with ndmas- [n.] ‘bow, adoration’; with
> véuw, -ouat in the sense ‘to pasture’.
véuw, -ouat [v.] ‘to allot, dispense, distribute, appropriate, possess; to inhabit, manage;
to pasture, graze, consume’ (Il.). <IE *nem- ‘dispense, distribute; take’>
eVAR Aor. veipiat (Il.), -ac8at, pass. veunPijvau, fut. ved, -odpat (Ion. -éopat, late
-110u, -Moouat), perf. vevéunka,-nuat (Att, etc.).
eCOMP Often with prefix, e.g. dm10-, éml-, KATA-, TpOO-.
*DER A. voun [f.] ‘pasture’, metaph. ‘spread’, eg. of an ulcer , ‘distribution’ (1A),
‘possession’ (Hell.). Also ém-, mpo-voun, etc. from émt-, mpo-vépetv, -eoOa, etc. Also
vopdcs [m.] ‘pasture’ (I].), ‘seat, residence’ (Pi, Hdt, S.), ‘province’ (Hdt, D. S., Str.).
From vot] or voydc (cannot always be determined with certainty): 1. vopdc, -ado¢
‘roaming the pasture’, substantivized plur. ‘pastoral people, nomads’ (IA), as an EN
‘Numidians’ (Plb.); thence vopad-tkdc¢ ‘roaming, belonging to pastoral peoples,
Numidian’ (Arist.), -(tn¢ ‘id’ (Suid.), -fat [f.pl.] ‘pastures’ with -taiog (Peripl. M.
Rubr.). 2. vopevs [m.] ‘herdsman, shepherd’ (II.), also ‘distributor’ (Pl.), plur. ‘ribs of
aship’ (Hdt.); from this (or from voudc¢?) vouetw [v.] ‘to pasture’ (Il.) with vouev-pa
[n.] ‘herd’ (A.), -tixd¢ ‘belonging to pasturage’ (PIl.); dtavou-eb¢ (to dStavoun),
TIPOVOL-Evw (to TpO-voLT}), etc. 3. vOuLOG ‘regarding the pasture’, also as an epithet of
several gods (Pi, Ar., Call.); cf. on vdpoc; vopatog ‘id.’ (Nic., Call.); vouwdne
‘festering’, of an ulcer (medic.). 4. vopatw, -opat [v.] ‘to pasture’ (Nic.).
B. vépog [m.] ‘custom, usage, law; (musical) key, tone’ (since Hes.), with several
compounds, e.g.”Evvopoc PN (Il.), ed-voptog ‘equipped with good laws’ (Pi.) with
ebdvou-in, -ia ‘Tawful order’ (since p 487). From vopos: 1. adj. vouog ‘customary,
lawful (IA), with vouwdotngs [f.] (lamb.); voptkds ‘regarding the laws, juridical,
jurisprudent’ (Pl, Arist.); vopatog = vouocg (Ion. and late); voutog ‘id.’ (Locris; cf.
on vopdc). 2 Verb vopitw ‘to use customarily, be used to, observe (a custom),
believe’ (IA, Dor.), sporadically with prefix, eg. ovv-, Kata-; thence voptots [f.]
‘belief (Th.), voutopa [n.] ‘custom, received or current institution, (valid) coin’ (IA),
veoytdhas, -tA6¢ 1007
diminutive -dtiov (Poll.); voptotéc ‘received’ with voptotevouat ‘be received’ (Plb.),
also vopitevouat ‘id.’ (Hell. and late inscr.), cf. Oept(o)tebw.
C. veyétwp, -opoc [m.] ‘keeper (of justice), avenger’ (A. Th. 485); véunots [f.], also
ano-, Sia-, émt-, etc, from dto-véuw, etc. ‘distribution’ (Is., Arist.); veu-ntj¢ =
veuétwp (Poll.) with -rtpta [f.] (inscr. Rome, IV?); uncertain Neurjtoc epithet of
Zeus (Archyt. apud Stob.); perhaps for Népetoc (from Nevéa). On > vépecte, see s.v.
D. Deverbatives: vepé8w, -opat [v.] ‘to pasture’ (A 635, Nic.); vwudw ‘to distribute,
maintain, observe’ (Il, Hdt., Parm.), aor. -fjoat, also with: ém-, dugl-, mpoo-, whence
vw@-nots (Pl. Cra. 411d), -twp “distributor, etc.’ (Man., Nonn.).
eETYM The Greek system is built on the present véuw. The disyllabic forms venétwp,
vépeoic, véunotg must somehow be analogical after yevétwp, yéveotc, etc., as VEL-
had no final laryngeal. The ramification of the meanings found in véuw and its
derivations is problematic. Benveniste 1948: 79 stresses that the phenomenon of
lawful and regular distribution that characterizes the verb véuw. However, it may be
asked whether more than one root is at the basis of véuw.
Of the words outside Greek that are interesting for the etymology, the Germanic
verb for ‘take’ agrees best with véuw: Go. niman, etc. further, Latv. nenit, 1sg. nemu
‘to take’. A selection of nominal derivations: Av. namah- [n.] ‘loan’, Lat. numerus
‘number, etc.’, Olr. nem [f.] ‘poison’ (cf. Gr. ddotc, G Gift).
Connection with Skt. ndmati ‘bow, bend’ and ToB ndm- ‘id’, which are formally
identical with véuw, can be neither proven nor disproven. LIV? makes a division in 1.
*nem- ‘zuteilen’ (Gr., Gm. and Latv.) and 2. *nem- ‘sich neigen’ (Ilr. and To.). See
> veloc.
vevindog [adj.] ‘unwise, blinded’, acc. to H. = tugrdc, andnAnKktoc, Avdntos ‘blind,
senseless, stupid’ (Call. Jov. 63). <PG?>
*DER Beside it évinhoc (very doubtful, probably <v>e-)- avéntog; also vevdoc: edr{8n¢
‘simple, silly’ (H.).
eETYM Fur.: 392 compares vevoc with évedg ‘stupid, dumb’; the v.l. <v>e- might also
be an instance of this alternation.
vévvoc [m.] ‘(maternal) uncle’ (Thera, Poll., H., Eust.), ‘maternal grandfather’ (Poll;
v.l. vévvoc); on the mg. cf. pt7tpw>. <ONOM>
eDER vavvav: TOV TiS LNTPOG T} ToD Matpdc AdeAGdv: oi SE THY TOUTWV AdEAQ—TVV.
vavun untpos adehen (H.). Cf. also viv(v)n [f.] ‘grandmother, mother-in-law’ vel
sim.? (Thessalonica II?).
*ETYM Reduplicated Lallwort like e.g. Skt. nand [f.] ‘mother, mama’, MoP nana ‘id.,
SCr. nana ‘mother’, Ru. njdnja ‘nurse’; Lat. nonnus, -a ‘monk, nun’, also ‘nurse-
maid’ can probably also be adduced. On the Greek words, see Schwyzer: 315, 339, 423.
veoythhdc, -tAdcg [adj.] ‘newly born, young, small’ vel sim. (1 86, Is. Fr. 12, Theoc., late
prose); cf. H. veoytAijc¢ (86): veoyvijc, veapac, véac, vewoti yevvnGetong; acc. to sch.
ad loc. ydAaxtt tpeqopévns ‘fed by mother’s breast’; besides perhaps veoytAnc in
veoynAéa, v.l. Anacr. 51 for veo8nAéa. <IE? *geid- ‘suck’>
eVAR Perhaps found in Myc. ki-ra = /gilla/, Chantraine 1968: 574.
1008 veoyvoc
eETYM The second member is also seen in the PN TiAAoc, with PAAic, -iwv. The
gemination, which is typical of pet names, does not necessarily belong to the
adjective. However, if it is original, -y\AAoc may stand for *-yi5-hocg and belong
together with Lith. Zisti, sg. Zindu ‘to suck’; veoytAAdc may then originally mean
“who started sucking recently”.
veoyvoc [adj.] ‘newborn’. >yiyvoua.
veokaia [f.] ‘group of young men, youth of a nation’ (A. [lyr.], Ar. Fr. 67, Theoc., late
prose), also adj. (E. Alc. 103 [lyr.]; correct?). <GR>
eETYM Abstract compound from véoc and Aadc with a suffix -ia-: *veo-Adf-ia,
properly “composition of young people”. Cf. Georgacas Glotta 6 (1958): 172f.
véopuat [v.] ‘to reach some place, escape, return, get home’ (Il.). <IE *nes- ‘return,
heal’>
eVAR Contracted forms vedpau, vetat, vettat, etc., only present-stem. Further vioopat
(-oo-), only present stem except for uncertain or late attestations of a supposed
aorist vio(o)ao8at, often with prefix. e.g. weta-, moti-, dmo-, ‘drive, go, come’ (IL).
*DIAL Myc. PN Ne-ti-ja-no /Nesti-an6r/, see Peters Sprache 32 (1986). It is compared
with Thess. Néooavdpoc (SEG 34, 530).
eCOMP Also with prefix, especially ano-.
*DER 1. vootos [m.] ‘return, homecoming, (felicitous) journey’ (IL), also ‘income,
produce’ (Trypho apud Ath. 14, 618d); d-vootog ‘without yield’ (Thphr.); hence
vootutocg ‘belonging to the return’ (Od.), also ‘giving produce, fruitful, nutritious’
(Call, Thphr., Plu.).
Denominative verb vootéw ‘to return, come home, travel’ (epic poet. since I]., also
Hdt.), also with prefix, eg. amo-, bm0-, mepi-; thence dio-, dm0-, nept-vdotiots [f.]
‘return, retreat, etc.’ (late). 2. Néotwp, -opoc [m.] PN (Il.), whence Neotdpeog (Il.),
Aeol. for -tog; -etog (Pi., E.), veotopic, -i5oc¢ [f.] name of a cup (Ath. 11, 487f.).
eETYM The thematic root present véopat < *nes-e/o- corresponds formally with the
Germanic group of Go. ganisan ‘to recover, be saved’, OE genesan ‘to escape, be
saved, survive’, MoHG genesen ‘to mend, recover’, with a perfective prefix *ga-. The
semantic connection between these verbs is quite straightforward. Skt. ndsate ‘to
come near, approach, meet sbd., unite’, which is semantically farther removed, is
nevertheless formally identical; if Nasatyd [m.du.], indicating the Aévins, properly
means “Healers, Saviors”, it fits well with véouat, ga-nisan and the causatives Go.
nasjan ‘to save’ and OHG nerian ‘to save, heal, feed’.
The forms vicopat (also written viocopat) are debated. Acc. to LIV, we may explain
them as *ni-ns-e- > vioe- (instead of sound-regular **vive-) by assuming an
athematic 3sg. *ni-ns-toi with preservation of s before t, and only later thematization
(likewise, Pok. 766; differently, Peters Sprache 30 (1984): 86). The explanation as a
desiderative *ni-ns-s-e/o- is less likely in view of the formal match with Skt. nimsate
< *ni-ns-e/o-.
The comparison with ToA nasam, ToB nesau ‘I am’ < perf. *nos- is accepted by
some, doubted by others. See also on » vaiw ‘to live’ and on » doptevoc. ‘
VEOOOOG 1009
veontpat [f.] - vidv 6vyatépec ‘daughters of sons’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM Hypotheses by Latte and Benveniste 1969:1: 234.
véos [adj.] ‘new, young, youthful, unusual, unheard’ (IIl.). <IE *neuo- ‘new’>
eVAR Grades of comparison vewtepos, -tatog (since I]l.), also véatog in the sense of
‘the last one’ (trag.), but perhaps contaminated with veiatoc, see on > veldc.
eDIAL Myc. ne-wo.
*COMP Very often as a first member, cf. veo-ytAAdc, veo-yv-dc, vé-optoc (see
SPVULL), VEOX[LOG, etc.
DER 1. veapdc ‘young, youthful, tender, fresh’ (B 289; on the formation below) with
vedpwots [f.] ‘rejuvenation’ (Poet. in Pland. 78, 13). 2. vedtn¢, -1;to¢ (Dor. -tac) [f.]
‘age of youth, youthful spirit, band of young men’ (II.), -trotog ‘youthful’ (Ps.-
Phoc.). 3. veoin [f.] ‘youthful thoughtlessness’ (‘¥ 604), véotat: dppoobvat ‘id.’ (H.);
after dvoin, dvota. 4. véak, -Koc [m.] = veaviac (Nicophon, Poll.); see Bjérck 1950:
264f. Adverbs: 5. vewoti ‘newly, fresh’ (IA) from véwe + tt (Schwyzer: 624). 6. vedBev
‘lately’ (S. OC 1447 [lyr.]). Denominative verbs: 7. vedCw ‘to be or become young’
(trag., com., Hdt., Hell.), also with prefix, eg. dva-, éx-, év-, whence éxveaoyldc
‘innovation’ (Simp.); on veaouds ‘labouring of a fallow land’ (Gp.), from vedw, see
below and on > vetdc. 8. vedw ‘to make new’ (A.), also = vedw (LXX, Poll.) with
vewpata [pl.] ‘laboured fallow land’ (LXX). 9. vedw [v.] ‘to work fallow land’ (Hes.
Op. 462), cf. Lat. novalis (ager, terra) ‘fallow land’; besides, derivation from » vetdc
‘fallow land’ is conceivable. 10. vewoow, -ttw [v.] ‘to renew’ (Hdn., H.). 11. vewtepitw
[v.] ‘to renew, innovate (in political organization) (Att.) with vewtep-touds, -topa,
-LOLG, -LOTI|G, -UKOG. On & vetvidc, see s.v.
*ETYM The form véocg < véfoc (cf. Myc. ne-wo and Cypr. vefdotatoc) is identical
with Hitt. neua-, Skt. ndva-, Lat. novus, OCS nove, ToB fuwe, ToA fu, all from IE
*neuo- ‘new’. There is also a derivative in -io- in Skt. ndvya-, Go. niujis, Gaul. Novio-
dinum, Lith. naijas. Theoretically, veiog (only A..R. 1, 125, verse-initially) could
agree with this, but it is rather due to metrical lengthening. An r-formation parallel
to veapdcg is found in Arm. nor ‘new < *neyerd- vel sim; cf. vynpdc. The
denominative verb vedw agrees with Lat. novare and Hitt. neuahh- ‘to renew’, but
they could be parallel innovations, like the correspondence of vedtn¢ with Lat.
novitas, and of véaé with CS novaks. It is probable that the adjective *neuo- derives
from *nu ‘now’.
veooods [m.] ‘young bird, chick’, also of other animals and of men (IL), ‘yolk of an
egg’ (Arist.). <IE *neuo- + -tio- ‘young’>
eVAR Also vooods (Schwyzer: 253 with lit.), Att. veottéc.
*COMP Some compounds, e.g. v(¢)oooo-tpogéw (-tT-) [v.] ‘to rear young birds’
(Ar.).
*DER 1. Diminutives: v(e)oociov, -tt- ‘chick’, also metaph. ‘yolk of an egg’ (Ar.,
Arist, Thphr.); -ooic, -ttic [f.] ‘id’, also as a PN (com., Arist., AP), as a designation
of a shoe (Herod. 7, 57; probably from the PN). 2. collective v(e)ooot} (Ion.), -tttd
(Att.), voooid (Hell.) ‘brood’, also ‘den, lair’ (Herod.), ‘beehive’ (LXX). 3.
1010 VEOXLOG
Denominative verb v(e)oocetw, -ttebw ‘to breed, nestle’ (IA) with veortteia,
-Ttevols ‘breeding’ (Arist.). 4. PN Néoooc, Nooow, Noootkdc (inscr.).
eETYM Formed from véoc, probably after the example of neptoodc, émoou, or
uwétaooat. These contain the adjectival suffix *-tio- added to a preposition, as found
also in e.g. Hitt. appezziia- “backmost’, Skt. dpatya- ‘offspring’ < *Hop-e/o-ti-o- and,
within Greek, in the adverbs énio(o)w, m1pd0(o)w.
veoxpdc [adj.] ‘new, unusual, strange’, almost only of objects (Ion. poet., Alcm.).
<GR>
*DER veox|ti: Kivyoic mpdc@atoc ‘recent movement’ (H.) and denominative
veoxpiow = vewtepiw ‘to innovate (in the political system), to revolt’ (Hdt., Th. 1, 12,
Arist.) with vedypwot [f.] ‘innovation, unusual appearance’ (Arist, Aret.); also
veoytl-éw (H., Suid.), -iGw (H.) ‘id’.
eETYM Derived from véog, but with an unclear formation. It has been compared with
Oppoyxpov: goxaTov, akpov ‘topmost, highest’ (H.), from éppoc. Wackernagel KZ 33
(1895): 1f. analyzes -yyt- as the zero grade of yO8wv, xauai, so the compound would
originally mean ‘new in (this) land’; however, this has not been universally accepted.
véttetos [?] = kaAapivOr (Gal.). <PG?>
’eVAR Cf. vémuta: 1) KaAauiven (H.).
eETYM According to André 1956 s.v., vémita was taken from Lat. ne peta. Fur.: 357 is
probably right in considering the origin of the Latin word to be a Greek pre-form
*verteta. Such a form points to Pre-Greek origin.
vénodss [pl.] in vémodec xadfi¢ AAoobdSvijs as a designation of the mwa ‘seals’ (5
404); differently interpreted by later poets: as améyovot ‘descendants’ (Theoc. 17, 25,
Call. Fr. 77; also Eust. 1502, 36); as vnginodec ‘creatures with fins’ (H.), referring to
fishes (Call. Fr. 260, Nic., AP), as dmode¢ ‘feetless’ (Apion apud Apollon. Lex.). <?>
eETYM The exact meaning is uncertain, so the word remains etymologically unclear.
The fact that Greek has no word-negation *ve- ‘not-, un-’ is evidence against the
interpretation ‘footless’. The interpretation as ‘amédyovov’ identifies vértodec with Lat.
ne potes = Skt. ndpatah [pl.] ‘grandchild’; thus, the word would have been adapted in
its inflection to moc : mod6c.
vép8e(v) [adv.] (from) below’. «VAR véptepos ‘lower’. >évepOev, Evéptepos.
vétwmov [n.] ‘oil of bitter almonds’ (Hp.), also vetwmov (H.) and by folk-etymology
piet@mov (medic. H.); viwnov (Hp. apud Erot.). <PG?, Lw Sem.?>
eETYM Acc. to Lewy 1895: 3o0f., it is a Semitic loan; cf. Hebr. natap, Aram. n‘tapa,
natopa ‘drip; dripping, odoriferous resin’. However, the variations dental/zero (Fur.:
391) and e/t could also point to a Pre-Greek word.
veupa [f.] ‘string of a bow, sinew’ (IL, X., Arist.). <IE *sneh,-ur/n- ‘band, sinew’>
eVAR Ion. -1.
COMP Many compounds, e.g. vevpd-onactog ‘drawn by strings’, substantivized
[n.pl.] ‘puppets’ (Hdt., X.), with derivatives vevpoomdot-1¢, -1Kdc, -ia, -€w (Arist.,
Hell.).
vevw 1011
*DER Diminutive vevpiov [n.] (AP). Lengthened form vevpetr (Theoc. 25, 213; verse-
initial), cf. éyxein : yxoc, etc.; oxytone accent after vevpn.
Also vedpov [n.] ‘sinew, string (of a bow, of an instrument), cord, penis’, in plur.
‘strength, power’ (II.).
Derivatives:'1. diminutive vevpiov (Hp.). 2. Plant name vevpdc, -d60¢ [f.] =
motipptov (Dsc., Plin.), doptkwov (Plin.). 3. Adjective vevp-w6dn¢ ‘sinewy’ (IA), -tvoc
‘made from sinews’ (Pl. Arist.), -tkdc ‘suffering from contraction of the sinews,
concerning the sinews, etc.’ (medic.). 4. Verb vevpdouat, -dw ‘to be provided with
sinews (Ar., Ph., Gal.), also with prefix dno-, éx-, whence amovetpworsg [f.] ‘end of
the muscle, where it becomes tendinous’ (Gal.).
*ETYM Greek vetdpov and Lat. nervus ‘sinew, muscle, nerve’ < *(s)neuro- display a
thematic enlargement of the r-stem seen in Av. snduuara [n.] ‘sinew’, ToB sfiaura
‘sinews, nerves’, Arm. neard ‘sinew, fiber’ (with QIE *-t). An alternating n-stem is
found in Skt. sndvan- [n.] ‘band, sinew. The Greek and Latin thematizations
probably originated in the collective (neuter plural).
We have to depart from IE *sneh,-ur/n-, a derivative in -uer/n- from a root *sneh,- ‘to
twist together (threads), found in »véw 2 ‘to spin’. For the reconstruction, see
Schrijver 1991: 269. Hitt. ishunayar [n.] ‘sinew’ is unrelated, but derives from
ishunau- ‘upper arm’ (cf. Kloekhorst 2008 s.v.).
vetw [v.] ‘to incline, nod, beckon, grant’ (IL). «IE *neu(H)- ‘nod, incline’>
VAR Aor. vedout, fut. vetou, -vetooptat (Il.), perf. vévevka (E.) -vévevpat (Ph.).
eCOMP Often with prefix, e.g. dva-, éml-, KaTa-.
*DER vevotc [f.] ‘nodding, inclination’, also with éx-, ava-, etc. (Pl. LXX), vedta [n.]
‘beck, nod’ (A., Th., X.), also with émt-, év-, ovv-; thence vevpidtiov (Arr.); vevoTtiKkdc
‘inclining’ (Ph.). Enlargement vevotdCw (rarely with ém-) [v.] ‘to nod, beckon’ (II),
cf. Baotalw, pootalw, etc.
eETYM Frisk argued that the retention of the diphthong in vetw as well as in
vevotatw pointed to a pre-form *neus-e/o- or *neus-ie/o-, comparing » yevouat and
petw. The late forms vévevka, -vévevpat are derived from vetw. However, the
obvious cognate Lat. abnuo ‘to refuse, deny’, adnuo ‘to nod, permit’ derives from
*-neue/o-, which is why a root without -s- would be preferable. The form vetpia
agrees with Lat. niimen < *neu(s)-mn, but both forms are easily understood as
independent.innovations.
Garcia Ramon MSS 54 (1993): 33-63 discusses the Aktionsart and aspect of *neu(H)-
‘to make a sudden movement’, and comes to the following conclusions: 1) Lat. nitus
does not prove a laryngeal. 2) Skt. ndvate ‘to move’ should not be included as
evidence. 3) The Greek present may continue *neu(H)-e/o-. 4) The verb is non-
momentative and non-durative. The original meaning is still preserved in Greek and
Latin.
Further cognates include Lith. niaisti ‘to incline’ and MIr. a:t-noi ‘to entrust’ (LIV*
s.v. *neu-). The group of Ru. nirit’, which is semantically close, is difficult to connect
because a ro-adjective is hard to imagine for this root. See » vioow, » vwwo Tatu.
1012 vegedn
vegéAn [f.] ‘cloud, mass of clouds’ (epic poet. since Il. X., Arist.) also a cloud in urine
and in the eye (medic.), metaph. ‘fine bird-net’ (Ar., Call, AP). <1E *neb'-I- ‘cloud’>
*COMP veged-nyepéta ‘cloud-gatherer’, epithet of Zeus, with voc. for nom., ém-
végedog ‘clouded’ (Hdt., Hp., Arist.).
*DER 1. Diminutive vepédtov [n.] (Arist., Thphr., medic.). 2. Adjectives: vepeA-wdng
‘cloudy’ (Arist.), -wtd¢ “covered with clouds, consisting of clouds’ (Luc.). 3. Verbs:
veped-dopiat (Eust.), -iGopat (sch.) ‘to be(come) covered with clouds’.
eETYM Both végocg and vepéAn are old inherited words with exact counterparts in
several languages. The word vegéAn corresponds to Lat. nebula, MW nyfel ‘cloud’, IE
*neb'-el-h,-. Germanic has the same element -J-, but the ending and the medial vowel
vary: e.g., ON njol [f.] ‘darkness’ < PGm. *nébula, OHG nebul [m.] ‘mist’ < PGm.
*neb(V)la-. Celtic forms like Olr. nél [m.] ‘cloud, mist’, gen. nivil are ambiguous.
Beside this I-stem, we find a neuter s-stem *neb'-s- in » végog = Skt. ndbhas- [n.]
‘cloud, mist, haze’, Hitt. nepis, OCS nebo, gen. nebese ‘heaven’. The word > éuBpos is
unrelated.
vé@og [n.] ‘cloud, mass of clouds’ (II.). <1E *neb'-s- ‘cloud’>
*COMP vego-etdrj¢ ‘cloud-like’ (Epicur.), ovv-ve@rjc ‘surrounded by clouds, dark’ (E.,
Arist.), émt-veprc¢ ‘cloudy, bringing clouds’ (Arist., Thphr.) with the verbal
formations (probably back-formations): ovv-végel, -vévogev (Ar, E, Arist.), értt-
véget (Arist., Thphr.) ‘is or makes cloudy’, whence éniveytg [f.] ‘cloudiness’ (Arist.).
*DER 1. Diminutive veptdéptov (Olymp. Phil.). 2. Adjective vepwdng ‘cloudlike,
bringing clouds’ (Arist. Str.). 3. Verb vepdouat (also with éx-) ‘become cloudy, be
changed ina cloud’ (Thphr., Ph.) with véwotc [f.] ‘cloudiness’ (Ph.).
*ETYM For cognates, see » vepéAn. LIV? s.v. 1. *neb'- takes the impersonal verbs
ovvvégel, etc. as old.
ve@poi [m.pl.] ‘kidneys’ (IA). <IE *neg”"ro- ‘kidney’>
VAR Also vegpw [du.] (Ar. Ra. 475), rarely sg. veppdc.
eCOMP As a second member in 1tepi-ve@pog ‘fat around the kidneys’ (Arist.).
*DER vegpia [n.pl.] ‘id.’ (pap. II-III’); vepp-itng opdvdvdog ‘first vertebra of the
sacrum’ (Poll.), -itt¢ (véo0c) [f.] “disease of the kidneys’ (Hp. Th.) with -ttixdc
‘suffering of veppitic, healing the v.’ (medic.); vepp-wdn¢ ‘kidney-like’ (Arist.), -tatoc
‘ptng. to the kidneys’ (Dsc.); hypostasis émtvepp-idiog ‘on the kidneys’, of Sntdc ‘fat’
(® 204).
eETYM The word vegpoi has a counterpart in the glosses given by Festus: nefronés
(Praeneste), nebrundinés (Lanuvium) ‘kidneys’. The Germanic word for ‘kidney’,
OHG nioro, ME nére (also kid-nére > E kidney), OSw. niire, etc., which requires a
pre-form *neuran-, points to IE *neg”'ro-. Both a&drjv ‘gland’, inguen ‘groin’ and Lat.
rénés, Olr. dru ‘kidney’ must be kept separate.
véw 1 [v.] ‘to swim’ (IL.). <1£ *sneh,- ‘swim’>
eVAR Ipf. é-vveov (® 11), aor. vedoat, perf. vévevka (Att.), fut. vesooua (H.), -cobpat
(v.I. X. An. 4, 3, 12).
eCOMP Often with prefix, e.g. dta-, &k-, Tlept-.
véw 2 1013
*DER vevotc [f.] ‘swimming’ (Arist.), avdavev-oig properly “swimming upward”,
‘revival’ (LXX).
Beside véw stands vijxw, usually -opat ‘to swim’, Dor. (Ps.-Theoc.) vax, -opat, fut.
viEopat (epic poet. Od.), aor. v¥jEaoBat (Plb., Lyc. AP), perf. med. vevijy@at (Ath.),
very often with prefix (mostly med.), eg. mapa-, dta-, éx-, émt-. Thence vijitc [f.]
‘swimming’ (Batr., Plu., medic.), Suavn§-tc ‘swimming through’ (Herm. apud Stob.),
vnxadéog ‘swimming’ (Xenocr.), after pvdadé£os, etc.
eETYM The present vijxw, vaxw, whence viEouat, etc., contains a velar enlargement
of IE *sneh,-, as seen in Skt. snati ‘to bathe’, Lat. ndre ‘to swim’, Olr. sndim ‘to swim,
float, etc.’. For the root-extension -y-, compare oytijv beside ourxw ‘to salve’.
Deviating from vixw in their vocalism, véw and vetoat agree with mAéw : mAedoat
and could be rhyme-formations. Verbal nouns with o-ablaut are supposed in v6a:
mnyn. Adkwvec ‘source (Lacon.)’ (H.; corrected to vod by Bechtel 1921, 2: 378) and in
Nov motapds (Arcadia, Asia Minor; cf. Schwyzer: 310); a zero grade aorist occurs in
évvudev: éxéxuvto (H.) (correct?).
Beside vijxw and véw, there is » vaw ‘to bubble up, stream’.
véw 2 [v.] ‘to spin’. <IE *sneh,- ‘spin’>
VAR Present 38g. vij (vij, vet; Hes. Op. 777), 3pl. va@ot (Ael., Poll.), ipf. €vvn (Aeol5
Hdn., EM), inf. vijv, ptc. vovta (H.), v®pevoc (Poll.); also viOw (Cratin., Pl., LXX);
aor. vijoat, -ac8at (since n 198); v@oat (Eup. 319, ptc.f.pl.(?); Meineke vijoat), pass.
vnOijvat and fut. vijow (Att.), perf. med. vévnopat (late).
eCOMP Rarely with ém-, dta-, ovv-, KaTa-.
*DER via [n.] ‘thread, yarn’ (Od.) with vnuat-tkdc ‘consisting of threads’ (Ath.
Mech.), -@6n¢ ‘fibrous’ (Plu.); vijots [f.] ‘spinning’ (Pl.); viitpov [n.] ‘distaff (Suid.);
> vi9ov0a [f.] plant name.
eETYM The dental enlargement in vi8w may be compared with kvrOw : kvijv, tANOw
: MAfto (Schwyzer 703), and perhaps also kAw@w “to spin’ (Frisk).
Aeolic évvn and Homeric éb-vvyntog ‘well spun’ point to original *sn-, which is
etymologically expected on account of Olr. sniid ‘spins, stitches’. The root is also
found in Lat. nére ‘to spin’ < *(s)neh,-, and without s-mobile in Germanic, e.g. OHG
nden ‘to sew’.
The question is what present formation PIE built on this root. The forms vaot,
v@VTa, vWpEvos are thematizations (from *vnovot, *vfovta, *vnduevoc) of the old
athematic verb found in the ipf. évvn < *e-sneh,-t. However, there are also forms that
point to an i-enlargement: e.g., Ru. nit’ ‘thread’, Lith. nytis ‘warp thread’ < *(s)nh,i-
ti-. Lat. ne6 is ambiguous and could continue either a yod-present derived from this
i-present, or an old athematic formation. Celtic points to a yod-present *sniyo-. Latv.
snaju, snat ‘to wind together loosely’ is perhaps related, but its apparent o-vocalism
is unclear. The *o is also found in several nouns, e.g. Olr. sndth ‘thread’ (probably <
*snoh,-to- rather than *snh,-td-), OGutn. sndp ‘cord’ = OE snéd ‘headband, snood’,
Latv. snatene ‘linen shawl’.
An important derivative from *sneh,-, which became lexicalized already in PIE, is
*sneh,-ur/n- ‘cord, sinew, etc.’; see on » vedpov.
1014 -VEW 3
-véw 3 [v.] ‘to amass, pile up, load with sth’. <?>
eVAR Aor. vijoal, -acBat, perf. med. vévi(o)uat, also with émt-, mepi-, ovv-, etc. (IA),
aor. pass. vijoOfvat (Arr.), fut. vijow (Suid.), vnodpeBa: KopecOnodpe8a ‘will be
stuffed’ (H.); ipf. also viet, vijeov, aor. vijfjoat (epic II.), varjoato (B. 3, 33), besides
vijveov (only v.l. ¥ 139), ém-, tap-evijveov (Hom.).
*COMP Present stem only with émt-, 1tept- (Hdt.).
DER vi} 1016 [f.] “heaping up’ (sch. A. R. 1, 403).
eETYM Hom. -eviveov does not have intensive reduplication with lengthened grade
(such formations are not assumed anymore, since dndéxata has been explained
differently). Most scholars assume that it is a mistake for -evrjeov, but an objection is
that is occurs several times (DELG). Therefore, the form remains unexplained.
The present vnéw, posited on the basis of vrjet, vijeov, may have been formed from a
non-presentic stem in -1, like aor. vijfjoat. Likewise, -véw may have arisen from
vijoat (which may in turn be a contracted form of vijfjoat). The gloss v@vtoc:
owpetovtoc ‘heaping up’ (Phot.) can also be explained in various ways. In its
entirety, then, the collection of forms remains unclear. There is no etymology.
vewAxéw [v.] ‘to haul the ship on land, bring the ship in dock’ (Thphr., Plb., D. S.).
<GR>
*DER Also vewAKdc = 6 vewAK@v (Arist., Cos I*, Poll.), -ia [f.] ‘docking’ (Aen. Tact.
Arist., Thphr.), -ta [n.pl.] ‘docks’ (App., H.).
eETYM Synthetic compounds of vatc and éAkw. The forms vewdkdc < *vijf-oAKdc
and vewAk-ia, -ta may be back-formations from vewAkéw (cf. detpotouéw,
ToAopKéw, etc.; Schwyzer: 726), but they may also be the basis of the latter.
vewpta [n.pl.] ‘dockyard, ship-arsenal’ (Att.). <GR>
VAR Also -tov [sg.].
eDIAL Dor. vawptov (Corc. II*).
*DER Diminutive vewpidiov (Delos; II"); vewpdc: vewpioptAag ‘guard of the
dockyard’ (H.), -oi [pl.] = émmeArtai tv vewpiwv (IG 1’, 74: 11 [V*]).
*ETYM From *vnfo-Fdop-ta (perhaps with haplology), originally ‘place where ships
are surveyed’, a compound of » vatc and a verbal noun of » 6pdw, extended with the
suffix -to-. The rarer form vewpdc may be a back-formation from this (like e.g.
Ovpwpdc; cf. Leumann 1950: 2237°).
vews [m.] ‘temple’. =vadc.
véwta [adv.] ‘next year’ (Semon. 1, 9). <GR?>
eVAR Elsewhere tic (&¢) véwta (X., Thphr.), Delph. [év vJew [t]a (Del. 323 A 12 [V-
IV*)).
*DER In the same mg. éc véw (Cyrene; also as a weakly attested v.l. in Theoc. 15, 143);
unclear é¢ véwv (BGU 958 c 13 [III?]), see Maas Riv. fil. class. 56 (1928): 4136.
eETYM Without a convincing explaination. The word véwta is traditionally analyzed
as a compound of véoc and étog ‘year’, but none of the advanced reconstructions
(see Frisk) can explain the -w-. DELG accepts the solution by Szemerényi 1969b: 233,
who starts from the dative attestation in Semon. without the preposition éc,
VI}KOVOTOG 1015
assuming that vew was abstracted from vew(.)etel, and that adverbial -ta (as in
émeita, etc.) was added later.
viy- privative prefix in viy-Kepdrj¢ ‘useless’, vi-TtevOrj¢ ‘free of sorrows’, etc. (Il.). <GR>
eVAR Dor. va-.
eETYM Forms in v-, va-, vw- arose from the IE negating prefix *n- combined with a
following sequence *HC- (*H = *h,, *h,, *h;, respectively). After reanalysis of such
forms, viy- spread as a separate prefix to words without original initial laryngeal. See
Beekes 1969: 98-113, and cf. the privative prefixes » d- and » v-, both from *n-.
vn [pcl.] assertory particle. =vai.
vnds [f.] a gigantic animal, the remains of which were seen on Samos (Euph. apud Ael.
N.A. 17, 28). 42>
eETYM Unknown.
vnyateos [adj.] epithet of yitwv (B 43), kprSepvov (FE 185), papos (h. Ap. 122), KadAdBat
(A. R. 1, 775). 42>
eETYM The similarity with MoGr. Macedonian a&viyyatog ‘not worn yet, new’ cannot
be accidental. However, the etymology is unknown. Fur.: 374 does not help.
vijypetos [adj.] ‘which cannot (or hardly) be woken’ (Od., Alex. poets). <IE *h,ger-
‘awake’>
eETYM From *n- and *h,gr-eto- in éypeto. See > éyeipw.
viduptog [adj.] epithet of imvoc (Hom.), in late poets also of Motoa, Opgedte, tbdwp,
avOoc (h. Pan., API, Nonn.). <GR>
*ETYM Reinterpretation of fSvpoc ‘sweet’ (see »15vc) by taking the preceding
ephelcystic v to the next word. This v had been introduced after the loss of the F in
order to remove the hiatus (e.g. Zxev HSvpoc brvoc B 2). See Leumann 1950: 44f. and
Chantraine 1942: 14.
vnduc, -vog [f.] ‘abdominal cavity, abdomen’ (IL.). <2>
*VAR -Uc, secondarily -tc; see Schwyzer: 463f.
DER With suffix -to-: viSuia [n.pl.] ‘intestines’ (P 524, A. R., Nic.).
eETYM Unexplained.
vnéw ‘to heap (up). =-véw 3.
viSovoa [f.] plant name (PMag. Par.). <PG>
eETYM Probably a Pre-Greek word; see Fur.: 197%. Details in Stromberg 1940: 106.
viOw ‘spin’. =véw 2.
vijic, -t50¢, -5a [adj.] ‘unknowing, nescius (since H 198, 8 179). <?>
VAR Secondarily acc. -tv.
eETYM Perhaps contains the prefix » vi)-, which arose by reanalysis of the original
privative prefix *n- (cf. vnkepdic) and a root noun *uid-.
vijkovotog [adj.] ‘who does not hear’ (Emp.). <IE *h,kou- ‘hear’>
1016 viA(E)IIs; -E€¢
eETYM From *n- and *h,kous-, as in » dkovw.
viA(e)is, -e€¢ [adj.] ‘without compassion, pitiless’ (epic poet. since Il), also
‘unescapable, unavoidable’, in viiAeéc fap, etc. 4IE *n-h,leu-es- ‘pitiless’, *n-h,leu-
‘unescapable’>
eVAR Metrically lengthened vrjAetrjc, -etéc (Hes. Th. 770 and h. Ven. 245 [verse-
initial], A. R. 4, 476); see Chantraine 1942: 74 and 101.
eCOMP As a first member in vAe6-Totvog ‘punishing without mercy’ (Hes.), etc.
*ETYM In the sense ‘without mercy’, from the negation *g- and *h,leu-o- (as in
> Xe0c, éAeéw). In the sense ‘unescapable’, from the root *h,leu-, as in dAgopcu. The
PN NnAgtc (Hom.) could be related, but could also be Pre-Greek. See Beekes 1969:
109 and index.
vijAinoug [adj.] ‘without footgear, barefoot’. < GR>
eVAR Gen. -mtod0¢ (S. OC 349), viiAutoc, -ov (A. R. 3, 646, Lyc. 635, Theoc. 4, 56,
where v.1. avrjAtmoc [-dA-]).
DER Cf. viAinteCot F vijAurtot- dvutddetot ‘without shoes’ (H.).
eETYM Acc. to sch. Theoc. 4, 56, it derives from an otherwise unknown and
unexplained funy (name of a Dorian shoe) and privative v(1)-. If this is true, the
oldest attestation viAimovg may stand for *viAtmo-movg with syllabic dissimilation
(cf. Schwyzer: 263), or be a reformation of viAutoc after motc.
vijvepoc [adj.] ‘without wind, calm’ (Hom.). <IE *y-h.nh,-m->
DER viqvepin (II.) ‘calm, lull’, viyvepéw [v.] ‘to be still’ (Hp.).
eETYM From *n- and the root of » dvej.toc in the zero grade.
viyvéw ‘to heap (up)’. +-véw 3.
viyvia [f.] public eulogy, sometimes accompanied by the flute (Cic. Leg. 2, 24, 62). <?>
eETYM Unknown. It is supposed to be the origin of Lat. nénia. The word viyviatov is
ascribed to Hipponax (fr. 163 Masson) by Poll. 4, 79. Cf. vnviatoc (correction for
Vivato) vopLoc trardapiwdrj¢ Kai ppbytov péAog ‘childish tune, Phrygian melody’
viyteAéw ‘to be powerless’. = dAtyryneAéwv.
vijmttos [adj.] ‘under-aged, young, feeble, childish, foolish’ (Il.). <?>
eCOMP Asa first member in viym16-gpwv ‘puerile, thoughtless’ (Str.).
*DER vipuén [f.] ‘puerility, childish behaviour’ (Hom.) with Aeol. -én for -in;
probably after jvopér) (Leumann 1950: 11077, Chantraine 1942: 83); hence vnieoc =
vijmtog (Opp.); viytotn¢ [f.] ‘puerility’ (PL, Arist.); viytdCw [v.] ‘to be childish’ (Hp.
Ep., Erinn., 1 Ep. Cor. 14, 20, etc.).
Enlargements: 1. viymtiaxoc ‘id.’ (Il.), whence -ayetw [v.] ‘to be childish, play
children’s plays’ (X 502, verse-final; metrically conditioned, Chantraine 1942: 95 and
368), -axw ‘id’ (A. R, Mosch., Opp.), probably after otevayw, iayw; see also
Schwyzer: 722f. 2. viybtiog ‘id’ (IL, Ar. Nu. 868, Orph.), with -in (A. R.), -ebopat
(AP).
Vi/pitoc 1017
eETYM The most recent discussion by Kazansky 2005 is not convincing: he assumes a
root *h,ep- ‘strength’ with an extension *h,pel- in avimeAity do8évera ‘weakness’
(H.), » OALyrTEAEwv, etc. Since the root *h,ep- itself is not attested in the meaning
‘strength’, Van Beek (p.c.) suggests that it may be better to return to the proposal of
Lacroix 1937: 261ff., who proposed that vijmtoc consists of the negative prefix and
bP ij7ttoc. We may reconstruct *4-h,p-iio-, with the root *h,ep- ‘join’ as found in Hitt.
happ-* ‘to join’, Lat. aptus ‘fitting’ and Gr. dmtw ‘to attach, grasp’.
vijpetov [n.] the plant ‘dolphin-flower’ (Ps. Dsc. 3, 73). <?>
DER vijpetadiov (ib.).
eETYMNeither vijptov nor Nnpevc offers an etymology.
Nippeve, -Ews [m.] sea god, son of Pontos and Gaia (h. Ap. 319, Hes. Th. 233 and 240).
<PG?>
eVAR Epic Ion. gen. -foc.
eDER Ntpetoc in Nrpeta téxva = ‘fishes’ (Euphro 8, 2) and Nijpetov, -ddiov =
deAgiviov, a plant name (Ps.-Dsc.) perhaps referring to vnpdov ‘(fresh) water’?
Besides Nrpriic, -elc [f.], -iSec [pl.] ‘Nereids, seanymphs’ (11).
eETYM As Nnpevc has relevance only as the father of the Nereids (see von
Wilamowitz 1931: 219 and Nilsson 1941(1): 240; in Hom., he is probably mentioned as
dAtocg yépwv), we should consider whether the father was named after his daughters.
He may also be called IIpwtevc (West ad Hes. Th. 233). Not only Nnpevtc has been
considered as a base form of Nnpr(F)id-, but other stems as well; cf. Schwyzer: 465
and Chantraine 1933: 345f. The glosses vnpidac: tac KoiAac métpac ‘hollow rocks’ and
vi]pov: TO tametvov ‘low-lying’ (H.) are also worthy of consideration.
An IE etymology can hardly be expected. The word is probably Pre-Greek, as is
suggested by the ending -evc. See > vaw.
vijptov [n.] name of a plant, ‘Nerium Oleander, oleander’ (Dsc. 4, 81, Plin.). <2>
*ETYM May belong to vrjpdv ‘(fresh) water’ because of the characteristic property of
this plant to follow the course of brooks (Strémberg 1940: 113).
vijpis 1 [?] plant name, mostly taken as ‘savin, Juniperus Sabina’ (Nic. Th. 531), but
sometimes identified with vijptov. <?>
eETYM Unknown.
vijpic 2. vypidac: tac KoiAac métpac ‘hollow rocks’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Unknown. DELG connects the word with vinpdv, but this is not obvious.
vipitng [m.] several kinds of sea-snails (Arist.). <PG?>
VAR Also written -ei-; besides we find avapitac (Ibyc., Epich.), avrnpitns (Herod.).
«COMP vippttotpd@og (A. Fr. 312), but see Leumann 1950: 245.
eETYM The more usual orthography with -ei- may be based on association with
Nijpetoc (from Nrpevc); the connection with viypdv ‘water’ (already improbable in
itself) is refuted by the forms avap-, dvnp- with vocalic anlaut. Fur. 372 takes this
initial variation as evidence for Pre-Greek origin. See Thompson 1947 s.v.
vijpttos [adj.] ‘uncountable’ (Hes. Op. 511, A. R.). IE *h,ri- “count’.>
1018 vijpov
eCoMP As a first member in vnpttd@vAAov- moAD@vAAOv ‘with many leaves’ (H.), and
in vijpttopvBocg (H.); cf. also vnpitat- peydAot (H.), to be changed into vipitat-
peyaAcu.
*ETYM From *y-h,ri-to-, a compound of privative *n- (see » v1)-) and a verb dpi- ‘to
count’ (seen in »apiOtdc) with a suffix -to-. It also occurs in eikoowv-rpttoc
‘twentyfold’ (X 349, with compositional lengthening), Arc. Endpitot = émiAeKktot
‘selected’, etc. Hence, probably through reinterpretation, the mountain name
Nijpttov (B 632, Od.) and the PN Nijpttog (p 207); see Leumann 1950: 243ff., as well
as Ruijgh 1957: 161f.
vnpov [adj.] - 16 tametvov ‘low’ (H.). <2 %
*ETYM Unknown. The connection with > vijpic 2 by DELG is not obvious.
vnpdc [adj.] ‘fresh’, of fish, rui-vnpos ‘lightly salted’; also of water: t6 vypdv (6 vipdc)
‘(fresh) water’ (Hell.), MoGr. vepo. <GR>
eETYM Contracted from veapdc (Schwyzer: 250); see » véoc and Kretschmer Glotta 15
(1927): 64.
vnoiyda [?] - év Nuxti (= Philem. 52) amodiddact pdonpd tt to1dv (H.), so a kind of
dish. <?>
*ETYM Unknown. The suffix -tyda points to Pre-Greek origin.
vijoog [f.] ‘island’ (II.); also (flooded) land near a river, alluvial land’ (Tab. Heracl.,
pap.). <PG>
eVAR Dor. vaoog (Rhod. vaoooc SGDI 4123, 4 [I*]).
eCOMP Some compounds, e.g. vijoo-pvAak ‘guardian of the island’ (D. S.), vioi-
apxoc, -dpxng ‘governor of the island’ (Antiph. com., Hell. inscr., etc.), after taf-,
TtoAi-apxog, etc. not from vnoic or visiov; xepod-vijoos, Att. yeppd-, Dor. -vacog
[f.] ‘peninsula’; nepivijoov ‘with a fringe’, of iptatiov.
*DER 1. Diminutives: vnoic [f] (Hdt. Th., Plb.), vnoiétov (Th., Arist. Str.), vyoiov
(Str.), vyovdpiov (X., Isoc.). 2. Other nouns: vnowtn¢, Dor. vaoiwtac (-t1¢ [f.])
‘islander’, as an adjective ‘insular’ (Pi. Hdt., A.), after idtwtty¢, otTpatiwtn,, etc.
(Chantraine 1933: 311); thence vnowtikdc ‘typical of an islander’ (Hdt. Th, Ar., E.);
vyoitins [m.] ‘id.’ (St. Byz.), fem. vaoitic ‘forming an island’ (AP); vijoatog ‘insular’
(E,, Arat.), after Aytvatoc, etc; Nrotddeta [n.pl.] festival at Delos, -etov [sg.] name of
a fund (Delos III*), with -t- like in vyci-apyog, etc. 3. Verbs: vryoitw (PIb.), -1aGw (Str.,
Ph.) ‘to form an island’; vycevopat ‘to form alluvial deposits’ (EM 25, 48).
eETYM The interpretations as “swimmer”, derived from vijyw or the root *sneh,- ‘to
bathe’ (recently, Meier-Briigger KZ 106 (1993): 302, who follows Rix in assuming
PGr. *snak"-io-), should be abandoned. As words for ‘island’ differ from language to
language, vijooc is probably an Aegean loan (note that Lat. insula is also of unclear
origin). Fur.: 387, who points to the variation between single o and geminate, also
assumes a Pre-Greek loan.
vijooa [f.] ‘duck’ (IA). <1£? *h,enh.t- ‘duck’, GR?>
eDIAL Att. vitta, Boeot. (Ar. Ach. 875) vacoa [f.].
vpw 1019
eDER Diminutive vijttapiov (Ar., Men.), viyttiov (Nicostr. Com.), vnootov (pap. VI-
VIIP).
*ETYM A formation in -ta like pvia, kiooa, and other animal names (Chantraine 1933:
98). The first question is whether the word is related to other words for ‘duck’ that
go back to *h,enh,t- (vel sim.). These are the following: an i-stem in Skt. dti- [f.] and
Balto-Slavic, eg. Lith. dntis, Bel. vic [f.] < PSI. *gtw ‘duck’. In Slavic, there is also an a-
stem, e.g. ORu. uty, gen. utove (PSI. *oty). The various extensions go back to a t-
stem, which was retained as such in Lat. anas, gen.sg. anatis, gen.pl. anat(i)um, and
in some Germanic languages, e.g. OHG anut (i-stem in plur. enti), ON endr [pl.].
However, the stem *h,enH-t- suggested by Lithuaninan and Latin would yield *av-
in Greek, even in a zero grade root. No solution has been found for this problem. Rix
KZ 104 (1991): 186-192 suggested a dissimilation of *h, - h, to *s - h., with adaptation
to the root of vrjxw ‘to swim’. One may also envisage derivation within Greek from
vix- ‘swim’ (thus Ruijgh, apud Schrijver 1991: 95). For older literature, see Hamp
KZg2 (1978): 29-31.
Vijottc, -toc, -td0¢ [m., f.] ‘not eating, fasting, jejune’ (II.); as a fem. subst. a part of the
small intestine, ‘intestinum ieiunum’, as it was always found to be empty upon
section (Hp. Arist.), see Strémberg 1944: 63. <IE *n-h,d-ti- ‘not eating, fasting,
sober’>
VAR Dat. also -et, nom.pl. also -etc. Secondary forms: viotng¢ [m.] (Semon., Arist.),
vryjotetpa [f.] (Nic. Al. 130), see Fraenkel 1910: 1267. With secondary a-: dvnotic =
dottos (A. Fr. 433 Mette, Cratin. 45).
*DER vynotetw [v.] ‘to fast’, with vnoteia, -n [f.] ‘fast’ (IA) and the rare and late
adjectives vrjot-toc (pap.), -1Kdc (Aét.) ‘ptng. to fast’.
eETYM From the negation *n- and the verb for ‘eat’, to which a suffix -ti- was added.
The origin of this element used to pose a problem, but it also appears in » Gypwortic,
which Meier-Briigger KZ 103 (1990): 33f. convincingly analyzed as *h,egr-o-h,d-ti-
‘field-fodder’. The synonym Arm. nawt‘i ‘fasting’ (which also translates Gr. vijotic in
the Gospels) may well be derived from the same pre-form *n-h,d-ti- (see the
discussion in Clackson 1994: 154ff.), as proposed by Klingenschmitt, assuming a
development *-tt- > Arm. -wt. Meier-Briigger lc. also gives possible parallel
formations * -h,d-ti- from Iranian and Luwian.
vitn [f.] ‘the lowest (string). =vetdc.
wh_ ¢
vijpw [v.] ‘to be sober’, often metaphorical. <1E *h,eg’"- ‘drink’, *n(e)-h,g""- ‘sober’>
°VAR Dor. vagu. In the older language only present, mostly ptc. (IA, Thgn., Archil.);
aor. vijwat (J. 1 Ep. Pet. 4, 7).
«CcoMP Also with prefix, e.g. dva-, &x-.
DER 1. vi{pwv, -ovos in vijpovec: vi}govtes (H.), dat.pl. vAgoot (Thgn.); 2. vy@adtoc
‘without wine’, of libations, etc. (A.), later also of persons ‘sober’ (Ph., J.), whence
vijgadtebw [v.] ‘to bring a libation without wine’ (Poll.), vygaAifw in vipadtoptévov:
Bdati, odk olvw Tyviopévov ‘purified with water, not with wine’ (H.); besides
vigadtets epithet of Apollo (AP 9, 525, 14, where -€a is a metrical enlargement in
verse-final position, cf. BoShardt 1942: 70); also vypadéoc (Hdn. Gr., Ph.), after
1020 ViXVTOG
abadé£os, etc., and vnpavttkdc ‘sobering’ (Pl. Phlb. 61, Porph.) as if from *vngaivu;
cf. e.g. onpadr€og : onLavtixdc. Verbal noun vijyne [f.] ‘soberness’ (Plb., Str.).
*ETYM Arm. nawti is probably unrelated (see on » vijottc); see the discussion in
Clackson 1994: 154ff. In view of the predominance of nominal forms (including the
ptc. viwv) and of the meaning, it is conceivable that the relatively rare present
vigw (with secondary vijpat) is denominative. This was already suggested by Frisk,
and is elaborated by Weiss KZ 107 (1994): 91-98, who reconstructs *y-h,g’"-on- >
vngov-, from the root for ‘drink’ seen in Hitt. eku-* and in Lat. ébrius < *h,ég""-r-
(perhaps rather *h,e-h,g’"-r-). Weiss also makes it clear (ibid. 97) that vagw is a
hyperdorism, which may have been created by an ancient commentator.
OHG nuoh-turn ‘sober’, earlier considered to ‘testify for *ndg”*-, is not related (it is
rather a loan from Lat. nocturnus).
viixvtosg [adj.] ‘streaming richly, overflowing’, of bdwp, GAjin, idpwe, etc. (Hell.
poetry). <GR>
eVAR On émivijxvtos ‘id’ (S@pa, Orph. A. 39, 312) see below.
*ETYM Can hardly be separated from other frequent formations in -yutoc¢ (from
xéw), like dugi-xutoc, a-d1d-xvtoOS, oivé-xvTOG; in this case, vy- must be secondary.
However, since the compound émivijxutoc clearly belongs to émiviyxoptat, the
question arises whether vijxutoc was not secondarily connected with viyoua. This
would agree better with the meaning. See > vn-.
vijX@, viyXopat [v.] ‘to swim’. =véw 1.
-Vi=-VE.
viBattop6g a Phrygian dance (Ath. 629d, H.). <?>
*ETYM Hypothesis by Haas 1966: 168; also, Haas Acta Ant. Acad. Hungar. 18 (1970):
57f.
viyAapos [m.] ‘whistle’ (Ar. Ach. 554), plur. ‘trills, quavers’ (Pherecr. 145), but a small
flute acc. to Poll. 4, 82. <2>
*DER vtyAapebw [v.] ‘to whistle’ (Eup. 110); cf. wyAapebwv- tepetitwv ‘humming’
eETYM Unknown.
videc [?] - aidota dpxidta madiwv ‘private parts or testicles of children’ (Phot.), who
cites the word as Sicilian. H. has vitSec, which Latte corrects. <?>
eETYM Unknown.
vite, -opat [v.] ‘to wash, bathe’ (Il.). <IE *neig’- ‘wash’>
eVAR Analogical vintw (Men., NT), -opat (v.l. o 179, Hp.), aor. viyou, -ac8ar (IL),
pass. vipOAvat (Hp.). fut. viyrw, -opot (Od.), pass. viproopat (LXX), perf. med.
vévirttat (QO. 419), véveupiat (Ar.).
*COMP Also (in Att. prose always) with prefix, especially amo- and éx-.
DER 1. virttpov (an6-) [n.] (mostly plur.) ‘water for washing’ (trag., Ar.), todavintpa
[pl.] (-ov) by syllable-dissimilation from *mo6-andéwittpov, secondary nodévintpov,
‘water for washing one’s feet’ (Od.); also 1toSavurtip [m.] (secondarily modo-) ‘basin
vikn 1021
for washing one’s feet’ (Stesich., Hdt., inscr.), vuttip [m.] ‘washing basin’ (Ev. Jo.); 2.
katavin-tn¢ [m.] ‘washer’, who washes the peplos of Athene Polias (AB, EM). 3.
(and-, katd-)vippia [n.] ‘washing water’; 4. (amd-, &-)viyic [f.] ‘washing’ (Plu.,
medic.). On » yépvuy, see s.v.
*ETYM The word vitw goes back to a zero grade yod-present IE *nig’-ie/o-, which is
also retained in Olr. nigim ‘to wash’. Skt. nenikté has intensive reduplication, but cf.
also impv. ninikta; further, a sigmatic aorist niksi [1sg.inj.med.], anaiksit [3sg.act.]
with regular lengthened grade, and a thematic aor. anijam, both perhaps going back
to a root aorist (see LIV’). Greek generalized the zero grade in viwu, vipa, etc.
Formal correspondences are found in the privative verbal adj. dvittocg beside Skt.
niktd- ‘washed’, Olr. necht ‘pure’. An isolated verbal noun seems to have been
preserved in Gm., eg. OHG nihhus, nichus ‘river-monster, water-spirit’, fem.
nihhussa, MoHG Nix, Nixe, PGm. *nik-wes-, *nik-us-. Lat. pollingo ‘to wash corpses’
probably does not belong here; it is connected by LIV? with *uleik”- ‘to make wet’.
vixn [f] ‘victory, upper hand’, in a battle, in a contest, before court, etc. (Il.), Niky
“goddess of victory’ (Hes.). <PG?>
eVAR Dor. via.
*COMP wkn-pdpog (Dor. -a-) ‘carrying away victory’ (Pi. A.), vixd-BovAos ‘who
wins in the council’ (Ar. Eq. 615; hidden PN, connected with vikdw), @iAd-wKog
‘fond of triumph, emulating, pugnacious’, whence -ia, -éw (Pi., Democr., Att.), often
written with -et- and associated with veixoc ‘quarrel’; OAvpimio-vikncs, Dor. -ac [m.]
‘victor in Olympia’ (Pi., A); many PNs, e.g. Nik6-SnyLog, Tr716-viKkoc.
*DER 1. From Niky : wkdc, -d5o¢ [f.], vux-ddtov, -idtov ‘(small) Nike-statue’ (inscr.);
2. Adjective vikatog ‘ptng. to victory’ (Call., J.), vikdetc ‘rich in victories’ (AP); on
VIKT]-THpLos, -TLKOG see below.
Probably denominative vixdaw [v.] ‘to vanquish, overcome, conquer’, Ion. wkéw,
Aeol. viknju, aor. vucijoat, pass. vik-nOijvat, fut. -row (all Il.), perf. veviknka (Att.),
rarely with prefixes, e.g. ék-, kaTa-, mpo-; on the epic use of vikn and wkdw see
Triimpy 1950: 192ff.
From wikdw: 1 wkdtwp, -opoc [m.] ‘victor’, epithet of the kings Seleucus and
Demetrius of Syria (Hell. inscr.) with vucatdépetov ‘tomb of Nixatwp’ (App.), also
PN with the patronymic Nixatopidacg (Rhodos), cf. Fraenkel 1910: 163', vikrtwp ‘id.’
(D. C.). 2. vikatip, -fpos [m.] ‘victor’ (Dreros ITI-II*), vient [m.] ‘id.’ (III-IV?). 3.
viknpia (Dor. -G-) [n.] ‘prize of victory, victory’ (Hell., Crete). 4. vika8pov [n.]
‘offering for victory’ (Sparta), vikaotpov [n.] ‘prize of victory’ (Phot., H.); on the
formation see Chantraine 1933: 373 and 333f. 5. wxntptos, [n.] -ov ‘ptng. to victory,
prize of victory’ (Att.) and wkntikdc ‘conducing to victory’ (X., Hell.), both also
connected with vikn.
An innovation for vii is vikog [n.] (Hell.), after kpatocg (Fraenkel Glotta 4 (1913):
39ff., Wackernagel 1916: 81f.). Unclear is vikdptov [n.] name of an eye-salve (Alex.
Trall.); cf. on » véxtap.
eETYM There is no good etymology. Skt. nica- ‘directed downwards’, OCS nico
‘directed forward, on the face’, Latv. nicadm ‘down the stream’, etc. are from *ni-
h;k”o- and are unrelated, as this would have to yield a labial stop in Greek.
1022 vikXov
Connection with the root of veikoc and Lith. ap-nikti ‘to attack’ is semantically
gratuitous. Klingenschmitt’s analysis (Klingenschmitt 1975: 162) as *ni-ih,k-eh,-
“Niederwerfung” is pure speculation, as the prefix *ni- is not attested elsewhere in
Greek. The word could be Pre-Greek (not in Fur.).
vikXov - TO Aikvov ‘winnowing fan’ (H.). eVAR Also -et-. =AtkLdw, Aikvov.
vxvaAgov [n.] ‘a fig’ in Crete (Hermonax apud Ath. 76e). <PG>
*ETYM See Neumann Glotta 36 (1957): 156 and Neumann Glotta 40 (1962): 51-4, as
well as Ruijgh 1967a: $10. The Mycenaean sign <ni> looks like a fig-tree.
wxvptag [m.] - dovAéKdovdozg ‘born slave’ (H.); ef. Hippon. fr. 28 M. <?%>
eETYM See O. Masson 1962: 120f., as well as Haas 1966: 168.
VLV = adTOV, ATI, etc. ULV.
vivvn [f.] ‘grandmother, mother-in-law(?)’. =vévvoc.
vivwtov [n.] « pupus (gloss.). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
vivvov [?] - tov ¢ KataBadAny inmov (H.). <2
*ETYM Perhaps a modification of tvvov (DELG),.
vicoytat ‘to travel, go, come’. =véojta.
vitpov [n.] ‘sodium carbonate, soda, natron’ (Sapph., Ion., Arist., Hell.). <Lw Eg.>
VAR With dissimilation v - t > A - t: Aitpov (Att., Hp.), cf. Solmsen 1909: 235.
*COMP Few compounds, e.g. 6&0-vitpov ‘mix of vinegar and natron’ (Paul. Aeg.),
ALTPO-MHAr)¢ ‘natron-seller’ (inscr. IV*).
*DER 1. vitpwdij¢ (also A-) ‘natronlike, containing natron’ (PI. Arist.), with -wdia
(medic.); 2. vitptvoc ‘of natron’ (Delos II*); 3. vitpia [f.] ‘natron-mine’ (pap. III’,
Str.), cf. Scheller 1951: 46, with vitpi@ty¢ vojtdg name of an Egyptian province (Str.);
4. wtpucr [f] and -«d [n.pl.] ‘natron-taxes’ (Hell. pap. and ostr.); 5. vitpitic [f.], of
ivy, ‘producing natron’ (Str.); 6. vitpdopat [v.] ‘to be washed with natron” (Sor.),
with vitpwya [n.] ‘sodium carbonate’ (PHolm., H.); also 7. vitpaoyta [n.] ‘soap’ (Sor.)
as if from *wtpdCw.
eETYM An Oriental loanword: Hebr. neter, Arab. natriin > MoFr. natron, etc., and
probably also Hitt. nitri- [n.], all from Eg. ntr(j) ‘natron’. See Lewy 1895: 53, Laroche
BSL 51 (1955): xxxiif., Neumann 1961: 19, and WH s.v. nitrum (which is a Greek LW)
for further considerations.
vod [f.] - my} Adxwvec ‘source, running water’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM Unknown; reminiscent of » vaw. Cf. Perpillou BSL 67 (1972): 1090ff.
v680¢ [m.] ‘procreated out of wedlock by a known father, illegitimate, bastard’ (II.);
opposite yvrjotoc. <PG?>
*COMP vo0a-yevijs ‘baseborn’ (E.), with analogical 4 (Dor.) for o (Schwyzer: 438).
*DER voOeiog ‘ptng. to a v600c’ (Lys., Ar.), denominative voOetw [v.] ‘to corrupt,
adulterate’ (LXX, J., Plu., Luc.), also with b1o-, with voOeia [f.] ‘birth out of wedlock’
voooc 1023
(Plu.), (b7t0-)voBevtr¢ [m.] ‘adulterer’ (Ptol.), (bm0-)vd0evoic [f.] “corruption,
adulteration’ (inscr. Mylasa).
eETYM Unexplained.
VOL, voudc, vO"Oc = VEL.
v6o¢ [m.] ‘mind, sense, intellect, reason; purpose, aim’ (I]., epic Ion.). <?>
eVAR Contracted votc (Att. also k 240, etc.), perhaps Aeol. gen. v@ (Alc.), acc. vav
(Sappho)?
*COMP Very frequent as a second member, e.g. e)-vooc, -vouc ‘well-minded’, whence
edvo-€u, -in, -1d, etc. (IA); as a first member, eg. in the compounds vov-0et-éw [v.]
‘to put in mind, remind of (after vopoBetéw : vopobEtN¢ : vouov Oeivat, etc.),
whence vové-t101¢, -trLa, -ola, -tela, etc. (IA); vovv-ex-nc¢ ‘prudent’, vovvex-@c,
-ovtwe [adv.] (to vobv éyet, Exwv).
*DER Nouns: 1. vogpéc ‘intellectual’ (Heraclit., Arist.); 2. voripijc ‘prudent, capable’
(Herod., H.); 3. vodtij¢, -17to¢ [f.] ‘intellectuality’ (Procl.); 4. voap [n.] ‘illusion,
phantom’ (Theognost.), archaizing innovation.
Verbs: A. voéw ‘to meditate, observe, think, devise, have in mind’ (Il.), aor. vofjoat
(contracted v@oat), etc., very frequent with prefix, eg. dta-, év-, éml-, Mpo-, [leTa-,
ovv-; hence 1. vonpta [n.] ‘thought, intelligence, decision’ (Il.), -wdatiov (Arr.),
-atikdg (late). -uwv ‘thoughtful, prudent’ (Od., Hdt.); 2. von-o1cg (v@otc) [f.]
‘observation, understanding, thinking’, also Stavor-otc, etc. (IA); 3. mpo-voia [f.]
‘provision’, dta-voia, -void ‘meditation, thought, aim’, etc. (IA); 4. vor-tiKd¢ (also
mpo-, etc.) ‘mental’ (Pl.); 5. mpo-, Sta-, ém-, bm0-vorztr¢ [m.] ‘director’, etc. (late).
B. vdopat ‘to be converted into véoc’ (Plot.).
*ETYM No doubt an old inherited verbal noun (cf. Adyoc, «pdpos; etc.), though there
is no certain etymology. An old proposal compares the Germanic group of Go.
snutrs ‘wise, prudent’, which is possible, but not compelling. Heubeck Minos 20-22
(1987): 237 defended the connection with vebdw (cf. LIV’ s.v. *ney-). Formally,
connection with *nes- (mentioned by LIV’) is also possible, but the semantics seem
to be difficult.
vopBei [v.] évtaptettat ‘will engrave’ (H.). <?>
eVAR vopBa: KaAn (H.).
eETYM Pok. 977 connects Go. at-snarpjan ‘to touch’, ON snarpr ‘sharp, hard,
uneven’, snerpa ‘to sharpen’, MoDu. snerpen ‘to bite (of wounds)’, OHG snerfan
‘draw together’. De Vries 1961 mentions Arm. snerb ‘narrow’. The connections
remain uncertain.
vopv1 [f.] a plant, = otpbxvov (name of various plants), tiObjtaAAog ‘spurge’ (Thphr.
apud Phot.). <?>
*ETYM Unknown.
vopuryv - [Opvetv] Zott dé eid0¢ Oonpion ‘a kind of leguminous plant’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM Unknown. :
v6o0¢ [f.] ‘illness, disease; distress, need’ (Il.). < >
1024 VOOTOG
VAR Epic Ion. votdooc (see below).
*COMP vooo-moLéw [v.] ‘to cause illness’ (Hp.), é7ti-vocog ‘prey to disease, unhealthy’
(Hp., Arist.), Stromberg 1946: 85.
*DER A. Adjective: 1. vooepds ‘ill, unhealthy’ (Hp., E., Arist.); 2. voonpds ‘id, (Hp.,
X.), cf. byinpdc (Pi, Ion.); thence voorptov (H. s.v. knpéoiov), perhaps for
voontiptov or voonpov? 3. voonAds ‘ill, sickly’ (Hp.), from vooéw, cf. Chantraine
1933: 241; thence voorjAta [n.pl.] ‘diet for ill persons’ (Opp.), voondetw [v.] ‘to care
fora patient’, med. -opat ‘to be ill’ (Isoc., J.), voondeia [f.] ‘nursing, morbidity’ (S., J.,
Plu.); 4. vooakepdc ‘id.’ (Arist.); 5. voowdng ‘ill, unhealthy’ (Hp., Att.); 6. Ndotoc
epithet of Zevc (Milete VI-V*).
B. Verbs: 1. vocéw ‘to be ill’ (Att, also Ion-}, whence véonpa [n.] ‘illness’ (IA),
diminutive voonidtiov (Ar.), -tixdc, -twdn¢ ‘sickly’ (Arist.); 2. vooevonat ‘to be
sickly’, whence vécevpa ‘illness’ (Hp.); 3. voodt-ouat ‘to be ill’, -w ‘to make ill’,
vooiCw ‘to make ill’ (Arist., Gal.).
C. Substantives: 1. vooavotc [f.] ‘getting ill’ (Arist.), cf. byiavotcg 2. unclear vooiun
(leg. -un?) = voona (Theognost.).
*ETYM Since Herodotus has votooc beside vooéw (which is predominant in Ionic
anyhow), it is thought that the former is a Homerism in Hdt. Mechanically, we have
to reconstruct a pre-form *vdéofoc on the basis of our material, but as Wackernagel
1916: 86 suggested, epic votooc could also be understood as a false rewriting of
NOZOX, which would represent *véococ. The epic form must then have been taken
over by Hdt. and Hp.
There is no good etymology. Recently, an attempt was made by Willi JHS 128 (2008):
153-172, who reconstructs *n-h,osu-o-, starting from the adjective *h,osu- “good, in
good condition’. This is taken to be a u-stem of the root *h,es- ‘be’, and is supposed
to be the same formation as found in Hitt. assu- ‘good, favorable’ (cf., however,
Kloekhorst 2008 s.v.). Willi then posits a “regular” development of *-osuo- to
*noswo-, assuming that all instances of prevocalic av- (the normal reflex) are
analogical. In order to make this work, he assumes that intervocalic PIE -su-
regularly yielded Gr. *-of- (which is against the communis opinio). However, since
this root (and all other roots which turn up with an initial vowel in Greek) started
with a laryngeal, the regular outcome of *-h,osuo- (and of all similar cases) is
*anoswo-. This disproves the whole account.
vOOTOG > VELLA.
véaqt(v) [adv., prep.] ‘aside, far (from), without’ (epic and lyr. since Il.). <?>
*DER voogidiog ‘situated aside, secretly’ (Hes. Fr. 187), voogiddv [adv.] ‘secretly’
(Eust.); verb voogiCopat ‘to turn away (intr.), remove (oneself), steal’ (B 81 = O 222),
act. ‘turn away (trans.), remove’, aor. voogio(a)aoBa, pass. voogio8ijvat (Od.), fut.
voogio(cjoua (A. R.), also act. voogitw (h. Cer., Pi.); sometimes with prefix,
especially ano-; thence voogtoua [n.] ‘pilfering’ (pap.).
*ETYM No etymology. Meier-Briigger MSS 48 (1987): 179-186 explains the form as
containing *nos ‘us’, as seen in dupe < *ys-me, and assumes an original meaning
‘away from us’; this is semantically doubtful. Heubeck KZ 98 (1985): 257-259 defends
VUKTAAWY, -WTOG 1025
Thieme’s idea that the word is derived from the stem *nos- of the word for ‘nose’;
this is impossible, as the word for ‘nose’ was *neh,-s-, *nh,(e)-s- (see Beekes 1995:
180).
Notog [m.] ‘South(west) wind’, which brings mist and wetness (Il.), ‘the South,
Southwest’ (IA); on the mg. Nielsen Class. et Med. 7 (1945): sff. < PG?>
*COMP Some compounds, e.g. Ebpd-votog [m.] “Wind between Etpoc and Nétoc
(Arist.).
*DER A. Subst.: 1. votia, -in [f.] ‘wetness’ (© 307, Arist., Thphr. it could also be an
abstract in -ia from vottoc, see Scheller 1951: 54 f.); from it votiwdn¢o (Gal.) =
votwonc (see below) and votidw ‘to be wet, drip’, if not rather vot-tdw (see below).
2. votic, -idoc [f.] ‘wetness’ (E., Pl, Arist.).
B. Adjectives: 1. véttog ‘rainy, wet’ (epic, Hp.), ‘southern’ (IA); on the retention of
-tt- Schwyzer: 270; 2. votepdc ‘id.’ (IA); 3. votivog ‘id.’ (pap.); 4. voTwSng ‘id.’ (Hp.);
5. vot-taiog ‘south(west)ern’ (Herm. apud Stob.).
C. Verbs: 1. votiCopat, -ifw ‘to become, be wet, make wet’, also with prefix, eg.
kata-, bito- (IA); hence votiopdc ‘wetness’ (Sor.). 2. votéw (Hell.), vot-taw (Arist.;
Schwyzer: 732; cf. above) ‘to be wet, drip’.
*ETYM Connection of vétocg with véw and vijyw ‘to swim’ leads nowhere, since these
continue a root *sneh,-. A similar formation may be seen in Arm. nay ‘wet, fluid’ <
PArm. *nato- or *noto-. The form may instead be Pre-Greek.
vov8etéw ‘to admonish, warn’. =v6oc.
vov80¢ [adj.] only as an epithet of Soimoc (Hes. Fr. 48), ‘dull’ vel sim. <1E? *sneud'"-
‘cloud, dark’, PG?> ©
*ETYM Solmsen Glotta 2 (1910): 75f. adduces vv86v- dqwvov, oxotetvov ‘mute, dark’,
and vv0@dec: oxotetvwdec (H.), comparing the IE word for ‘cloud’ in Av. snaoéa-,
Lat. nibés, etc; cf. on » vvotdtw. However, the two glosses adduced, together with
vot8oc, may also form a Pre-Greek etymon (thus Fur.: 12079). One might also think
of comparing » vw8ng ‘indolent, etc.’
vo [n.] name of a letter (Achae. Trag,, Pl. inscr., pap.). <LW Sem.>
VAR Indeclinable.
*ETYM From Semitic; cf. Hebr. niin. See Schwyzer: 140.
vv, viv [pcl.] enclitic particle ‘now’, rarely adverbial. <1E *nu, nuH ‘now’>
eVAR viv [adv.] ‘now’ (Il.); viv-t (Att.), with deictic -i like 66-1, etc; on spread and
use Ruijgh 1957: 57ff., also Risch Gnomon 30 (1958): 92.
sETYM Old inherited adverb, retained in most branches: Skt. nti, ni, niin-dm, Lat.
nu-diis tertius “now (is) the third day”, num, nun-c, OHG nu, late MHG nua, Lith.
ni, nu, nin-ai, Hitt. nu [pcl.], ki-nun ‘now’, etc. Gr. vbv may have either old *-m
(Lat. num) or *-n (Skt. ntin-dm).
vv006v, vv0@5ec = vodBoc.
vwoxtadwy, -wztos [m., f.] ‘seeing in the night’ = ‘day-blind’, as a msc. substantive ‘day-
blindness’, secondary ‘night-blind, night-blindness’ (Hp., Arist., Gal.); cf. Gal. 14,
1026 vougn
776: vuKktddAwnag dé héyovotv, Stav huepac pev BrAEtwotv duiavpdtepov Svopévov dé
Tiov Aqptpdtepov, vuKTOS dé Ett LLGAAOv ‘night-blind is called this, when people see
less clearly at day, but more clearly when the sun sets, and even more clearly at
night’ 7 bmevavtiwc, Twépas pév OAlya, Eomépac dé f] vuKTOG OVS’ ddwe ‘or the
opposite: at day they see only few things, while in the evening or at night they see
nothing at all’; opposite hpepaAwy (Gal. 14, 768e Dem. Ophth.). < PG>
*DER vuKtTaAwmn-1Kka [n.pl.] ‘attacks of night-blindness’ (Hp.), -tdw [v.] ‘to suffer from
v.’ (Gal.), with -iacics (Orib.).
*ETYM On the suffix -w7-, see > ayxidwy (with a variant aiyidwy), which is Pre-
Greek. The connection with vv& (for the formation, compare aipidAwy to aia, and
aipadgoc and OvpidrAwy to Oui-tdw, Buptdc) must be folk-etymological.
viuen [f.] ‘bride, young lady’, also appellation of a goddess of lower rank, ‘nymph’
(II.); also metaph., e.g. ‘pupa’ (Arist.), see Gil Fernandez 1959: 208 ff. < PG>
eVAR Dor. -a. Voc. -& (I 130; AP 14, 43).
*COMP vut@d-Anittos ‘seized by the nymphs, raptured, delirious’ (Pl., Arist.), eAAd-
vupipos ‘about to be wedded’, ‘betrothed’ (S., Lyc., D. C.).
eDER A. Nouns: 1. vopgioc ‘bridal’ (Pi.), with different accentuation vupigiog [m.]
‘bridegroom’ (Il.); 2. vvjt@-idtoc ‘bridal, wedding-’ (E., Ar.), formation like koupidioc,
see on > Kdpn; 3. -tKdc ‘id.’ (trag., Pl. Lg.); 4. -eioc, epic -tiog ‘bridal, belonging to the
bride’ (Simon., Pi., S., Call.), like koupriioc, yuvaiketos, -"ioc, etc; 5. -atoc ‘belonging
or consacrated to the nymphs’ (E., inscr.), -aia [f.] name of a water-lily (Thphr.); 6.
vupac, -ad0¢ [f.] “belonging to the nymphs’ (1bAau; Paus.); 7. vypipidec: brodipata
yovaikela vupi@ixad “women’s wedding-shoes’ (H.); 8 vvp@wv, -@voc [m.] ‘bridal
chamber’ (LXX, Ev. Matth.); 9. vvjtpaotata [n.pl.] ‘ornaments of the bride’ (Orac.),
after bpdoptata; 10. Nupi@aoia [f.] name of an Arcadian well.
B. Verbs 1. vupigebw ‘to give in marriage, to marry (of the groom)’, pass. ‘to marry
(of the bridey (Pi. S., E.) with vujigetjata [n.pl.] ‘marriage’ (S., E.), sing. ‘bride’ (S.),
vuptevoic [f.] ‘marriage’ (LXX); vuptgev-tr¢ [m.] ‘bridegroom’ (E.) ‘groomsman’
(Poll.), -tiip ‘bridegroom, husband’ (Opp.), -tpia [f.] ‘bridesmaid’ (Ar., Plu.), -t1pto¢
‘bridal’, ta vupipevtipia ‘marriage’ (E.). 2. vupi@-tdaw ‘to be in a frenzy’, of a mare
(Arist.), after the verbs of disease in -1dw.
eETYM Compared with Lat. nibo ‘to get married’, OCS snubiti ‘to love, court’, from
IE *sneub"-. This is still followed by LIV? s.v. *sneyb'-. However, the inner nasal in
vobttpn remains unexplained this way. Therefore, vijipn is rather a Pre-Greek word,
perhaps containing a prenasalized stop. The voc. in -a may be the old nominative
(cf. Pre-Greek endings). Note that Kretschmer Glotta 28 (1940): 273 also pleaded for
substrate origin, comparing the source name Nupgacia.
vbvaziat [v.]
eVAR vuvatoc.
eETYM Cret. for » Sbvayict, Svvatdc.
vivwiov [n.] - émi toicg matdiaig KataBavKadotpevdv gaci A€yecBat: OpLoiwc Kai TO
vivuiog ‘in the case of children, they say that they are lulled to sleep; likewise.
vivwiog (H.). <?>
yok, vvKTOG 1027
eETYM An onomatopoeic Lallwort; cf. MoGr. vavvapitw, vavvoupitw ‘T lull asleep’
and Oehl IF 57 (1940): 19.
vwvé, vuKtdc [f.] ‘night’ (I1.). «IE *nek"t-, nok"t- ‘night’, *neg’"- ‘become dark’>
*COMP Often as a first member, e.g. vvkto-ptay-ia, -in [f] abstract formation as if
from *VUKTO-[Lax0G; vvKTO-LLaxéw (Plu.), vuKti-tAayKtoc “wandering at night’ (A.),
with locatival first member, probably partly analogical; as a second member e.g. in
dwpd-vukTos ‘at an untimely, nightly hour’ (A. Ch. 34), [teoo-viKtiog ‘in the middle
of the night’ (Pi, Hp.), to tiéoot vixtec; further -vvy- in eg. Ev-vvxoc, év-vbxL0G
‘nightly, in the night’ (I1.), vbyto¢ ‘nightly’ (Hes.), vvyetw [v.] ‘to wake all night long’
(E., Nic.); cf. below.
*DER 1. viktwp [adv.] ‘at night’ (Hes. Archil.); 2. viktepog ‘nightly’ (trag.) with
vuxtepic, -idoc [f] ‘bat’ (Od.), also as a fish-name (Opp.) and plant-name (Aét.), cf.
Strémberg 1943: 111, see also Stromberg 1940: 74; vuxtepitic, -150¢ [f.] ‘avayaAric 7
kvavi] (Ps.-Dsc.), vuktepetw [v.] ‘to pass the night, pass a sleepless night’ (X.), also
with dta-, év-, etc, whence vuxtep-eia [f.] ‘hunting by night’ (P1.), -evjta [n.] ‘night-
quarters’ (Plb.), -evtrj¢ [m.] ‘who hunts by night’ (PL), -evtikdcg ‘fit for hunting by
night’ (X.); 3. vuKtéptocg ‘nightly’ (Aret., Luc.), ta vuktépeta = 1) vuktepeia (Eun.); 4.
vuxtepivoc ‘id. (IA) with voxtepivia or -eia [f.] ‘commander of the night watch’
(Ephesus IP), spelled -na; 5. vuKteprotog ‘id.’ (Luc. S. E.), perhaps for -iotoc
(Fraenkel 1912: 151’)? Rare vi«ttog ‘nightly (AP), vvxtd@ov [n.] ‘temple of the night’
(Luc.), after tntp@ov, etc., Nuktetcs [m.] PN (Apollod.).
Cf. also »vuKtddwy. For vuxtéAtog epithet of Dionysus (AP, Plu. Paus.)
haplological for *vuxtt-téAtoc, which is a hypostasis of v0& and téAoc (teAéw), cf.
vouktedgiv: év vuxti teAgiv (H.).
*ETYM Old inherited word for ‘night’, retained in most IE languages: Lat. nox, gen.pl.
noctium, Go. nahts, Skt. ndk, acc. ndktam (adverbial), Lith. naktis, gen.pl. naktg,
OCS noSt, etc. all from IE *nokt-. The i-stem forms in Lat. noctium, Lith. naktis,
OCS noSt», etc. are innovations of the separate languages. The deviating v in vvé is
explained from *nok"t- by Cowgill’s Law (extensive treatment in Vine 1999b).
The aspirated and t-less form in vbya: vixtwp (H.), Evvvx-o«, -Loc, eivavuyxec, vbxtoOG,
etc. is attested only in Greek and in Anatolian (Hitt. neku- ‘to become dark’).
Schindler KZ 81 (1967): 290-303 reconstructed a static paradigm for a PIE root noun:
nom. nok"t-s, gen. nek”t-s, because of Hitt. nekuz mehur ‘at night’, which contains an
old genitive. However, acc. to Kloekhorst 2008 s.v. neku-, the consistent non-
geminate spelling in Hitt. neku-*' and the aspirate in Greek vvy- both point to a root
*neg”'., which was lost in PIE after Anatolian split off. Subsequently, *neg’"t- was
assimilated to PIE *nek”t- (cf. Ir. *ndkt-). On -vvx- as a second member, see also
Sommer 1948: 64f.
The r-stem in vbxtwp, etc. is also found in Lat. nocturnus < *nokterino-, although
this may also be an independent formation. Otherwise, the formation of the
adjectives is partly paralleled by derivatives of > rap, >Nwépa: a) vuKteptvdc :
Tweptvdc, b) vuKtéptog : Téptoc; c) vuKTeptjoiog : Tepriotoc; d) vuKtepedw :
Tpeepevu.
1028 vv0c
vue [f.] ‘daughter-in-law’ (Hom.), secondary ‘bride’ (Theoc.). <IE *snuso- ‘saughter-
in-law’>
eETYM An old feminine o-stem, identical with Arm. nu, gen. nuoy ‘id’, from IE
*snuso- [f.]. Lat. nurus was transformed into a u-stem is (after socrus); Skt. snusd, to
an a-stem, as was the Germanic group of OHG snur, MoHG Schnur, and the Slavic
one of CS snoxa. Alb. nuse ‘bride’ does not belong here. Connection to the group of
vevpd, »vetpov is impossible, as this word was *sneh,-ur/n- and contained a
laryngeal.
vupivet [v.] - vuocet, vet ‘to prick, pierce; scratch’ (H.). <?>
VAR Also vup@v: vioowv, Ebwv (H.). “ye
eETYM Unknown. Perhaps related to » véuw and » vicou; cf. Pok. 767.
vioa [f.] = dévdpov (Pherecyd. 178 J). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
viooc [adj.] = ywAdc, a Syracusan word (Nonn. D. 9, 22; EM 280). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
viooa [f.] ‘turning post in the race-course, starting point and goal of the contest’ (II.).
<PG?>
eETYM Without a good explanation. Compared with »vtcow as *vix-ia “the
thrusting one”, which seems possible. Untenable Semitic etymology in Lewy KZ 55
(1928): 24ff.; acc. to Jiithner Die Antike 15 (1939): 251, the word is Aegean (i.e. Pre-
Greek).
vioow [v.] ‘to thrust, sting, pierce’ (on the epic use Triimpy 1950: 96f., 100ff.). <2>
eVAR Att. votTw, aor. vbEau (Il), fut. vog&w, Hell. aor. pass. vvyfvat, vuxOFjvat, perf.
vévvypal.
eCOMP Also with prefix, e.g. kata-, bm0-.
*DER 1. vvétc [f.] ‘thrust, sting’ (Dsc., Plu.), katavvé-ic ‘stupefaction, bewilderment’
to kata-vbooopat ‘to be stinged in the heart, be stunned’ (LXX, NT); 2. vbyya (also
-xua) [n.] ‘stab, prick’ (Nic, Epicur., Gal.) with vuvypa-tixdg ‘fit for stabbing’
(medic.), -twé1j¢ ‘punctuated’ (Arist, medic.); 3. vvy-jt6¢ [m.] (D. S., Plu.), -un [f.]
(Plu.) ‘id’; 4. vby-6nv ‘by pricking’ (A. D.). Further vuxydoag = vvtac (H.),
expressive enlargement with geminate and aspiration.
eETYM Without an exact correspondence outside Greek. A formal similarity exists
with some WGm. and Slav. expressions for ‘nod, etc.’, e.g. MLG nucken ‘to move the
head menacingly’, nuck(e) ‘sudden thrust forward and upward of the head when
frightened, etc.’, OCS nukati, njukati ‘to encourage’, which are sometimes connected
with vebw, Lat. nu6 (assuming a velar enlargement). Following Brugmann IF 13
(1902-1903): 153ff., vioow has been analyzed in the same way, which would, however,
imply a basic meaning ‘to pull, thrust’ for the root of vebw.
vvotatw [v.] ‘to slumber, be sleepy’ (Hp., Att.). «IE? *snud- ‘sleepy, slumber’>
*VAR Mostly present; aor. -a§ou (Thphr., LXX), -doa1 (Dionys. Com., AP).
ecomP Also with prefix, e.g. b10-, émt-.
vwOr¢ 1029
DER vuotaypocs [m.] ‘drowsiness’ (Hp., LXX), vbotaypa [n.] ‘nap, short sleep’
(LXX), wootaktc (H.) as an explanation of v@kap; vvotaKkti¢ as an epithet of tmvoc
(Ar. V. 12, Alciphr.), -aktiK@c ‘in a sleepy way’ (Gal.). Also vvotahéo< ‘sleepy (Aret.,
H.), after bnvahéoc, skipping the presential suffix (Debrunner IF 23 (1908-1909): 18),
vbatahoc (Com. Adesp.) with vvotahwmay- vuotatetv (H.). -
eETYM Some Baltic expressions for ‘slumber, sleepy’ are strongly reminiscent of
wotatw, e.g. Lith. snisti, sg. snidau ‘to slumber away’, with snuda, sniidis sleeper,
dreamer’; a different ablaut-grade appears in sndudziu, sndusti ‘to slumber’, and
(independent of Greek vvotadéoc) forms with an /-suffix: Lith. snaudalius ‘sleepy
man’, Latv. snaudule ‘sleepy-head’. Thus, -t4{w would be just a formal enlargement,
as in kAaotatw (from Khaot-, KAad-), Baotatw, etc. If this is correct, the old
connection with vetw ‘nod’ should be abandoned. It is doubtful that vu86v and
> vov00c also belong here.
v@ [pron. nom./acc.du.] ‘we two, both of us’ (Att., also E 219 and 0 475). <IE *neh, ‘we
two’>
eVAR Att. gen. and dat. v@v.
*DIALNom., acc. vai, gen., dat. viv (Hom.); acc. ve (Antim. Corinn.).
*DER Possessive vwitepoc (O 39, [1 185). ; :
*ETYM The old dual personal pronoun, identical with Av. nd, OCS na, from IE *neh;.
Further, with an old long diphthong, there is Skt. nau. Lat. nos also belongs here.
The other case forms are Greek creations: vai, perhaps from *vw-Ft (?); ve, based
on oge or 166e (Schwyzer: 602f.).
veyaXa [n.pl.] ‘dainties, candies’ (com. IV*). <?> -_
*DER vwyadéos = Aapimpdc (Zonar.) and vwyadiw [v.] ‘to chew candies (com, IV*),
with vwyaiopata [pl] = vwyaha (Poll.); also -ebw ‘id? (Suid.) with -evpata [pl.]
‘id’ (com. V-IV*). ; ares
*ETYM No good explanation. Groéelj Ziva Ant. 1 (1951): 259 assumed dissimilation
from *Awyada, derived from Awyn.
yww650¢ [adj.] ‘toothless’ (com., Arist., Theoc.). <GR>
COMP Determinative compound vw6o-yépwv ‘toothless old man (com.), see Risch
IF 59 (1949): 277.
*DER vw60rn¢ [f.] ‘toothlessness’ (Porph.). re
sETYM From *y-h,d-, consisting of privative *n- (see »4-) and the root of d6v
(d500c) < *h,d-ont-. The o-stem perhaps replaces older *vwSwv after the pattern of
otpapwv : otpads, etc. (see Solmsen 1909: 29ff.). For the reconstruction of *h;-, see
Beekes in Kortlandt 2003: 186.
vwdvvoe [adj.] ‘feeling no pain’ (Pi.), ‘alleviating pain’ (S.). <GR>
*DER vwouvia “painlessness’ (Pi. Theoc.).
eETYM From privative *n- and d50vn; see on » vwddc.
vw8ij¢ [adj.] ‘slow, indolent, stubborn’ (A 559), see Bechtel 1921(3): 319 and Leumann
1950: 316. <?>
eDER Thence vw@eta [f.] ‘indolence’ (Pl., Luc.), vwOwé1)¢ ‘lethargic’ (Aret.).
1030 V@KAP, -APOG
More usual is vwOpdc ‘id.’ (IA), whence vwOp-ia, -in (Hp., Herod., pap.), -dtn¢ [f.]
(Hp., Arist., LXX) ‘slowness, indifference’; -w5n¢ ‘laming’ (Hp.); fem. vwOpdc, -ado¢
botanical name = BadAwtt, also vw8oupic (Ps.-Dsc.). Denominatives: 1. vw8pebu,
-otat [v.] ‘to be slow, slack, indifferent’ (Hp., Hyp., pap.), with vw®@peia ‘slowness’
(Erot.); 2. vwOp-taw ‘id.’ (Dsc.).
eETYM A number of etymologies has been proposed, none of which is really obvious:
1) from privative *n- and the root of 680,101, meaning “who cares for nothing”, with
transformation of the second member after the s- and ro-stems; 2) from privative *n-
and the root of » W0éw, ‘who does not let himself be pushed from his place’. 3) The
old connection with Skt. adhrd- ‘weak, poor’, which presupposes PIE *nh,d'-ro-, is
again hesitatingly mentioned in Mayrhofer EWAia, but the meaning of the Sanskrit
word, which is clearly derived from the root nddh- ‘to be in need’, is too remote.
Alternatively, Fur.: 390 connects vwpdAng and vw@ptc, but a variation 0/@ is
otherwise unknown.
v@kap, -aposg [n.] ‘lethargy, coma’ (Nic., Hdn.); the latter explains it as otépnotc ths
woyijc ‘absence of the soul’; it is also translated as vootaktc ‘slumbering’. < PG(V)>
VAR Also [adj.].
*DER vwkapwdng ‘slothful, sleepy’ (Diph.).
*ETYM Frisk includes v@kap under the derivatives of the root *nek- ‘disappear’ in
Greek, but a long vowel is entirely unmotivated in this formation. On the other
hand, Fur.: 133 connects v@kap with vwxeArc¢, which fits well semantically (the
translation “Todesschlaf by Frisk is inspired by a wrong etymology), and he denies
that it has anything to do with » vexpdc, » véxuc. For Pre-Greek words in -ap, see
Fur.: 13475.
vwAepéc, -éws [adv.] ‘without pause, unceasingly’ (Il.), usually verse-final with aici;
later ‘firmly’ (A. R.). <GR?>
*ETYM Probably a compound of privative *n- and a neuter *dAe,toc, which is rather
hypothetically compared with a word for ‘break, breakable’ in Germanic, e.g. OHG
lam ‘crippled’, which may further belong to OCS lomiti ‘to break’, Lith. lémti ‘to
ordain’, sg. lemiu, and perhaps Olr. ro-laimethar ‘to dare’ (LIV s.v. *lemH-). The
comparison with the Greek form presupposes, however, that the root reconstruction
is *h,lem(H)-.
VOL AW = VvELLw.
vwnéopat [v.] ‘to be downcast’, = Svowneio8at ‘to shun, disapprove of (Ion. Hist.,
Phot.). <?> ;
eVAR VEVvwIINTa Tetameivwta, KataménmAnktat ‘is humble, is struck with
amazement’ (H., Phot.).
*ETYM Cf. » tpovwityc. Alternatively, does it derive from vwy- doO_evic ti Swel
‘weak qua sight’ (H.)?
vwpei [v.] évepyet ‘is effective, operates’ (H.). <IE? *noHr->
*ETYM It has been compared with Lith. néras ‘will and nériu, noréti ‘want’. This
would point to *noHr-, but a reconstruction that is only based on a gloss remains
vwxeAns 1031
doubtful. At any rate, it does not belong to *h,ner-, which is impossible because of
the acute vowel in Lithuanian.
va@pow [adj.] mg. unknown. <PG?(S)>
*VAR Only in vwp-om, -orta, as an epithet of xadx@, -6v (Hom.); after this vwpo7t
mémtAw (Nonn.). ;
*ETYM Adjective of unknown meaning. Cf. vapow: apmpdc, dEbpwvos, EVN]XOG
‘bright, shrill, resounding’. | St thy Sytv doVevA Trott ‘or that which weakens sight
(H.), which would imply a meaning ‘blinding’. It has often been compared with
> avijp, but this has an initial laryngeal. Comparison with vwpei-: évepyei ‘is active
(H.), Lith. noréti, isg. nériu ‘want’, etc, which have incorrectly been compared with
avijp, is perhaps possible, but gratuitous.
The suffix -o7- may point to a Pre-Greek word. Kuiper MKNAW 14: 5 (1951): 5
suggested that it was taken from ai8om.
ve@tov [n.] ‘back’ (IL). <2>
*VAR Secondary Tov v@tov and oi vatot (Egli 1954: 84ff.).
*COMP vwto-pépoc ‘carrying on the back’, ‘bearer’ [m.], ‘beast of burden’ [n.] (X.,
Hell.) with -€w, -(a (D. S.); 1roiktAd-vwto¢ ‘having a varicolored back’ (Pi, E.).
*DER Adjectives: vwt-taiog (Hp. Pl, E.), see Chantraine 1933: 49; also -atoc (Nic.),
-t0¢ (Ti. Locr.) ‘belonging to the back’, fem. -tac (Hp.).
Substantives: vwttSavoc [m.] ‘kind of shark’ (Arist.), on the formation see Schwyzer:
530; also émvwtidevc ‘id. (Epaen. apud Ath. 7, 294d), explanation uncertain (see
Thompson 1947 s.v. different Strémberg 1943: 49f; cf. also Bofhardt 1942: 86);
vwtevc [m.] ‘beast of burden’ (Poll., H.), see BoShardt 1942: 86.
Verb vwti(w ‘to turn one’s back, cover one’s back, besmear, beat on the back’ (trag.,
cf. Kretschmer Glotta 5 (1914): 287), also with prefix, eg. amo-, ém-; thence vwtiopia
[n.] ‘cover of the back’ = ‘wing’ (Trag. Adesp.).
*ETYM There are no obvious cognates. If connected with the Lat. natis, natés, gen.pl.
-ium [f.] ‘the buttock’, we may either assume an old root noun *n(e)h,t- (Schrijver
1991: 169) or a root *7h,t- (De Vaan 2008 s.v. natis), which became thematicized in
Greek.
vwxedis [adj.] ‘slow, dull, sluggish’ (Hp. S., E., Hell. epic). <PG(V)>
evaR Also vwxaAre (cod. vwe-): vw8pdc ‘id? (H.), vwxahiter Bpadbver ‘to make
slow, delay’ (H.). MoGr. has avwyaloc.
*DER vwxeAin, -fa [f.] ‘slowness, laziness’ (T 411), cf. Porzig 1942: 204 and Delebecque
1951: 156f., also -eta [f.] (Orib., H.); vwxeAevortat ‘to be slow, indolent’ (Aq.).
The plantname vwyeric, -i60¢ [f.] = Bahdwrt (Ps.-Dsc.; cf. Strémberg 1940: 158) has
a variant vwkeXic, and is therefore rather of Pre-Greek origin; note also vwppv¢
(Fur.: 390).
*ETYM Fur: 133 convincingly compares »v@kap ‘lethargy’, which points to Pre-
Greek origin. The variant forms in -xah-, -Keh-, and the alternation x/p lead to the
same conclusion (although there is no explanation for the latter).
=
Lan!
dame
Eaivw [v.] ‘to card, comb wool’, metaph. ‘to scratch, mangle, lacerate’ (E 423, IA). <IE?
*ksn-ie/o->
VAR Fut. Eave, aor. Efjvat (late Eavou), pass. EavOrjvar, perf. med. éaopat (Hell. also
éEaupat).
eCOMP Also with prefix, especially kata- and dia.
*DER Eavtnc [m.] ‘wool-carder’ (Pl.) with favtixr (scil. téyvn) [f.] ‘the art of carding
wool’ (P1.), fem. Eavtpiat (title of a drama by A.); Eaopa [n.] ‘carded wool’ (S. Fr.
1073), also Faupa (H. s.v. meixoc), avakaopds [m.] ‘laceration’ (med.), Edvotc [f.]
‘carding of wool’ (gloss.), faviov [n.] ‘comb for carding’ (Poll, AB, H.), also = ént-
Envov (Poll.), probably after ktéviov; Eavaw (Nic.) ‘to work hard (carding wool)’,
-fioat (S.Fr. 498), anobavav: kaxomaGeiv ‘to suffer’ (H.); cf. bpavaw : bpatvw and
similar cases in Schwyzer: 700. Probably related is » éni€vov ‘chopping-block’, with
an unclear formation.
eETYM Technical expression from the production of wool. Its formation may have
been influenced by b~aivw, which is semantically close. Probably somehow related
to » Ew, » Edw, but the exact derivation is unknown. There are no correspondences
outside Greek.
EavOdc [adj.] ‘yellow, golden yellow, reddish, brownish, blond’, of hairs (I1.), also of
other things (post-Hom.); on the mg. Capelle RAM 101 (1958): 21f. < PG?>
*DIAL Myc. PN ka-sa-to, cf. Gallavotti Par. del pass. 12 (1957): 10f.
*COMP EavOo-Kop19¢ (also -oc) “‘blond-haired’ (Hes., Pi.), é7ti-EavOo0c ‘almost yellow,
yellowish’ (X., Thphr.) beside ém-EavOiGopai [v.] ‘to become yellowish or brownish’
(Pherecr.).
*DER 1. 2dvOoc [m.] name of a river, a town, a person, a horse (II.), with oppositive
accent; 2. EavOn [f.] name of a yellow stone (Thphr.); 3. §4v@ov [n.] name of a plant
used to bleach hairs (Dsc., Gal.); Strémberg 1940: 23 4. EavOdtn<, -1Wt0¢ [f.]
‘yellowness’ (Str.); 5. Denominative verbs: a. favOiCw ‘to make or be & (com., LXX)
with €av6-t01c, -toudc ‘yellow-colored’ (medic.), FavOiopata (Kouns, xaitnc) ‘blond
curls’ (E. Fr. 322, AP) ; b. FavOdo,tat ‘to become &.’, -dw ‘to paint &’ (Dsc.), whence
EavOwoic (Ps.-Democr. Alch.); c. FavObvopat ‘id? (Thphr.).
eETYM Unexplained. A remote connection with Lat. cdnus ‘grey’ has been supposed,
but this remains gratuitous. The camparison with Etr. zamOic, supposedly ‘of gold’,
has little value (Heubeck Wiirzb. Jb. 4:2 (1949-1950): 202 compares Xkdpavdpoc as
well). The word may be Pre-Greek; cf. » Eov8dc.
1034 Eei
Eei [n.] Name of the letter (Callias apud Ath. 10, 453d). <LW Sem.>
VAR Indeclinable. Later i (Luc.).
eETYM Formed after met = Sem. pé; see Schwyzer: 140.
Eévoc [m.] ‘foreigner, guest, host’ (Il.), ‘mercenary, soldier’ (§ 102, Att.); Eévn (scil.
yvvi, yi) [f.] ‘foreign woman, foreign country’ (trag., X.); as an adjective ‘foreign’
(post-Hom.). <PG?>
eVAR Epic Ion. poet. Eeivoc, Dor. Eévfog (in Cor. ZevpoxAijc, Corc., El. Zevpapns),
Efjvoc (Cyr. DiAdEryvoc), (hyper-)Aeol. Févvoc (Hdn.), cf. Schwyzer: 228.
DIAL Myc. ke-se-nu-wo /ksenwos/, ke-se-nu-wi-ja /ksenwia/.
*COMP Many compounds like Eevo-, Eetvo-6dxg¢ [m.] ‘receiving foreigners or guests;
host’ (IL), @A6-Ee(t)vog ‘loving guests, hospitable’ (Od.), mpdEevoc, Corc. npdkevfoc
[m.] ‘public guest, deputy’ (post-Hom.), see Risch IF 59 (1949): 38f.5 see » EvEetvoc
IOVTOS.
eDER A. Adjectives: 1. Féwoc, Eeivioc ‘regarding the foreigner’, ta Ee(i)via ‘friendly
gifts’ (Il.), = Myc. ke-se-nu-wi-ja. 2. younger Ee(t)vikdc ‘id. (IA); 3. Eetvijiog in Ta
Eeivijia (or TO Eetvijiov) = ta Eeivia (Hom.), after mpeofriia; 4. Eevdetc ‘full of
foreigners’ (E. [lyr.]).
B. Substantives: 1. Ee(t)vin, -ia [f.] “guest-friendship, guest-right’ (since w); 2.
Eetvoobvn [f.] ‘hospitality’ (@ 35); 3. Fevwv, -@voc [m.] ‘guestroom, -house’ (E., Pl.);
Eev@vec: oi avédp@vec bn Dpvya@v ‘the men’s apartments among the Phrygians’
(H.); 4. Eevic, -idoc [f.] ‘road leading into foreign countries’ (Delph. II*); 5. Eevidtov
[n.] ‘small guesthouse’ (pap. III’); 6. Eev-bdptov (Men.), -bAAtov (Plu.) depreciatory
diminutive of §évoc (Chantraine 1933: 73f.).
C. Verbs. 1. Ee(t)vifw ‘to entertain as a guest’ (II.), also ‘to surprise’ (Hell.), whence
téwoc [f.] ‘hospitality’ (Th.), Feviojsd¢ [m.] ‘id’ (Pl, inscr., Luc.), also ‘strangeness,
innovation’ (Plb., D. S., Dsc.); Feviottjg [m.] ‘host’ (sch.). 2. e(t)voopau ‘to enter into
a treaty of hospitality; entertain sbd. as a guest, to be entertained’ (Pi, IA), also ‘to
live in (or: emigrate to) a foreign country’ (S., E.), -6w ‘to deprive of, embezzle’
(Hld.); Eévwois [f.] ‘stay abroad’ (E. HF 965). 3. Fewtev-opat ‘to serve abroad as‘a
soldier’ (Isoc., Antiph.), -w ‘to live abroad’ (Timae. Hist, J.); after moAttevoua, -w to
moAitng and mddtc (Georgacas Glotta 6 (1958): 173); fevit-eia [f.] ‘being a mercenary,
life abroad’ (Democr., LXX), -evtr¢ [m.] ‘who lives abroad’ (VIP).
eETYM The semantic agreement with the old PIE word for ‘foreigner, guest’, seen in
Lat. hostis [m.] ‘foreigner, enemy’, Go. gasts ‘guest’, OCS gosto ‘id.’, IE *g'osti-, has
led to attempts to connect these with Eévoc, assuming a root etymology *g’es-. The
word Eévoc could be Pre-Greek.
Eepov [n.] ‘the dry (landy only in moti Eepov Helpoto (e 402), moti Eepdv (A. R. 3, 322,
AP), éni Eepov (Nic.). =Enpdc.
Eéotns¢ [m.] measure for fluid and dried things, = Lat. sextarius (Oropos [around
200°], J., AP), also ‘pot, bottle’ (Ev. Marc. 7, 4, pap.). <LW Lat>
*DER Eeotiov [n.] ‘id’ (Ostr. Orib. Aet.); cf. duviov, Avxviov, etc; Eeot-taioc
‘measuring a & (Gal.).
Enpds 1035
*ETYM Backformation from *Eeotdptov, which was borrowed from sextarius with
metathesis, under the assumption that this was a diminutive. The suffix is like in
Kodpavtng (= Lat. quadrdns), etc. The word Eéotpit xprOr} 1 EEGottxoc. Kvidtot (H.)
is probably similar.
Eéw [v.] ‘to shave, carve, smooth, polish’ (IL). «IE? *ks-es- ‘carve’>
eVAR Aor. E€éo(o)au (IL), pass. EeoOijvat, perf. med. éeopcu (IA), fut. ow (Paul.
Aeg.), perf. act. exa (Choerob.), verbal adj. Feotd¢ (I.).
eCOMP Also with prefix, e.g. dmo-, KaTa-, Tapa-, TEpl-.
*DER 1. Egoig (an6-) [f.] ‘planing’ (Thphr., Delph. IV*); 2. Eéopata [pl] ‘carving,
chips, carved objects’ (M. Ant, AP); 3. feopoic [dat.pl] (H. as an explanation of
omapaypact ‘pieces torn off); 4. §davov [n.] “(carved) image of a god’ (S., E., X.), also
name of a musical.instrument (S. Fr. 238); Fodvwv. mpobtpwv éeopuévwv ‘carved
doorways’ (H.); acc. to Latte Glotta 32 (1953): 35, who reads Eoav@v mpoOvpwv-
éteopévwy, it is also an adjective; diminutive Eoavov (Anaphe II*). 5. Eois, -ido¢ [f.]
‘chisel’ (Hell. inscr.) with Eoiétov (pap. III?) and Eoitns [m.] name of a profession
(Isauria; Redard 1949: 36); probably directly from f€w after komtic, Sopic, etc; Godc:
Evopds, OAKds ‘scratch, furrow’ (H.). 6. Of the prefixed forms: dta€do¢ [m.] ‘sculptor
(Delph. 3417), augi-f00¢ (-ovc) ‘smoothing all around’ (AP); ém-, kata-, mapa-Eor,
-d ‘carving, planing, etc.’ (inscr.). On » Ewotpa, see s.v.
eETYM Probably related to » Edw and »Eaivw, but without a close correspondence
outside Greek. The stem €eo- (reconstructed from Eeotdc, aor. Eéo(o)au, etc.) is the
basis of all forms cited. It has traditionally (Pok. 585f.) been interpreted as *ks-es-, the
zero grade of the IE root *kes- ‘to scratch, comb’, with an enlargement -es- (cf. on
>tpéw). This root is seen in OCS ¢esati ‘to comb’, Lith. kasti ‘to dig, scrape’, etc;
>KedCw and cognates could be related as well.
The form &6avov follows the model of dyavov : xw, TAGKavov : TAEKW, etc. See also
> KEOKEOV.
Envéc [m.] - koppdc ‘squared trunk, block’ (Suid.). <?>
eETYM Has been connected with émi&vov ‘chopping-block’, but further details are
obscure.
Enpoc [adj.] ‘dry, arid’ (IA). <1E? *ksero- ‘dry’>
*COMP Many compounds, eg. Ep-adoipéw [v] ‘to rub dry with oil’ (Lex Solonis
apud Plu. Sol. 1), composed of Enpov aAzigetv (to *Enp-adoupdc); EnpoBné, -xoc [m.]
‘dry cough’ (medic.), opposed to vypd-Bnk (Stromberg 1944: 100); Kata, éri-Enpoc
etc. (Hp., Arist.) beside kata-, émt-Enpaivw.
*DER 1. Enpdtys, -ntos [f.] ‘dryness’ (Att, Arist.); 2. Enpiov [n.], Enpagiov [n.]
‘desiccative powder’ (medic. pap.); 3. Enpwdn¢ ‘dryish’ (EM beside mupwdnc). 4.
Enpaivw [v.] ‘to make dry’, -opat ‘to dry up’, fut. -ava, -avobpar (IA), aor. Enpavat
(-fvat), -avOfvau (I), perf. med. gErjpacpai (IA), -appou (Hell.); often with prefixes
like ava-, dno-, ém-, Kata-. Thence (ava-)Ejpavors [f.] (Thphr., Gal.), (ava-, é7-,
brep-)Enpaoia, -in [f.] (Hp. Arist., Thphr.), on the formation see Chantraine 1933:
85; (ava-)Enpaopds [m.] (medic.) ‘getting dry’; (ava-)Enpavtucdc ‘getting dry’ (Hp.
Thphr.).
1038 SiB(p)a
*ETYM The word Enpdc can hardly be separated from >Eepov. If these belong
together with Lat. serénus ‘bright, clear, dry’ < *kseres-no-, serésco ‘to become dry’,
OHG serawén ‘id.’, etc. (cf. Pok. 625), Enpdc must contain a lengthened grade, which
is problematic. Mayrhofer EWAia sv. ksa rejects the old connection with Skt. ksdra-
burning, biting, sharp’ and ksdyati ‘to burn’. Alternatively, for Eepdv one might
assume metathesis of oxepdv ‘id.’, possibly influenced by Enpdc. See Janko Glotta 57
(1979): 20-23 on this problem.
Fin B(p)a >oi5n.
Eiptc [f.] ‘Iris foetidissima’ (Thphr.). <PG>
eVAR Also biptc (Dsc. 4, 22); oipic or cipic (EM*209, 35); Eupic (Dsc., Plin. Gal.); Eetpic
(Ar., H.), all ‘id.”.
*ETYM Frisk (s.v. Evpdv, which is unrelated) asks whether the original form was Etp-
or §up-. Acc. to DELG, Eup- could be due to folk etymology (referring to Stromberg
1940: 44). Indeed, the form oipic/oiptc suggests that Ep- is the oldest form. The
variants point to Pre-Greek origin.
Fipos [n.] ‘sword with a straight, double-edged blade’ (Il); see Triimpy 1950: 6off ;
metaph. of the Eipoc-like bone of the cuttle-fish (Arist.); as a plant name = Etgiov
(Thphr.). <PG(v)>
VAR Also oxigog (sch., EM, H.).
*DIAL Myc. qi-si-pe-e /k”sip"e"e/ [du.].
*COMP As a first member in Epn-~dpoc ‘sword-bearing’ (A., E.) with analogical -1)-
(Schwyzer: 440). On oxipa-tdpoc see below. As a second member in a-Eupoc
‘swordless’ (Lyc., A. D.), a&g-ei [adv.] (Hdn.).
*DER 1. diminutive &gidtov (Ar. Th.), also plant name = omapydaviov, ‘swordgrass’
(Ps.-Dsc.), see Strémberg 1940: 44; 2. Epvdpiov (oxip- Epich.) name of a crustacean
(medic., H.). 3. Epiac (oxtg- Epich.) [m.] ‘swordfish’ (Arist.), also name of a comet
(Plin.); 4. E.giov [n.] ‘cornflag, Gladiolus segetum’ (Thphr., Dsc.); 5. Egripng ‘armed
with a sword’ (E,, late prose). 6. Epiv- 6 gépwv Eipoc ‘who bears a &.’ (Suid.). 7.
fgivda nailer = Eile (Theognost.). 8. &@itw [v.] ‘to dance the sword-dance’
(Cratin.), anokigive- dpyeiobar nodv Spxnotv, oxigiler- Epifer. oT SE oyF pa
LoxaupiKfic Opxtjoews (H.). Thence fp-topdc (Ath, D. C.), -topa (Choerob., H.)
sword-dance’, Egiatuc: paxatpopayia, [ax &k XElp@v ‘battle with daggers’ (F.);
Ep-totrip [m.] (pap., Plu.); -totr}¢ (H.) ‘sword-belt’ rather directly from Eiqoc in view
of the mg.; cf. kopugiotip s.v. » Kopugy. With prefix dta-EigiCopar [v.] ‘to fight with
the sword’ (Ar.), d:a&iqio-dc¢ [m.] ‘battle with swords’ (Plu.). Two further glosses
from H.: iat: ta év taic puKavaic Spénava ij o1drpta ‘sickles or tools in planes’ and
(with metathesis) oxigivov- mAgypa ék @oiviKoc ‘sth. plaited of date-palm’ (after
kogivov, etc.); perhaps also oxipa-tépL0c, a profession (Sparta I*)? Cf. on » kigoc.
*ETYM Oriental origin (Aram. saj’fa, Arab. saifun, Eg. séfet ‘sword’) has been
advocated by e.g. Lewy 1895: 176f.
Cop KZ74 (1956): 231f. compared Oss. exsirf ‘sickle’, assuming IE *k”sib"r6-. Such an
isolated comparison, however, is highly unlikely.
)
EvAOV 1037
The Myc. form clearly points to Pre-Greek origin because of the variation k’-/k-.
Perhaps the forms with oxtg- also point in this direction. It is unlikely that Myc. qi-
si- pe-e lost its labiovelar through dissimilation with the following @ (as per Heubeck
Minos 6 (1958): 55ff.). Pre-Greek also had labiovelars, which did not always share the
fate of the inherited ones (see Pre-Greek).
Eov8dc [adj.] mg. uncertain, ‘resounding, trilling, quick, agile, yellow’(?), said of the
wings of the Dioscuri (h. Hom. 33, 13), of an eagle (B.), a cicada (AP); of the
nightingale and its yévuc (A. E., Ar. Theoc.), of the swallow and other singing birds
(Babr.), of bees (S. Fr. 398, 5, E.); also of the winds (Chaerem. Trag.), of dAKvdvec
(AP), of the inmaAextpuav (A. Ar.); further of [1éAt, aipa, AbKoc (Emp., Opp.), with
EavOdc as a v.l., probably referring to the color (cf. H. Fov84- ob ptOvov EavOd, aAAa
kai Aevkd kal muppa ‘not only &, but also white and tawny’). <?>
*DIAL Myc. PN ko-so-u-to (Gallavotti Par. del pass. 12 (1957): 6f.).
eCOMP As a first member in Eov0d-ntepos, of wéhtooa (E., Lyr. Alex. Adesp.).
eETYM On the meaning, see Leumann 1950: 215. The etymology is unknown. The
general similarity with &avOdc has long been observed. Cf. Taillardat 1962: §266 and
Duerbeck MSS 24 (1968): 9-32.
EvAatdw [v.] ‘to plant or sow green crops or fodder’ (opposed to omeipw), usually with
dat. (x6ptw ‘fodder’). <?>
eVAR Aor. -[joat.
*DER EvAdtinots [f.], also the back-formation EvAa [f.] ‘sowing green crops’,
EvAantis (also -totr}¢) [f.] “sower of green crops’ (Hell., pap.; Mayser 1906-1938, I: 3:
127, 66 and 79).
eETYM Technical word without etymology. Neither EUAov nor dydw (dpdopat) seems
to yield an acceptable connection.
EvAov [n.] ‘wood, timber, firewood, tree, beam, stick; wooden block put around the
neck, gallows; bench, table’ (Il.); also as a measure of length: ‘the side of the vatpBiov’
(Hero Geom., pap.). <Non-IE substrate?>
eCOMP Very frequent in compounds, eg. EvAovpydc (-opydc, -epydc) [m.]
‘carpenter’, with -éw, -ia, -tkdc (IA), cf. on dnptovpydc; [tovd-EvAoc ‘made from one
piece of wood’, of mAoiov, etc. (IA). On » EvAoXos, see s.v.
*DER 1. Diminutives: EvA-dptov ‘small piece of wood’ (LXX, pap., etc.), -ytov ‘piece
of wood’ (Hp., Hell.), -agiov ‘id.’ (Eust.); on -"@tov, -agiov see Wackernagel Glotta
4 (1913): 243f5 EbAtov ‘piece of wood’ (pap. IV”).
Further substantives: 2. EvA-evc [m.] ‘woodcutter’, name of a sacrificial attendant in
Olympia (inscr. I’, Paus., H.), with -evw, -evoptat ‘to fetch wood’ (Hell. inscr., Men.,
H.), -eia [f.] ‘fetching wood, stock of wood, timber’ (Plb., Str., pap.). Evdith¢: iy8ic
motdg ‘kind of fish’ (H.), explanation in Strémberg 1943: 25; EvAtttc (yi, xépooc) [f]
‘bush’ (pap.); 4. EvAwv, -Wvoc [m.] ‘place for wood’ (Delos III-II*).
Adjectives: 1. &bA-tvoc ‘of wood, wooden’ (Pi., B., IA), 2. -ucdg ‘id’ (Arist.) with
-tkdplog ‘woodseller (?)’ (Corycos), from Lat. -drius, 3. -npdc ‘regarding wood’
(Delos III*), -npa [f.] ‘woodmarket’? (pap. 1°), 4. -w5ng ‘woodlike, -colored’ (Hp.,
Arist., Thphr.).
1038 EvAoyog
Verbs: 1. EvA-(Coptat ‘to fetch wood’ (X., Plu.) with -topdc ‘fetching wood’ (Str. D.
H.), -toti\¢ ‘who fetches wood’ (sch.); 2. FvA-doptat, -dw ‘to turn into wood, make of
wood’ (Thphr., LXX) with -wotg [f.] ‘woodwork’ (Th., Hell. inscr.), -wpta, -wpdtiov
‘id? (Delos III’, etc.); 3. FvA-edw, see above on EvAetc.
eETYM The word Ed\ov appears as otAov, ovALvoc on younger Att. vases (see
Schwyzer: 211). It seems to correspond with Lith. Stilas ‘post, pole, stave’ < IE *ksulo-,
Ru. Stilo [n.] ‘garden-pole’, SCr. Silj [m.] ‘block’ < IE *kseulo- (?). Germanic words
like OHG sil [f.] ‘style, pole’, Go. sauls ‘pillar’ have a similar appearance. The
relation between the Slav., Balt, and Gm. words has been amply discussed, but
hardly explained. Was the word taken from a non-IE substrate language? See
Lehmann 1986 s.v. sauls. Original connection*of EvAov with » Ebw is not probable,
but secondary influence (Chantraine 1933: 240) is conceivable.
EvAoxos [f.] ‘Ady,u), lair’, also ‘thicket, bush’? (Hom., AP, Anacreont., also late prose).
<GR?>
*DER EvAoxiCoiat (-io6-) probably = EvAioptat (Theoc. 5,65; see EUAov).
eETYM Explained from *EvAd-Aoxo¢ with haplology, but the exact semantic
interpretation remains uncertain; cf. Solmsen 1901: 97’. Because of the fem. gender
(perhaps after Xdy,u?), Bechtel 1914 s.v. points to the possibility of adjectival origin:
“having dry wood as a bed”, of ebvvi)?
Evv [adj., prep.] ‘with, together’ (II, especially OAtt.). <?>
eVAR With dat.; since II* sometimes with gen. after tetd. Younger form ovv (since
Il.); on the distribution of the forms see Schwyzer 1950 487%. On the use in Plato see
Kerschensteiner MSS 1 (1952): 2off.
eDIAL Myc. ku-su /ksun/.
eETYM No clear correspondences exist outside Greek. The appurtenance of BSI.
forms (Lith. st ‘with’, OCS so, Ru. s(o) ‘together with, down from, etc.’) is doubtful.
Dunkel Glotta 60 (1982): 55-61 assumes that Evv arose from *som with *k- (seen in
*kom, Lat. cum) added before it (thus a contamination).
The word &vv is probably also contained in tteta€v (cf. on > Leta). See » Evvdc.
Edvdc [adj.] “common, public, usual’ (epic Ion., Il.), = kotvdc. <GR>
*COMP Rarely in compounds, e.g. émi-Evvoc = émi-Kotvoc ‘common’ (M 422).
*DER 1. Evvawv, -dv (Pi.), Fvvéwv (Hes.), Evvwv (S.) [m.] = korvdv, -wv ‘comrade,
companion’, whence Evvwvia (Archil.), Euvwvdc (Theognost.); see on Kolvwv, -via,
-vdc (s.v. » KOLVOG). 2. Evvijia [n.pl.] “common booty’, i.e. not yet distributed (A 124,
Y 809), after mpeoPrjia, Eervrjia. 3. Evvdojtct [v.] ‘to have contact with’ (Nearch.,
Man.), -6w ‘to bring into contact with’ (Nonn.).
eETYM From *tvv-16-, derived from vv like » kotvéc from *Kot-toc < *kOpt (*KOV) =
Lat. cum. On Evvdc: koivdc and their derivatives, see Leumann 1950: 2243 and Bjérck
1950: 366f. See » Evy.
Eupov [n.] ‘razor’ (K 173). <IE *ksuro- ‘razor’>
eVAR Also -6c [m.].
Evw 1039
*COMP Rare as a first member, e.g. Evpo-ddKn [f.] ‘razor-case’ (Ar.); as a second
member with metrically conditioned enlargement in tbmo-fvpioc (AP 6, 307; verse-
final), “what is under the &.”, whence ‘on which the razor is whetted’. Backformation
in b16-Evpos ‘cut away as ifby a razor’, of the nose of an eagle, etc. (Hp.), am6-Evpoc
‘cut off, steep’, of a rock (Peripl. M. Rubr., Luc.), xata-Evpocg epithet of Ovpidec
‘loopholes’ (Ph. Bel.), cf. b10-, amo-, kata-Evpdw, -éw below.
*DER 1. Diminutives: Evp-tov (Hell.), -aqiov (Gal. sch.). 2. Evpiacg [m.] ‘with a
tonsure, clean-shaven man’ (Poll, H.). 3. On Evupic, -idoc¢ [f.] see mEtpic. 4.
Denominative verbs: a. Evpéw ‘to shave clean’ (Hdt., trag. and Att.), Evpdaw, -dopor
(Hadt., Plu.), Evpw, -optat, aor. Fdpat, -ac8at (Hp., Hell.), also with prefix, e.g. amo-,
bmo-, kata-; thence Evprotc [f.] ‘shaving’ (LXX), -joytoc ‘good for shaving’ (Ael.
Dion.), Evpropidg [m.] ‘id’? (Hdn.), Evpyti¢ [m.] ‘barber’ (pap.); b. Evpitw = -éw
(sch.), whence Evpiopta [n.] ‘shaving’ (Tz.).
eETYM An inherited word, identical with Skt. ksurd- [m.] ‘razor’ < IE *ksuré-. For
further connections, see » Evw.
Evotades [f.] - ai muKval dumedo1, Guervov 6& tac eikf Kai Ww) KaTa OTOLYOV TlE@UTED-
t t q HN) x "
Ltévac dkovetv ‘vines planted closely togehter, but it is better to understand the plants
planted at random and not those planted in a row (H.). =ovotdc,
Evotic, -i60¢ [f.] 1. ‘robe of rich and soft material, worn with festive clothes as a robe of
state’ (com. Pl.), whence Evottdwtdc (scil. yitwv) ‘chiton like a robe of state’ (Att.
inscr.); 2. ‘shaver, drawknife; currycomb’ (Epich., Diph.). <GR>
*ETYM From Evotds ‘shaven clean, planed’, probably a comic name: a cloth sweeping
the ground (on the formation, see Chantraine 1933: 343f.), but also a “planing
instrument” (Chantraine 1933: 338). See » Ebw.
Evotov 1 [n.] ‘shaft of a spear’, usually ‘spear’ (Il, Hdt, E., X.). <GR>
*ETYM From > ftw as “what has been smoothened; smoothened stick” (scil. Sdpv).
Evotdc 2 [m.] ‘walking place in a garden, a gymnasium, etc., covered colonnade where
athletes exercise in winter’ (X., Hell., inscr., Vitr., Plu., Paus.). <GR>
eVAR Also -6v [n.].
eCOMP As a first member in Evot-dpxn¢ [m_] ‘director of a Evotdc with Evotapx-éw,
-ia (late inscr. and pap.).
DER Evotikdg ‘belonging to a &., who exercises in a &’ (late inscr. and pap., Gal.).
eETYM Originally an adjective, Evotdg meant ‘smoothened’, of the floor of a
promenade and a colonnade; thus still in Evotd¢ Spdptog (Aristias 5, V*). Cf. also
Evetv ‘to smoothen’, of danedov (x 456). The word » Evotddec (beside which ovot-)
is unrelated.
Edw [v.] ‘to shave, smooth, scratch’ (II). <1 *kseu- ‘shave, scratch’>
VAR Aor. Edoat, pass. EvoSijvat, perf. pass. Zvoytat.
*COMP Also with prefix, e.g. amo-, éml-, KATA-, Tepl-.
*DER Action nouns: 1. Eiotg (an6-) [f.] ‘shaving, scratching, ulceration, erosion’ (Hp.,
inscr.). 2. Edopia (an6-) [n.] ‘filings, chip, lint, etc.” (Hp., Arist.) with Evoptd-tov,
-twdn¢ (medic.); -Atov [n.] ‘erosive plaster’ (Cyran.). 3. Evopuj [f.] ‘scratching’
1040 Ewotpa
(Sophr.), plur. ‘scribbles’ (AP, D. T.). 4. fvoudc [m.] ‘itching, irritation’ (Hp.). 5.
kata-Evr [f.] ‘smoothing’ (Didyma II*).
Agent and instrument nouns: 6. Evotip, -fpoc (mept-) [m.] ‘shaver, plane, rasp, file’
(Hp., Hell. inscr.), Evot-npidiov (Phryn.), -yptoc (Paul. Aeg.). 7. Evotpa [f.] ‘plane,
curry-comb’ (Hp., Hell. inscr. and pap.). 8. Eiotpov = -tp (Sparta II?), also ‘sickle,
scythe on a wagon’ (D. S.); thence Evotpiov (pap. II* Paul. Aeg.), Evotpic (H. s.v.
otedyic, = otAeyyic), Evotpwtdc ‘fluted, chamfered’ (LXX, Hero), Evotpdopcu [v.] ‘to
flute’ (Mylasa). 9. mept-Esotns [m.] name of a chirurgical instrument (Hermes 38,
283). 10. EvnAn (-aAn) [f.] ‘planing iron’ (X., H., Suid.). 11. GvotdAdtov = Etotpov
(Delos III*).
Adjective Evotikdg ‘ptng. to shaving, etc’ (meillic., etc.). See also Evotic, -dv, -d¢ and
> Eupov.
eETYM There is no direct correspondence for the Greek system. An athematic
lengthened grade present is found in Skt. ksnduti ‘to grind, whet, rub’, zero grade
pres. ptc. ksnuvana-. If this contained a nasal infix, it is archaic, as is clear from Lat.
novacula [f.] ‘razor’, a denominative or deverbative formation from *novdre <
*ksnovare. The nasal was also introduced in non-presentic forms, eg. ptc.perf.
ksnuta- (= Av. hu-xsnuta- ‘well-sharpened’), verbal noun ksnétra- [n.] ‘whetstone’.
One may further compare Lith. skusti, 1sg. skutu ‘to shave, plane, etc.’, if somehow
transformed from *ksu-. See » Eéw, » Eaivw.
Ewotpa [?] - yotpic, yoKtpia (H.). <?>
eETYM The gloss is probably corrupt, since yoxtp- is unknown. It has variously been
corrected to ynktpic, yrktpia, or the lemma changed to Evotpa. The word is usually
given under Eéw, but this need not be correct.
O
6-1 copulative prefix. <IE *sem- ‘one’>
*VAR In 6-matpoc ‘of the same paternal descent’ (A 257, M 371), omdtptog (Lyc.); in
6-tptxec tmot ‘horses with like manes’ (B 765) and the glosses 6yaotwp-: Opoydotwp,
bCvyec: OLdCvyec (H.); also in > oigteac.
*ETYM Probably, Aeolic for copulative »d- 1. Semantically, it often comes close to
> 0- 2. See » dmatpoc.
6- 2 ‘close by, near, with’ vel sim. <?>
eETYM Assumed to be a fossilized prefix cognate with Av. and Skt. d- ‘towards, away
from’ < *(H)o-, in order to explain 6- in oké\Aw ‘to drive ashore’ beside » kéAAw, and
further otpUvw, » SCoc 1, » Soxn, » Sov; for further details, see the separate words.
In view of the paucity of the examples, this analysis is probably wrong. More forms
are mentioned in Pok. 28of., but almost all of these are now explained by an initial
laryngeal.
6 [pron., art] demonstrative ‘this one, that one’ (I1.), later article. <IE *so, to- ‘this
one’>
eVAR Fem. 1, Dor. 4; the nom.pl. oi, fem. ai (epic, Att.) is analogical for toi, tat (epic,
Dor.).
*DER Also substantivized dc, in kai dc, f & dc ‘said he’, etc. (I1.).
eETYM An old demonstrative, originally only nom.sg.msc. and fem., retained in
several languages: e.g. Skt. sd(h), fem. sd, Go. sa, fem. so, ToB se, fem. sa, and OLat.
sa-psa ‘ipsa’ with innovated forms sum, sam, sds, sds ‘eum, eam, eos, eas’. All are
from IE *so(s), *seh,.
64 [interj.] interjection of pain (A. Pers. 117 and 122 [lyr.]). <ONOM>
eVAR Also 64.
*DER Besides obd, ova interjection of admiration (Arr. Epict., D. C., Ev. Marc. 15, 29);
ovat of pain, ‘woe’ (LXX, J., NT).
*ETYM Cf. Lat. vah, interjection in various mgs., as well as vae utterance of pain, Go.
wai ‘woe’; further forms in Pok. 110f. On 6-, ob- as a rendering of a w-sound, see
Schwyzer: 313.
6a 1 [f.] ‘elderberry tree, mountain ash, Sorbus domestica’ (Thphr.). <IE *Hoi-ueh,-
‘yew >
*VAR Ion. 6n, oin; variant ova. The fruit is called dov or obov [n.] ‘elderberry’ (PI.
Smp. 190d, Hp., Thphr., Dsc.).
1042 ba 2
*ETYM Words reminiscent in form and meaning of da are found in many languages:
Lat. ava [f.] ‘grape’, which may derive from IE *Hoiueh,-, like da; a derivation
*oiuiid- is assumed in Arm. aigi ‘vine’. Further, Lith. ()ieva, Latv. iéva [f.] ‘alder
buckthorn’, the Slavic group of Ru. iva [f.] ‘willow’, the Celto-Germanic word for
‘yew’, e.g. Olr. ed [m.], OHG iwa [f.], and OPr. iuwis ‘yew’. It remains uncertain
whether these words have a common origin, and/or whether we must reckon with
old loans. Alb. vo-dhé, va-dhé ‘rowan tree’ were borrowed from Gr. da, oin.
6a 2 ‘hem, border’. >@a.
bap, dapos [f.] ‘wife’, only in ddpwv [gen.pl.] (I 327); wpecot [dat.pl.] (E 486); dapac:
yatouc. of 6& yuvaixac ‘wives, others: women*(H.). <PG?>
*DER Thence oapitw [v.] ‘to have a private conversation, to consort with someone
intimately, to chat’ (Il., h. Hom.), only pres. and ipf.; dapoc, usually plur. -ot [m.]
‘cosy intercourse or conversation’, also ‘ditty’ (h. Hom., Hes., Pi., Call.), probably a
back-formation; also dapiotic [f.] (Hom.), later daptopdc, usually plur. -oi [m.]
(Hes., Call., Q. S.), dapiopiata [pl.] (Opp.) ‘intimate, close or colloquial conversation,
billing and cooing’; dapiotris [m.] ‘close friend’ (t 179, Timo); on mg. and use of the
verbal nouns see Benveniste 1948: 70, Porzig 1942: 181f.
*ETYM Looking at the denominative dapilw, it is thought that dap originally meant
‘confidential intercourse’, whence ‘confidential company, wife’. A good etymology
has not been found. Several proposals have been made (see Frisk) where the initial 6-
would be either the Aeolic variant of copulative » a- ‘equal, together with’, or » 0- 2
‘to, with’. Regarding the second member, these proposals do not convince, however.
Ruijgh 1967a: 386f. supposes that the Linear B ideogram for ‘woman’ (MULIER)
developed into the sign for wo, suggesting that there was a Pre-Greek word *woar
‘woman’ (cf. » Sdtap).
6B5nv [adv.] ‘in the face, overtly, public’ (Call. Fr. 522, Lampsakos; A. D. Adv. 198,7
[where also 6BSnv]). <IE *h,ek”- ‘face’>
VAR Only in eic (é¢) 6BSnv.
eETYM Adverb in -dnv from om-, the root found in 67m, dwouat, etc., with eic like in
é¢ dvta.
oBeAdc [m.] ‘broach’ (Il.), ‘obelisk, bar of metal used as a coin or weight, obol’ (= the
sixth part of a drachme), ‘obelus, horizontal line used as a diacritic’. <PG>
VAR Att. OBoAdc, Dor. Arc. d5eA 6c (also Nic.), Thess. oBeAAdc.
*COMP oBodo-otatng [m.] “obol weigher”, ie. ‘petty usurer’ (com.), tpt-wBodov,
Dor. -wdehov [m.] (-w- by compositional lengthening) ‘coin worth three obols,
amount of three obols = half a drachme’ (Th., Ar.); also 650AKkai- 6Bodoi (H.) from
*d0deh-oA Kai?
*DER 1. Diminutive ofeAickog [m_] (little) spit, needle, obelisk, etc.’ (Att., Hell.); 2.
OBediac (dptoc) “bread roasted on a spit’ (Hp., com.); 3. OBeditn¢ = -iac (Poll.); 4.
oPedeia ( = ia) [f.] name of an iron object (Att. inscr.), -ia [f.] “obol tax?’ (Cos 1°); 5.
OBed-tatog ‘like a broach’ (medic.), dBoAtaiog ‘worth an obol, weighing an obol’
bBpvta 1043
(Arist.); 6. OBediCw [v.] ‘to mark with an obelus’ (Cic., Hermog.) with oBedtoptdc [m.]
‘marking with an obelus’ (sch.); but 6BoAtopdc [m.] ‘carriage rate’ vel sim. (pap. III?).
eETYM The variation 6 : B in ddeddc¢ : dBeAdg can seemingly be explained by
assuming an original labiovelar *g”, but a number of problems remain in the
reconstruction of a pre-form: 1) non-Aeolic OBeAdc instead of expected ddeXdc
cannot be easily explained by analogy, as e.g. Frisk s.v. states; 2) there is not enough
evidence for early vowel assimilations in Greek, for which dBoAdc is taken to be one
of the main examples (see Van Beek fthc.b). Thus, it was assumed (Schmidt KZ 32
(1893): 321ff.) that unaccented *e regularly developed to o if accented *6 followed in
the next syllable, with at least one consonant separating the vowels. However, if
OBoAdc would reflect such an old assimilation ¢ > 0, then the vocalism of 68/5eAdc in
all other dialects would be hard to understand; 3) the geminate in Thess. dBeA)dc is
unexplained; 4) the word was etymologically connected with Bé\o¢ ‘missile’, but the
initial 6- cannot be accounted for (cf. » 6- 2). Extensive discussion of the word (also
in compounds) in Tod Numismatic Chronicle 7 (1947): 1-27. The word is clearly Pre-
Greek (see Fur. 389).
6Bpta [n.pl.] ‘cubs of wild animals’ (E. Fr. 616); cf. iBpixadot xoipot ‘young pigs’ (H.).
<PG(V)>
eVAR OPpikdAotol (A. Ag. 143 [lyr.]), oBpixoiot (A. Fr. 474, 809 Mette).
*ETYM For 6Bptya (perhaps -ol?), compare animal names and hypocoristic
formations like d6ptdaAlyoc, dooixog (Chantraine 1933: 403f.); 6Bpikaka (-o1?) seems
to have a combination of suffixes -x- and -A-; further unclear. Vendryes REGr. 32
(1932): 496 supposes Sicilian origin. Fur.: 19177, on the other hand, assumes Pre-
Greek origin with interchange 6-/ i-. Although this would be a rare interchange, the
variation in the suffixes -x- and -x- seems to confirm this.
6Bpiog [adj.] ‘strong, mighty’ (Il.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Also SuBptttoc with prenasalization.
eCOMP As a first member in dBpyto-ndtpn [f.], epithet of Athena and others, ‘having
a mighty father’.
eETYM The word 6Pputog is traditionally compared with words that have no initial 6-
and a long stem vowel: Bpiidc¢ péyac, yadendc ‘huge, hard’ (H.), Bpydouat
‘yakertaivw, to be hard to deal with’, Bpyiw [f.] epithet of Hecate, Persephone, and
others (see » Bpitin), all of which are probably related to Bpi6w, Bpiapdc. The short 1
in 6Bputoc may have been taken from dAkyLoc and other near-synonyms, but the 6-
yields serious problems: it is neither a prefix nor a prothetic vowel. The variation
oBpt-/ Bpt- probably points to Pre-Greek origin (Fur.: 246, etc.), as does the
prenasalization.
éppvia [f.] ‘assaying of gold’ (Just. Edict. 11). <?>
*DER OBputiaKds and dBpv(os ‘pure, ie. having been assayed’, of gold (pap. IV-VI,
sch.).
*ETYM A technical loanword, compared by Benveniste RPh. 79 (1953): 122ff. with
Hitt. huprushi- name of a pot, as the word originally indicated the pot in which the
1044 dydo0¢
gold was tested. Borrowed as Lat. obrussa (since Cic.), later obryza, -iacus (since
IV?).
byS00¢ [adj.] ‘eighth’ (II). <1E *h,ekteh, ‘eight’, *h,ekth,-uo- (?) ‘eighth’>
*VAR Oyddatos (Il.); after tétpatos, etc.
eCOMP As a first member probably in dydddtov- Bvoia map’ ABrvaioig tehovpéevy
@noei ‘sacrifice brought to Theseus by the Athenians’ (H.), probably of a sacrifice
brought “on the eighth day”; cf. on > adtddiov.
*DER Oydoaiog ‘appearing on the eighth day (Plb., Plu.). On dydodc, -kovta, etc.
see P OKTW.
*ETYM The Greek ordinal ‘eighth’ goes back to.£dydofo¢ (cf. Old Corinth. [6y]56Fa),
which is an enigmatic form beside the cardinal oxtw for at least two reasons: the
voiced cluster -y6- and the suffix -ow- that it seems to contain. It is possible that the
voiced cluster is analogical after BSopu0c from *septm-o-; Sommer 1950: 24f. even
considered the possibility that the cluster in a pre-form *okty-o- developed an
anaptyctic -o-. However, nowadays one usually reconstructs *(h, )ekt(e)h;-uo- with a
suffix *-uo- added to the form, seen in the cardinal *h,ekteh, Rix 1976: 172
reconstructs *(h;)ekth,u-h,o-, assuming voicing of the cluster by the *-h,-, which was
afterwards vocalized to yield -o-; this is an ad-hoc solution.
Another question is whether or not the -y- is part of the stem (cf. Skt. astdu). It is
found in Go. ahtuda ‘éy600c’, OHG ahtowi [pl.] ‘eighth (as an office)’, and in Lat.
octavus (with -d- perhaps by dissimilation *-eh,uo- > *-eh,uo-; Schrijver 1991: 300).
dykdopat [v.] ‘to cry, roar’, of the ass (Theopomp. Com., Arist., Luc.). <IE? *h,enk-
‘groan’ >
*COMP Also with mpo-, ovv-.
*DER dyxnotc [f.] (Corn., Ael.), -18ud¢ [m.] (Luc. Nonn.), -nya [n.] (gloss.) ‘roaring,
bellowing’, also of oxen; -notr¢ [m.] ‘crier’ (AP), -notucdc ‘inclined to crying’ (sch.);
oykwdne ‘id’ (Ael.).
*ETYM An intensive formation, like » Bodw, » yodw, » tvKdorlal, etc. A direct formal
counterpart is Lat. uncare ‘to drone’, of a bear (Suet.). An e-grade (IE *h,enk-) is
found in Ru. jacdt’, 1sg. jacu ‘to groan, call plaintively’, Alb. nékon, Gheg angdj ‘to
groan, sigh, lament’. Celtic and Germanic have various forms in the same meaning
from IE *h,ong-, e.g. MIr. ong ‘groan, sigh, lament’, MLG anken ‘to groan, sigh’;
further, Lith. ivksti ‘to groan, sigh’, ungti ‘id.’, etc.
The word may have been onomatopoeic in origin. However, De Lamberterie RPh. 73
(1999): 37f. now derives it from éyKog ‘swelling’. Borrowed as Lat. oncdare ‘to cry’, of
an ass (Suet.). See also » Skog 2 ‘bitter’.
éyxtov [n.] ‘name of a chest for iron and bronze ware’ (@ 61, Hermipp. 16). <?>
eVAR Also -iov.
eETYM Details unknown; in Poll. 10, 165 oxedoc mAeKTOv, a plaited tool. It is therefore
unclear whether it belongs to » dykoc 1 (as a chest with hooks or handles) or to
> dyKoc 2 (as a carrier).
oyxvn 1045
6ykog 1 [m.] ‘barbs of an arrow, chock’ (II. Philostr. Im., Moschio apud Ath. 5, 208b).
<IE *h,onk-o- ‘curvature’>
VAR Further dyn ywvia ‘corner, angle’ (H.).
*ETYM Identical with Lat. uncus [m.] ‘hook’, as an adjective ‘curved’; Gr. dyKtvoc
‘barbed hook’ (Poll. 1, 137 v.L, sch.) comes from Lat. uncinus [m.] ‘id’ (Vitr.). For
further cognates (e.g. dyKdAn, dyK@Vv), see on » dyKvAOs.
byKog 2 [m.] ‘mass, burden, weight; dignity, pride, show-off, also as a notion of style
(IA). <1E *h,onk-o- ‘curvature’, ?*h,onk-o- ‘burden’>
*COMP Often as a second member, e.g. bmép-oyKoc ‘excessively large, exaggerated,
haughty’ (Pl., X.), rarely as a first member, e.g. d6yKd-@wvog ‘with a hollow and
pompous tone’ (of a trumpet; sch.).
*DER 1. Adjectives Oyk-npdc ‘bulky, extensive’, mostly metaph. ‘pompous’ (Hp., X.,
Arist.); -w651)¢ ‘bulky, bombastic’ (PL. X., Arist.); oyKbAov: cetivov, yabdpov ‘proud,
haughty’ (H.), together with (1-)oyxbAAopau, -vAdopat [v.] ‘to be swollen, be puffed
up’ (Hp., Ar.; compar. déyKdétepos ‘bulky’ (Arist.), superl. -tatog (AP). 2. Verb
oykdopat ‘to be puffed up, swollen, elated’, -dw ‘to raise, exalt, etc. (IA), also with
prefix, eg. dta-, &&-; thence (1-, é&-)dykwotc ‘swelling’ (Arist, medic.), (@&-)éykwpa
‘swelling’ (Hp., E.). From H.: oyxiat: Onp@vec, xwpata ‘heaps, piles’; Syn: wéye8oc
‘magnitude’ (cf. on » Sykoc 1).
*ETYM In the sense “what is carried, load, burden”, taken to be an o-grade verbal
noun to the root *h,enk- (seen in the reduplicated aorist » veyketv). A problem with
this analysis is the Schwebeablaut that has to be assumed, as the root is rather
*hmek-. Jouanna CRAI (1985): 31-60 has claimed that the meaning ‘burden’ is not
attested, and that all attestations can be understood from a meaning ‘swelling’, which
may have developed from ‘curvature’ (and, like » dyxoc 1, be derived from *h,onk-).
byptog [m.] ‘furrow, swath, line of scythed grass or grain’, also of the course of the
moon and the sun, etc., ‘strip of land, which is (or ought to be) scythed down or
cultivated in another way’, also as a field-measure (Il., pap. imperial period). <IE
*h,og-mo- ‘trajectory’ >
*DER éntdyjuoc ‘presiding over the dypoc’, epithet of Demeter (AP); dyptedw [v.] ‘to
form an 6., to move in an 6, (X. Cyr. 2, 4, 20 of the drivers; S. Ph. 163 of the wounded
Philoctetes), én-oypiebw (KbKAov) [v.] ‘to move in circles’ (Tryph. 354); perhaps also
"Oyjuoc name of Heracles among the Celts (Luc. Herc. 1)?
*ETYM A term of agriculture. As a verbal noun to dyw (Gypov dyetv Theoc. 10, 2),
dypuoc may be identical in origin with Skt. djma- [m.] ‘trajectory, draught’. It is hard
to imagine parallel innovations, since the suffix -mo- was not productive in Greek.
This is one of the good examples showing that *h,0 > Gr. o.
6yxv1 [f.] ‘pear tree, Pirus communis’, also ‘pear’ (Od., Thphr.). <PG?>
VAR Also 6x vn (Theoc., Call., Nic.), dyy via: Gov “pear (tree)’ (H.).
*ETYM Hypothetically connected with » éyxog¢ ‘lance’, if this was originally a lance of
pearwood. Of course, this remains a wild guess. Cf. » aypdc and » dyepdoc, both
‘pear (tree)’. Fur.: 131° connects kéyyvat- at 6yyvat (H.), and thinks the word is Pre-
Greek, also on account of the by-form déyvn (ibid. 279).
1046 feelers
05a& [adv.] ‘with the teeth, clenching one’s teeth’ (05a& év yeiheot pbvtec a 381 = o 410
= v 268; also com., eg. Ar. V. 164 dtatpwEopiat toivov d54& Td Siktvov); perhaps in
different mgs. at three places in the Il. (e.g. A 749 d6a& gov oddacg; cf. X 17, B 418).
<PG>
eDER Three verbs: 1. ddax-ta{w (Call. A. R.), -titw (D. H) ‘to bite, gnaw’ (cf.
AaktiCw : AdE); ASaxtw kvjGopat ‘to itch’ (H.). 2. 65aE-optau, -w ‘to scratch (oneself),
to itch, be scratchy, gnaw’, also -dopat (-gojtat), -dw; variant ddaEoptat, -dopc; fut.
-joojtat, perf. ptc. wdaypévos (S.), aor. @SdEato (AP); wSaypnv- exvnodunv (H.);
Odaket toic ddod01 Sakvet ‘bites with the teeth’, folk-etymological explanation (H.);
ddaypdc (a-, S. Tr. 770), 66a€-nopd<¢ (Hp., Ph., Plu.) ‘itch’, -ntuxd¢ (Poll.), -w6n¢
(Aret.) ‘scratchy, causing itch’. 3. 4dayei ‘scratches, itches’ (Ar. Fr. 410), 46ax@- kv,
Kye Kegadry, wrndaga ‘scratches the head, touches’ (H.).
eETYM Both d6ak-tdlw, -tilw and o64Ee1 in H. have been derived from 664&, which
traditionally translated as ‘with the teeth’. However, it is hard to derive 654€-ojta,
-copat, which is attested better and earlier, as well as adax-ei, -G, if we start from
such a meaning. For the oldest attestations of Oa€ (Il.), ‘with the teeth’ is not
directly evident, although it seems possible. Bechtel 1914 rendered oda& in these
places with ‘itching, scratching’ (after 66aEopat). The later meaning ‘with the teeth’
would have arisen from a folk-etymological connection with o6wv and dakvw.
The forms with 4- have traditionally been explained by vowel assimilation (Schmidt
KZ 32 (1893): 391f.), but this has now become doubtful (see Van Beek fthc.b); they
rather point to Pre-Greek origin. It is also quite possible that the original reading was
aday-, and that this was replaced by 66- at some point by folk etymology, as aday-
was less well-known. The aspiration in a5ay-d, -et does not have to be explained as
analogical (Schmidt l.c.), but may be a variant of a Pre-Greek phoneme as well. The
same holds for the interchange between -«t- and -&- in the verbal forms. For all these
reasons, the former derivation from a zero grade *h,d-nt- must be dropped. See
> ddayydc.
ddaxac [2] - Katanbywv. Tapavtivot ‘lecherous, lascivious (Tarentinian)’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
65un [f.] ‘smell, scent’. =dfw.
656) vvOot [m.]? - 2péBivOot ‘chick-peas’ (H.). <PG(S)>
eETYM Clearly a Pre-Greek word; cf. » dAvvO0c.
056c¢ 1 [f.] ‘road, street, ride, journey, march’ (Il.), metaph. ‘way out, means’ (Pi., IA).
<IE *sod- ‘course’>
*COMP Many compounds, like 650-motéw [v.] ‘to clear a path, pave the way’ (Att.),
with -motia [f.] ‘road construction’ (X.), -mod¢ [m.] ‘road worker’ (X. Aeschin.,
Arist.); d601-mdpo¢ [m.] ‘traveller, wanderer’ (Q 375, trag. com.) with -mopia, -in
‘journey (on landy (h. Merc. 85, Hp., Hdt., X.), -stopéw [v.] ‘to cover a distance,
travel, cross’ (Ion., trag.); dd0t-66Ko¢ [m.] ‘highwayman, robber’ (Plb.); the first
member retained a locative ending in order to avoid a sequence of three shorts. As a
second member e.g. in ed-odo0¢ ‘well-roaded’ with evod-ia, -éw, -dw (Att.), also in
odvbvn 1047
elo-, &E-, 10-, oUv-060,, etc. ‘entrance, etc.’ (since k 90), used as verbal nouns of eio-
1€VOUL.
*DER 1. Sdtog (év-, Map-, &g-, etc.) ‘ptng. to the road’ (I].); 2. ta ddaia [n.pl.] ‘goods
traded along the way’ (8 163, 0 445; cf. ddaw below); 3. -odikdsg, in e.g. [te805-1Kd¢
‘methodical, systematic’ (Hell.); 4. o6wtdc¢ ‘equipped with roads, practicable, doable’
(S. OC 495; cf. 666); 5. dditNs (map-, etc.) [m.] ‘traveler, wanderer’ (IIL); 6. 6510p
[n.] ‘road construction’ (A. Pers. 71 [lyr.]), cf. telyiopia.
Denominative verbs: 7. ddebw ‘to travel by road, wander’ (since A 569), very often
with prefix, eg. di-, é-, pe8-, map-, ovv- (partly from di-odoc, etc.); thence
(-)6devotc (IA), etc; 8. 656w “to show the way, lead’ (Hdt, A. E.); 9. daw (8&-) ‘to
sell’ (E. Cyc.); ddeiv- mwAeiv ‘to sell’ (H.).
*ETYM Traditionally, d66c is connected with a Slavic word for ‘course’, e.g. OCS xods
[m.] ‘Badtopa, Spdpoc’, Ru. xod ‘course, progress’, which (like 666¢) frequently
occurs with a prefix, and may have its initial (x- instead of s-) from compounds with
prefix (pri-, u-, per-). However, the absence of traces of Winter’s Law in the Slavic
word (lengthening of the preceding vowel by influence of the glottalic stop *d)
makes it probable that xod was borrowed from Iranian. A further connection has
been proposed with IIr. verbs like Skt. d-sad- ‘to tread on, go on’, Av. apa-had- ‘to go
away, become weak’.
The relation between all forms mentioned and the root *sed- ‘sit’ remains unclear.
Thus, the Greek noun 086c¢ remains isolated.
686¢ 2 [m.] ‘threshold’. =ovddéc.
6S0tc¢ [m.] ‘tooth’. =d6wv.
6d5vvn [f.] ‘pain, torment, harm, sorrow’ (IL). <IE *h,d-un- ‘pain’>
eVAR Mostly plur. -cat.
*COMP As a second member in e.g. mepi-wdvvoc ‘very sore, painful (Hp., Att.), -w-
compositional lengthening; thence meptwdvv-ia [f.] (Hp., Pl.), verbs -éw (medic.),
-dw after ddvvaw; rarely as a first member, eg. in ddvvj-gatog (Odvvigata
pappaxa E 401 = 900, also of pilav A 847; after this Orph. L. 345, 753) ‘soothing,
mitigating’, an incidental poetical formation after dpri-gatoc, etc, but with
remarkable active mg.
*DER O0dvv-npdc, Dor. -Gpdc ‘dolorous, painful (Pi, Att.), -wSa@> [adv.] ‘painfully’
(Gal.), -aitepoc ‘more painful’ (Hp.) as if from *ddvvaiog after cxoAaitepos, etc.
(Schwyzer: 534); 0dvvaw [v.] ‘to hurt, grieve’, -dopict ‘to be hurt, suffer pain’ (1A),
rarely with é§-, kat-; thence d6vvytata [pl.] ‘pains’ (Hp.).
*ETYM Beside IA odvbvn stands Aeol. é5bvag [acc.pl.], cited in Greg. Cor. 597. On this
basis, it was assumed that the vocalic interchange is due to vowel assimilation € > 0
before v. However, this is improbable; as argued by Kortlandt 2003: 94 and 199, a
form attested only in Gregory of Corinth (XII?) cannot be taken so seriously.
The form d6vbvn was taken to be an enlargement in -a- of a verbal noun in -ur, -uen-,
-un- from the root *h,ed- ‘eat’. Semantic parallels were adduced by Frisk (Hor. curae
edaces, Lith. édZiotis ‘to trouble oneself beside édZidti ‘to devour, bite’, from ésti ‘to
eat’), and »ddvpopa ‘to wail’ was compared as well. A further representative of
1048 odvpopat
*h,ed-ur, -un- has been seen in Arm. erkn, gen. erkan ‘birth-pain, heavy pain’. On the
further basis of Olr. idu ‘birthpangs’, from which he derived from PCelt. *edwon-,
Schindler KZ 89 (1975): 53-65 reconstructed an original feminine paradigm
*h,édud(n), gen. h,dun-és, nom.pl. *h,éduon-es.
However, the initial laryngeal was *h,-, like in » dv; cf. Kortlandt 2003: 94 and 199,
where Schindler’s analysis of the Irish and Greek words is criticized on good
grounds. The comparison with Armenian is doubtful, because acc. to Kortlandt, a
cluster *dw did not yield Arm. rk (ibid. 88ff.). He starts from a root *h,ed- ‘to bite,
sting’ also seen in Lith. viodas ‘gnat’ < *h,od-o-. Van Beek (p.c.) suggests that this root
is continued in the verbal roots meaning ‘stink, smell’ (Gr. » d¢w) and ‘hate’ (Lat.
6di), on which see LIV? s.w. 1. *h,ed- and 2. *h,ed-, but that the original meaning was
‘to sting’. Within Greek, » wdic may also be related.
odvpopat [v.] ‘to wail loudly, lament, grieve, mourn, bewail’ (II.). <1E? *h,d-ur, *h,d-
un- ‘pain’>
VAR Non-presentic forms are rare: aor. dd0pacOat, pass. wSUpOnv, fut. dSvpodpiat.
*COMP Also with prefix, e.g. dn-, KaT-.
*DER Odvpttdc [m.] (trag., PL), d5vuppa [n.] (trag.) ‘wail, lamentation’, d5vp-tn¢ [m.]
‘who breaks out in lamentations’ (Arist.), -ttxd¢ ‘inclined to lament or to wail’
(Arist., J. Plu.).
eETYM Perhaps a denominative yod-present to the r-stem alternating with the m-stem
in » O5bvn, so originally ‘to feel pain’. As a rhyme of pWpoytat, > SUpoptat arose.
6500(0)ac8at [v.aor.] ‘to be angry, grumble’ (II1.). <1E? *h,ed- ‘hate’>
eVAR Perf. pass. dSWSvotat (€ 423), aor. pass. ddvoGijvat (H.).
*ETYM Beside the aor. d500(c)ac8ai (dSbcoavto Z 138, ddvocdttevoc Tt 407), we find
ovdveta épitet ‘fights, quarrels’ (H.), probably with metrical lengthening: a
formation like > rnb, idpbw, peOdw, etc. If not analogical after other verbs denoting
a state in -tw, Odvoptat may derive from a w-stem noun *odu- (ddvo08Fva,
o0dwdvoTtat may have a secondary -o-). This has been compared with a verb for ‘hate’
seen in Lat. ddi, odium, Arm. ateam, and with a Germanic adjective for ‘dreadful’:
OS atol, ON atall (Hitt. hatuki- ‘terrible, frightful is unrelated; see on » atdCoptat ‘to
be terrified’ and Kloekhorst 2008 s.v. hatuk-*).
‘Odvacetc [m.] son of Laertes and Anticleia, king of the island Ithaca (Il.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Epic also Odvoetc (metrical shortening? Cf. on AytAdgbc). Several by-forms
with d (cf. Schwyzer: 209 and 333, Heubeck 1961: 24ff.): OAvo(o)evc, OdvT(T evs,
‘Odoets, etc. (vase-inscr.), OvAEebs (Hdn. Gr.), Lat. Ulixés. The form with -6- is
only ascertained by epic literature.
*DER Odvorjiog (o 353); Odtoceta [f.] ‘the Odyssey’ (Hdt., Pl.) with Odvocetakds
‘belonging to the Odyssey’ (Hdn. Gr., sch.), ta ‘Odtoceta ‘Odyssean games’ (Magn.
Mae. III*); Odto-ceidcau [m.pl.] name of a family (gpdtpa) in Thebes and Argos
(inscr.).
*ETYM Connected by the epic poets (e.g. t 407ff.) with dd0ccouc1, which is folk-
etymological (Linde Glotta 13 (1924): 223, Risch 1947: 82f. Stanford Class. Phil. 47
(1952): 209ff.). Modern interpreters sought the origin of the name in the Greek West
odwv 1049
or on the continent on the one hand, and in Asia Minor on the other. Those who
argue for western, Illyrian-Epirotic origin are Helbig Herm. 11 (1876): 281 (doubts by
Kretschmer 1896: 28off. with Ed. Meyer), Krahe IF 49 (1931): 143, and van Windekens
Herm. 86 (1958): 121 ff; for continental origin, Bofhardt 1942: 138f. (also on the
phonetics); for origin in Asia Minor, Hrozny Arch. Orbis 1 (1929): 338, Gemser
Archiv fiir Orientforschung 3 (1926): 183 (from Babyl. Hitt. Ul()us?; on this, see
Kretschmer Glotta 18 (1930): 215), and Kretschmer Glotta 28 (1940): 253 and 278
(Odysseus as an Anatolian hero, related to Hatt. Av&nc, Lyd. At&oc). Doubtful
attempts to connect the name Odvooetc with the name of his maternal grandfather
Avdtodukog by Bolling AmJPh. 27 (1906): 65ff. and Bolling Lang. 29 (1953): 293f.
However, the name is typically Pre-Greek (see Fur. index) on account of the many
variants. Faure’s connection with dAiyoc (Faure 1980: 33) is therefore wrong.
050v [m.] ‘tooth’ (Ion.). «IE *h,d-(0)nt- ‘tooth’>
eVAR Odov¢ (Arist., LXX); gen. d56vtoc; Aeol. plur. E5ovte¢ (only Procl., Greg.
Cor.).
*COMP ddovt-dypa [f.] ‘forceps for drawing teeth’ (Hp., Arist.), yavAt-ddwv (Hes. Sc.
387, ntr. -ddov and -ddovv Arist.) ‘with protruding teeth’.
*DER 1. Odovtdptov ‘little cog’ (Heliod. apud Orib.), d5o0vt-ic [f.] name of a fish (pap.
IlI*), -é¢ [m.] ‘dentatus’, -iag [m.] ‘dentiosus’ (gloss.); odontitis [f.] ‘toothwort,
Dentaria’ (Plin.). 2. Adjective ddovt-tkdc¢ ‘ptng. to the teeth’ (medic.), -wtdc
‘equipped with teeth’ (Hero, Luc., Gal.), with d5ovtéoptat [v.] ‘to be equipped with
teeth’ (Poll.). 3. Verbs: od0vt-1dw ‘to teethe’ (Gal.) with -iaotc [f.] ‘teething’ (Dsc.,
Gal.), -i{w ‘to equip with teeth’ (Orib.), ‘to polish (with a tooth)’ (pap.), together
with -toptd¢ (Poll.), -topa (Eust.) ‘the grinding of teeth’.
eETYM The younger nom. ddo0vc for d5wv is perhaps after dtb0bc. The form ddav,
gen. d66vtoc agrees with the old name of the tooth in Skt. dan [m.], Lith. dantis [m.,
f.], and OHG zan(d), all from IE *h,d-ont-. A zero grade *h,d-nt- is found in Go.
tunpus (unextended tund- still in Go. aiatundjai ‘horse’s tooth’; cf. De Lamberterie
RPh. 74 (2000): 278), Lat. déns, etc. The original ablaut is still alive in Skt: gen.sg.
datas < *h,dyt-ds beside acc. dantam; cf. also the Germanic forms. The zero grade is
assumed by some in Myc. o-da-ke-we-ta, -tu-we-ta, -twe-ta ‘(wheels) with teeth’, but
this is uncertain; see Aura Jorro 1985-1993 2, 16.
Aeol. 5ovtec (with secondary barytonesis) was taken to suggest that d66vt- stands
for earlier *866vt- with vowel assimilation. Therefore, one used to reconstruct *h,d-
ont- as ‘the eating one’. However, there are a couple of problems with this view. First
of all, the attestation of the Aeolic form (twice in a late secondary source) is doubtful.
Further, the initial 6- is neatly matched by Arm. atamn (Kortlandt 2003: index),
which points to *h,-. It is further confirmed by vwdd6c, which requires *y-h,d-o- and
can hardly be secondary. The root *h,d- means ‘to bite’ and is also seen in Lith.
uiodas, Latv. udds ‘gnat’, both from *h,od-o- with long vowel by Winter’s Law, and
within Greek with » d60vn (see there for further suggestions). The Aeolic form can
easily have é6- after Sw. See » vw5dc, > aipiwoéw.
1050 6Coc 1
6fo¢ 1 [m.] ‘branch, twig, bough, offshoot’ (Il), also ‘knot or eye on a tree’ (Thphr.).
<IE *h,esdo-, *Hosdo- ‘branch’>
VAR Aeol. iodoc (Sapph.).
*CompP As a second member in e.g. mévt-ofoc ‘with five knots’, as a name of the hand
(Hes. Op. 742), nevtd-oloc ‘with five knots’ (Thphr.).
*DER 6¢-w61)¢ ‘branchy, having many knots’ (Thphr., Dsc.), -wtdc ‘branchy’, -adéoc
‘id? (AP), after aaAéoc; dCdopa1 [v.] ‘to put forth branches’ (Hp., Thphr.).
*ETYM Old inherited word for ‘branch’, identical with Arm. ost, gen. -oy, Go. asts,
OHG ast, from IE *Hosdo-. Beside these, we find OS and MLG 6st ‘knot in wood,
knarl’ with deviating length. Traditionally analyzed as *o-sd-o- ‘sitting on (the stem)’,
containing a prefix » 0- 2 and the zero grade of *sed-; cf. on tlw (s.v. » €optat). It has
also been compared with Lat. nidus ‘nest’ < *ni-sd-o-.
However, Lubotsky draws attention to the fact that there are various words with
similar formation and meaning: Skt. ddga- ‘knot, sprout (of bamboo), MP ‘zg ‘twig’,
and MoP azg ‘twig’ seem to reflect *Hodsgo-, and Olr. odb ‘knot’, MW oddf ‘knot’
go back to *osbo- < *Hosg’o-. Hitt. hasduer- can also be compared; see the discussion
in Kloekhorst 2008 s.v. Taken together with Gr. dGoc, Arm. ost and Go. asts ‘branch’
< *Hosdo-, we seem to be dealing with a preform *Hosdg”o- (that may have
undergone metathesis to *Hodsg’o- in Indo-Iranian). Lubotsky therefore assumes
that the word was in fact an old compound with the first element *h,est(H)- ‘bone’.
&Go¢ 2 in boc ‘Apnos, a nickname of brave heroes (II.). >dofoc.
6¢w [v.] ‘to smell, scent’ (IA). <IE *h,ed- ‘smell’>
eVAR Also d06u, -optat (Theoc., Xenoph.); aor. dCijoat, fut. dtjow (Att.), also oféoau,
-éow (Hp. Superf., Hell.), plpf. Sadat (Od.), perf. dwSa (Hell.).
eCOMP Also with prefixes like am-, 11p00-. As a first member in the governing
compound 6{6-otopos ‘with smelling breath’ (AP, M. Ant.), as a second member in
plantnames like kvv-dfoAov (Ps.-Dsc.).
DER 1. OOut [f.] ‘odour, scent’ (II.), dour] (Att., Hippon.); on on from dit see below;
as a second member e.g. in et-odpoc, -oopog ‘sweet-smelling, odorous’ (Pi.), also in
dvootta [n.] plantname? (Dsc.); thence d5p-ahéoc (Hp.), -rets (Nic.), -nvoc (H.; cod.
66-) ‘strong-smelling’; dop-wdn¢ (Arist., Thphr.), -npdc, -4pn¢ (Nic.) ‘id’; dopbA-1,
-0¢, -tov ‘strong-smelling octopus’ (Ar., Arist.), dopt-itn¢ (gloss.), -itic (Ps.-Dsc.)
plantname, -dc [f.] = dvoopa (Dsc.); d5p-, dopt-dopat [v.] ‘to scent’ (Ion., Arist.),
with -notc (Aret.).
2. From the present: d¢-atva [f.] = oopvAn (Call.), ‘stinking adenoid’ (Gal.) with
-aiwkdg ‘belonging to the dCatva’ (Ps.-Dsc.); SGoAtc [f.] = dopdAn (Arist.); 567 [f.]
‘malodorant breath’ (Cels.), ‘skin of the wild ass’ (Suid.), because of the smell; d¢niic:
1) Botavn (Theognost.); d¢wdnc¢ = o5uwdn¢ (EM, sch.); also’OCoAat [m.pl.] name of a
Locrian people (Hdt., Str. Plu.)? Lengthened present dCatvopat = dGw (Sophr.), after
dogpaivopat. 3. From the perfect: 65w5r [f.] ‘scent’ (AP). 4. the suffix -wéng¢ in ev-
w6dng ‘sweet-smelling, odorous’ (Il.), etc. it became a highly productive suffix, but
witha faded mg.
o06vn 1051
eETYM Apart from the perfect 66wéa, all verbal forms are clearly innovations based
on the present dCw. The derivations are largely based on this present, as well. The
formation of 66w6r (derived from the perfect?), as well as of d6,u) and -wédng, is
isolated within Greek. Both can be old: 66) may match Alb. amé ‘unpleasant smell’
< IE *h,ed-mh,-, and -w6y¢ may represent (with compositional lengthening) the s-
stem of Lat. odor, OLat. od6s, probably also seen in Arm. hot, gen. -oy ‘smell, odor’ <
IE *h,ed-os-. The form dou} rather derives from *od-s-md than phonetically from
06-[N.
Both IE *h,ed-mh,- and *h,ed-os- presuppose a primary root present, which is
continued in thematic form in Lat. old, olére (with | for d); beside this, we find the
more common innovation ole6, -ére (after the intransitive verbs). The yod-present
dw was first thought to differ in vocalic length from Baltic forms like Lith. uodziu
‘smell’, but the formation is in fact identical, as it is now known that the Baltic
vocalism is due to Winter’s Law: lengthening before a glottalic (i.e. voiced non-
aspirated) consonant. Arm. hotim ‘to smell’ is a denominative of hot (see above).
The present Arm. hototim (with intensive reduplication) may present a formal
parallel to the reduplicated perf. d6wda. See » do@paivopat.
60tCa + amrvn HWovuKr ‘wagon drawn by mules’ (H.). <PG?>
eETYM Lagercrantz KZ 35 (1899): 273 and Frisk 1966: 283 adduce » d@ou1at. Possibly
Pre-Greek.
O8veioc [adj.] ‘foreign, alien’ (Democr., Att. Arist.), ‘irregular’ (Gal. Aret.).
*COMP O0v(e)td-8ULBos “buried abroad’ (Man.). = €0voc.
68on1ct [v.] ‘to attend, turn to, take heed’ vel sim., only with negation (IIL, A. R.). <?>
eVAR Only presentstem, except d0ecav. éneotpdgnoav ‘turned around, paid
attention to’ (H.).
eDER From H.: d0éwv- ppovtilwv ‘heeding’, 60n- ppovtic, dpa, pdBoc, Adyoc
‘thought, care, fear, mind (etc.) and 68e0av (see above).
eETYM Not well explained; the o-vocalism is remarkable in a present. Several
proposals have been made, but all at best hypothetical: a) connection to Go. ga-
widan, etc; b) to O0evet dyet, ppovtilet (H.), Lith. vedts ‘to lead, bring’, etc; c) to
> Z0wv, > W0Ew, > Eetpa (see Frisk s.v.). See » vwOrc.
606vn [f.] ‘delicate cloth, linen, sheet, canvas’ (Hom., Emp., Act. Ap., Luc., Gal., AP).
<LW Eg.>
VAR Usually plur. Also 686wov [n.], often plur. (Hp., Att. Hell.).
*COMP O80wW0-nWANg¢ ‘salesman of linen’ (pap.).
*DER O86vivoc ‘made of 0.’ (Pl. Com., Luc.). From d86wov: d8ov-akdg [m.] ‘id,’
(pap. inscr.), -npa [f.] ‘linen tax’ (pap., Ostr.); diminutive o80v-idtov (pap.).
eETYM A culture word of foreign origin. Acc. to Lewy 1895: 124f., it is from Hebr.
*étun of uncertain meaning; however, Spiegelberg KZ 41 (1907): 129f. has proposed
Egyptian origin for this word (Eg. idmj ‘reddish linnen’).
1052 o8dvva
606vva [f.] ‘greater celandine, Chelidonium maius’, also of the sap of this and other
plants (Dsc., Plin.); name of an Egyptian stone (Paul. Aeg.); as a botanical name also
006v<v>tov (Dsc.). <Lw Eg.>
eETYM Recalls 606v-n, -tov, and hardly accidentally. Acc. to Dsc. 2, 182, it originates
év tH kat Aiyumtov ApaBia, and acc. to Plin. HN 27, 12, it is Syrian.
6Opt& [adj.] ‘with the same hair’ (II.). <GR>
*ETYM Composed of » 6- 1 and » 6pi€.
68poov [adj.] - O4:6@wvoc, ovpipwvog ‘having the same voice’ (H.). <GR>
eETYM Composed of » 6- 1 and a verbal noun of » Opéopau.
%,
"O@pu«, -vog [f.] high chain of mountains in Thessaly (Hdt, Str.), also 6@puv- Kpfytec
TO Opoc ‘mountain (Cret.)’ (H.). <PG>
*DER From it d0pvdev- tpaxt, LAWSec, Sacb, Kpnv@dec ‘overgrown, forest-like,
rough, steep’ (H.).
eETYM Acc. to Mahlow 1927: 497, it stands for d@pic, with variation 0 : @ (cf.
Schwyzer: 302f.). Fur.: 198 compares Myc. o-du-ru-we, -wo (cf. Ruijgh 1967a: 1859).
The name is no doubt Pre-Greek.
oi [pcl.] onomatopoeic, expressing pain or suffering (trag.). <ONOM>
eVAR Ot acc. to Ar. Pax 933. = OiGuc, ofoL
ola, -axoc [m.] ‘handle of the rudder, rudder’ (trag., Pl.), oinkec [pl.] name of a
device on the yoke (a handle? rings? O 269). <IE *h,(0)iH-s- ‘pole, shaft’>
eVAR Ion. -nf -NKoc.
eCOMP As a first member in oiaKko-voéjtog [m.] ‘helmsman’ (A. [lyr.]), cf. Sommer
1948: 166; as a second member perhaps in kep-oiaxec (from Kepa(t)-olaxec) [pl.]
‘ropes belonging to the yard-arm’ (Luc. Nav. 4).
*DER Diminutive oidktov (Eust.); oiax-nddv [adv.] ‘in the manner of an ofa& (A. D.);
denominative oiax-ifw (-n-) [v.] ‘to pilot, steer’ (IA), with -.opta ‘steering’ (Trag.
Adesp.), -totH¢ (Suid.); oidk-wotc ‘steering’ (Aq.). Also oitjiov [n.] ‘rudder’ (Hom.).
eETYM An instrument name, oiak is formed like népnaé ‘handle of a shield’, tpomné
‘handle of an oar’, and oirjiov like Aatoriov ‘a kind of shield’, épyadriov ‘tool’, etc.
The base of the Greek words was an old s-stem PIE *h,(o)iH-s-, reflected in
thematicized Skt. isd [f.] ‘pole, shaft’ and Hitt. his$a- ‘id’, which both point to a zero
grade. The origin of the Greek o-grade is unclear. The s-stem is also found in Slavic,
e.g. Sln. of@, ojésa [n.] ‘thill. The nautical usage is a Greek innovation; cf. on » iotdc,
which came to mean ‘mast’. The IE noun is also preserved in Fi. aisa ‘bar of the
forked pole (thill)’, probably from Baltic *ais6 or *aisa-. According to H. Katz 2003:
252, the noun is preserved as an Ilr. loan in other Uralic languages too.
oiBoc [m.] ‘back of the neck of a cow’ (Luc. Lex. 3). <?>
*ETYM Does it occur in d6x8o010c?
oiyvuptt [v.] ‘to open’ (II.). <1E *h,ueig- ‘give way’>
eVAR Also oiyw, Aeol. inf. deiynv (SGDI 214, 43), later also av-oryvbw (Demety.
Eloc.), ipf. wtyvvvto (B 809, © 58), ava-oiyeokov (QO. 455), -@yov, -Ewyov, aor. oi€at
oidéw 1053
(wke, WiEe Hom., av-Ewke Hom., Att.), pass. oixOrjvar (Pi, Att.), fut. offw, perf. av-
éwya (intr., Hp. and late), with -éwya, *-gwypyat (Att.), wiktat (Herod.), dv-@ktat
(Theoc.).
*COMP Mostly with prefix, especially av- (to which b1-, 7tap-avolyvupu, b7t-, ovv-
avotyw, etc.), with the secondary past tenses fvolyov, ijvoika, Yvoix8ny, Hvoiyny,
Tyvéwka, etc. (X., LXX).
*DER Few derivatives: dvoik§c [f.] ‘opening’ (Th., Thphr.), dvoty-pa [n.] ‘opening’
(LXX), -evc [m.] ‘opener’ (Dam. Pr.), énavoik-twp (Man.), -tn¢ (Arg. Man.) [m.]
‘who blows up’. As a second member in m6-oiy-ta [n-pl.] ‘opening of a barrel’,
opening of the Anthesteriae in Athens (Plu.).
eETYM The judgment of these forms remains rather uncertain. The most recent
discussion is by Forssman 2005. He concludes that on the basis of the Greek
evidence, an ablauting root *6fely-/ *ofty- can be reconstructed. Starting from
epigraphically attested deiynv < ofeiynv and the zero grade w(F)iyvuvto (cf. tyvvvto:
Hwoiyovto [H.]), dvaotyeokov, avéwye, &véwee in Homer can be replaced by earlier
*av-ofelyeokov, *av-O(F )etye, *av-6(F)etée. There is no certain etymology. The form
OFty-, OFety- corresponds formally to Skt. vijdte, vejate ‘to tremble; to shrink, start
back’, Skt. véga- = Av. vaéya- [m.] ‘violent movement, pressure, clash, blow’ < IE
*h,udigo-, etc. See » En@yato.
oida [v.] ‘to know’ (IL). <IE *ueid- ‘see, look, know’>
eVAR 2sg. oio8a (Il.+), oic8ac (com., Att.), oidac (Ion.); ipl. idjtev, Att. toptev after the
2pl. tote. The initial i- in the 3pl. toot is measured both long and short in Homer;
this is explained by assuming a pre-form *uid-san, with different dialectal
developments, by Ringe (Jr.) MSS 50 (1989): 123-157. For the forms (e.g. subj.
eidoptev, inf. eidévat, i6teval, plpf. dn) see Chantraine 1961: 18of.
eETYM An old perfect, identical with Skt. véda [1sg.], vidma [1pl.], Go. wait [1sg.],
witum [1pl.] ‘know’, from IE *udid-h,e [1sg.], *uid-mé [ipl.]. Other cognates are OCS
védé ‘I know’ with middle inflection, formally = Lat. vidi. From the perfect arose the
present Arm. gitem ‘to know’. Other correspondences are, among others, 2s¢.ipv.
to&t = Skt. viddhi, ptc. cidwo = Go. weitwops ‘witness’, fem. iSvia = Skt. vidiisi. In
Greek, » ideiv ‘to note, observe’ is used as an aorist; cf. also > vijic.
De Lamberterie (in DELG Supp. s.v. oi6a) wrongly assumes a root *h,yid- on
account of vijic (Call.), which is a late form and can easily be a secondary formation,
while there are no forms with é(F)16- or é(F)et6- (and cf. idpic, iSuoobvn, Brdvtot). On
the basis of Celtic evidence, Schrijver KZ 112 (1999): 264-272 argues that the plpf. 76n
‘he knew’ continues a stative stem *ueid-eh,-.
oidéw [v.] ‘to swell’ (€ 455). <IE *h,oid-eie- ‘swell’>
eVAR Also oiddw (Plu., Luc.), oidaivw (Hell. poet.); oidavoptat, -w (1 646 and 554, Ar.,
A. R.), oidioxoptat (medic.), act. -w ‘to make swell’, aor. oidfjoat (1A), otdfjvat to
oidaive (Q. S.), perf. enka (Hp., Theoc.).
eCOMP With prefix, especially av-o1déw, -odioxopat, -o1daivw; also with 61-, é&-.
DER 1. oidtta [n.] ‘flood of water’ (II.), after kipta; cf. ckvéw : KdpLa, Sokéw : Sdyjta (or
from a lost primary verb); oidptatdetc ‘flowing’ (A. Fr. 69 = 103 Mette, Opp.). 2. oi50¢
1054 Oidinous
[n.] ‘swelling (Hp. Nic. Aret.); cf. cpatéw : Kpatoc. 3. of6-1}10 [n.] ‘swelling’ (Hp.,
D.) with -npdatiov (Hp., Aét.), -npatwdng (medic.); (av-, dt-, &-, etc.)-oidSnorc [f.]
‘bulge’ (Pl. medic., Thphr.). 4. (é1-, b1t-)ot6ad€og ‘swollen’ (Archil., Hp.), to oidaivw
like kepdahéog : kepSaivw. 5. ot5a€ [m.] ‘unripe fig’ (Poll., Choerob.), from oido¢ or
oidéw. 6. Backformations: imotdoc ‘somewhat swollen’ (Gal.), to brt-o1déw; Evordijc
‘swollen’ (Nic.), to év-o1déw. See also » Oidinouc.
eETYM Of the presentic forms, only oidéw could be old. The causative oidavw arose
by enlargement, together with the intr. oi6avojtat, and in the same way oidioxoptau,
-w; oidaivw would be analogical after kuptaivw, dpyaivw, etc, or perhaps from
oidfjoa after kepdijoat : kepdaivw, etc. The late and rare form oida4w was formed to
oiSijoat. Sometimes, oi5éw is held to be an‘ iterative-intensive formation, but a
corresponding primary verb is not attested. A certain cognate is Arm. aytnum ‘to
swell’ with the primary aor. ayteay and the noun ayt (i-stem) ‘cheek’ < IE *h,oidi- or
*h,eidi-; the nu-present is an Armenian innovation. Germanic presents a few isolated
nouns, like OHG eiz, MoHG (dial.) Eis ‘abscess, ulcer’, from PGm. *aita- < IE
*h,e/oid-o-, cf. formally close oido¢ [n.]; a suffix -r- is found in e.g. OHG eittar [n.]
‘pus’ < PGm. *aitra- [n.], and perhaps also in HNs like Eiter-bach. Lat. aemidus is
isolated as well (probably after synonymous tumidus), deviating from oidéw in
vocalism, but in this way it proves that the root was *h,eid-, not *h,eid- (the other
non-Greek forms may continue both IE *h,oi- and *h,ei-). The Slavic group of OCS
jade ‘poison’ is open to more interpretations: they can also be derived from *h,ed-
eat’.
Oidinovg [m.] king of Thebes, son of Laios, who unknowingly married his mother
locaste after he had killed his father. <GR>
eVAR Also -mocg (AP), -1tov, -tovv (Hdt., trag.), -1t060¢ (Apollod.), -1t05a (Plu.);
besides, after the patronymics, the following metrical variants of *Oidinddac, -1\<:
gen. -m65a0, -166a, acc. -1165av (epic poet.), -1165ew (Hadt.), etc.; see Schwyzer: 582,
Fraenkel 1912: 163f., Sommer 1948: 38, Egli 1954: 14 and17.
*DER Oidindédeta [f.] ‘the saga of Oedipus’ (Arist; after 1] Odvoceta), also ta
Oidimddeta ‘id.’ (Paus.) from Oidimddetog [adj.] (Plu., Paus.).
eETYM Properly “with a swollen foot”, with regular change i : ro in Oié1- and IE
*h,oid-ro- , which is found in Gm., e.g. OHG eittar ‘pus’; see » oidéw. Improbably, on
the meaning of the first element, Schroder Gymnasium 63 (1956): 72 ff. (to ON eista
‘testicle’; quite hypothetically, Kretschmer Glotta 12 (1923): 59f. (chthonic
interpretation).
oigteas [acc.pl.] ‘of the same year, of the same age’ (B 765). <IE *sm- ‘same’ + *uet-s-
‘year’>
*ETYM For *6-éteac (see > 6- 1 and métog 2) from *dFétI\¢, with ot as a reversed
notation for metrical lengthening. This notation can be understood in connection
with the antevocalic change of ot to 0 in Attic (e.g. émdrjoe); it also occurred in Ionic.
Otic [f.] ‘bale, wailing, suffering’ (Il.). <ONOM>
°VAR oili¢ (trag., Herod.), -boc.
*COMP mav-otlug ‘consisting of nothing but misery’ (A. [lyr.]).
olkoc¢ 1055
DER OiCb-pdc (also -pwtepoc, -pwrtatoc metrical lengthening, see Chantraine 1942:
102 and 258), secondarily oi€bpdc ‘woeful, miserable, poor’ (epic Ion. since IL, Ar.);
ditbw (0) [v.] ‘to wail, suffer’, aor. -doau.
*ETYM An expressive word, ultimately derived from the interjection of (Ion. oi after
Ar. Pax 933), probably through a verb oi(w, ditw (only A. D. Adv 128, 7ff.). See
> oitwlw, » oik tos.
oin 1 [f.] ‘elderberry tree’. >da.
oin 2 [f.] ‘village’ (Chios IV*, A. R, H., Theognost.); Att. deme name’Oa (also Oia,’On,
On). <2
eCOMP Perhaps as a second member in Oivon.
*DER oifjtat [m.pl.] ‘villagers’ (S. Fr. 134), oiatav- kwpntav ‘villagers’ (H.), Oiatat
[m.pl.] inhabitants of a deme in Tegea (Paus. 8, 45, 1; reading uncertain). Besides
wBa [f.] name of a Spartan tribe (IG 5(1), 26: 11 [II-I*], Plu. Lyc. 6) with wBatac: tobs
gvdétasg ‘tribal members’ (H.), wBakat ‘to divide into wBat’ (Plu. ibid.); also wy (=
MFT): kw) ‘village’ (H.), wag (Wac cod.) Tag KwpLAG, Obai: pvAat ‘tribes’ (H.). Details
in Baunack Phil. 70 (1911): 466f.
eETYM The word oi has been identified with wba = *wfa under a pre-form *wria.
Formerly derived from *of.a and compared with Go. gawi ‘ywpa, nmepixwpoc,
district’, which is interpreted as PGm. *ga-awja- [n.]. This is unlikely, however; see
Lehmann 1986 s.v. Further details are obscure.
oinjiov =oiak,
oikos [m.] ‘house, dwelling of any kind, room, home, household, native land’ (I1.). <IE
*ueik-, uoik-‘house’>
eVAR Dial. Foikoc.
DIAL Myc. wo-i-ko-de /woikon-de/ ‘homeward’.
*COMP Very many compounds, e.g. oiko-vdjtoc [m.] ‘housekeeper’, with -vopéw,
-vottta (Att.), compound of oikov véttetv, -eo8at; pét-orxoc (1A), 11264-Folkocg (Arg.)
‘sbd. living among others, small farmer, tenant’; émoix-tov [n.] ‘outbuilding,
countryhouse, village’ (Tab. Heracl., LXX, pap.), hypostasis of ém’ oikov.
*DER A. Substantives: 1. ta oixia [pl.] (IL), sing. to oikiov (since LXX) ‘residence,
palace, nest’. 2. oikia, Ion. -in [f.] (post-Hom.), fouxia (Cret., Locr.) ‘house, building’
together with the diminutive oikidéiov [n.] (Ar, Lys.), oikuj-tn¢ (Ion.), FouKkid-tac
[m.] (Locr. Thess. Arc.) = oixétng (see 5.), oikia-Kdc¢ ‘belonging to the house,
housemate’ (pap., Ev. Matt.). 3. Rare diminutives oix-ioxog [m.] ‘little house, little
room, bird cage’ (D., Ar. inscr.), -dptov [n.] ‘little house’ (Lys.). 4. oikevs (Il),
fotkevs (Gort.) [m.] ‘housemate, servant’; fem. fouxéa (Gort.). 5. oiké-t1¢ (1A),
Boeot. Ffuxé-tac [m.] ‘housemate, servant, domestic slave’, fem. -ti¢ (Hp., trag.),
together with -tikdg (Pl, Arist. inscr.), -teta [f.] ‘the whole of domestic servants,
attendants’ (Str., Aristeas, J., inscr.); oixetetw [v.] ‘to be a housemate, occupy’ (only
E. Alc. 437 [lyr] and H.); compound mavoikecia [adv.] ‘with all oikétat, with the
whole of attendants’ (Att.).
1056 olKToc
B. Adjectives: 6. oixetog (Att.), oikrjiog (Ion. since Hes. Op. 457) ‘belonging to the
house, domestic, familiar’ together with -et6t19¢ (-1l6TIs), -et6w (-nidw), whence
-eiwpa, -eiwotc, -e1wtt-Kdc. 7. oikidtoc ‘id’ (Opp.); Katotk-idtog (to Kat’ oikov)
‘indoors’ (Hp., Ph.).
C. Verbs. 8. oikew (IL), forxéw (Locr.) ‘to live, reside’, also ‘to be located, occupy,
manage’, very often with prefix, e.g. am-, dt-, év-, ém-, kat-, pet-. Thence oik-101¢
(late also Stoik-eoic), -Holwoc, -NUa, -NMATLOV, -NATLKOG, -NTHP, -I]TIpLov, -1]TwpP,
-1]TI)¢, -17TtKOc. 9. OiKiCw ‘to found, settle’ (since L135 Anw@xtoe), often with dit-, di-,
KQT-, HET-, OVV-, etc., whence Oik-lotc, -Loia, -LOUdG, -LOTI|G, -LOTIP, -lOTLKOG.
Adverbs: 10. oixo-Gev (II.), -8t (epic), -oe (A. D.) beside the fossilized locative oik-o1
(IL.), -et (Men.), a recent formation? 11. ofxa-de ‘homeward’ (I1.), foixad_ (Delph.),
probably from (F)oika [n.pl.] like xéAev8a, Kdkha, etc; ofka-dic (Meg.); further
oikdv-de (epic).
eETYM Old name for ‘abode, house’, identical with Lat. vicus [m.] ‘group of houses,
village, quarter’, Skt. vésa- [m.] ‘house’, especially ‘brothel’; IE *udik-o- [m.].
Additionally, there is a zero grade root noun in IIr. and Slav.: Skt. vis- [f.], acc. visam,
Av. vis- [f.], acc. visam, OP vidam ‘abode, house, community’, also ‘house of kings’ in
Iranian; OCS vosv [f.] (secondary i-stem) ‘village, field, piece of ground’, Ru. ves’
‘village’, from IE *uik- [f.]. Next to these old root nouns, IIr. has a verb Skt. visdti,
Av. visaiti, IE *uik-e/o- meaning ‘to sit down, settle, enter’. IE *udik-o- must be
derived from this verb, originally as an action noun, properly “settlement”. Gr. ta
oixia and Skt. vesyd- [n.] ‘house, village’, though formally identical, are separate
innovations (Schindler BSL 67 (1972): 32). The word »tpixdikec is probably
unrelated.
oik toc [m.] ‘lamentation, compassion, pity’ (Od.). <ONOM>
*COMP Rarely as a second member, e.g. &1-o1xtog ‘pitiable’ (A.), dv-outog ‘pitiless’
(S. E.).
*DER Primary superlative oiktiotoc (X 76), ptA-oiktio tos ‘loving pity the most’ (S.)
from gih-ouxtog (A. [lyr.]); thus the rare oixtikdc ‘ptng. to lamentation, lamenting’
(An. Bachm.) and oixtoobvn [f.] = oixtog (Hdn. Epim.). Old is oiktpdc ‘woeful,
wailing, deplorable’ (Il.), as a first member e.g. in oixtpd-yoo¢ ‘with woeful
lamentation’ (Pl. Phdr. 267c); probably (in spite of the difference in gender) to
oiktoc after aloxoc : aicypdc, éx8oc : éx8pdc, etc., cf. also the pair oiktiotoc :
aloxto toc.
Denominative verbs: 1. From oiktpdc: oiktipw ‘to pity, commiserate, bewail’ (11.),
Aeol. oixtippw (Hdn. Gr.), aor. oixtipat, fut. oixtip® (Att. also -tepw after itacistic
-teipat, -teipw) late -t(e)ipriow (LXX, NT), also with xat-, etc; thence oiktip-ydc
[m.] “compassion, pity’ (Pi., LXX, NT), -uwv ‘compassionate, pitiful’ (Gorg., Theoc.,
LXX) with -poovvn (Tz.); *oixtip-.w is supposed to continue *oiktp-1w with an i-
colored schwa secundum. 2. From oiktoc: oiktiCw, -opai ‘id, (trag., Th., Arist.), also
with xat-, etc., whence oikt-toudc¢ [m.] ‘bewailing’ (A., X.), -iouata [n.pl.] ‘id’ (E.),
Katoikt-totc [f.] “wailing, compassion’ (X.).
eETYM Like oi(tc with comparable meaning, oiktoc probably also derives from the
interjection oi via oifw; the close connection appears from the backformation
oluoc 1057
> Svooitw, from dv0-o1xtoc. Comparable nouns from interjective verbs in -(w are
frequent, e.g. alaypa, aiaktdg (to aidlw, aiai), Babak, BaBdaktns (from Babata,
BaBat), etc. Doubtful non-Greek combinations, such as Go. aihtron ‘beg’ and MIr.
éigid ‘screams’, are given in Pok. 298. See > diCtc, > oipwlw.
oixvAa [n.pl.] ‘akind of pulse’ (Epic. in Arch. Pap. 7,7). <?>
VAR oikehoc 6 mticog (Theognost Can. 20.); oikvAoc 16 dompiov (ibid. 21).
*ETYM Recalls Lat. vicia.
oitta [n.] ‘rush, attack, rage’, of a lion and an eagle (II.), of a snake (Q. S.). <IE? *h,eis-
‘move quickly’>
eDER Verbal forms: aor. oitfjoat ‘to plunge, dash forth’, said of birds of prey and of
people compared to birds of prey (X 140, 308, 311, w 538), fut. oittjoovot (Orac. apud
Hdt. 1, 62), of 80vvor, with oiunpa: Spprpa ‘rush, incitement’ (H.). A supposed but
unattested present *oipdw seems, just like the o-vowel, to presuppose a noun *oiLoc
or *oitn (beside an original ntr. *eiua).
*ETYM Probably from *oiopa, related to Av. aésma- [m.] ‘anger’, which is compared
with an Ilr. verb ‘to put in quick movement, urge forward’ (e.g. Skt. pres. isyati, Av.
isiieiti, perhaps related to » iaivw) as a primary noun. Lat. ira ‘anger’ belongs to this
group as well. See » diotéc, » oiotpoc.
oiun [f.] ‘song, chant, saga, tale’ (Od, A. R., Call, etc.). «IE? *soh,i-m- ‘song, spell’>
eVAR In similar use also ofttoc cotdijc (h. Merc. 451), énéwv oipov (Pi. O. 9, 47), AdPNS
oivoug (Call. Iov. 97).
*DER Gowov: dppiitov ‘unsaid’ (H.), substantivized hypostasis mpooiuov (Pi, Att.
prose), ppoitiov [n.] (trag.), properly “what stands mpd ois or mpd oipov (older
oiviov, see oipioc)”, ‘start of the song, introductory chant, introduction, preamble’,
borrowed as Lat. prooemium. Unclear is » napotpia.
*ETYM Because of the occasional connection of msc. oipoc with song and play, it has
been thought obvious to connect oi with > oijtog ‘path, way’. It is supposed, then,
that the word acquired a special meaning in the language of the aoidoi.
Alternatively, however, oii and oiptog ‘song, chant’ can be separated from oipoc
‘path, way’ and connected with ON seidr [m.] ‘kind of sorcery’, Skt. saman- [n.]
‘song’, which would presuppose a root *seh,-i- ‘bind’ (also found in Gr. > ipdc), as
was proposed by Bader BSL 85 (1990): 36. In this case, the connection with oiyoc
‘road’ is folk etymology. The form oioc cannot reflect *sh,om-io- (cf. Hitt. ishamai-'
‘to sing’ < *sh,m-oi-), as *- VmiV- should have yielded Gr. -ViwV-.
otttot [excl.] exclamation of pain (Thgn., trag.). +d1Cuc, oiktoc.
Oittoc [m.] ‘streak’ (A 24 ofpot kvdvoio, on a Owpné), ‘path, road, track’, also ‘strip,
tract of land’ (Hes. Op. 290, Pi., trag., Pl, Call., Men.), also connected with song and
play (see > olin). <2>
VAR Also [f.] after 05dc, etc; also aspirated oitoc, see below.
eCOMP Few compounds: dto-otpog (tvya A. Ch. 945 [lyr.]); acc. to H. = émi kax@
iiKkovoa, dbco0doc; dolpoc: Amopoc ‘without way’ and mdpoipoc 6 yeitwv ‘neighbour’
(H.). See also > tapotia.
1058 oinatw
*ETYM Perhaps related to » ot. Since an aspirated form oiyoc is ascertained, e.g. by
Hdn. Gr. 1, 546, and by @poittov (see on > oft) and dotoc, a pre-form IE *h,oi-mo-,
which is at the basis of Skt. é-man- [n.] ‘path, walk’, cannot be considered. Sommer
1905: 29 therefore proposed a modified reconstruction *h,oi-s-mo-. Osthoff BB 24
(1899): 168ff. earlier proposed a pre-form *yoi-mo-, belonging to > teycu ‘to pursue,
hasten, desire’. Finally, Schulze 1933a: 665 connected Poipwv ’evOvwpia’. A 24
requires initial F-, and dotwoc: amopos (instead of **&voioc) may also point to this,
but Hes. Op. 290 does not have F-.
oipwtw [v.] “to wail loudly, cry, lament’ (Il.). <ONOM>
eVAR Aor. oip@Eat (II.), fut. oiuwk-ouai (Att. zw (Plu., AP).
*COMP Also with av-, am-, etc.
*DER oipwy-t [f.] (IL), -wa [n.] (A. E), -yd¢ [m.] (S.); privative adjective av-oipwk-
toc ‘not wailed for’, adverb &v-olpwx-ti (-tef) “without lamentation’ = ‘unpunished’
(S.). An innovation is oipwttw ‘id’ (Lib.).
*ETYM Derived from the interjection o{pot (ot pol) ‘woe me’. See » Otic, » oiK TOC.
oivn [f.] ‘the ace on a die’ (Achae., Zen.). <IE *Hoi-no- ‘one, only’.>
VAR Also oivoéc [m.] (Poll.).
°DER oivitetv. TO povdtetv Kata yA@ooav ‘be alone regarding speech’, oiv@vta:
Loviipn ‘solitary’ (H.).
*ETYM Old word for ‘one, only’, found as a numeral in several languages: Lat. anus
(OLat. oino), Olr. din, Go. ains, OPr. ains, IE *Hoino-. In Greek, » cic was used in
this meaning. The accentual variation oivn : oivédc may be related to the substantival
use of the former. A parallel fomation is » oiog < *Hoi-uo-.
oivosg [m.] ‘wine’ (Il). <1E *uoh,i-no- ‘wine’, *ueh,-i- ‘turn, twist’>
eVAR Dial. Fotvoc.
«COMP Very many compounds, e.g. oivo-xdoc [m.] ‘cupbearer’, together with -yoéw
[v.], aor. -xofjoat ‘to be a cupbearer, pour wine’ (II.), epic also -xoebw (only present),
metrically conditioned (Chantraine 1942: 368); oiv-év6n [f.] ‘fruit-bearing bud,
blossom of the vine’, also metaph. of the grape (since Pi, Thphr.), also name of a
plant, ‘meadowsweet, Spiraea flipendula’, because of its smell (Cratin., Arist.), name
of an unknown bird (Arist.); d-otvoc ‘without wine’ (IA), é-otvoc ‘drunk’ (Alex.,
Plb.), back-formation from é&-otvdopat ‘to get drunk’ (E.). On Oivon cf. » oi 2.
*DER A. Substantives: 1. Diminutives, mostly belittling: oiv-dpiov (D., Hell.), not
from oivapov because of the mg. (cf. Chantraine 1933: 74); -foxoc (Cratin., Eub.),
-idtov (Apollod.). 2. otvn [f.] ‘vine’ (Hes.), like éAaia : ZAauov, etc.; oivdc [f.] ‘id. (AP,
Nic.), also ‘rock dove, Columba livia’, after the color (Arist.); also adjectival
‘belonging to the wine’ (AP, API1.). 3. oiv-apov [n.] ‘vineleaf, grapevine’ (X., Thphr.)
with -apic, -apia, -dpeoc, -apiCw (Ibyc., Ar., Hp., Thphr.). 4. oivodtta [f.] ‘wine cake’
(Ar.), also name of a plant with intoxicating effect (Arist.). 5. oivwv, -@voc [m.] ‘wine
cellar’ (X,, Hell.). 6. fotvwa [f.] ‘vineyard? (Thespiae), cf. mpo8vpwa etc. in Hdn. Gr.
1, 303. 7. Some glosses in H.: otvwtpov- yapaxa, | tiv dumedov iotdot ‘pole by which
the grapevine is held upright’, yotvaxec (= F-) BAaotoi ‘sprouts’, yorvéec: KopaKec
‘ravens’, cf. oivdc.
olopat : 1059
B. Adjectives: 8. oiv-1pdc ‘containing wine, abundant in wine’ (Pi., Ion., Arist.); 9.
-wdng¢ ‘wine-like, redolent of wine’ (Hp., Arist.); 10. -tKdc ‘ptng. to wine’ (Hell., inscr.
and pap.).
C. Verbs: 11. oiv-iCopo ‘to furnish oneself with wine’ (Il, late prose), -ifw ‘to
resemble wine’ (Thphr., Dsc.); with oiv-iotrpta [n.pl.] name of an Attic festival
(Eup., H., Phot.); cf. AvOeotijpia, xaptotipia, etc. 12. oiv-dopal, -dw ‘to intoxicate
(oneselfY (Ion., Od., trag.) with -wotc [f.] ‘intoxication’ (Stoic, Plu.). On the PN
Oivetc see BoShardt 1942: 106f.; on the HN Oivoic [m.] (Laconia) and on Oivotcoa
[f.pl.] (islands), see Krahe Beitr. z. Namenforsch. 2 (1950-1951): 233.
*ETYM Greek (F)otvoc looks similar to other words for ‘wine’ in Soutern European
languages: Lat. vinum < *uih,no-, U vinu, etc., Arm. gini < *yoin-iio-, Alb. Gheg véné
< *yoina-.
The IE word for ‘wine’ may be reconstructed from these forms; together with related
> itu ‘willow’, Lat. vitis ‘vine’, and various other words, it may be derived from the
root *ueh,-i- ‘turn, bend’. As the wild vine was indigenous in southern Russia and in
certain parts of central Europe, this assumption is acceptable from a historical point
of view. However, as the cultivation of the vine started in the Mediterranean region,
in the Pontus area and in the south of the Caucasus, most scholars are inclined to
look for the origin of the word in these countries. This would point to non-IE origin.
However, if we put the homeland of viticulture in the Pontus and the northern
Balkans, the word for ‘wine’ might come from there. In this case, not only would the
words mentioned from Greek, Lat., Arm., and Alb. derive from this IE source, but
also Hitt. yiian(a)-, HLuw. wiian(i)-, and the relevant Semitic words, like Arab.
wain, Hebr. jajin. In Beekes MSS 48 (1987): 21-26, it was pointed out that the Hitt.
form requires *yih,-on-o-; this is now accepted by Kloekhorst 2008 s.v. (with the
modification that the Hittite form is not thematic).
The Celtic and Germanic words were borrowed from Lat. vinum, and from
Germanic or Latin again the Slavic and Baltic words for ‘wine’. From Arm. gini
comes e.g. Georg. yvino.
oiopat [v.] ‘to suspect, expect, think, believe, deem’ (Od.). <IE *h,uis- “suppose,
assume’, *h,uis- ‘see clearly’>
evAR New presents: b1-oi(eo8ar- dmovoeiv ‘to distrust’ (H.), bnep-o1alopat ‘to be
arrogant, conceited’ (Phot. Suid; also H.?). By-forms oiopat (Hom.), oipau (trag.,
Att.), also active diw, oiw (IL), oi@ (Lac. in Ar., etc.), aor. dio(c)acbai, dioOFvat
(epic), oin-Bivau (IA), -cacOa (Arat.), fut. oif-copai (Att.), -Oroopat (Gal.).
eCOMP Sometimes with prefix, e.g. ovv-.
*DER oin-otc [f.] (IA), -va [n.] (Plu. D. C.) ‘conceit, smugness, belief, opinion’ with
-yatiac [m.] ‘prig’ (Ptol., H., Suid.), -tixdc ‘arrogant’ (Ph.); &v-Wio-tos ‘unimagined,
unthought of (epic’since ® 39), -ti [adv.] (6 92).
*ETYM We may consider diopat (7) and dtw (both i and 1) to be the original forms,
and thence otoyat, oiw. Furthermore, oipat arose in unstressed position, together
with the ipf. @pnv (Ar.) beside @ouny. The oldest forms point to a reconstruction
PGr. *owis-ie/o-, which is supported by diofvai and av-wiotoc. Then, (fF )lopat
developed into *6(F)Loyat > otopa.
1060 oioc
Etymological details are unclear. Beekes 1969: 58 assumes a root *h,uis-. The
comparison with Lat. 6men ‘portent’ (OLat. osmen) from *ouis-men- is dubious (see
De Vaan 2008 s.v. for alternatives). It seems preferable to depart from an adverbial
pre-form *h,ouis directly comparable to Skt. avis ‘evidently, before the eyes’. Then,
diou.at must be formed with the denominative suffix -ie/o- from this adverb. The
root *h,euis is also found in Gr. »diw ‘to perceive’ and with enlargement in
> aioPavopat ‘id.’.
oiog [rel.pron.] ‘of which quality’ (I1.).
°VAR ola, otov.
*ETYM From the relative pronoun > dc; see als@, » toioc.
Oiog [adj.] ‘alone, only, single’ (= class. » dvoc). <IE *Hoi-uo- ‘one, only’>
VAR Fem. -a (-1)), ntr. -ov (Hom., Hes., Pi, A, S.); Cypr. oifoc.
*DIAL Myc. o-wo-we /oiw-owes-/ ‘with a single ear’.
*COMP As a first member in oio-m6Ao0¢ ‘wandering solely, alone’ (Hom., Pi.), together
with oiomoA-éw (E. [lyr.], AP).
*DER oid8ev ‘all alone’ (H 39, 226); explanation in Leumann 1950: 258ff.;
denominative aor. oiwOfjvat ‘to be left alone’ (Il, Q. S.). Details on the use of oiog in
Ruijgh 1957: 127f.
*ETYM Identical with Old Iranian words for ‘alone, one’: Av. aéuua-, OP aiva- from
IE *Hoi-uo-. Fomation like *.6vfoc > » udvoc), *6AFoc > » GAoc. Beside it stands IE
* Hoi-no-; see » oivi. Further connection with pronominal *h,ei- is probable.
oipwv, -@vog [m.] ‘furrow of a plough, 7 ydpagic tod apdotpov’ (Eratosth., Hdn.),
‘straight line (in measuring fields), 1 &« tij¢ Katapetproews Tic yiis evOvwpia’ (H.);
probably also in Cypr. i-to-i-ro-ni, i.e. iv (= év) T@ oip@vi ‘in the region’. <IE? *soHi-
r- ‘furrow, limit’>
eVAR Also oi-.
eETYM Probably a derivative in -wv, which is often used to indicate places, from a
noun *oipoc vel sim. Compared with Skt. sita- [f.] ‘furrow’, stra- [n.] ‘plough’, sima
[f.] ‘frontier’ by Schulze 1933a: 665, which is semantically and formally quite possible.
The relations between the Skt. words, however, are debated.
Gi [m., f.] ‘sheep’ (IL). <1E *h,eui- ‘sheep’>
*VAR Hom. gen. dioc, nom.pl. dies, etc; Att. oic, gen. oidc¢ (also Hom.), nom.pl. oie
Arg. drtc. Details on the inflexion in Schwyzer: 573, Chantraine 1942: 219. In prose, it
was ousted by mpdBatov.
*COMP Rare compounds and derivatives: oio-mé)og ‘herding sheep’ (h. Merc., Pi.),
-vouog ‘id.’ (Delphi IV’, AP, API.). Diminutive dtéiov (Theognost.); oteoc ‘of sheep’
(Hdt., Cos), déa: ,tnAwtt] ‘sheepskin’; oifag (dialectal for -éac)- tov npopatwv Ta
okeraotrpia Séppata ‘the covering skins of sheep’ (H.); also oicu dipBEpan, punAwtai
‘hides, sheepskins’; 6a: tndwtr (H.). Perhaps with lengthened grade (?) a [f.]
‘fleece of sheep’ (com., Att. inscr. IV*, Poll, H.). »oiommtn and »oicvnn are
probably unrelated.
oloTd<G 1061
*ETYM Old name of the sheep, found in nearly all IE languages, e.g. Skt. dvi-, HLuw.
hawi-, Lat. ovis, Go. awistr ‘sheepfold’, Lith. avis, all from IE *h,éui- [m., f.]. The
accusative div matches Skt. avim, while the gen. dtoc equals Skt. dvyah. Additionally,
Gr. oigoc corresponds to Skt. dvy-aya- (usually -dya-), but perhaps only as a parallel
innovation (see recently Schmitt 1997).
We also find Lyc. yawa-, with transition to the a-declension (Melchert 1993: 66).
This Lycian y- can point to *h,e-, contrary to what has often been assumed (see
Kloekhorst 2008 s.v. hdyi-). The reconstruction *h,e- is also backed by the absence of
a in Skt. (no reflex of Brugmann’s Law).
oicos [m.] kind of wicker, ‘chasteberry’ (Thphr. Ael. Dion.). <IE *uoh,i-tu- ‘wind,
bend’, or PG?(S)>
eVAR Also -6c.
*COMP oiod-Kaprtov [n.] ‘fruit of the oicoq (sch., Eust.), for the ntr. gender cf. on
> BovTupov.
*DER Olgov = cxotviov ‘cord, thread’ (H.); oicak, -axog [f.] kind of willow (Gp.); on
the formation see Stromberg 1940: 78. Further oiov-a, -n [f.] ‘Avyoc, willow’ (Poll.),
oiova &ypia = édtivn (Ps.-Dsc.), with oicvoupydc [m.] ‘basket-maker’ (Eup.), ta
oiova [n.pl.] ‘basket market’ (Lycurg.), oio-tvoc ‘made of oioba’ (€ 256, Th.).
*ETYM The pre-forms *yoi-ty-o- and *yoi-tu-4 have been assumed, which would
both be enlargements of *uoHi-tu-, derived from the IE verbal root *ueh,i- ‘to wind,
twist’ with a suffix *-tu- and an old o-grade. See on pitéa, > ituc. An enlargement is
found in OCS vétvo [f.] ‘branch’ < *uoHi-tu-i-. However, the form in -va does not
look Indo-European; moreover, oloak has a Pre-Greek suffix. Is the word Pre-Greek?
oicogayos [m.] ‘esophagus, upper opening of the stomach’ (medic. Arist. Thphr.).
<GRP>
eETYM A learned formation, created by a physician. There are hardly any good
attestations of this purely scentific expression. Georgacas Glotta 6 (1958): 174
explains it as ‘the one that carries what is eaten’, from »oioev and the common
second member -gdyoc. The formally much easier explanation as “oicoc-eater”
(Strémberg 1944: 61ff.) cannot be defended. A similar Semitic designation of the
esophagus is Akk. Sérittu “that which carries down”; cf. Mayrhofer BiOrbis. 18: 274".
otony =oiovmn.
oionwtn [f.] ‘greasy dirt of unshorn sheep’s wool, especially on the buttocks’, also
‘sheep’droppings’ (Cratin., Ar. D.C., Poll.). <PG(s)>
eVAR -wTh} (Hdn. Gr. 1, 343, H.), like pnA-, knp-wtt, etc. Also oiomn (v1. Hdt. 4, 187
[cf. oiobrn], Gal.), otonat mpoBatwv Kdmpoc, pUTOG ‘sheep droppings, filth’ (H.).
*ETYM Analyzed as.*Oft-onwtn, but with an unclear second member. Connection
with the stem syllable of » onatihn ‘ordure, diarrhoea’, etc. is uncertain, as the
semantic function of oma(t)- is in need of explanation. The word is rather Pre-
Greek; cf. the suffix -wt- in doxadaBwrng (s.v. > doxahaBoc). See Fur.: 188, 384, and
further on > oiobi.
diotds [m., f.] ‘arrow’ (IL). <PG?>
1062 olotpos
eVAR olotéc (Att.).
*COMP As a first member eg. in dioto-Séypwv ‘holding arrows’ (A. [lyr.]).
eDER Ototevw [v.] ‘to shoot arrows’ (Hom., Nonn., AP), also with 1-, an-; thence
Ototev-tip (Nonn., AP), -tr\¢ (Call.) ‘archer’, -a [n.] ‘shot of an arrow’ (Plu.).
*ETYM No convincing etymology. The traditional analysis (see Frisk) as a prefixed
verbal adjective 6-io-tdc, related to Skt. isyati ‘to bring in quick movement’ via a
proper meaning “rushing on, flying towards” (or “urged on, sent off ’), is extremely
a ee DELG correctly supposes this word to be of Pre-Greek origin (not in
ur.).
oiotpoc [m.] ‘gadfly, Tabanus bovinus’ (x 300,,A., Arist.), also of a water-insect and a
bird (Arist, perhaps Sylvia trochilus), ‘sting’ (S., E.), ‘rage, madness, fierce desire’
(Hdt,, Pl, S., E.). <1E *h,eis- ‘set in movement, irritate’>
*COMP oiotpo-mAné, -yos ‘stung by a gadfly, driven by rage’ (trag,, of Io, also of the
Bacchantes).
*DER oiotp-w6d1)¢ ‘enraged’ (Pl., Epicur.), -retc ‘full of stings, stinging, stung’ (Opp.,
Nonn.), -1)56v ‘with rage’ (Opp.); oiotp-dw ‘to rouse, rage, roar’ (trag., Pl., Arist.),
also -€w (Theoc., Luc, Jul.), aor. -fjoa, also with av-, é&-, map-, d1-. Thence oiotp-
qua [n.] ‘sting’ (S., AP), (map-)ototp-notc [f.] ‘rage, passion’ (Corp. Herm., PMag.
Par.); back-formation mapoto tpoc ‘enraged, mad’ (Simp.).
*ETYM Agreeing in its barytonesis with kéotpoc, yUtpo«, etc., olotpoc must originally
be an instrument noun or an agent noun (which amounts to the same thing). If it is
cognate with oipa < *oiopa, and if (like the latter) it is derived from a verb ‘to set in
vehement movement, urge, irritate’, the word originally meant “urger, irritator”. The
actual meanings ‘gadfly’, ‘sting’, ‘anger’ can be explained from this starting point. An
identical formation, except for the gender, is Lith. aistra [f.] “vehement passion’; for
further cognates, see on » ola. See also Gil Fernandez 1959: 157. Fick KZ 43 (1909-
1910): 136 compared iotvd ler dpyitetat ‘rages’ (H.) as a parallel zero grade tv-
derivation *His-tu-, but Latte judges the gloss to be corrupt.
oiova, -y =oicoc.
oiobmn [f.] ‘the greasy extract of sheep’s wool’ (Hdt. 4, 187, Hp.); cf. Dsc. 2, 74 with an
extensive description of the preparation; acc. to H. it is 6 tij¢ old¢ pitoc ‘sheep’s
ordure’. <PG>
VAR oioumoc [m.] (Dsc. 2, 74, Plin., H.); oiomat- mpoBatwv Kdmpoc, pvTt0¢ ‘sheep’s
dung, ordure’ (H.); oiomn (v.l. Hdt. 4, 187, Gal. Suid.).
*DER oiour-ic [f.] ‘greasy flock of wool’ (Hp.), -npds (Ar.), -detc, -wdnj¢ (Hp.) ‘greasy’
(of wool); -ov = Addavov (Plin.); oicvrtetov- Eptov purtapdv mpoPdatwv ‘greasy wool
of sheep’ (H.).
eETYM Explained as *6f1-ovrm, like the synonym > oiomwtH, with an unclear second
member. There is clear evidence for the variant otomn, but it is difficult to decide
whether the form with v or the form without it is secondary; cf. Fur.: 188” on
@ah(v)rt-. In any case, the word is most probably Pre-Greek (the meaning also speaks
for this). One might think of a labialized s, thus *ois”p-.
ol@w 1063
oiow, -optat [v.] ‘I will bear, bring’ (IL). <1 *h,eit-s- ‘fetch’>
*VAR Dor. oiod, -eitat (Ar, Theoc., Archim.), pass. oic@rjoopat (E., D., Arist.), aor.
inf. oioa (Ph. 1, 116), av-oioa (Hdt. 1, 157; -@oat codd.). Subj. én-oicE (Arc.),
oiowpev Kopiowttev ‘transport’ (H.); verbal adj. oio'téc ‘bearable’ (Th.), mostly with
prefix, e.g. dto-ototosg ‘hard to bear’ (Hp., trag.), av-bm-olotog ‘unbearable’ (Timae.,
D. H.).
eCOMP Often with prefix, e.g. dv-, dm-, ém-, ovv-. As a first element perhaps in
Poicopdyoc ‘esophagus’, perhaps also in Oioe-Céa (Lesbian fieldname), cf.
Schwyzer: 442 and 445.
*ETYM Except for a few isolated aorist forms (see above) and for oiotdc, ofow is
limited to the future tense (on oice, oicguev(at), etc. see Schwyzer: 788 and
Chantraine 1942: 417f.). It stands in suppletion to the durative present pépetv and to
the perfective aorist éveyxetv. The Boeot. PN Aveu-oitac, adduced by Bechtel 19174:
8f., supposedly meaning ‘who carries the wind’(?), cannot be taken as a proof for oi-,
nor can the other names in -oit1)¢, -o1toc (Bechtel 1917b: 346).
Until Tichy Glotta 78 (2002), there was no etymology for ofow. Tichy connects it
with Lat. ati ‘to use’ from PIt. *oit-, and argues that the meaning may have developed
from ‘fetch (in one’s own interest)’ to ‘use’. Greek oio- < *oiss- is explained as an s-
present *oit-s-. Melchert 2007 proposes to compare CLuw. hizza(i)- ‘to fetch’ <
*h,eit-s-e/o- as well, which was previously translated as ‘to bring’, but rather means
‘to fetch’.
oitdv =Vdvov.
oitoc [m.] ‘fate of men, (unfortunate) destiny’ (IL, trag. [lyr.]). IE *h.oi-to- ‘share’>
*COMP As a second member in peydA-ottoc ‘burdened with a heavy fate, unhappy’
(Theoc.) and in PNs like’Ey-oitn¢ (Athens; Bechtel 1917b: 345); as a first member in
Oitd-Atvog [m.] “linos of fate” (Sapph. 140b, from Pamphos).
*ETYM The derivation of oitoc from the root of iévat ‘to go’ as *h,oi-to- is formally
possible. An identical formation is supposed in the Celto-Germanic word for ‘oath’,
Olr. deth, Go. aibs, OHG eid, if it originally denoted the walk to confirm an oath; cf.
MoSw. edgdng. As an alternative, consider Av. aéta- [m.] ‘punishment, guilt’, which
was identified with oitoc by Bartholomae IF 12 (1901): 139 under an original meaning
‘part, share’. It cannot be separated from Pp aioa, »aittoc, etc, and may reflect an
ablaut *h,ei / *h,oi. Thus, oitoc may rather derive from *h,oi-to-, originally ‘what has
been granted’; this is semantically much more convincing.
oigw [v.] ‘futuo’ (Thera, Gort, Plu. Pyrrh. 28). <1£ *h,ieb'-, *h,e-h,ib'- ‘enter,
copulate’>
eVAR Uncertain -ێw (Mimn.).
*COMP As a second member in gt\-oigac [m.] (Theoc. 4, 62), Att. PN Kdp-otgoc,
also Kdép-oifoc, for which Kretschmer Glotta 14 (1925): 199 suggested Phrygian
origin.
DER oig-dAn¢ [m.] ‘fututor’ (Naxos; H.), -dAtc [f.] (H.).
*ETYM The synonym Skt. ydbhati, OCS jebo, Ru. jebu, can hardly be separated from
otpw. Moreover, ToB ydp- ‘to enter’ formally identical. It is supposed that Tocharian
1064 oilxp}
preserves the original meaning, and that the other languages initially started to use
the word as a euphemism, perhaps after the departure of the Tocharians. The
comparison with »(égoc and » Zégupoc is doubtful; see s.vv. LIV? reconstructs a
prefix 6- added to a root *ieb'- to account for the Greek form, but it is better to
assume a reduplicated present *h,e-h,ib"-, as suggested by Cheung 2007: 175, since
the prefix mentioned hardly occurs in Greek (see on > 0- 2).
oixpi - SOUAN, of Se oiyptav (H.). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
oixoptct [v.] ‘to go (away), leave, disappear, die’ (Il.), mostly used in a situation with an
accompanying or preceding action, which is*expressed by a pres. ptc.: ‘to be gone
away; be vanished’. <?>
VAR Fut. oixroopat (Att.), perf. @ywKa, oi- (K 252), @xnKa (K 252 v.L, Hell.), med.
@XnpaL, oi- (Ion.).
eCOMP Often with prefix, e.g. dm-, ém-, map-, dt-, pet-.
*DER oiyvéw [v.] ‘to go, come, walk, approach’, also with é&-, eio-, etc. (Hom., Pi.
trag.), also = ofyopat (S.).
eETYM The pair oixoptcu : oixvéw may be compared with b1-icxopiat : bm-toyveopta.
The perfect oiywka, which is attested early, probably arose by analogy with some
semantically close example (Frisk suggests péuBAwKa).
The main problem with oiyojtat is its curious meaning, which seems not to have
been proper to oiyvéw, which is durative. It is suggested in LIV s.v. *h,eig’- that
olxopat continues an old perfect.
An acceptable connection is provided by the nasal present Arm. ijanem ‘to come
down’ (beside Gr. oixvéw, although both may be innovations), 3sg. aor. & < *oig'-
(®e-t. On the Armenian verb, see Klingenschmitt 1982: 208f. Furthermore, ToB yku
‘gone’ [ppp.] is considered to be related; see Adams 1999: 61. A few isolated nouns
are also adduced: Olr. degi ‘guest’ < *oig'-ét-; Lith. eiga [f.] ‘course’, but the latter is
rather directly derived from *h,ei- ‘go’. The analysis as an “extension” of the root
*hei- ‘go’ is gratuitous. See » ixvoc.
oiwvdcs [m.] ‘bird of prey, observed by the soothsayer’ (Il.), ‘prognosticating bird,
omen’ (IL, also in prose). <IE? *h,eu-i- ‘bird’>
*VAR Olwvdc (Trypho; also Alcm. 60 B 6).
*COMP As a first member in oiwvo-16Aoc [m.] ‘interpreter of birds’ (II., Pi. A. [lyr.]);
in D. H. = augur.
*DER oiwviCoptat [v.] ‘to observe the prognosticating bird or the auspices, to deem an
omen, tell fortunes’ (X, D., Hell.), rarely with prefixes like pet-, €&-. Thence oiwv-
totic [m.] ‘interpreter of birds, augur’ (Il, Hes. Sc. D. H.), -totiKdc ‘belonging to the
bird-interpreter or to soothsaying’ (Pl. Arist.), -tojta [n.] ‘omen’ (E., LXX), -toptdc
[m.] ‘id? (LXX, Plu.), -totiptov [n.] ‘omen’ (X. Ap. 12), probably after texrjptov;
‘place for observing birds, augurale’ (D. H.); oiwveutii¢ = olwvio tic (pap.).
eETYM Explanation debated. Because of the comparable formation in viwvds (: vive,
vidc), it is probably best derived from a nominal basis. Therefore it is connected with
the IE word for ‘bird’ seen in Lat. avis, Skt. vih, etc. (also reflected in Gr. » aietdc).
6KVvOC1 1065
The initial 6- has been explained as a case of vowel assimilation since Schmidt KZ 32
(1893): 374, but this is unnecessary: one may assume an o-grade, as does Beekes
Sprache 18 (1972): 21, who departs from a nominative *h,ou-i-6n that was
subsequently thematicized. By others, it has been combined with > oitta, » oiotpoc,
> Ototdéc and connected with the root *Heis- ‘to put in vehement motion’, but this is
doubtful. The connection with wdév ‘egg’ by Schmeja IF 68 (1963): 35f. was defended
by Peters 1980a: 292-305.
6ka, 6kKka > 6te.
OKéeAAw =KédAW.
éxiotia (n.pl.] ‘harrow’ (SEG 13, 13, 120, Athens). <1 *h,ok- ‘sharp’>
eETYM Cf. Lat. occa and Gr. » dkiva.
é«kafBog [?] ‘bracelet’, = xpikoc (EM 383, 21), = wéAta (H.). <PG?>
eVAR Lat. inscr. occabus.
*ETYM Unknown. With a suffix -B- (Chantraine 1933: 262); Pre-Greek?
OKyPatw >oKyLBdc.
OKKdAaL - TO OKAdOaL Kai emi TOV itTEep<v>@v KaGiCeoBat ‘to prostrate, sit down on
one’s heels’ (H.). =oKAdcw.
éxAadtw [v.] ‘to prostrate, crouch down, squat’, metaph. ‘to sink, abate’, trans. ‘to abate’
(N 281, Hld.). <2?
eVAR Aor. OxAdoat (S.).
eCOMP Also with prefix, e.g. pet-, b7-.
*DER bkAa-ouc [f.] ‘crouching’ (Hp. Luc.), -oia [n.] name of a Persian dance (Ar. Fr.
344b); also oKAa-diac [m.] ‘camp stool’ (Att. inscr., Ar.), -6ia = dKAQOIG (Suid.), -66v
(A. R., Nonn.), -5i¢ (Hdn. Gr.), -dtoti (Babr.) [adv.] ‘crouchingly, squattingly,
prostratingly’; «ak [adv.] ‘id.’ (Hp., Pherecr.), after yvv§, mvk, etc.; "OKhacoc [m.]
PN (sch.), like Acytacos, etc.
eETYM A noun like *dKAoc, *OKAt, or *OKAdc, but also a verb *oKAdw (cf. Sapidw :
Sapdtw), may have served as a basis of oKAdlw. Etymology unknown. Note the
glosses KAWKvd4a: TO KaOFoGa én” AyLpoTEpolc ToCiV ‘sitting down on both feet’,
OkKdAAL: TO OKAGCAL Kal etl TOV NTEp<v>av KabilecBat ‘to prostrate, sit down on
one’s heels’ (H.).
éxvoc 1 [m.] ‘hesitation, doubt, shyness’ (II.). <?>
*COMP Also as a second member, e.g. d-oxvoc [adj.], -w¢ [adv.] ‘without hesitation,
determined’ (IA, Hes.), with aoxv-ia [f.] ‘determination’ (Hp.).
*DER Adjective 6«v-npds ‘hesitant, doubtful, arousing doubt’ (Pi., IA), whence -npia
[f.] = 3kvoc (LXX, pap. VIP), -npebw [v.] ‘to inspire doubt’ (LXX); in the same mg.
also 6xv-nddc (Theognost.), -@Sng (Dionys. Av.), -aéoc (Nonn.). Denominative
oxvéw (-e(w E 255 is metrically conditioned) [v.] ‘to hesitate, tarry, scruple, recoil
(IL), also with an-, xat-, d1-; thence (am-)oKvnots [f.] ‘doubt, reluctance’ (Th., Plu.).
1066 OKVOG 2
eETYM Hackstein 2002: 232 suggests the possibility of dissimilation from *h,onk-no-
(to 6yKog ‘hook’), comparing Lat. cunctdri ‘to hang, tarry’.
b«vocg 2 [m.] name of a big bird, family of the heron, perhaps ‘bittern’ (Arist., Paus.,
Ael.). <?>
*ETYM Identical with » dxvoc 1° The name clearly refers to the motionlessness of the
bird by day.
OKOPVOG =AKOPVOs.
dxptc [m.] ‘top, protruding point, corner’ (Hp.). <1E *h,ok-ri- ‘top, protruding’>
*COMP As a first member in oxpi-Bac, -avtog [m.], properly “walking on the top”,
‘elevated place, stage, stand’ (Pl.). Fur. 217% takes this word as Pre-Greek, but
without sufficient reason.
*DER Oxpt-0elc ‘sharp-edged, spiky’ (Hom., A., Hell. poet.); «pic [f.] ‘spiky’, epithet
of pdapay§ (A. Pr. 1016); oKpt-dopat [v.] in OKpidwvto ‘they incited themselves, they
were fierce’ (o 33), WKptwpevos (Lyc. 545); OKpl-dlw [v.] ‘to be brusque, be bitter’ (S.
Fr. 1075).
*ETYM Identical with Lat. ocris [m.] ‘stony mountain’, U ukar, gen. ocrer‘arx, mons’,
MIr. och(a)ir ‘edge, border’, Skt. dsri- [f.] ‘corner, sharp edge’; an o-grade with
suffixal -ri- from *h,ek- in » &Kpos, etc.
oxpvoetc [adj.] ‘morbid, spooky, ghastly’ (Z 344, 164, A. R., AP). <GR>
eETYM Arose from Kpvdeic by false separation in the genitives émdnpioo Kpvdevtoc
(I 64) and kakopnxdvoo xpvogoons (Z 344); see Leumann 1950: 4o9f. The
phonetically close 6xpidet¢ may have been an influence (Ruijgh 1957: 103).
oxtadtov [n.] - KaAGOLov mpdc dpwiBdpta ‘basket for small birds’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
6kTaAAos >dPBarLdc.
éxtw [num] ‘eight’ (Hom.). <1E *h,ekteh, ‘eight’>
*VAR Boeot. Lesb. oxt6 like 500, Heracl. hoxtw after &&, énta, El. omtd after éntd.
*COMP As a first element, we usually find dxta- (after énta-, a-, etc.) in OKta-
kootot ‘eighthundred’ and in many bahuvrihis like Oktd-unvos ‘eight months old,
eight monthly’ (Hp, X,, Arist.). Besides, there is 6xtw- in Oxtw-KaideKa, OKTW-
daKtvA0s ‘with a breadth of eight fingers’ (Hp., Ar.), etc.
*DER Further 6ySor-Kkovta, which (like €BSour-kovta) may have started from the
basic word, see » Sy600c. A cross with oxta gave rise to 6ySa-Kovta (B 568 = 652).
After dySorjKovta the late oydodc [f.] ‘group of eight’ (Plu.) for dxtdc [f.] (Arist.).
Further derivatives: 6xtd-Ki(c), -Ktv ‘eight times’ (Hdt.), oxta-codc ‘eightfold’ (pap.
IIIP), after d1006c, etc., -x@c ‘in eight ways’ (EM, comm. Arist.).
eETYM Gr. Okt, Lat. octo, Skt. asta(u), Go. ahtau, Lith. astuoni, and other cognate
forms go back to IE *h,ekteh,(u). Arm. ut‘ was reshaped after the word for ‘seven’,
like El. ontw. The IE word for ‘eight’ was clearly an old dual, but further analysis is
quite uncertain.
dAtyreAéwv 1067
oxwxn [f.] ‘arrest, custody’ (EM). «GR, IE *seg"- ‘hold’>
eDER OKWy-ILL0G ‘answerable, liable’ (Cyrene IV*; after aywytwoc?), OKwyevelv: ExELV,
ovvéxetv ‘to hold (together) (H., also S. Fr. 327). In literary sources (and perhaps
originally) only with av-, d1-, kat-, etc. (from dav-éxw, etc.).
eETYM Reduplicated formation from » éxu; see also » dvoKwxn and » ovvoKw OTE.
oAaypedvetv, OAaI- =odAai.
oAai [f.pl.] ‘barley corn used at a sacrifice’. sobddat.
odattoi [m.pl.] - cmeppoAdyot ‘gossip’. kai OAaToi (H.). <PG>
VAR Also 6Aattoc (Orus apud EM 622, 9).
eETYM Clearly a Pre-Greek word on account of the variation at/ a. Fur.: 338 also
connects Aettév- BAdogmpov ‘slanderous’ (H.), which is not immediately evident.
OABaXtov ovAai.
6ABos [m.] ‘prosperity, blessed state, wealth, happiness’ (II.). < PG>
eCOMP OABo-S6t¢, Dor. -d6tac [m.], -ddtetpa [f.] ‘giver of wealth’ (E. [lyr.], Hell.)
dv-oABoc ‘without prosperity, unhappy’ (Orac. apud Hdt.1, 85, trag.).
DER 1. GAP tos ‘blessed, well-to-do, happy’ (Il.), voc. dAPtd-Satpov (T 182), superl.
6APtotos (Hell.); 2. oABrjetg ‘id’ (Man.); 3. OAB-ia [f.] = dABoc (Phot.); 4. dABiTw [v.]
‘to bless (oneself) (trag.), ém- (Nonn.), with oABtotip, -ijpos ‘blesser’ (late).
eETYM Various older hypotheses are found in Frisk s.v. Fur.: 155 connects 6Ama-
xovdpov tic éynotc. Seopa ti ‘cooking of groats, kind of food’. i 6ABoc (H.); if the
gloss is cognate, it must be Pre-Greek, which is certainly a good possibility.
bAeOpog [m.] ‘destruction’. =dAAvUL
odéxpavov [n_] ‘point of the elbow’. =wAéKpavov.
OALBpdv [adj.] - OALGONpov, Aeiov, émopadéc ‘slippery, smooth, unstable’ (H.), beside
wriBpakav: dAto8ov ‘slipperiness’ and, without p, dAiBdakat- dALoPetv ‘to slide’ (H.).
<1E? *h,lib-ro- ‘slippery, smooth’>
eETYM May be cognate with OE slipor, OHG sleffar ‘slippery, smooth’ (with MoNw.
slipra ‘glide’), from *(s)lib-ro-. Thence the primary verb OHG slifan, MLG slipen ‘to
slide’, etc. Further cognates in Pok. 663 and 960. See also » AiuBoc and » dhto8dvw.
The problem of *s- beside prothetic vowel has not been solved; see Beekes 1969: 82-
87. Perhaps Germanic added the s- after the loss of the initial laryngeal.
oAty|teAdéwv [adj., ptc.] ‘weak, powerless’ (O 24 and 245, € 457), -€ovoa (T 356). <IE?
*h, pel- ‘strength’>
*DER Metrically enlarged from OAty-nneAnc (AP, Opp.). Thence odAtynned-in [f]
‘weakness, impotence’ (€ 468); likewise evnrteA-in [f.] ‘strength, thriving’ (Call.),
evrmedts (H.), opposite kaxrymeA-in, -Ewv (Nic.); also avizteAin: do8éveia ‘weakness’
(H.) and vnmeAéw = advvatéw (Hp.).
*ETYM The form (6Aty)-nmeArc is derived from a neuter *démeXog ‘strength’ (with
compositional lengthening), and is compared with the Germanic group of ON afl,
OE afol [n.] ‘strength’; the EL PN Tevti-artAoc (possibly Illyr.), Illyr. PN Mag-
1068 6Atyyog
aplinus, etc. also belong here. However, since the Germanic words must be
connected with Lat. ops, opus, etc. < *h,ep-s-, the Gr. d- would be unclear in this
comparison. We have to reconstruct *h,pel- (viymeA-éw < *y-h,pel-), and the
connection with Lat. ops may have to be abandoned. The denominative dv-ameAdtw
in dvameAdoac avappwoOeic ‘recuperated’ (H.) belongs here as well. Cf. also on
> vijTtloc.
6Atyyos [?] akind of locust (Phot., Suid.). <PG?(v)>
eVAR OALytor- eido0c akpidwv ‘id.’, tivéc piCiov, duotov BoAB® ‘a small root, like a bulb’
(H.); thus Latte, but the ms. has ae oAtytot. DELG thinks that the correct
form should be éAtyyot.
*ETYM Connection with Atytc does not help (Frisk, DELG). In view of the
prenasalization, the word may be Pre-Greek (not in Fur.). Cf. Gil Fernandez 1959: 95.
See > oA‘yos.
OAiyos [adj.] ‘small, inferior’ (II.), ‘little, few’ (post-Hom.). <IE? *h,lig- ‘little’>
«COMP Often as a first member, eg. dAty-apx-ia [f.] ‘rule of the few, oligarchy’ (IA;
after uovapxia, see » udvoc) together with oAtyapx-éw, -uKdc (Att.); -1y¢ [m.] (D. H.)
On > oAtynTeAgwvy, see s.v., on OALyo-dpavéwv see > Spdw, on dAiy-wpoc see » dpa.
*DER Grades of comparison: dAty-totog (IL), odiCwv (IL), dAeiCwv (Att. inscr; after
peilwv); dAtydtis, -17to¢ [f.] ‘small number’ (PI, Arist.), dAtydopat, -dw ‘to become
small or faint-hearted, to diminish’ (LXX); dAty-dkic ‘seldom’ (Ion.), -ayd0ev ‘from
few places’ (Hdt., Arist.), -axov ‘in few places’ (P1., Arist.). Perhaps also dAiytot- eidoc
axpidwv. tivéc pitiov, duotov BoABG (H.), see » GALyyos.
*ETYM For > dAtyyos, connection with Atytc does not help - perhaps the word is Pre-
Greek? The adjective dAiyoc may be identical with Arm. atk‘at ‘poor’ < *oliko- <
*h,ligo-. However, Alb. lig ‘angry, meager’ could rather belong to »Aotydc ‘ruin’,
which should not be connected with oAiyoc. Less clear are Olr. liach ‘miserable,
unhappy’ and OPr. licuts ‘small’ (which fits well semantically), which both derive
from a root in *-k-.
6Atvot [m.] - KpLBAg Seopol. Kai ATvoc mapa Kumpiotc ‘sheaves of barley, also A. (Cypr.)’
(H.). <PG?>
*ETYM Fur.: 375 gives “Aivoc (usually Aivov)”.
oAtvbw >éALvbw.
6AtaBos [m.] ‘penis coriaceus’, = ‘of leather’ (com., Herod.). <PG(S)>
eETYM Obscene word with a suffix -B-. Chantraine (DELG) and others suggested that
it was transformed from 6Ato@8oc after other familiar and vulgar words. However, as
the suffix shows, the word is rather Pre-Greek.
dAtoBdvw [v.] ‘to slide, slip, glide’ (Att.). <IE *h,lid'-, *h,slid'- ‘glide’>
eVAR -aivw (Arist., Hell.), aor. oAtoO-eiv (IL), -fjoat (Hp. Hell.), -ivat (Nic.), 2sg.
wWAtoBac (epigr. I*-IP), fut. oAucOrjow (Hell.), perf. @AicOnKka (Hp.).
*COMP Often with prefix, e.g. am-, dt-, é&-, kat-, d1t-.
OAAVELL - Hat 1069
*DER 1. Verbal nouns: dAio0-1p1a [n.] ‘fall, sprain’ (Hp., Pl.), -1j01¢ (also an-, kat-,
mtept-) [f.] ‘slipping, spraining’ (medic. Plu.); back-formation 6Ato8o¢ [m.] ‘lubricity’
(Hp., Hell.), also the name of a slippery fish (Opp.). 2. Verbal adjectives: 6At00-11pd¢
‘slippery’ (Pi, IA), -fetc ‘id’ (AP), -avwtépa ‘id” [nom.sg.f.] (Gal.), from
*ddto8avoc, but which accentuation? Further dAtoQdc ‘id. (Hdn. Gr. 1, 147),
probably from d6A1o80¢ with shift of accent, -1;t\K6¢ ‘making slippery’ (Hp.). On its
own stands oAtcOpatw = ddto8avw (Epich., Hp. apud Gal. 19, 126) as if from
*dAtoOpos, cf. OAiB(p)a&at from > odiBpdc.
eETYM All forms derive from the thematic root aorist oAloOeiv. A present in -dvw
(later -aivw) arose from this, which recalls -dap0eiv : SapOdvw, aicBécar :
aio®dvopat, and may (like these two) contain an enlarging element IE *-d'-, with Gr.
-00- coming from *-d'-d'-. An alternative is to assume metathesis *h,slid'- > *h,lisd"-;
see Mayrhofer EWAia: II, 787. This pre-form may be compared with a verb for
‘glide, slide’ in Germanic and Baltic: e.g. OE slidan (MoE slide), MHG sliten, Lith.
slysti, 1sg.pret. sl ydau (with secondary y beside slidus ‘smooth, slippery’). There are
also some isolated nouns in Slavic and Celtic: OCS sléd, Ru. sled [m.] ‘trace’ < IE
*sloid'-o-, Molr. slaod ‘gliding mass’. Skt. srédhati ‘to stumble, make a mistake’ vel
sim. may also belong here. See also » AoioBo¢ 1.
oAxy [f.] ‘dragging, drawing, towing, inhalation, draught, drink, attraction, drawing
down of the scales = weight’ (IA). <IE *selk- ‘draw’>
eVAR OAK6s¢ [m.] “drawer”, ‘machine for hauling ships on land, strap’ (Hdt. Th, S.,
E.), also ‘track, furrow, ditch; orbit, coil’ (E., Ar., Hell.), also the name of a spider
(Dsc.); adjective oAKdc ‘drawing to oneself, attracting’ (Pl, Arist.), ‘dragging on,
leaning, tarrying’ (Ph., Hld.).
*DER From OAkt;: 1. dAKdc, -ddoc [f.] ‘towed ship, trading vessel’ (Pi, IA) with
odKadi-Kd¢ (Arist.); 2, dAKeiov (-iov) [n.] ‘large bowl or basin, out of which water is
drawn’ (com. and inscr. since IV*), after dyyetov, with dAKidtov (pap. III?); 3. dAKetc:
ol Ta GugiPANotpa émom@vtat ‘who draw the fishing nets towards themselves’ (H.);
4. OAkatog ‘ptng. to drawing, making a twist’ (Nic., Lyc.), -aiov [n.] ‘stern(posty (A.
R.), -aia, -ain [f.] ‘tail’ (Nic, A. R.); 5. 6AK-tpo0¢ “drawable, flexible, viscous’ (medic.,
Plu.), ‘useful for drawing’ (Paul. Aeg.), perhaps after otdotoc; 6. -relc ‘weighty’
(Nic.); 7. -aCw ‘to draw’ (pap.; H.).
eETYM Verbal nouns from éAxw, built according to regular patterns. Lat. sulcus [m.]
‘furrow may be an old formal correspondence to 6AKdc, but it may also be a zero
grade; cf. OE sulh [f.] ‘plough, furrow’ < IE *slk-. Further details s.v. » ZAkw.
OAAKE, -tKog [f.] ‘wooden cup for drinking’ (Pamph. apud Ath. 1, 494f.). <>
*ETYM Unknown.
SAAvmL, -ttat [v.] ‘to ruin, destroy, lose’, intr. med. ‘to be ruined, be lost’ (Il.). «IE
*h,elh,- ‘destroy’>
eVAR Also -bw, -Vopat (Archil.), dA€Kw, -opat (Il); aor. dAgoa, OAEGBan (II), pass.
odeoOFvat (LXX), fut. oAéo(o)w (epic), dA€w (Ion.), OA® (Att.), dAEopat, dAodpaL
(11), perf. dA@Aeka (Att.), intr. dAwAa (IL).
1070 dhpLoc
*COMP Very often with prefix, especially dt- (thus exclusively in Att. prose), with
eEan-, ovvan-, mpooan-, etc; also with d:-, 2&-, etc. As a simplex only epic.
*DER 1. 6AeOpoc [m.] “destruction, ruin, loss, death’ (Il.) with dA€Op-tog ‘disastrous’
(Il.), tw “to be on the verge of death’ (Archig.), after other verbs of disease in -tdu;
(2-)oAe8p-evw, assimilated (2&-)dA08p-ebw ‘to destroy’ (LXX), together with -evotc,
-evua, -eia (beside -ia), -evtij¢; MoGr. EoAo€petvw. 2. amdde-orc [f.] ‘loss’ (Hippod.
apud Stob.); as a first member e.g. in dAeo-vwp ‘destroying men’ (Thgn. [?],
Nonn.), wAeoi-kapmtos ‘losing its fruit’ (K 510, etc; w- metri causa). 3. Oh€-THP, -fpos
[m.] “destroyer, murderer’ (2 114, etc.), -teipa [f.] (Batr.), dvép-oAéteipa (Hes., A.),
ov€-t¢ [m.] (Epigr. Gr.), avdp-oAétng¢ (poet. inscr.), SAetic [f.] (AP), matd-od_twp,
-opog [m., f.] ‘child-killer’ (A. [lyr.]). On the PN OAetac (Halicarn., etc; Carian?) see
O. Masson Beitr. z. Namenforsch. 10 (1975): 1636.
*ETYM The disyllabic forms dAeOpoc, dA€oat, etc. at first sight point to a root *h,elh,-
(the commonly accepted reconstruction). The present 6AAvut derives from *6A vu
for the pattern, compare otopéoat: otdpvupt. However, in view of the metathesis
which regularly occurs in this type, we may also consider a root *h,elh,-, and in this
case, the Greek present is certainly recent. If athematic, d6A€o8at also reflects the
root-final laryngeal, while oAduny, etc. are thematicized forms. For the enlargement
in odéka, cf. EpvKw, etc. Within Greek, » 6\00¢ ‘pernicious, fatal’ is related as well.
An obvious cognate of 6AAvuL is Lat. -ole6 (LIV? s.v. *h,elh,-) as found in déled and
ab-ole6, which represents an iterative formation *-h,olh,-eie/o-. Since Puhvel HED,
hallanna-' ‘to trample down, flatten (fields and plants)’ is also compared, which may
in principle derive from older *h,,,el/H- (Kloekhorst 2008: 271), and would be in
agreement with the reconstruction *h,elh,- assumed for Greek and Latin. Hackstein
1995: 248ff. adduces ToB aldssdm ‘is exhausted’. See recently Neri 2007 on the thesis
that the root *h,elh,- is also contained in verbs for ‘fall’, like Lith. pulti, 3pres. puiola,
and OHG fallan and cognates. We may note that the reconstruction *h,elh,-,
tentatively suggested above for the Greek forms, is possible for Latin (if we assume
that the verbal suffix *-eie/o- was restored), but not for Hittite. See » oAodc.
6Apos [m.] ‘mortar’, metaph. of mortar-like, ie. hollowed objects, e.g. ‘mouthpiece of
a flute, drinking cup, tripod of the Pythia’ (A 147). <1E *uel- ‘turn’>
eVAR Psilotic 6Apoc.
*COMP Few compounds, e.g. 6Apo-motdg [m.] ‘manufacturer of mortars’ (Arist.), b@-
oAp-tov [n.] ‘stand of an 6Apog’ (com., Poll.).
*DER Diminutive dApiov [n.] (pap.), also 6ApioKog [m.] ‘socket of a door hinge, of a
tooth’ (pap., S. E, Ruf., Poll.); oAperd¢ [m.] = GAwog (sch. Ar. V. 238), after
ote\e(1)d¢, etc.
eETYM From *uol-mo-, originally ‘roll, cylinder’, after the cylinder-like form of the
mortar made of a hollowed tree (cf. Palmer Eranos 44 (1946): 54f.). Further related to
> cihéw ‘to roll, turn’.
OAGKANPOS ‘entire’. KA‘ poc.
OAoKOTTIVOG [m.] name of a gold coin, Lat. solidus (pap. IV-VIP). <LW Lat.>
eVAR Also -ov [n.]. and 6AoK6tLov (BGU 1082).
A066 1071
eETYM From » OAog and Lat. (aurum) coctum = 0d6-xpvo0g consisting entirely of
pure gold’ (with ct borrowed as tT); see Frisk.
odoAVEw [v.] ‘to cry out loudly; to call, shout with joy, moan (to the gods)’, especially
of women (mostly poet.). <ONOM>
eVAR -Uttw (Men.), aor. OAOA-VEat (Od.), fut. -bEopat (E.), -b&w (LXX).
eCOMP Also with prefix, especially av-, én-.
*DER OAOAvY-1 [f.] (Z 301) with -aia [f.] epithet of the vuxtepic (epitaph), -ud¢ [m.]
(A.), -“a (E.) ‘loud outcry’, mostly of women invoking a god; -wv, -dvoc [f.]
‘quacking of a frog, etc.’ (Arist., Ael., Plu.), also name of an unknown animal (bird),
Lat. acredula (Eub., Theoc., Arat.), see also Thompson 1895 s.v; dAoAvK-Tpla [f.]
‘professional wailing woman’ (Pergam. II*), -téAng [m.] ‘crier’ (An. Ox.), cf. e.g.
oKWIToAl¢, bAaktéw. Backformations 6AoAot [m.pl.] = detoi-Saipovec (Theopomp.
Com., Men.), 6AoAvu¢ [m.] (acc. to Phot. = 6 yovatkwdngs Kai KataBeos Kai BaKAOG
‘woman-like, superstitious and womanish’; Anaxandr., Men.).
eETYM Onomatopoeic reduplicated formation with the same ending as in ivfu,
Bailw, etc. Similar formations, genetically cognate or of identical structure, are Lat.
ululare ‘to howl’, ulula [f.] ‘owl’, Skt. ululi- ‘crying loudly’, ulaka- [m.] ‘owl’, Lith.
ulula (bafigos) ‘(the waves) howl’, all with u. Beside these stands dAoAvCw, with
dissimilation o-v or perhaps ablauting to ȎAeAet; cf. Pok. 306 and 1105. See
> dOAoPUpOpLat.
6Aovog [m.] ‘wild fig’. =GAvvB0c.
dXdooitpoxos [m.] ‘round piece of rock, boulder, large stone’ (N 137, Democr. 162,
Orac. apud Hat. 5, 92 B). <1E *uel- ‘turn’, *d'reg"- ‘run’>
eVAR Accent uncertain. Also dAoitpoxoc (Hdt. 8, 52, Theoc. 22, 49), dAoitpoxos (X.
An. 4, 2; 3).
eETYM Probably properly ‘circle-runner’, a technical term for a round stone, which
rolls downhill or is taken forth by a vehement stream. The first element belongs to
> cidéw ‘to roll, turn’ and looks like a locative; acc. to Bechtel 1914 s.v., it derives from
a noun *foAofo- ‘whirl, rotation’, closely connected with > eiAedc; this is rejected by
Shipp 1967: 49f. (who follows the ancients in connecting dAodc ‘pernicious’,
assuming that -ot- is metri causa).
dA06¢ [adj.] ‘destructive, sinister, ominous’ (Il.). <1E *h,olh,-uo- “destructive’>
*VAR Also dAotdc (A 342, X 5, h. Ven. 224), dA@log (Hes. Th. 591, Nonn.), obAodc (A.
R.), vocative oAێ (Alcm. 55), OAGets (S. Tr. 521 [lyr.]).
eCOMP As a first member in 6A06-@pwv ‘with destructive intent’, of bSpoc, A€wv, otc
Kampog (Il.), also ‘crafty’, of “AtAac, Aijti¢, Mivwe (Od.); also dA0-epydc, -epyris
‘having a destructive effect’ (Nic., Man.) with loss of o (cf. Schwyzer: 252f.).
*ETYM Derived from the root of ddéoat, dAEOpoc, etc. (see »dAAULLL), and
traditionally explained as *0A0-F6c¢ < *OAe-Fd¢ with vowel assimilation (Schmidt KZ
32 (1893): 332f., 337). All formal variations are secondary: oAotd¢ with ot spelling
lengthened o (Chantraine 1942: 168; cf. on Poigteac); ovAods with metrical
lengthening and/or after ovAo0g; dAWiog after OAO@wIOg acc. to Frisk, but corrected to
1072 oASTITW
Odoitog by Nauck; dAdeic with poetical enlargement (Schwyzer: 528 with lit.); voc.
ov€ from *dAo0€ (or *Ae[F]E?) with loss of vowel by hyphaeresis(?); cf. @ péAe.
Suggestions on the formation in Ruijgh Minos 20-22 (1987): 537 and Garcia Ramén
2000: 69-71.
OAOnTw [v.] - Aerietv, TiAAetv, KoAdITELv ‘to peel, pluck, peck’ (H.). <PG(V)>
eVAR Aor. oAGwat (Call., Euph., Nic.) ‘to strip off, tear off, pluck’.
eETYM Can hardly be related to » Agiw, » Aomc, etc., but rather a Pre-Greek variant
of > OAovew.
6Xog [adj.] “complete, whole’ (p 343 and w 118, Att., Hdt.), obddAe [voc.] ‘salve’ (w 402).
IE *sol(H)-uo- ‘whole’> a
VAR ovAog (epic Ion.).
*COMP Often as a first member, almost only Hell. and late (instead of mav-, see
Leumann 1950: 105), e.g. OAG-KAN|poOG (see & KAi}poc), GAO-cXEpr|s (See & EMLTXEPW),
> OAOKOTTLVOC.
*DER OA6-T19¢, -17to¢ [f.] ‘wholeness’ (Arist.), 6Adopat [v.] ‘to be constituted as a
whole’ together with dAwotc [f.] (Dam.), obAgw in ovAziolev- év byeia PuAdoootev
‘may they keep watch in health’ (H.). Besides 6A06c¢ = ppdvpog Kai &ya8dc ‘clever
and able’ (Suid. H.) with oAoeita- bytaiver ‘is healthy’ (H.). Uncertain OtAtoc, Ionic
epithet of Apollo, acc. to Str. 14, 635 and Suid. as a healing god; cf. » odd 3.
*ETYMIdentical with Skt. sérva-, Av. hauruua- ‘whole’, from IE *sol(H)-uo-. For oA6-
t1¢, compare Av. hauruua-tat- and Skt. sarvd-tat(-i)- [f.] ‘wholeness, etc.’, which are
probably independent innovations. Beside the Indo-Iranian forms, we find Lat.
salvus ‘sound, safe’ (on the a-vocalism, see Schrijver 1991: 294-297 and Nussbaum
1997: 186ff.) and, with disyllabic stem, Osc. cadare ‘id’, Pael. Salavatur ‘Salvator’,
which points to an older ablauting u-stem *slh,-eu-. Perhaps the Greek and Indo-
Iranian forms derive from a thematization of a neuter *solh,-u?
Other cognates are ToA salu ‘complete’, ToB solme ‘id.’ (with a different suffix), and
Alb. i gjallé ‘alive, lively’. A different suffix is found in Olv. sldn ‘healthy’ < *slh,-no-,
perhaps Lat. sollus < *sol(H)-no- and possibly in Hitt. Salli- / Sallai- ‘big, main, chief,
etc. < *solh,-i- (Kloekhorst 2008 s.v.). On the question whether the Saussure effect
operated in this word (as advocated by Nussbaum 1997), see Pronk 2009.
OAdg [m.] name for a bleary liquid, from the juice of squids (Hp., Phryn. PS, Phot.), for
blood (AP 15, 25, 1. OAOG AiBpdc ipWv). <PG?>
*ETYM Unclear. A cross between 8o0Adc¢ and opéc, as assumed by Frisk, is improbable.
A Pre-Greek word is possible.
odooxepi [adj.] “complete, whole, general’ (Hell.).
*DER OAooxépeta [f.] (Phld. Rh. Str.). > émtoyepw.
odovpidac [2] - cidoc Kdyy1¢ ‘kind of mussel’ (H.). <?>
*VAR OAOvpotolv: dvw Tig BUpac oTpdgtyyes ‘pivot above the door’ (H.).
eETYM Unknown.
*OAvTIOG 1073
ddovew [v.] = dAdmTw (Phot.), dAovgeiv (OAOVGetV Schmidt): tiAAetv ‘to pluck hair’,
dtoAovgelv (-getv Schm.): dtatidAetv F StaotAatvetv ‘to mock’ (H.). <PG(V)>
eETYM The present etymon is evidently a variant of » dA6mTw, with variations o/ ov
and g/ mt that point to a Pre-Greek word. The IE etymology proposed by GroSelj
Ziva Ant. 4 (1954): 173, which connected it with the IE word for ‘bark, etc. in Lat.
liber [m.] ‘bark, book’ < *luber, Ru. lub ‘bark’, can therefore be forgotten.
odogAvktic [f.] ‘bladder, pustule with blood and water’ (Hp.). <GR>
VAR Also -euxtic (H.); dAopvydav (Theoc. 9, 30) or -pvyywv (H.).
eETYM From oAdc¢ and gAvxticg; see » pAUKTatva.
odogdpopat [v.] ‘to wail, lament, bewail, bemoan’ (IL.). <1E? *Holb'- ‘cry, lament’>
eVAR Aeol. -bppw (Hdn. Gr.), aor. dAoptpacVal, ptc. pass. dAopupVeic (Th. 6, 78),
fut. oAopupobvtat (Lys. 29, 4 codd.).
«COMP Often (especially in prose) with prefix, eg. av-, am-, KaT-.
*DER OAo@up-pdc [m.] (Ar. Th. Pl.), -otc [f.] (Th. J.) ‘lamentation, wail’; -tuxcd¢
‘prone to wail’ (Arist., J.). Further dAdéquc;: oiktoc, éheoc, Oprivoc ‘lamentation’ (H.,
Sapph. 21, 3), Aeolic for *6Aogt¢ acc. to Schulze KZ 52 (1924): 311, dAopvdSvdc
‘lamenting, wailing’ (Hom., AP).
eETYM The ending is also seen in synonymous ddvpopat, Ldpoplal, Kivbpopal,
puvbpopat; OAo@vpopat may have been formed after them, and it is unnecessary to
suppose a prior adjective *OAopupdc. The form dAo@vdvéc may be an innovation as
well, e.g. after dAamtadvdc, opepdvac, etc. (cf. Chantraine 1933: 194) and yoedvdc
(Frisk). Likewise, was *oAoguc formed after oiGic?
In view of Arm. otb, gen. -oy ‘lament’, Lith. ulbioti ‘to call, sing’, one might asssume
a pre-form *éAg@og (= Arm. otb) or *0Agtc, which would have received an anaptyctic
-o- from synonymous > dAoA Kw.
OAogatos [adj] mg. uncertain. Hom. only dAogwia [n.pl.], substantivized or as an
epithet of Sivea ‘plans’ (Od.); Hell. in sing. of AUKkwv ~pvocg (Theoc. 25, 185), and of
idg ‘poison’ (Nic. Th. 327). <?>
*ETYM Formation like pntpwtoc, ipwioc, Aex@iog (Hell.), etc. so perhaps derived
from a substantive in -wc¢ or -w. By the ancients it was associated with dAAvut and
interpreted as ‘pernicious’ (H. dAogwia: oA€Bpta, ofov dAoTOId, Seva BovAEvpLata);
it was connected with éAepaipopuat in Hom. in the sense of ‘deceitful’.
bAnn [f.] ‘oil flask’. +#Art0c.
"Odvptog [m.] name of several mountain ranges in Greece and the Near East,
especially at the borders of Thessaly and Macedonia; seat of Zeus and of the gods
(Il.). <PG>
eVAR With metrical lengthening OvA-. Ruijgh 1967a: 173 points to a variant OdAvpit-,
Myc. u-ru-p-.
*DER OAbtumtog ‘Olympic’ (IL), OAvutia [f.] region in Elis Pisatis with a famous
temple of Zeus (Pi., 1A; cf. von Wilamowitz 1931: 224).
eETYM Probably originally an appellative ‘mountain’, and without a doubt Pre-
Greek. Report of the discussion in van Windekens 1952: 66ff. (see also van
1074 bAvv80c
Windekens BNF 6 (1955): 117). Cf. also Nilsson 1941(1): 353f. Perhaps Myc. u-ru-pi-ja-
(jo-) points to an original PG *u-, which is one of the phonemes that could be
reflected as Gr. o (though the interpretation of the Myc. word is debated). Was the
original word *Ulum p(-) ?
bAvv80c [m.] ‘wild, unripe fig’ (Hes. Fr. 160, 1, Hdt. 1, 193, Hp., Thphr, LXX).
<PG(V)>
eVAR Also dA0vG0c.
ecomP As a first member in dAvv80-@dpog “bearing 6A.’ (also dAoVvG0-, pap.), with
-éw (Thphr.).
*DER OAvvVO-n [f.] ‘wild fig-tree, épivedc’ (Paus.); -aw [v.] “to caprificate, éprvalw’
(Thphr.). ;
*ETYM A technical Pre-Greek word with a suffix -v0-. Note bolunda- 6\vvOoc (Cor p.
Gloss Lat. 2, 517, 40), which points to original *f-, and cf. » unAoAdvEn, >» OSdAVVBOc,
As -ov@- is very rare, the second -o- in dAov@occould be due to assimilation from
*-v-. Fur.: 358 further compares’ OAopmtoc,
bAvvos [2] - TO AmdTPYYWLA Kai atoKdBappa ‘what is rubbed or cleansed off (H.).
<PG?>
eETYM Unknown. Is the word Pre-Greek?
éAvpat [fpl.] kind of grain like Cetai, usually translated as ‘(corn) of spelt’, also as
‘durra’ (Egypt) (Il., Hdt., D., Thphr.). <PG(s)>
VAR Rarely sg.
eCOMP As a first member e.g. in dAvpo-Kdrt0¢ [m.] “6Avpat-beater, -baker’ (pap. III*).
*DER OAUp-tvog containing dAvpat, made of dAvpav (pap. III? Gal.), -itr¢ (dptoc) .
[m.] ‘bread made of dAvpa’ (LXX).
*ETYM An isolated cultural term. By-forms like »éAvpoc 2, » dAvvO0c, and Pr ovAat
suggest that it is Pre-Greek. Cf. » dyupa for the suffix.
épadoc [m.] ‘clamorous crowd, melee, turmoil, clash’ (I1.). <2>
DER Opadéw, -Fjoat [v.] ‘to clamor, speak or shout all at once’ (Od., A. R.).
*ETYM For the formation, see perhaps xéhadoc, xpdpiadoc, etc. Usually connected
with Skt. samdad- [f.] ‘battle’ and connected with oj1d¢ = Skt. samd-, but this is rather
improbable: samdd- should be interpreted differently as sam-ad- (Mayrhofer EW Aia
2: 703f.), and 6ptadoc could belong to » Gd {w (although DELG rejects this
comparison because of the semantics).
6patw [v.] ‘to growl, grumble’, said of bears and panthers (Zenod.). <ONOM>
*ETYM Probably onomatopoeic. Here also » 6iadoc. See > dp1dc.
Optardg [adj.] ‘equal, level, smooth’ (1 327). <IE *semh,-I- ‘level, smooth’>
eVAR Innovation otaAre ‘id.’ (Pl., X., Arist.).
eCOmP As a second member e.g. in &v-WpLaAosg ‘unequal’ (IA), with compositional
lengthening.
*DER Optad-dtr¢, -1to< [f.] ‘equality, even surface’ (Pl, Arist.), -etc [m.] ‘leveller’
(who levels the soil, pap. II*). Denominative verbs: 1. d,1aA-i@w ‘to level, make even’
Opetpopat 1075
(X., Arist.), also with dt-, é&-, etc. Thence opaA-top1dc [m.] ‘leveling’ (LXX, S. E.), -1&t¢
[f.] ‘leveling’ (Delph., Didyma), -totfipec [m.pl.] ‘instruments for leveling’ (gloss.),
-totpov (H.); hardly to Aiotpov. 2. duad-bvw [v.] ‘to make equal, make even’ (Hp.,
Pl., Arist.), also with 61-, mpo-, ovv-; -vvtikdc ‘emollient’ (Gal.). 3. *av-opaA-dw in
avopddw-otc [f.] ‘equalization’ (Arist.).
*ETYM The formation is like that of Lat. similis ‘like’, Olr. samail < *semh,-l-. The o-
grade of O,taddc is often thought to have been imported from » 6td¢. Cf. also the /-
stem in Lat. semel ‘once’ < *s(e)mli-, Go. simle ‘one time’ = ‘once’. Arm. amol
‘harnessed pair of cows’ is probably unrelated.
Opaptéw [v.] ‘to meet, join’ (Hom.). <1E *sm- ‘together’ + *h,er- ‘join’>
DER Otapty ‘together’, see > Gtaptt).
*ETYM The identification of the frozen instrumental Gpiaptr (Out-) with Skt. (Ved.)
sdm-rta ‘at the meeting, in battle’ (e.g. Schwyzer: 433) is wrong, as the latter is the
locative of sdm-rti- “coming together, battle’. The form with a1(a)- must go back to
*sm-h,er- containing the root *h,er- ‘to join’, while the probably more recent
formation with 6ut- derives from > o16c, dpLod. See » Gppos.
6uBpoc [m.] ‘rain, shower, thunderstorm’, also ‘rainwater’, metaph. ‘water’ (II.).
<PG?>
eCOMP As a first member e.g. in dttBpo-pdpoc ‘bringing rain’ (A., Ar.); often as a
second member, eg. in é1-, kat-o1Bpoc ‘rainy, wet with rain’ (Hp., Arist.).
DER Adjectives: 6uBp-toc ‘ptng. to rain, like rain’ (Pi., Ion.), -11pdc ‘wet’ (Hes.), -1)A6¢
‘id’ (Theognost.), cf. bdpnAdc; -wdnc¢ ‘abundant in rain’ (Thphr.), -tkdc ‘id’ (Vett.
Val.), -\Wtog = ‘ptng. to rain, rainy’ (Nic. Th. 388, v.l., PMag. Lond.); also avouBpretc
‘abundant in rain’ (Nic. Al. 288, of OAvpitoc), from av-optBpéw, cf. below.
Substantive ouBpia [f.] ‘rain’ (sch.); cf. avtAia, betia.
Verbs: 1. dBpéw “to (make) rain, moisten’ (Hes., LXX, A. R.), aor. -foa1, also with
av-, é7t-, etc. Thence (é1-)opBprotis [f] ‘raining, etc” (Suid. sch.), dtBprpa [n.]
‘rainwater’ (LXX); 2. optBpitw = -éw (Eust.); 3. opBpodtat- imbricitur (gloss.).
*ETYM Often compared with Lat. imber, -ris [n.] ‘rain(shower)’, with the same
meaning, and with Skt. abhrd- [n.] ‘cloud’, with slightly deviating meaning (e.g. Pok.
315f.). An old r-stem was assumed for these words, beside which stood the s-stem in
Skt. dmbhas- [n.] ‘water, rainwater’. However, the assumption that Gr. -6- could
represent an IE aspirate in the position after nasal is wrong (pace Schwyzer: 333).
In an recent and yet unpublished talk, Kroonen started from the old paradigm *neb'-
s-, gen. *nb'-es-s for Lat. imber and Skt. abhra-, so from the root seen in Gr. » véqos,
> vepeA, etc. The locative *nb'-es-i gave rise to Lat. imber-i and (with revocalization
and thematicization) to Skt. dmbhas-.
In view of the *-b'-, 6uBpoc cannot belong to this group. For the same reason, Arm.
amb, amp, gen. -oy ‘cloud’ must be kept separate from the Greek word. Thus,
duBpos has no good etymology. Szemerényi 1964: 241f., 249 assumes a loanword, so
it is possibly a Pre-Greek word.
Oteipopat [v.] ‘to desire’ (LXX, NT; inscr. Phrygia JHS 38 (1918) 157). <?>
VAR Oueipovtar émOujiodotv ‘they desire’ (H.).
1076 oueixw
eETYM Unknown.
oueixw [v.] ‘urinate’ (Hes. Op. 727; codd. dpixeiv, see below.). <IE *h,meig'- ‘urinate’>
eVAR Aor. OpteiEau (Hippon. 55 A; codd. -t- or -17-); GuiEat- ovprjoau ‘to urinate’ (H.).
DER Opleixpata = ovprpata (A. Fr. 435 = 487 Mette; codd. -i-).
eETYM The persistant itacistic notation is probably due to the popular character of
the word. The old thematic root present Oueiyw, which was ousted by the more
decent verb ovdpéw (after which outyéw arose), corresponds exactly to Skt. méhati,
Av. maézaiti and ON miga ‘to urinate’, while sigmatic OpeiEat recalls Lat. mixi, perf.
of meid ‘to urinate < *h,meig'-ie/o-. Other present formations: Lat. mingéd
(innovation?), OLith. minZu, Arm. mizem (a\denominative from méz ‘urine’, where
a reflex of the initial laryngeal is lacking, but see Martirosyan 2008: 542f,;
alternatively, we are dealing with an Iranian loan), etc. Connection with » potydc can
be debated; the gloss with au- is unexplained.
OunyeEpyis [adj.] ‘assembled’ (IL, Pi.; v.l. -vpric). <GR>
eVAR Dor. Ouay-.
eETYM From opod and ayeipetv with formation of the second member after the
adjectives in -1\c. Thus also ounyuptc [f.] ‘meeting’ (Y 142, Dor. Oudy-) after the
simplex Gyvupic (see » cyeipw) with contraction or compositional lengthening.
OpAtk [adj.] ‘of the same age’. =1E.
Optnpéw [v.] only in mprjproe ‘met’ (7 468) and in the ptc. ounpedoa [f.pl.] (= -odcat)
‘meeting, agreeing’ (Hes. Th. 39). <GR>
*ETYM From > éunpos; cf. durprjs ‘united, (being) together ’ (Nic. Al. 70), after the s-
stems.
Gun pos [m.] ‘pledge, hostage, bail, warrant’ (IA). <GR>
VAR Plur. also -a.
°DER Opnpevw [v.] ‘to serve as a hostage, guarantee, take as a pledge, take hostage’
(Att. Rhet., E. Rh. 434, Antiph.), also with é&-, ovv-; thence ounp-eia [f.] (Pl, Th.
Plb.), -evpa [n.] (Plu.) ‘pledge, hostage’, éGourpevots [f.] ‘taking of hostages’ (Plu.).
eETYM Probably a compound of opot and dp- in dpapeiv, etc. properly “joined
together, sbd. who is forced to accompany”, with a development of meaning similar
to that in Lat. obsés (: obsideo) ‘hostage, bail’. The original meaning is still found in
Pounpéw and dunpétatc: opoywr@otc, Opoyvmpootv ‘who have the same
vote/opinion’ (H.); cf. also » Guaptéw and » duapth. The word Gtnpoc = 6 tu@Adc
(Lyc., H.) is probably an appellative use of the poet’s name. On attempts to connect
the name“Ounpos (Cret. “Opapoc) with the appellative, see the litt. in Frisk.
6utthog [m.] ‘throng, band of warriors, crowd, turmoil of battle’ (I1.). <PG(s)>
eVAR Acol. dutAdoc (EM) could be hyperdialectal.
ecoMP As a second member in &&-dutAog ‘standing beside the crowd, strange,
uncommon’ (6. [lyr.]), etc.
*DER Denominative outhéw (Aeol. pres. optiAde Alc.) [v.] ‘to be together, associate
with (friendly or adversely), keep company, converse’ (II.), also with prefixes like
OLA, -aTOS 1077
KaQ-, mpoo-, é€-; thence dutA-ia, -in [f.] ‘company, intercourse, association, speech,
sermon’ (IA), formally from éptAoc; -YHa [n.] ‘association’ (Pl, E.), -1t1¢ (ovv-)
[m.] ‘companion, adherent, student’ (X., Luc.), fem. -1jtpia (Philostr. VA), -1ttKd¢
‘sociable, affable, talkative’ (Isoc., Plu.). owtAdddov [adv.] ‘in bands’ (IL), -ndd6v Hes.
Sc.), ‘together with’ (A. R., Opp.).
*ETYM Frisk argues for an analysis éu-tAo-c (related to Oude, etc.) with the rare suffix
-tho- (as in otpdPirog, médtAov, etc.), taking 6ptAAoc, opidAet to be hyper-Aeolisms.
However, it rather seems that the word is Pre-Greek. Suffixes with VC were frequent
in Pre-Greek; the interchange -tA-o-/ -\AA-o- may represent a suffix -il’-o-. The form
Gpidos recalls » dptAAa (which seems to be Pre-Greek, as well).
Opuxew > dp eiyw.
OuixAn [f.] ‘fog’ (Il, A, Ar, X.). 1B *hymig"-th,- ‘fog’>
eVAR Att. 6- (secondary aspiration).
*COMP av-dutxAog ‘without fog’ (Arist.).
DER Opt yA-Wd1)¢ ‘hazy’ (Hell.), -jetc ‘id’ (Nonn.). Verbs -douat (Hell.), -aivw (Lyd.)
‘to vaporize’.
*ETYM Identical with a Balto-Slavic word for ‘fog’, e.g. Lith. migla, OCS mogla [f.],
from IE *h,mig’-Ih,- (suf fixed like vepéAn). Beside this old /-formation, to which
MoDu. (dial.) miggelen ‘to mizzle’ also belongs, stands a zero grade root noun in Skt.
mih- [f.] ‘fog’ on the one hand, and a full grade o-stem on the other, e.g. Skt. meghd-
[m.] ‘cloud’ < *h,moig'-o-.
It is sometimes assumed that » dueiyw ‘to urinate’ and cognates (IE *h,meig'-) are
related, but this would mean that we have to reconstruct an original palatal for the
current entry as well, which was then depalatalized before *! (cf. Lith. klausyti ~ Ru.
sligat’ ‘to listen’ < *klouH-s- < *klouH-s-, the s- in the latter going back on restored
*k). This is a problematic assumption, however, since Ilr. *Hmaig'- seems to exclude
a palatal.
Also probably related is Arm. még ‘mist, fog’ < *h,meig'-o/h,-, which acc. to
Martirosyan 2008 shows regular loss of the reflex of initial laryngeal before m (cf.
Arm. magil ‘claw’ with secondary m next to Gr. dvv& ‘nail’). Armenian dialectal
material points to a verb *mglim ‘to cloud’, which parallels the formation of Gr.
OpiyAn. On » dix8ardeooa, see s.v. and also Ruijgh 1957: 145.
Gupta, -ato¢ [n.] “eye; look, sight, face’, metaph. ‘sun, light’ (II.). <1E *h,ek”- ‘see’>
eCOMP As a first member e.g. in Oupato-otepric ‘depriving sbd. of eyesight’ (A.
[lyr.]), ‘deprived of eyesight, blind’ (S., E. [lyr.]); often as a second member, e.g.
veAav-dupatos ‘with blackeyes’ (Pl. Arist.).
*DER Diminutive Oupdtiov [n.] (Arist, AP), = MoGr. pat; further dppdtetoc
‘belonging to the eyes’ (S. Fr. 801), Oupatdw [v.] ‘to provide with eyes, enlighten’ (A.,
D. S.), &- ‘to deprive someone of his eyes’ (E. Fr. 541), ‘to open sbd.’s eyes,
illuminate’ (A., S., Ph, etc.), év- ‘to provide with eyes’ (Ph.).
*ETYM The usual form is Supa, but there are also the rare forms dmmata (Sapph.) and
68pata (Call. Nic. Hymn. Is.), which may, like dupa, have arisen from *6mpa by
1078 SLVULUL, - LoL
progressive assimilation and by differentiation (Frisk), respectively. Or is 60paTa
rather an artificial reshaping with -8,1a (Chantraine 1933: 175)?
If Suyjta is a verbal noun in -ua from the root 67- ‘see’ (» Smtwra, Syoptat), it must
originally have meant ‘look, glance’, but it may also be an enlargement of the root
noun seen in the dual doce < *h,ek”-ih, The form » o@8aAtdc is unrelated. See
further > dooe.
Spvvzu, -fat [v.] ‘to swear, affirm with an oath, take a vow’ (I1.). <1£ *h,emh,- ‘insist,
urge’>
eVAR Also -bw, -Vopat, aor. df16-0(o)al, -o(c)acBau, fut. dpodpi0 (IL), perf. 6uopo-
Ka, -(6)pta, aor. pass. d20(o) OF} vat (Att.). =
*COMP Very often with prefix, e.g. dn-, 2&-, ém-, ovv-, b1-.
*DER &vw@potos ‘unsworn’, together with -ti [adv.], further ovvwtd-tyn¢ [m.]
‘confederate’ together with -cia, etc. (1A); for 6pKwp1dTN¢ see > SpKoc.
*ETYM The aorist dp160at points to a root *h,emh;,- (cf. dpdoat ‘to plough’ < *h,erh,-);
the future dpettat was created analogically for older *optobtau. The present formation
Optvupu is reminiscent of » 6AAvUL, etc., and confirms that the root-final laryngeal was
*h,. The perfect is a clear innovation.
Traditionally, dpvupu, opdoa are connected with the disyllabic athematic root-
present Skt. dmi-ti ‘to take hold of, swear’. Currently, Lat. amdre ‘to love’ is
compared as well, and on this basis the root *h,emh,- has been reconstructed (see
LIV? s.v.). A huge problem with this view is that one has to assume vowel
assimilation djto- < *dpo- for Greek, which is certainly not regular (see Van Beek
fthc.b). It is therefore best to assume a root PIE *h,mh,- reflected as Plt. *ama- in
front of a vowel; cf. Schrijver 1991: 318. See » Opotioc, » OLoKAN.
Optdyvioc ‘of the same ancestry’. +ylyvoptau.
Ooitos [adj.] epithet of mdAepoc, veikoc, Bavatosg, yijpas (Hom.), traditionally (e.g. by
H.) identified or connected with Gtlotoc, and explained as ‘common to all,
equalizing, impartial’, which is supported by synonymous Evvdc EvvdAtoc (2 309).
<>
VAR On -olloc for -otoc cf. yeAotlog (s.v. » yehdw).
eETYM Acc. to an alternative interpretation by Anon. apud Apollon. Lex., however, it
means kakdéc, for which an etymological argument has been raised: dpotiog (with
lenis) < *0toiftiog from ‘*dpol-Fa, or rather for *dj1o-ftoc from *dp0-Fa
corresponding to Skt. dmiva [f.] ‘misery, vexation, suffering’, dmiti ‘urge, press’ (cf.
on > Opvupit). Uncertain.
Gpotoc, OpLoiog = ditdc.
opoxKAr [f.] ‘threatening cry, reprimand, command’ (Hom., Hes. Sc. also Emp. [-éwv],
Pi. [-aic], A. Fr. 57, 5 = 71 5 [&v]); ‘attack, onset’ (Hell.), perhaps falsely deduced
from II 147? <1E? *h,emh,- ‘seize’ + *kleh,- ‘call’>
eVAR Also 6-? See below.
*DER Further (probably as a denominative) the more usual 6,10KA-dw, -éw (also 6-)
‘to cry threateningly, call, urge’, in 3sg.ipf. OudKAa (2 156, O 248), 3p]. OwdKA-Eov, pl.
Surv 1079
-éoplev (O 658, etc, w 173), aor. OpoKArjoat (Hom., S. El. 712), iterative ipf.
OuoKAnoaoxe (B 199). Thence OpoKAn-tip, -fpos [m.] ‘shouter, warner’ (M 273, Y
452), fem. -teipa (Lyc. 1337).
*ETYM Since the elision in bm’ dpoKAf\¢ (e.g. Hes. Sc. 341), KéxAet’ OpoKAToac (vl. Y
365) points to original lenis, the connection with 616c, etc. was already doubted in
antiquity. A counterpart for duo- could be found in Skt. dma- [m.] ‘violence,
pressure, turbulence’, Av. ama- [m.] ‘attacking power, strength’; thus, dtio-KAn
would originally be a determinative compound meaning “attacking cry”.
The second member must belong to » kadéw < *klh,eie/o- and may be a root-noun
*kleh,-, but it can also be explained as an abstract *omo-kld- related to *omo-klo- (cf.
on >» e006.17), with loss of laryngeal like in veoyvéc. The former interpretation
seems to be excluded by 6pokA dv (A.), but an artificial Dorism cannot be excluded.
On the variation -dw : -éw in the verb, see Chantraine 1942: 361.
Opopyvuytt, -trat [v.] ‘to wipe (oneself), dry (oneself), med. with é&- also ‘to give sbd. a
beating; to imprint’. <IE *h,merg- ‘wipe off >
eVAR Aor. OptopEat, -ac8at (Il), fut. ddpEw, -optou, pass. aor. optopxOfjvau, perf.
@popypat (Att. Arist.).
*COMP In prose only with prefix, especially am-, &&-.
*DER €€opopéte [f.] ‘stamp, imprint, impression’ (Pl.), andpopypa [n.] ‘which is
wiped off (Eust.).
eETYM The Greek aor. osdp&at is probably secondary (with vocalism from the
present opdpyvuu) for duapEov- andutakov ‘wiped off (H.), which can be equated
with the zero grade aor. Skt. ampksat. Further connection within Greek with
> cuiépyw is conceivable (for the semantics, cf. Lat. verrd ‘to sweep’ next to Hitt. uars-
‘ ‘to reap, harvest, wipe’), but the variation in the initial vowel is unexplained (there
is no sufficient reason to assume vowel assimilation). The initial vowel is absent in
the late forms popE-avto, -dpevot (Q. S.), probably via reanalysis as amo-[-.
Outdc [adj.] “common, one and the same, equal, similar, level’ (Il.). <IE *som-h,-o-
‘same, equal’>
eCOMP Very often as a first member, e.g. 6,16-ppwv ‘of similar character, like-
minded’ (X 263).
DER Ot1-doe ‘to one and the same place’, -ot ‘at the same place, together’ (II), -60ev
‘from the same place’ (€ 477); Oudc ‘equally, likewise’ (II.), dpiwe ‘nevertheless, all the
same’ since M 393; dptolog (I), 6ptotog (young Att.) ‘like, similar, the same’ (I1.), after
Toioc, toioc, etc, with Opiot-dtn¢, -1to¢ [f.] ‘similarity’ (1A), verb -wOfvar (I.),
-dopiat (IA), -6w (Th., E.) ‘to equalize, unite, make the same’; further Ouoi-wpa,
-wolc, etc. See also » GttaAdc and perhaps > dpihoc.
eETYM Old word for ‘one and the same, equal’, identical with Skt. samd-, OP hama-,
and Gm. words like ON samr, sami, Go. (sa) sama (secondary n-stem), etc., from IE
*somh,-6- with root-final *h,, because there is no reflex of Brugmann’s Law in Skt.
Other cognate formations are > gic, » Etepoc, » Gta, and m d- 1.
Gurvy [f.] ‘food, corn’, plur. ‘cake of flour and honey, honeycombs’ (Call, Nic., H.,
EM). <PG(v)>
1080 OLLpards
eVAR Also Oytmn.
*DER Ojtmv(e)log ‘ptng. to corn, nutritious, fruitful (S. Fr. 246, Hell. poet.), fem.
"Ounva epithet of Demeter (Call, Nonn.; after nédtvia); dpimvetdyeip: 7tAovaLdyxelp,
mAovotos ‘with rich hand, rich’ (H.); oputtviakds ‘id.’ (AP); Ounvinpov bdwp: tpdcytov
‘nutritious’ (H.).
eETYM Traditionally connected with Skt. dpnas- [n.] ‘produce, property, possession’,
ON efni [n.] < PGm. *afniia- ‘material, goods’ (also ON efna, OE efnan ‘to carry out,
work’), Hitt. happin-ant- ‘rich’. The inner nasal in Greek was explained by
anticipation of the suffix, and dum by dissimilation from this form. These
assumptions are ad hoc and therefore doubtful.
Frisk further states that Ougdvetv- atte,’ cepvovetv, évtydtepov Ttoleiv ‘to
strengthen, respect, honor’ (H.) is unclear. However, acc. to Fur.: 161, it shows that
we havea by-form optgvuv-, and a Pre-Greek word. The word > dcpevoc is unrelated.
OU@aAds [m.] ‘navel, navel string’ (Il.), very often metaph. of navel-shaped elevations:
‘knob of the shield or yoke’ (Il), ‘centre’ (a 50). «IE *h,enb"-, *h,mb'-, *h,neb"-
‘navel’>
*COMP Compounds like ouqadn-tdopog [f.] ‘cutter of the navel string, midwife
(Hippon., Hp.; on -1- see Schwyzer: 438f.), weo-duadoc “in the middle of the
navel”, ‘in the centre’, especially of Delphi and its oracle (trag.), also ‘having a navel
(an elevation) in the center’ (trag. com.); also with enlargement of the second
member, e.g. 7t-op1paA-toc ‘situated on the navel (the shield knoby (H 267, Parth.),
also “equipped with a navel’ (AP 6, 22).
*DER 1. Diminutive duadtov [n.] (Arat., Nic.); 2. Oppadic [f.] ‘navel string’ (Sor.); 3.
Oupad-deic “equipped with an 0.’ (Il), -wtdc¢ ‘id. (Pherecr., Plb.), -wé1¢ ‘0.-like’
(Arist.), -tog ‘belonging to the 6. (AP), -txdc ‘id.’ (Phan. Hist.); 4. ou@adtorrip, -fpos
[m.] ‘knife used for cutting the navel string’ (Poll., H.; cf. on Bpaxtowortrp).
*ETYM The old word for ‘navel’ closely corresponds to Lat. umbilicus (probably from
*umbilus = dpupaddc), Olr. imbliu < PCI. *imbilon- < IE *h,mb'-I-. This originally
athematic /-stem (perhaps retained in the Epirotic tribal name ’Ojtqaa-og [gen. sg.],
-e¢ [nom. pl.]; see Schwyzer: 484) alternates with an n-stem in Lat. umbo, -onis [m.]
‘boss of a shield’, probably also in a WGm. word for ‘belly, abdomen’: OHG amban
(secondary a-stem), -on [m.], OS ambon [acc.pl.m.], PGm. *amban- < QIE
*Homb'on- (cf. on » dupak). The variation /: n recalls dyKaAn : dyKwv.
In the eastern languages, we find forms with a different ablaut grade, like Skt. nabhi-
[f.] ‘navel, nave’, OPr. nabis ‘id., Latv. naba ‘navel’, but also Gm. forms like OHG
naba [f.] ‘nave of a wheel’, nabalo [m.] ‘navel’ (suffix like in ducpadds, etc.), all from
IE *h,neb'-. The Schwebeablaut *Homb'- / Hnob'- is probably due to the
development of the zero grade *h,nb'- in the western languages, so the original root
shape was *h,neb'-, with dtupadoc continuing the zero grade *h,nb’-l- (with
vocalization of the laryngeal according to the so-called Lex Rix).
Guat [pl.] barbaric word for the best quality of nard (Gal. 14, 74). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
Suwpos 1081
Sugak, -dxKog [f.] ‘unripe grape’ (1 125), also of olives (Poll.); metaph. of a young girl,
an undeveloped nipple, etc. (poet.). <PG(s,v)>
eVAR Late also [m.].
*DER 1. OuPaxtov [n.] ‘juice of unripe grapes or olives’ (Hp., pap.); 2. dpupaxic, (Soc
[f.] ‘cup of a certain kind of oak’ (Paul. Aeg.), because of the astringent taste; 3.
ougak-iag (oivoc) [m.] ‘wine of sour grapes’ (Gal.), metaph. ‘sour, unripe’ (Ar,
Luc.); -itn¢ (oivoc) [m.] ‘id’, also name of a stone (Gal. codd. -titng), -itic [f] of
éhain (Hp.), ‘kind of oakapple’ (Dsc., Gal.); 4. oppax@dne ‘3.-like’ (Hp., Arist.), -tvog
‘made of 6. (Hp., pap.), -npd (ayyeia) [n-pl.] ‘vessels for 8” (medic. pap.) 5.
Opupaxiw [v.] ‘to be sour, unripe’, also of other fruits (LXX, Dsc.), -iCoptat ‘to pick
sour grapes’ (Epich.).
*ETYM By itself, Supak could derive from an unattested pre-form *dppwv (= Lat.
umb6, etc; see on » dupaddc), but the semantic explanation as a navel-like knob is
hardly convincing. Fur.: 341 connects diac ‘a bad Sicilian wine’ and apuprc: of vou
dvOo¢ ‘wine blossom’. oi 5é éAava oivov ‘red wine’ (H.). The variation would point
to Pre-Greek origin; note that the suffix -af is also typically Pre-Greek.
oug? 1 [f.] ‘divine voice or revelation, oracle, emblem’ (II.), ‘voice, speech’ in general
(Pi, trag.). <IE*seng”"- ‘sing’>
*COMP ‘Ouupo-KAgprg [m.] a Cyprian in Abydos, ev-opga ovdpata ‘auspicious
names’ (H.); enlarged in mav-opatoc “sending all omens, witness of everything’,
epithet of Zeus (© 250, Simon. Orph.), also of "HéAtoc (Q. S.) and“”Hpa (EM),
transformed into mav-ouprs (Sveipot, Orac. apud Porph.).
*DER Oucp-atoc, -retc ‘predicting’ (Nonn.), Opupain [f.] name of a goddess (Emp.),
oueprtip, -fipos [m.] ‘prognosticator’ (Tryph.), after vikn-tip : vikdw, etc. Cf. Ruijgh
1957: 134.
eETYM An archaic inherited word, which is isolated in Greek and has cognates only
in Germanic. Beside dun < IE *song”'-eh,- stands eg. Go. saggws [m.] ‘song, music,
lecture’ < IE *song”"-o-. The basic primary verb is retained only in Germanic, e.g. Go.
siggwan ‘to sing, lecture’ < IE *seng”"-e/o-.
Suey 2 [f.] - tvor ‘breath’ (H.). <?>
eVAR Also Ottpa: dour. Adkwvec ‘scent (Laconiany (H.).
*COMP As a second member in et-opoc = evoojtog (Arcad. acc. to Timachidas apud
Ath, codd. -adov).
DER Verb trot-dpget- tpocdCet ‘to smell, stink’ (H.).
eETYM Unknown. It cannot be related to the group of » vécpoc, » vecpéAn (thus Frisk,
on which see the litt. s.v.), since that word had no initial laryngeal.
6ugopa [n.pl.] - doa a6 twv iepwv ExcpépecBat 6 vd,Log KwAvEL ‘what the law forbids
to carry away from shrines’ (H.). <GR>
*ETYM Latte notes: dvdcopa reportanda ad aram; thus it would have dialectal ov- for
ava-.
6uwpos [?] ‘a Sicilian bread’ (Epich. 52, Sophr. 27). <?>
1082 ovaha
eVAR Cf. Spoupa: cepidatc EPO, [edt Exovoa kai onoapny ‘cooked flour containing
honey and sesame’ (H.); also éptopitag (Redard 1949: 90).
eETYM Unknown.
ovaka [f.] = dvahwua, ‘expenditure, cost’ (Thess. III*). <GR?>
eETYM Backformation from dvah6w, perhaps influenced by dandvy : damavaw (cf.
also Sanav-obpeva, -Woet after dvah-obpeva, -woet). See Fraenkel 1912: 88.
évap [n.] ‘dream’, especially ‘fortune-telling dream, vision’ (Il.), as an adverb ‘in a
dream (trag., Att.). <IE *h,en-r ‘dream’, *h,ner-io->
*VAR Only nom. and acc, further dvetpog [m,] “god of dreams, dream’ (II), -ov [n.];
other case forms are dveip-atos, -ati, -ata, etc., ‘vision, phantom’ (Od.); thence the
back-formation dveiap [n.] (Call, AP). Note Aeol. Svoipoc [m.] (Sapph.); Cret.
dvaipov- Svetpov, dvap: 6vap (H.).
eCOMP Eg. oveipo-mdA0¢ [m.] ‘interpreter of dreams’ (I1.), ed-dvetpoc ‘having good
dreams’ (Str., Plu.).
*DER 1. Diminutive dvetp-atiov (sch.). 2. Adjectives Oveip-etoc (6 809, Babr.), -metc
(Orph.), -atuxd¢g (comm. Arist.) “concerning dreams, pertaining to dreams’, -w61)¢
‘dream-like’ (Philostr.). 3. Verbs: ovetp-woow, -wttw (é-) ‘to dream, have a seminal
discharge while sleeping’ (Hp., PL, Arist.), with (2&-)oveip-wétc [f.] (Pl, medic.),
-wypdc [m.] (Arist.), -wxtiKdc (Arist., Thphr.); €&-overpdw ‘id.’ (Hp.); *eboveip-1aCw
in éEoveiptacptds [m.] (Diocl. Med.).
eETYM Ovap < *h,en-r and Lesb. Svotpoc, Cret. dvatpov < *h,n-r-io- show gradation
with dévetpoc < *h3n-er-io- (with full grade of the suffix; for the addition of *-io-, see
pijAtoc). The case forms dveip-atoc, -att, etc. probably arose by a cross of *6vatoc,
etc. with dveipoc; from dveipat- in turn arose the late and rare form évetap for dvap.
The neuter gender of dvetpov (for éveipoc) was influenced by eidwiov, évirviov.
The word is limited to Greek and two neighbouring languages, in both of which it
only occurs with a suffix -io-: Arm. anurj < *ondr-io- (cf. tékpiwp beside téxpap;
Arm. a- < o- is a regular development in a pretonic open syllable, like in anun to
dvona, etc.), and Alb. ddérré (Gheg), éndérré (Tosk), the details of which are
debated. Note also Cret. Gvatpoc, of which the a- is unexplained (cf. Beekes Sprache
18 (1972): 126).
Through the rise of évap and cognates, the meaning of old » imap shifted (s.v.).
évetap, -atog [n.] ‘utility, value, help, refreshment’; plur. -ata ‘refreshments, foods,
valuables, gifts’ (I].). <IE *h,neh,- ‘help, be useful’>
eETYM False writing for é6vn(fF)ap < *dva-fap, a verbal noun of » dviviyw perhaps
influenced by dheiata (sv. » dAéw), eidap (s.v. » Z5w), etc.
évetdog [n.] ‘reproach, rebuke, abuse, disgrace’ (II.). <IE *h,neid- ‘revile’>
eDER Thence oveidein [f.] ‘id.’ (Nic.), cf. on éAeyyein s.v. » éhéyxw, oveidetoc ‘baling,
scolding’ (Hom., AP), dvetdeiw [v.] ‘to blame’ (Thebais Fr. 3) < *-es-ie/o-; mostly
oveidiCw ‘to make reproaches, abuse, scold’, also with prefixes like é&-, mpoo-, with
several derivatives: oveid-topa [n.] ‘reproach, abuse’ (Hdt.), -top1d¢ (€&-) [m.] ‘id? (D.
H, J.), -totyp (E.), also kat- (Man.), -totj¢ (Arist.) ‘who reproaches’,
Oviviyptt 1083
(2&-)oveidtotiKd¢ ‘abusive’ (Hell.); on itself stands én-ovet6-totoc “deserving a
reproach, worthy of blame’ (Att.), probably for *én-ovetSr¢ after other verbal
adjectives in -toToc.
eETYM Svetdoc is an old verbal noun, isolated in Greek. The basic primary verb,
which was replaced by the denominative oveidivw in Greek, is retained in other
languages: Skt. athem. nid-and- ‘reproved’ [aor.ptc.], beside which stand the passive
formation nidyd-mana- ‘id’ and the nasal present nindati ‘to reproach’, Av. ndis-mi
< *naid-s-mi ‘I reproach’, as well as Baltic forms like Lith. niedéti ‘to despise’, Latv.
nidét, 1sg. nidu ‘to squint at, exclude, hate’, which derive from a stative *h,neid-eh,-.
Germanic has a secondary formation in Go. ga-naitjan ‘to revile’, etc. Especially
interesting for Greek, because of its prothetic vowel, is Arm. anicanem, aor. anici <
*h,neid-s- (for Arm. a- < o- in pretonic open syllable, cf. on » évap).
6v8o¢ [m.] ‘droppings, excrement of animals’ (‘Y 775, 777, A. Fr. 275 [= 478 Mette]).
<>
eVAR Late also fem. after kdmpoc.
eCOMP OvG0-@dpoc ‘dungbearer’ (pap. IV").
eETYM Unexplained. For older lit., see Frisk s.v.
ovOvAEvw [v.] ‘to stuff, pad, fill up with stuffing’, of food (com. IV-III*). <PG?(v)>
DER OvOvAEvoeIc [pl.] ‘stuffed foods’ (com. IV-II*); further ptovOvAebw (rejected by
Phryn. 334, sch.), povOvAevoetc (Poll. 6, 60) ‘id’.
eETYM Expression of culinary art without etymology. We may start from a noun
*ovOUAN, -0¢ like kopSvAn, kavObAn, KpwBvAo«, etc. Frisk suggests that the initial p-
in ttovOvAedw was perhaps taken from »pattin (with related meaning) or from
LtoAydc ‘bag’ (less probable). Fur.: 246 explains the variation p/zero from initial F-.
Probably a Pre-Greek word.
éveyAtv [?] - eid0¢ otvov ‘kind of wine’ (H.). <PG?(v)>
eVAR OvoyAv (Alem. 117 apud Ath. 1, 31d).
eETYM Unknown.
évivnut [v.] ‘to be of use, help, avail’ (Il.). <1E *h,neh,- ‘help, be useful’>
VAR Aor. Ovijoai, fut. ovijow (IL), Dor. ovacei (Theoc.), med. dvivapiat (Att.), aor.
OvioacBai (late), viv, opt. dvaitny, epic An-ovALNY, -Oviytw (IL), @vauny, inf.
dvacBat (E., Pl.), fut. 6vijcoptat (I1.).
eDIAL Myc. o-na-to /onaton/, o-na-te /onatér/.
eCOMP Often with dno- ‘to benifit, gain, enjoy, relish’.
*DER 1. 6vnap (written »dveiap, s.v.); 2. Svioic [f.] (p 402), dvacic (Dor., etc.)
‘benefit, advantage, gain, enjoyment’ with dvrjoutoc ‘useful, beneficial’ (h. Merc.); 3.
‘Ovijtwp, -opocg [m.] PN (II 604, etc.), Dor. dvatwp (conj. Pi. O. 10, 9) ‘helper’,
Ovijtwp name of a plaster (medic.); 4. Ovrtng [m.] PN (Eretria IV*); for the PNs in
Ovnot-, etc. see Bechtel 1917b: 348ff; 5. Ovijjiwv = Ovijomtocg (Cat. Cod. Astr.). 6.
Primary compar. forms: superl. dvrjio-toc ‘most useful’ (Ion., etc.), compar. ntr.
ovijiov (Nic.), Dor. dvdiov (Dodona III*); reinterpreted as a positive, details in
Leumann Mus. Helv. 2 (1945): 7ff.
1084 OVLVVOG
*ETYM The full-grade medial aorist forms a7-ovitny, -OVTO, POvmNEVOG: etc. are
noteworthy. They may have their vocalism from the s-aorist Ovijoal, as Ktimmel
remarks in LIV2. In Euripides, @vdto, dvac8at may have the old vocalism from
*h,nh,-, or have their -a- from the present dvivatiou, with productive short vowel (cf.
{otaytat : (ot). The late present dviokw (Ath, 2, 35) was formed from ovjow after
evprjow : evpiokw, etc.
There are ie obvious cognates. Skt. nathd- [n.] ‘refuge, help’ was compared by
Wackernagel 1955(2): 946, and looks like a primary noun from a root *na-, but is
further isolated (cf. Mayrhofer EWAia 2: 33f.). LIV* sv. *hjneh,- compares ON
unnum (ipl.] ‘to love, grant’ if from *h sg-nh,-mé, but remarks that the -ns- in related
forms like Go. ansts ‘favor is difficult to explain with this reconstruction. Moreover,
additional assumptions are needed to arrive from the assumed nasal present
formation at Greek dvivapat.
Svivvoc [m.] name of a parasite in seaweed, ‘kind of centipede’ (Thphr. HP 4, 6, 8).
<PG?> q F
eETYM To be analyzed as dv-twvos, acc. to Stromberg 1944: uf., thus a compoun
from » voc and pivvoc 2; however, this is most improbable. Probably a Pre-Greek
word (not in Fur.).
"OvoyAtv
eETYM See > OwyAtv.
OvoyupOs =avayupoc.
dvoxivdtosg [m.] ‘donkey-driver’. =Kivdaé.
Svopta, -atog [n.] ‘name’ (Il), gramm. ‘word’ (Att.), as a part of speech = nomen
(Arist.). <1E *hneh;-mn, *h,nh,-men- ‘name> ;
eVAR Epic (also Hdt.) obvopa (metrical lengthening), Aeol. Dor. Svvptas Dor. also
*Evutta if found in’Evuta-Kpatidac, Evupavtiddac (Lacon.), but the interpretation of
these PNs is doubtful.
*COMP Ovopd-KAvTos ‘with a famous name’ (X 51); p> ovoparrydnvs Ovopwato-
rtoigw [v.] ‘to give a name, name’ (Arist.), after other compounds with -TLOLEW
(ovopato-mod¢ Ath., Zos. Alch., -motia Str.); vovupt(v)og ‘nameless’ (epic); more
recent is dv-wvujtoc (0 552). ee
*DER A. Nouns: 1. Diminutive 6vopatiov (Arr. Longin.); 2. Adjectives 6vopat-od1¢
‘having the nature of a name, concerning the name’ (Arist.), -1kdg ‘ptng. to the
dvopia’ (D. H.). ts —
B. Verbs: 1. dvopiaivw ‘to call, proclaim’, almost only aor. Ovopfivat, also with ek-
(mostly epic Il), fut. o(b)vopavéw (Hadt.), pres. (Dor.) Ovumotv (Gortyn, Ti. Locr.).
2. dvopidtw ‘to call (by the name), name, enunciate’, aor. Ovopidoat (Dor. Aecol.
dvupiatw, aor. dvvpaeat) often with prefixes like &&-, ém-, KaT-, Map-, pet. Thence
dvon.aoia [f.] ‘name, expression’ (Hippias Soph., Pl, Arist), Ovopaornc [m.] = Lat.
nominator (pap. III), dvop-aorti (-et) “by name’ (IA), -aoTlKOG ptng. fo naming
(P1.), SvopaotiKr (mT@oIc) “casus nominativus’ (Str. gramm.). 3. ovopaticw [v.] ‘to
dispute about names’ (Gal.), -.op16¢ [m.] ‘list of names (inscr. Thess.).
j
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i
OVOLLat 1085
eETYM Old word for ‘name’, directly comparable with Arm. anun < *onomn- <
*anomn- (with o > u before m and a > o in pretonic open syllable); Arm. anun may
represent both the zero grade *h,nh;-mn- (originally found in the oblique cases) and
the full grade *h,neh,-mn from the nominative, but the Greek word must have the
old zero grade. Further, OPhr. onoman, NPhr. ovopav also have their initial o- from
*h,- (Kortlandt SCauc. 7 (1987): 63).
Thee in other languages has a different origin: Alb. emér (Gheg), émén (Tosk) may
be a loan from Latin némen, while in OPr. emmens [gen.sg.m.] < *h,yh,-men-s, the
initial e- is the reflex of a vocalic nasal (cf. also the group of OCS ime). Celtic (e.g.
Olr. ainm) is derived from *anmen- < *h,yh,-men-), and ToB fem, ToA fiom points
to *ném-, which perhaps derives from a preform *h,neh,-m- by dissimilation of the
second h,. If the e- found in Laconian Evuptaxpatidac belongs here at all, it is not
well explained, but it need not be due to (incidental) vowel assimilation; it may also
be due to dissimilation of the first laryngeal against the second (cf. on Tocharian).
The Greek u-vocalism in dvupta, vwvuttvoc, etc. is due to Cowgill’s Law (see Vine
1999b). ;
All languages have generalized one of the two ablaut grades: Lat. nomen = Skt. nama
< IE *h,neh,;mn. In Germanic, Go. namo [n.], etc. < IE *h;nh,mon goes back on a zero
grade, while OFr. nomia, MHG be-nuomen, MoDu. noemen have the old full grade
*hjneh,-; see Beekes Sprache 33 (1987): iff. (against this, Stiiber Die Sprache 39/1
(1997): 74-88, but unconvincing).
The Anatolian evidence is highly complicated (see Kloekhorst 2008): Hitt. laman-
[n.] < *h,neh,-mn- (like Latin), with regular loss of the *h,- and then *n- > I- by
dissimilation; lamniia- [v.] ‘name’ from *h,nh,-mn-; but HLuw. a-ta,,-ma-za
(interpreted as /?laman=t‘a/ in Kloekhorst KZ 7 (2004)) preserves the reflex of
initial *h,-.
Kloekhorst 2008 s.v. hanna'- has also made it clear that the root of the word is
*h,neh,,, as still preserved in the Hittite verb hanna'- ‘to sue, judge’ and in Greek
> dvopat. A denominative yod-present like Ovojtaivw is found in other branches, too:
Go. namnjan ‘to name’, Hitt. lamniia-. The original n-stem is still clearly seen in
v@vuptv-oc < *y-h;nh;-mn-; avwvujtoc is younger.
Svoptat [v.] ‘to scold, blame, insult’ (Hom., also Hdt.). <1£ *h,neh,- ‘name’>
eVAR Aor. 6v60(0)ac8at (Gvato P 25; cf. below), fut. dvécooj1al, with kata- in kat-
@vovto, -ovooOiic (Hdt. 2, 172 and 136).
*DER Verbal adjective évotdc (Pi., Call., A. R.), évootéc (1 164, Lyc.) with analogical
-o-; dental formation in dvotd(w = dvona (h. Merc. Hes., A.); Ovntd pepimta
‘reproached’ (H.), probably after the oppositum aynta ‘admired’; Svoote [f.] ‘blame’
(Eust.).
*ETYM All forms except ®vato (which is rather aor. then ipf.), 6vatar aty1detat
‘dishonors’ (H.), and the debated form otveo8e (QO 241) are based on a root dvo-;
thus, ova- is not an old ablauting variant but a secondary deviation. The comparison
with the Celtic group of MIr. on ‘shame’, anim ‘blemish, fault’ remains highly
hypothetical, while that with the unreliable ptc. (hapax) OAv. nadant- ‘slandering,
reviling’ and with Skt. nindati ‘to blame, revile’ (as ni-nd-ati; but rather ni-n-d-ati,
1086 6voc
for which see » dvetdoc) is based on the wrong assumption that dvdo0-ac8al, -opal,
and d6vootdc go back to *dvo6-, instead of being analogical.
Kloekhorst 2008 has recently convincingly argued for connection with Hitt. /ranna-'
‘to sue, judge’ (3sg. hanndi, 3pl. hannanzi), which he retraces to *h,e-h,noh,-ei, *h,e-
hjnh,-énti by regular sound laws. For the semantics of the Greek word, starting from
the meaning ‘to call, name’, one may compare the English expression ‘to call names’.
Svoc [m., f.] ‘ass, female ass’ (A 558), often metaph., e.g. ‘windlass, winch, the upper
millstone’ (Svog &AétN¢), as a fishname (after the grey color, or after the large head ©
as a sign of stupidity?), see Stromberg 1943: 100. <PG?>
eVAR Myc. o-no /onos/. 4
*COMP Very often as a first member, e.g. in plantnames like dvo-Orpa, -Kdpdtov,
-topdSov, Svoopia (see Stromberg 1940: 138 and 61); on » Svivvos, see s.v., on Svaypoc
= dvoc dyptoc ‘wild ass’ see Risch IF 59 (1949): 286f.; as a second member in fti-ovoc
[f., m.] ‘mule’ (11.), cf. Risch Lc. 22f.
DER 1. Several diminutives, partly in metaph. mg.: 6v-ioxoc [m.] (Hp., Ph. Bel.), -tov
(-tov?) [n.] (pap.), -i6tov (Ar.), -4piov (Diphil. Com.), -apidiov (pap.), -bédiv (% pap.
IV’). 2. Other substantives: dvic [f.] ‘donkey droppings’ (IA); dvitic [f.] ‘kind of
marjoram, Origanum heracleoticum’ (Nic. Dsc., Gal.); oviag [m.] ‘kind of oxdpoc’
(Ath.); ovetov [n.] “donkey stable’ (Suid.). 3. Adjectives: év-etoc ‘of a donkey’ (Ar.
Arist.), -txdg “belonging to a donkey’ (NT, pap., inscr.), -51¢ ‘donkey-like’ (Arist.).
4. ovebw [v.] ‘to draw with a windlass, draw up’ (Th., Stratt.). On » d6vwwic, see s.v.
eETYM Doubtfully explained by Brugmann JF 22 (1907-1908): 197ff. from *osonos
(which via *ohonos > *hoonos would have been reinterpreted as 6 6voc), which
together with Lat. asinus is supposed to be a loan from a South Pontic language.
Arm. é5, gen. ixoy is rather from *h,ekuo-. Sum. angu ‘ass’ was also compared (see
Neumann IF 69 (1964): 61).
Not related to Lat. onus ‘burden’ (Grégoire Byzantion 13 (1938): 287ff.), nor to Hebr.
*aton ‘female ass’. Probably a Pre-Greek word.
bvvé 1, -vxXoc¢ [m.] ‘nail, claw, hoof, often metaph. in several mgs. (Il.). <IE *h,nog'-
‘nail’>
DIAL Myc. o-nu-ka /onuka/ or /onuks/, cf. Guilleux RPh. 75 (2001): 149.
eCOMP Ovvxo-ypagéoptat [v.] ‘to be carved by a nail’ (Hp.), youy-@vv— and -wvvxoc
‘with curved claws’ (IL, also Arist.); on » u@vv§, see s.v.
eDER Diminutive ovbytov [n.] (Arist., pap.); ovvyxtotnp, -fpoc [m.] ‘hoof (LXX), cf.
on Bpaxiovotrp and dvvyifouat below; dvvx-tyatos ‘of the size of nail-parings, tiny
(Com. Adesp.), -taiog ‘as broad as a nail’ (Eust.); dvvx-iCopau [v.] ‘to cut one’s nails’
(Cratin., LXX) with -toptdc [m.] (Str.), -tothpiov [n.] ‘nail scissors’ (Posidipp. Com.);
-(Cw [v.] ‘to test with one’s nails’ (Artem.); -dw [v.] ‘to equip with claws, bend in a
claw-like fashion’ (Orib., sch.).
eETYM Old name of the nail and the hoof, retained in most branches in various
formations. Disyllabic Svv— (Ovvx-) obtained its v-vocalism from *h,nog'- by
Cowgill’s Law, which would require a neighboring Proto-Greek labiovelar (see Vine
&Eoc 1087
1999b). Therefore, we may propose a u-stem *h,nog'-u- (for which OCS nogoto
‘hoof < *Hnog"u-ti- has been compared), or reconstruct *h,nog”"-.
The Greek form agrees with Arm. etungn ‘nail’, which is a secondary n-stem like ot-n
‘foot’ < acc. *pod-m (see » movc). Kortlandt assumes that *h,nog’"- / *h,ng'- yielded
PArm. *onog / *ong, which were contaminated in *onong; this became *enong by
dissimilation, which gave etungn, on which see Kortlandt 2003: 76. The other
languages have a monosyllabic stem: either *h,ng’- (Lat. unguis, Olr. ingen [f.]) or
*h,nog'- (OHG nagal [m.] ‘nail’, BSL, eg. Lith. ndgas [m.] ‘nail, claw’). Ir. has a
voiceless aspirate, e.g. Skt. nakha- [m., n.] ‘id.’.
bvvé 2, -vxoc [m.] name of a precious stone, ‘onyx’ (Ctes., LXX). <?>
eCOMP oapd-évvs ‘sardonyx’ (Philem. Com., J.); cf. oapdtov.
eDER Ovbxtov [n.] ‘kind of onyx’ (Thphr., LXX), -toc [adj.] (Suid.),-ity¢ [m.], -itic
(Ai8oc) [f.] ‘onyx-like stone’ (Str., Dsc.), -tvog ‘made of onyx, onyx-colored’ (Hell.).
eETYM Perhaps identical with dvv& ‘nail’ because of its white glaze, like that of a
fingernail; alternatively, is it just a foreign word reshaped by folk etymology?
Untenable Semitic etymologies in Lewy 1895: 58.
ovupivetat [v.] - d50petau ‘laments’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Fur.: 356°° mentions this form after ivbpeto- gubpeto (H.).
dvewvic [f.] plantname, ‘restharrow, Ononis antiquorum’ (Thphr.); cf. Strémberg 1940:
61, 155. <PG(V)>
eVAR Also -ic.
*DER Ovwvitic [f.] ‘id.’ (Ps.-Dsc.).
*ETYM Fur.: 340f. compares avwvic (Dsc.), with variation a/ 0, thus it is probably a
Pre-Greek word.
dFaNic >avakupic.
d&epias [m.] name of a Sicilian cheese (Com. Adesp. 880 from Poll. 6, 48), acc. to H. =
tupdc daxpetog ‘useless cheese’. <?>
eETYM Formation like omiac (from 616c) ‘kind of cheese’, dBeAiac (from oBeddc)
‘kind of bread’, and other names of victuals; thus perhaps from *d€epdc (from d&tc)
like yAvkepdc (from yAvktc; Scheller MSS 6 (1955): 87). Acc. to Bolling Lang. 12
(1936): 220, it is incorrect for 6 Eepiac (from Eepdc, Enpdc) vel sim.; however, the
article to be assumed creates difficulties.
dgiva [f] - Epyadeiov tt yewpytkdv, ordnpoic yduqous éxov, EAKGpLevov TO Bowv ‘an
agricultural tool having iron teeth, drawn by cows’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Probably connected with the IE word for ‘harrow’ seen in Lat. occa, W oged,
OHG egida, Lith. akécios (also ek-), from IE *h,ok-et-h,-, although the Latin word is
unclear (see De Vaan 2008 s.v.). The Greek word was perhaps reshaped after d&c
and has an ending like d&ivn ‘axe’, but the latter has a long 1, while here the length is
unknown. Note that Pre-Greek has a suffix -v-.
6&o¢ [n.] ‘wine vinegar’ (IA). <PG?>
1088 ofba, -n
*COMP Ofo-mwAng [m.] ‘vendor of wine vinegar’ (Lib., Poll.), 0&-dApuy [f.] ‘broth
made of d&0¢ and GA’ (com.), kdt-of0¢ ‘drenched with wine vinegar’ (Posidipp.
Com.).
*DER 1. Substantives: diminutive o&idtov [n.] (pap.); d&ic, -iS0¢ [f] ‘vinegar flask’
(com., pap.); o&iving (oivoc) [m.] ‘sour wine’, also metaph. and as an epithet of men:
‘sour, ill-tempered’ (Hp., Ar. Thphr.), cf. e.g. keyxpivijs, éhagiving; d€anic, -id0¢ [f.]
‘sorrel, Rumex’ (Nic. Ps.-Dsc.) with d&GA-etoc ‘tartish’ (Apollod. Car.), to *6EaAoc;
d&nXic [f.] plant name (Theognost.).
2. Adjectives: 6§-1pdc ‘relating to wine vinegar, acetic’ (S., Ar., medic.), -wtdc ‘in salt’
(Ar. Fr. 130), -@6n¢ ‘like wine vinegar, sour’ (Gal.), -itic [f] ‘tasting like wine vinegar’
(PHolm.). 3. dki@w [v.] ‘to taste or smell like wine vinegar’ (medic.).
*ETYM From & of tc, like doc to ndvc, edpog to evpus, etc.
d&ba, -y [f] ‘beech, Fagus silvatica’ (Xanth., Thphr.), ‘spear shaft (made of beech
wood), spear’ (Archil., E.). <?>
VAR Secondarily o&éa, -eta (but cf. below).
DER 0&v-eIc ‘made of beechwood’, of éyxoc, Sdpv (I1.); hardly enlarged from d&vc,
as per Bechtel 1914: 55; 0€0-tvoc (-€ivoc) ‘id’ (Thphr., Delos III*).
eETYM On the variation o&va, -n, see Schwyzer: 189; late O€€a after itéa, jundéa, etc;
ofeia after the adjective.
Probably identical with the old IE word for ‘ash’, which got the meaning ‘beech’ in
Albanian as well (cf. on » @nydc). The Albanian, Armenian, and Germanic forms
come closest to Greek: Alb. ah (from *ask- or *osk-), Arm. haci (from *askiio-?), ON
askr, OHG asc (PGm. *aska-, *aski-). The suggestion that o&0n was reshaped after
dfbc is not strong, and the assumption of an old metathesis like in ftv, etc. is
untenable (Sanchez Ruipérez Emerita 15 (1947): 67).
The other languages have a deviating stem formation: eg., Lith. tosis, Ru. jdsen’ <
PIE *Heh,s- (see Derksen 2008 s.v. *dsenv). Other European forms have a short
initial vowel, e.g. Lat. ornus [f.] ‘mountain-ash’ (if from *os-Vn-o-), Olr. uinnius [m.]
‘ash-tree’ < *osno-, and also the Gm., Arm., and Alb. forms mentioned above. This
may be taken to point to ablaut *Heh,-s- / *Hh,-es-.
The IE character of these words is far from sure, despite the tradition to compare
them. The forms are unclear. The vocalic variation in Greek, which is not sufficiently
explained by assuming the intervention of an adjective, may in principle also point
to a Pre-Greek word. The word > ayepwic is unrelated. Witczak Linguistica Baltica 1
(1992): 201-211 connects Arm. hac‘ii ‘ash’ with axtéa, while he connects » d&ba with
Arm. usi and hoSi.
d&byytov [n.] ‘lard’ (Dsc., Orib.). «LW Lat.?>
VAR Also dEovyyia = Lat. axungia, aovyyiov, Lat. oxingion (gloss.).
*ETYM Borrowed from Lat. axungia. Fur.: 341 thinks that it is rather a loan, not a
native Latin word.
dévpeypia [f.] ‘sour eructation of the stomach’. <GR>
eVAR Also -in.
*COMP d€upeyuut-WSn¢, -dw (medic.), kpopyrv-ofvpeypiia (Ar. Pax 529).
©
OmlEaG 1089
*ETYM A compound of d&tc and épvyidg with a suffix -ia-, so from *d&v-epvytt-ta
with dissimilatory interchange of the vowels; cf. Stromberg 1944: 99.
d&vc [adj.] ‘sharp, stinging’; ‘sour, tartish’ (of taste), ‘shrill, loud’ (of the voice), ‘fierce,
acute, rapid’, of emotion and movement (Il.). <?> ;
*COMP Very often as a first member, also with prefix, eg. d1t-ofvc ‘pointed’ (Hp.,
Dsc., Gal.), with back-formation from am-ofbvw.
*DER > b€oc¢ [n.] ‘wine vinegar’; d&btI¢, -1)To< [f.] ‘sharpness, sourness, acuteness’,
gramm. ‘high-tonedness’ (IA); d&0c, -bdo¢ [f.] “dock, Rumex’ (Plin., Gal.), cf. epvc,
Kpokvc.
Denominative verbs: 1. 6§0vw ‘to sharpen, whet, sour, heat’ (IA), also with prefix
(especially nap-), whence d€vvtpa [n.pl.] ‘wages for sharpening tools’ (Hell. inscr.),
dFvoptata [n.pl.] ‘whetting, sharpening’ (Delos III*), ttapo&vojtd¢ [m.] ‘irritation,
embitterment’ (Hp., D.), -vtikég ‘enlivening, irritating, embittering’ (IA), -vtat [p].]
(H,; d&bvtng¢ Hdn. 1, 77, 25). 2. €ow ‘to sharpen’ (inscr. Delos), cf. Hellmann 1992:
67.
eETYM Without correspondences outside Greek. It has been compared with » dxpic,
which is an o-grade of the root of » dkpoc, but there are no further examples for u-
stem adjectives with o-vocalism. Alternatively, Narten 1986 reconstructs a root *h,ks-
on the strength of the comparison with Skt. aksnoti ‘to mark the ear’, but this is
doubtful. See » d&iva.
oratw [v.] ‘to chase, oppress; to make follow, give as a companion, provide with,
grant’, med. ‘to take as a companion’ (II.). <?>
eVAR Aor. Omdo(o)au, -acBat, fut. dtd0(o)w.
eCOMP Rarely with kata-, ttepl-, émt-.
*ETYM From & értojtat (with epic Ionic psilosis), best taken as an iterative-intensive or
causative with secondary dental inflection (*omdw : 6md(w). Derivation from a noun
(*o7td¢, *O7t1)) is possible as well; see on » O1dwv, and cf. also » d71nSdc.
OTMAAdiog ‘opal’ = Lat. opalus (late).
*ETYM See E-M.
énatpog [adj.] Probably ‘of the same paternal descent’ (A 257, M 371). <GR>
*ETYM From copulative »6 1 and mdtpy ‘paternal descent’ (see »matrjp).
Wackernagel 1955(1): 491ff, however, thinks it is Aeolic for 6-mdtptog (Lyc. 452)
‘having the same father’, which is certainly possible.
énawv, -ovog [m.] fellow, companion’ (Il.). <GR, IE *sek”- ‘follow’>
VAR O7téwv, -wvoc (Hdt.).
*DIAL Myc. PN 0-qa-wo-ni /"ok”awoni/ (Lejeune 1964: 87, Ruijgh 1967a: 256").
eETYM The form *domd-fwv “belonging to the retinue’ is derived from *ond [f]
‘followers, retinue’, a verbal noun from pm énopiat. The psilosis is also found in
> omdtw. Cf. synonymous kolvov, -dv < -dwv. See Ruijgh Minos 9 (1968): 109-155.
6meag [n.] ‘awl’ (Poll. 10, 141). <GR, IE *h,ek”- ‘see’>
1090 om
eVAR Also v.l. -eap; dat.sg. bnéatt (Hdt. 4, 70); bréata: onrtia (H., brea- ta dic Oa
cod...
*DER Diminutives Omrjt-tov [n.] (Hp., LXX; bz- in gloss.), -idiov [n.] (Poll. 7, 83);
unclear Nicoch. 9.
*ETYM Vine Glotta 72 (1994): 31-40 rejects Schwyzer’s interpretation and assumes a
stem in -ur/n-, also from *opa- ‘hole’; this gives a substantive *opd-ur / *opa-unt-.
The word would properly mean ‘hole-making thing’ = ‘awl’, rather than ‘provided
with an eye’. The nominative would then yield émeap, and was replaced by dmteac.
The form *Omnat- > *omedt- gives omnt- by contraction. Vine adds a discussion of
Myc. o-pa-wo-ta, ultimately rejecting the derivation from om.
The form with br- remains difficult; folk etymology was assumed, e.g. by Frisk, and
dialectal origin (cf. Aeol. bricow = dmicow) may also be considered.
énm [f.] ‘light opening, hatch, hole, hollow’ (Ar. Arist.), ‘sight’ (Cerc. 4, 23; beside
dkovd). IE *h,ek”- ‘see’>
eVAR Dor. -a.
*COMP As a second member in ote(t)v-widc ‘with a narrow opening, narrow’ (Il.),
moAv-w1dc ‘having many holes, mesh’ (x 386, etc.), w analogical or metrical; also in
> évoral, > Wet, etc; further also in »avéraia?
*DER Omtatog ‘having an opening’, of a tile (Diph. Com., Poll.), émaiov [n.] ‘skylight,
chimney-flue’ (Att. inscr., Plu.), cf. Bérard REGr.67 (1954): 4; O7mjetc ‘having a hole’,
of digpoc (Hp.).
eETYM If it is a verbal abstract from o7- ‘see’, om1 must originally have meant ‘sight’
(thus as an incidental poetic formation in Cerc; see above), whence ‘that through
which one sees’. It can, however, also be an extension from a root noun, thus an
agent or instrument noun in origin. See > 6upa.
67156¢ [m.] ‘attendant, companion’ (h. Merc. 450, late prose). <GR>
VAR Dor. (also trag., etc.) d7taddc.
*DER Onndéw, d7tadéw [v.] ‘to attend, accompany’ (Il.), -ebw (A. R.) with onddnotc
[f.] ‘attendance’ (Criton apud Stob.), omndntip: otvodoc, axdAov8oc ‘fellow,
companion’ (H.).
*ETYM On ondwyv, dmaddc in tragedy, see Bjérck 1950: 109f. Since émnddc can hardly
be separated from synonymous émdwv, an analysis omn-dd¢ (dm-1)5d0c?) has been
considered. Such a formation is unknown, however, especially for an agent noun
(but several in -rndmv do exist). Meier-Briigger Glotta 69 (1991): 171f. therefore
derives the word from an adverb *omnSov ‘in company’; the substantive would have
been derived from the verb omndéw.
The connection with Hitt. hapati- ‘servant, etc.’ must be abandoned (see Tischler
1983ff.: 163f.).
oninetw [v.] ‘to look after something, stare or peek at someone’ (II.). <IE *opi-h,k”-
‘look at’>
eVAR Aor. Ontmetdoat; the pres. Omuttebw arose after OmTEtW.
eCOMP As a second member map8ev-ontra [voc.] “one who stares at maidens’ (A
385), after which naid-oninat [pl.] (Ath.), etc.
OmAt| 1091
*DER Omumevttp, -fpoc [m.] ‘sbd. who stares’ (Man. Nonn.), ommna@ é€anata
‘deceives’ (H.).
eETYM Because of the strong productivity of the verbs in -etw, several nominal stems
can be considered as a basis. A verbal noun *omimn, like Onwar and > évinn, is most
likely; thence the denominative omma@ and the second member -onina in
compounds. The stem consists of a preverb om- (see » dmo8ev) and the zero grade
of *h,ek”-, giving *o pi-h,k”- > Ontr-.
énic [f.] ‘revenge, punishment, retribution of the gods’ (Hom., Hes.), ‘help, assistance
from the gods’ (Pi. P. 8, 71); ‘awe, obedience, solicitude’ (Hdt., Pi, Mosch.). IE
*h,ek”- ‘see’>
eVAR Acc. -tv, -t6a; dat. -t.
*DER O7tiCopat ‘to awe, fear, shy’ (Il.), also with ém-, post-Hom. ‘to worry about’, e.g.
omiddopat (Lacon. epigram), late aor. wricato (Q. S.); dmdvdc [adj.] ‘awesome’ (A.
R. 2, 292), rather verbal than nominal, cf. Chantraine 1933: 193 and 195. PN Ant-
omits, Onitns [m.] (A 420 and 301).
*ETYM The connection with on- in dyouat, etc. can hardly be rejected. This implies
an older meaning ‘sight, look, glance’, whence ‘animadversion, punishment’ on the
one hand, ‘consideration, respect, reverence’ on the other. The development of
meaning of the noun was partly influenced by omiGopat. Cf. on » évimt.
émo0ev [adv., prep.] ‘(from) behind, at the back, after(wardsy (II.). <IE *h,epi, *h,opi
“close upon, at, behind’>
VAR Also -e (Ion. poet.); 6mOe(v) (II.).
*COMP Many compounds like émto86-dop10¢ [m.] ‘backmost hall of the temple of
Athena’ (Att.); on omo8évap see > 8Evap. As a second member in pet-dm0Be(v)
‘behind, after’ (I1.), etc.
*DER Omic8-to¢ (IA), -idtog (Sophr., Call, AP) ‘situated in the back’ grades of
comparison oniotatoc (© 342, A 178), instead of *énic8-atoc(?), and thence -tepoc
(Arat., Nonn.) beside dmto86-tepog (Arat.). Further omio(o)w (Il.), Aeol. tricoow
(Sapph.) ‘backwards, afterwards’ with omow-tatoc (Hell.); é&-oniow ‘id, (I1.), etc.
eETYM The old adverb/preposition ém (Myc. o-pr’) is retained in dm-Oev. Later,
émio8ev was formed from this after mpdo-Oev and domio(o)w. The latter stands for
*opi-tio-; cf. on elow s.v. » eic for the suffix. For connections outside Greek, see on
> émi; the o-grade is also found in Lat. ob, etc.
omttiwv [m.] a plant with a bulb, perhaps ‘Bunium ferulaceum’ (Thphr.). <PG(v)>
eETYM Fur.: 240 compares ovttov ‘an Egyptian truffle’; otitov 16 b7¢ éviwv oitdv
(H.) beside itov a Thracian mushroom (Ath. 2, 62a vl. oitév; iton Plin.), which he
analyses as pointing to (6)fttov. He further connects tdvov, ofdva. The variations
point to a Pre-Greek word.
omAy [f.] ‘the unsplit hoof of a horse’ (A 536 = Y 501), ‘the split hoof of oxen, cattle’ (h.
Merc., Hes., Pi, IA). <?> ;
DER O7mtAr-elc ‘with hooves’ (Poeta apud D. Chr. 32, 85).
1092 omAlac
eETYM Unexplained. The formally obvious connection with ém\ov is semantically
hard to explain. Connection with amAn ‘simple’, with *sy7- > 6-, could be envisaged,
although the conditions of this development would remain unclear.
émXiag [?] - Aoxpoi tods tém0Vvg év ofc ovveAatbvovtes dpBLodot TA MPdBata Kal TA
Booknpata ‘the Locrians thus call the places where they drive together their catlle
and count it’ (H.). <?>
eETYM The thesaurus suggests that in these places many traces of hoofs were seen;
hardly the correct solution.
6mAov [n.] ‘implement, tool, instrument, marine instruments’, notably ‘tackle, (heavy)
weapons’ (II.). <IE *sep- ‘care, prepare’, *sop-lo® ‘instrument’>
eVAR Mostly dmAa [pL].
*COMP OmAo-"dx-o¢ ‘who fights with heavy weapons’, -éw, -ia (Att.). év-omAoc
‘under arms, armed’ (Tyrt., S., E.), enlarged év-6mAtog ‘id.’, also substantivized (scil.
pvOLdc) as the name of a military rhythm (Pi.); on » bmépoTtAo<, see s.v.
*DER 1. Diminutive omAdptov (Hell.). 2.“OmAn-teg [pl.], gen. OnAnPwv name of one
of the four oldest Ionian phylai (Hdt., Milete); -0- after mAn8oc, or by transfer of
aspiration? 3. OmAi-ty¢ Dor. -tac [m.] ‘heavily armed (warrior)’ i.e. ‘hoplite’ (Pi., IA),
fem. -t1c (Poll.), together with -ttk6c, -tevu, -teia (Att.). 4. OmA-1Kdg ‘pertaining to
arms’ (Vett. Val.). 5. OmAevc [m.] PN (Hes. Sc.). 6. OnAd-cutog [m.] epithet of Zeus
in Arcadia (Arist. inscr. III*), -ojtia [f.] epithet of Hera in Elis, etc. (Lyc.), -dpiia [f.]
name of a phyle in Mantinea (IV*); formation unclear. 7. » émAiac: Aokpol tov
Tonovs, év cig ovvehabvovtes apiOpyodor Ta mpdPata Kai Ta BooKrpata (H.) is
unclear. 8. » OmAGTEpos. 9. Denominative verbs: a) OmAéw = Om1AiCw only in dmrEov ¢
73; b) OmAifw, -opci ‘to prepare’, of food and drinks, etc. (Hom.), ‘to arm, equip
(oneselfy (IL.), aor. dmAio(o)at, -acBat, -oOijvau, late perf. dntAua, often with prefix,
eg. &&-, ép-, kaO-. Thence émA-totc [f.], -toptd¢ [m.] ‘arming, armament, equipment,
equipage’ (Att.), -topia [n.] ‘arm(sy (E., Pl.), e€ormdto-ia [f] ‘equipment, position,
muster, (military) review (X., Ain. Tact, etc.), also €onhaoia [f.] ‘id’ (Arist. inscr.),
probably after Soxyiacia, yuptvacia, etc; dmAto'tH¢, Dor. -ta¢ [m.] ‘armed warrior’,
also attributive (Vett. Val. AP). c) émAe-o8at ‘to prepare’, of deimvov (T 172, Y 159),
formation after the thematic root-presents (Schwyzer: 722f.), if not simply a mistake
of the tradition for 6mAeioB8at, as per Solmsen 1901: 90. On the use of 6mAov and
derivatives in Hom. see Triimpy 1950: 81ff.
*ETYM Greek formation with suffix -A- and o-grade (Chantraine 1933: 240), from the
inherited root of » €mw ‘to care for, perpetrate’.
OTAGTEPOG, -tatos [adj.] ‘junior, youngest’ always of persons, also applied to women
(IL). < GR>
*ETYM Oppositional formation in -tepoc, like kovpdtepoc, aypdtepoc, and
opéotepoc. According to a remarkable interpretation from antiquity, it properly
means ‘able to wear arms, sturdy’, as opposed to the yépovtec. Extensive
argumentation in Bechtel 1914 s.v.; cf. also Barone Boll. fil. class. 13 (1906-1907): 283.
ONOKAPTAGOV —KapTAcoOV.
Omtid(A oc 1093
o76¢ [m.] ‘plant juice’, especially ‘juice of the fig-tree used to curdle milk, fig curd’ (E
902). <IE *sok”o- ‘juice, resin’>
*COMP Some compounds like moAv-omtog ‘juicy’, dm0-BdAoapiov [n.] ‘the juice of a
balm’ (Thphr.) for om0¢ Badcduog (alternative.explanation by Risch IF 59 (1949):
287), likewise Om0-kdapraGov (Plin.), -kaAmacov (Gal.), see Thiselton-Dyer Journal of
Phil. 34 (1915): 305ff.
*DER 1. Smtov [n.] ‘poppy juice, opium’ (Diocl. Fr. 94), with dmikdc ‘made of opium’
(pap. II-III’); 2. dmiac (tvpdc) [m.] ‘cheese made of milk, curdled with fig juice’ (E.,
Ar.); 3. onwdn¢ (Hp. Arist.), Omdeig (Nic) ‘juicy’; 4. as a TN Onoic (< -detc),
-odvtoc [m.] capital of the eastern Locrians (II, inscr.) with Omo(6)vttot [m.pl.],
honovtiwv [gen.] (Th. inscr.); on the phonetics see Schwyzer: 253; also a HN, see
Krahe Beitr. z. Namenforsch. 2 (1950-1951): 233; 5. OmiGw ‘to press out the juice, curdle
with dn6¢ (Arist, Thphr.), also with é&-; thence omoptd¢ [m.] ‘pressing out of juice’
(Thphr,, Hell. pap.), dopa [n.] ‘pressed-out juice’ (Dsc.).
eETYM The form émdc, with Ionic psilosis for *omdc (cf. honovtiwv), matches with a
Balto-Slavic word for ‘plant juice, etc.’, e.g. OCS soko ‘juice’, Lith. sakai [pl.] ‘resin’ <
IE *sok”o-. A by-form with initial *sy- is Lith. svekas, Latv. svakas, sveki ‘resin,
rubber’. Perhaps Alb. gjak ‘blood’ is also related (Demiraj 1997 s.v.). Lat. sicus,
probably from *souko- or *seuko-, is clearly deviant.
OnTaCoOLLaL, OTTAVOLLAL, OMTdG =SnwTA, dove.
ontdw [v.] ‘to fry, roast, bake’ (Od.). <PG?(v)>
eVAR Ontevpievoc (Theoc.), aor. ontijoat (IL.), omtnOAva (Od.), perf. @ntHKa, -nLLL
(Euphro or Ar.), fut. émtrooptat (Luc.).
*COMP Also with prefix, e.g. ém-, €&-, Kat-, Map-.
*DER Omtnotc¢ [f.] ‘frying’ (Milete V*, Hp., Arist.), with omtrottog ‘fit for frying’
(Eub.), omt-nteipa [f.] epithet of Kdpuvocg (Call.), -ntjpia (H. as an explanation of
@yd, alphabetically wrong, so very doubtful); also émtevtip [m.] ‘smith’, of
Hephaistos (Coluth. 54 V-VI?) as if from *ontebu; cf. kajuvevtip, etc. As a second
member in yaotp-éntn¢, fem. -dmtic ‘sausage fryer’ (Delos IV-III*). Backformation
é-ontoc ‘well-done’ (Hp.), from é-ontdw (IA). Further ontdc ‘fried, roasted,
baked’ (Od.); with omt-ahéog ‘fried, roasted’ (Hom., Ath.), enlarged from éntéc after
abahéog, etc. dmtavds ‘fried, fit for frying’ (com., Arist.), formed like éwavéc with
related mg. From ontavoéc further émtdv-tov ‘kitchen’ (com., inscr.), -tkdg ‘fit for
frying’ (pap. III?), -evc¢ [m.] ‘kitchen master’ (pap.) with -etov (-rlov) ‘kitchen’ (Plu.,
Luc. Hdn. Gr.); omtavaptoc: assator, coctarius (gloss.). Formally isolated is omtacia
[f.] ‘roasting, kiln’ vel sim. (PHolm. 9, 39 50c sic Ontaciav ontaoBat), probably to
ontaw after Beppacia vel sim.
*ETYM As to its formation, omtdw is a verb in -tdaw like dptaw, poitaw, odTdaw, etc. It
is commonly assumed that the verbal adjective omtéc (or rather ta Omté&) forms its
basis. Etymology unclear. Fur.: 263 compares dyov ‘any cooked dish’ as a variant,
which seems a good possibility; the variation is Pre-Greek.
ontiA(A)ocg >dqBartLdc.
1094 OTTVIW
orviw [v.] ‘to marry, take as a wife’, late also ‘to have sexual intercourse with’, pass. ‘to
get married’, of women (II., also Cret. and late prose). On the mg. see Ruijgh 1957:
107f. (against Leumann 1950: 284). <PG?>
eVAR Also énvw (Arist., Cerc., Moer.), fut. mbow (Ar. Ach. 255).
*DER Onvotuc [f.] ‘marriage’ (Cret.), with analogical -o-; from the present stem
ortuintat [pl.] ‘spouses’ (Herod.). dmvddat: yeyatiyKdtec ‘married women’ (H.); aor.
subj. pass. omvacOapte8a (Lyr. Alex. Adesp. 1, 52) as if from *omvd{optat.
*ETYM Hitt. ha pus- ‘penis’ is not related: it was cited in this form and compared with
oitviw by Watkins 1982, but actually has a quite different form hapusa(ss)-, and also a
different meaning, viz. ‘shaft, shin-bone’; see Kloekhorst 2008 s.v. for details. The old
comparison with Etr. puia ‘wife’ (Hammarsttém Glotta 11 (1921): 212) is tempting; if
correct, it is probably a Pre-Greek Mediterranean word.
dnwra [v.perf.] ‘to watch, observe, view, contemplate’ (IL.). <1E *h,ek"- ‘see’>
°VAR Innovated ipf. énmneov (Orph.) and aor. énwmjoao8at (Euph.). Further fut.
Sopa (Il.), which like the following forms often occurs with prefixes like dn-,
en(t)-; kat-, mpo-, b1-, bmep-: aor. pass. dpOFva (IA) with fut. OpOroopal, perf. med.
WUpat (Att.). As a suppletive present to énwra, » Opdw is used.
*DER omtwrt-1} [f.] “observation, view, eyeball’, plur. ‘eyes’ (Od. A. R.), -1ytHp [m.]
‘scout’ (h. Merc. 15), -ta [n.pl.] (scil. dotéa) ‘the bones of the eyes’ (Hp.). Derivatives:
1. verbal adjective 6mtéc (Luc. Lex. 9, Ath.), earlier and more common as a
derivation from prefixed verbs, e.g. bi-, dmt-, Kat-, 11pd-onto¢ (stpobmtoc); thence
v1-, dn-, Kat-o7tt-ebw, dmoy-ia, etc; 2. agent and instrument nouns: a) ém-, KaT- (h.
Merc. 372), bnep-, dt-Ontng, etc., also ét-, Kat-, dmtep-, St-ont-evw (K 451), dtontrip
(K 562); thence the simplex émtebw (Ar. Av. 1061); b) éntrp [m.] ‘scout’ (Od.), also
with 61-, én-, kat-; thence ontrp-a [n-pl.] ‘gifts upon seeing a person’ (E., Call.); c)
di-, elo-, Ev-, Kat-ontpov [n.] (Alc., Pi, A.) with derivatives; 3, Adjectives: ént-tkéc¢
‘ptng. to sight’, -u«r [f] ‘optics’ (Arist.), older (P1.) ovv-, én-, b7tep-ontiKkdc. 4. Action
noun: dw [f.], gen. dmdc ‘eye, face, look’ (Emp. 88, Antim. 65), more frequent as a
second member, eg. oiv-ow ‘wine-colored’ (Hom.); dyic (én-, mpd0-, obv-) [f.]
‘sight, vision, view, appearance’ (II.); 5yavov [n.] ‘appearance’ (A. Ch. 534). 5. For
ontik(A)og [m.], see on >» d@OaAtdc. 6. Verbs: Omt-avopiat (LXX, Hell.), -alopat
(LXX) ‘to appear, become visible’, probably after aic®dvoc and abyda%optay;
éntaivw (Eust.), like nantaivw, etc.
*ETYM The verbal root is also found in Y AV. ai Bii-AxSaiia- ‘to watch over’ < *h,ek"-s-
(other interpretations in LIV? s.v. *h,ek”-) and in Skt. iksate ‘to perceive’ < *h,i-h,k”-
s-, which (like the Greek future) are originally desideratives. The root is also
contained in > dmc, » doce, > Stttia, and > dy.
Onwpa [f.] ‘end of the summer, beginning of autumn’ (1l.), ‘harvest, fruit’ (post-
Hom.), cf. on Oépog s.v. » Gépopat. <IE *h,opi ‘at, on’ + *hos-r/n- ‘harvest-time,
summer’>
*VAR Ion. -1. Also dtwpa; Lac. (Alcm.) émdpa (see below).
*COMP As a first member eg. in dnwpo-@bAak [m.] ‘fruit watcher, garden watcher’
(Arist.).
oOpaw 1095
*DER 1. O1twp-tvdc ‘belonging to on. (I1.); 2. ta Omtwp-tata [n.pl.] ‘fruits’ (Thphr.); 3.
-toc ‘fructiferous’ (Anon. apud Suid.), after kapmutog; 4. -tpeioc ‘of fruit, belonging
to fruit? (PLond.; uncertain); 5. -1xdc ‘belonging to 671’, also name of a medicine
against dysentery (Plin., Gp.); 6. Omwpevc [m.] epithet of Zeus in Akraiphia (inscr.);
hortopic [f.] PN (Lacon. or Mess. inscr.), Hopora [f.] PN (Lat. inscr.). 7. émwpdptov =
pomarium (gloss.). 8 Denominative verb onwp-ifw ‘to reap (fruit), harvest in
autumn’ (IA) with -topdc [m.] ‘vintage’ (Aq.). Hypostasis pet-ditwpov (t1e0-) ‘what
comes after d7twpa’, pOiv-d7twpov ‘when the on. ends’, ‘(late) autumn’ (IA), a verbal
governing compound with them. enlargement. Thence pet-, pOtv-omwp-tvdc (IA),
etc.
eETYM The aspiration is not original and must have been taken from a word with
closely related meaning, e.g. dpa. The form is a contraction from *op-ohara, yielding
Lacon. ondpa; it consists of the preposition dm- (see on >» mt and » émioO_ev) and a
heteroclitic neuter *ohar < *h,os-r. The Greek word properly means ‘the time
following summer’. The oblique form *h,os-n- is continued in Balto-Slavic and
Germanic as an n-stem, e.g. CS jesenv, Ru. dsen’ [f.] ‘autumn’, Go. asans [f.] ‘harvest,
summer’, OHG aran, MoHG Ernte ‘harvest’.
Opavyéopat [v.] ‘to inspect closely’ (Aesar. apud Stob. 1, 49, 27). <GR>
eETYM Verbal dvandva-compound from opdaw and avyéopat; cf. Wahrmann Glotta
19 (1931): 178. On the topic in general, see Schwyzer: 645.
Opaw [v.] ‘to look, perceive, contemplate, see’ (Il.). IE *uer- ‘observe, note’>
eVAR Ion. also dpéw (Hdt.), also épnat (& 343), Opto (A 56 and 198 acc. to
Zenodotus, uncertain accent), dpfjc; -1, -f1v (Hp., Democr., Herod.), Aeol. dprpu
(Sapph.), dpr (Theoc.); ipf. ewpwv (Att.), epic 3sg. dpa, Ion. dpa (Hdt.), etc. present
also épovtat (& 104) with -vto (y 471), dpet- pvAdooe ‘guards, watches’ (H.);
innovated perf. act. é6paka (Att. also éwp-), Ion. dpwenka and wprka (Herod.),
Dor. ptc. @paxvia (Epid.), med. ewpapat (late Att.), aor. pass. opabrjvat (Arist., D.
S.), plpf. also épwpet ('Y 112).
*COMP Highly frequent with prefix, eg. é@- (ém-), kaO- (Kat-), Map-, 1po-, OVV-,
bmep-.
eDER Almost all derivatives are Hell. and late, as opposed to the older ones which
derive from primary om- (see > dmwia) and from > ideiv: 1. 6patdc ‘visible’ (Hp., Pl.),
mpo-opatécg ‘which can be foreseen’ (X. Cyr. 1, 6, 23) as against mpd-omtoc
(atpobrtoc) ‘foreseen, apparent’ (IA); 2. dpaya [n.] ‘sight, spectacle, appearance’ (X.,
Arist. LXX), also map- (Hell. and late), with opaytatiGopa (Aq.) against > dtuyta,
> cidoc; 3. Spaote [f.], also with mpo-, nmap-, bmEp-, etc., ‘sight, face, look, apparition’,
plur. also ‘eyes’ (Demad., Arist, Men.) as opposed to dytc; bpdpactc ‘suspicion’
(Plb.) for older browia; 4. dpatijc [m.] ‘viewer’ (LXX, Plu.) against dmtip ‘scout’;
opatip (H. as an explanation of dmtrp); 5. Opatikdc ‘able to see, provided with sight’
(Arist. Ph.), with ég- ‘fit for oversight’ (X.), as against énomtixdc ‘belonging to the
éndntis (Pl.). 6. opatitw [v.] ‘to catch sight of, aim for’ (medic. IV"). 7. See » obpoc
[m.] ‘watcher’ and > énioupoc. :
1096 opyatw
eETYM The ipf. éopwv < *1-FOpwv, with aspiration after dpa, and the perf. édpaka <
*re-ropaka, also éwp- after the ipf., seem to point to an original f-, which has left a
trace neither in Homer nor epigraphically, and is also absent in Myc. o-ro-me-no. It
remains uncertain whether the rough breathing is connected with the older F-.
The presentic forms, from which all non-presentic forms are derived, including the
verbal nouns, seem to require three different stems: 1. Fopd- in Opd-w, whence
perhaps regularly Ion. dpéw; 2. Fopn- in Aeol. dpryut, dpn; epic dpnat, etc. (see
above); 3. Fop- in 6povtat, -vto, Spet.
Original *word-ie/o- can be either an iterative-intensive deverbative of the type
Totdopat, which fits the meaning well, or be explained as a denominative from a
feminine *word, as found in gpoupa < *npdzhopa < *npo-fopa, and in Germanic,
eg. OHG wara [f.] ‘attentiveness’, wara neman ‘observe, ToA war, ToB were
‘flavor’. The Germanic and Tocharian words are usually reconstructed as verbal
nouns *uor-eh,-, *uor-o-, respectively, but Hackstein 2002: 123-131 reconstructs the
root as *suerh,-, and connects it with » gpvpat.
More difficult to judge, however, are Aeolic (F)6pryut and other seemingly athematic
verbal forms. The forms opiic, -fj, -fjv may have been transformed from this by
thematization. One may compare Lat. veréri ‘to venerate’, though it has an ablauting
stem vowel.
The primary thematic formation d6povtat, -vto, to which perhaps also belongs dpe
(H.), is built on the root. It is attested in the formulaic expression émi & avépec
éoOAoi dpovtat (-vto), and modified in the plpf. émi 8 avijp éo8Adc dpwpet. The o-
vocalism is remarkable, though analogous cases can be found, e.g. 680pa1, otyopat.
From the primary verb are derived both *mpo-fop-d in » ppovpd (see above) and
*-ropdc ‘guardian’, a form which occurs only as a second member in compounds,
eg. Oup-, Tiu-wpdc, KnTovpdc from Bvpa-, TyuLaA-, KrMO-FOp-dc. Formally, we may
compare Germanic adjectives like OS war ‘attentive, cautious, aware’, OHG giwar
‘id’.
Further instances of a root *uer- include Latv. veruds, vértiés ‘to inspect, observe’,
ToA war, ToB war-sk- ‘to smell’.
See P odpos 2, » dpa.
opyatw [v.] ‘to soften, mold, tan’. =édpyn.
é6pyavov [n.] ‘implement, tool, instrument, sense organ, organ’ (Hp., Ctes., Att.,
Arist.). <1E *uerg- ‘work’>
*COMP Few compounds, e.g. dpyavo-notdg [m.] ‘instrument maker’ (D. S.).
*DER Diminutive opyav-tov (AP, M. Ant.), -uxdc ‘instrumental, operative, practical’
(Arist.), -it1)¢ [m.] ‘engineer’ (pap. IVP), -tot1\¢ [m.] ‘engineer of waterworks’ (pap.
II’), unattested *dpyavitw, but d-, Kat-opyaviCw (AP, Alchem.); dpyavaptoc =
fistularius (gloss.); 6pyav-6opat ‘to be organized, be provided with organs’ (S. E.,
Iamb.), also with 61-, whence (61-)opydv-wotc [f.] ‘organisation’ (Iamb.). Opyavn [f.]
epithet of Athena (Thasos V’, Athens), cf.’Epyavn; as an adjective 6pydava “operative,
formative’, of xeip (E. Andr. 1014, not quite certain).
Spyta 1097
*ETYM Formation like Eéavov (from Eéw, -ooc), dxavov (from éxw, dyoc, -oxoc),
TAdKavov (from TAEKW, MASKOS), OpKavy (from dpKoc, ~pKoc), etc. (Chantraine 1933:
198, Schwyzer: 489f.); similarly, 6pyavov stands beside -opydc, dpy.a, Zopya, Epyov.
It is unclear whether it was derived directly from the verb or from -opydc or épyov.
See » Epyov and m épdw.
opyas, -450¢ [f.]=dpyi, Opydaw.
OpyEewv, -@voc [m.]=dpyia.
épyi1 [f.] ‘psychical drive, propensity, character, (strong) emotion, passion, wrath’ (h.
Cer. 205, Hes. Op. 304); on the mg. see Marg 1938: 13f., cf. Diller Gnomon 15 (1939):
597. <IE *uerg- ‘swell of juice, strength, anger’>
ecomp As a second member in dv-, dvo-, et-opyoc (Cratin., S.), analogically
enlarged in av-, 5vo-, eb-6pyntos (Hp. Gorg., Th., cf. Gvoog : avontos; etc.), with
-noia [f.] (Hp., E.); transformed into an s-stem, e.g. nept-opyijc (Th.).
*DER Opy-tAog ‘irascible’ (Hp., X, D., Arist.) with -tAétng¢ [f.] (Arist., Plu.).
The verb dpydw ‘to bristle, swell with nourishing liquids and juice’ (of the earth and
of fruits), ‘to bristle with, be full of lust and desire’ (of men), ‘to desire strongly’ (IA),
rarely with é&-, etc., is probably a denominative, and mostly presentic. Thence: 1.
back-formation vé-opyoc ‘freshened’, of yf (Thphr.); 2. &6pynots [f.] ‘stong desire’
(Herm. in Phdr.); 3. opyntbs: opyh (HL); 4. Opyaopoc [f.] ‘orgasm’ (sch. Hp.), after
OTIAGLLOG, etc.
From épyt in the sense ‘wrath’: 1. dpyiopat [v.] ‘to be angry’, also -i(w ‘to make
angry’, also with prefix, e.g. ovv-, di-, €&-, map-, mept-, (Att.), with napopy-topdc [m.],
-tou.a [n.] ‘provocation, wrath’ (LXX, Ep. Eph.); 2. opyaivw [v.] ‘to make wrathful, be
wrathful’ (S., E.).
From épydw (if not from dpyi or an older root-noun, see below) also opyac, -a50¢
[f.] luxuriously fertile’, of earth, marshes (Att.).
*ETYM Opyr) has a direct correspondence in Skt. arja [f.] ‘nourishment, strength’, but
the latter is an enlargement of older iirj- ‘id’, and the formal identity of opyf and
lirja is secondary. At first sight, the Skt. form seems to require *urHg-, but the same
problem occurs in Skt. ardhvd- beside op86c, and there is yet no definite solution for
this.
Semantically, arj(a) fits much better with opyaw, which preserved the original
concrete meaning. The transference to the psychological sphere in dpyn is found in
Olr. ferc [f.] ‘rage’ < IE *uerg-h,-.
For semantic influence of tpyov on dpyr (S. Ant. 355) and dépyac, etc. see Tovar
Emerita 10 (1942): 228ff.
opyr 2 [f.] a difficult word in Herond. IV 46; perhaps an adjective opposed to
BéBrjAoc, Cf. V. Schmidt 1968: 109-114, who thinks that the underlying substantive is
yvvi rather than yf it could mean ‘initiated’ and belong to dpyla. <?>
eETYM Uncertain.
6pyta [n.pl.] ‘secret religious customs, sacred secret service’ (IA). <?>
eVAR Rarely -tov [sg.].
1098 opyvia
DER Opytdc, -ddoc [f.] ‘belonging to 6., orgiastic’ (Man.), opytatw ‘to celebrate 6., to
initiate into the 6. (E, Pl. Ph.), also with é&-, ovv-, etc. with dpytao-ud¢ [m.]
‘celebration of the 6.’, -trj¢ [m.] ‘participant in the 6.’ (Str., Plu.); -tuxdc¢ ‘orgiastic,
passionate’ (Arist.).
Opyewv, also -(e)1wWv, -@voc [m.] ‘member of a religious brotherhood’ (h. Ap. 389,
Att.), with opyewvikdc (inscr.), from épyta with suppression of -ta after other nouns
in -ewv (see on this topic Chantraine 1933: 163f., Schwyzer: 521); positing a pre-form
*dpyoc is unnecessary.
*ETYM Traditionally interpreted as a derivative from the root of épyov, pdw, with o-
vocalism like in » épyavov, etc. Alternatively, is it related to opyn and dpydaw?
Chantraine 1933: 55 considers foreign origin Because of the meaning. On history and
meaning of dpyta, see van den Burg 1939.
6pyvta [f.] fathom’ (‘¥ 327). <PG>
eVAR Att. inscr. -va, also 6péyuta (Pi.), gen. -Gec, -i\¢, plur. at (cf. below).
*COMP As a second member, beside regular and usual -dpyvtog (A 312), also dek-
wpvyog ‘ten fathoms long’, etc. (X. Cyn. 2, 5) with compositional lengthening and
remarkable u-vocalism, which can hardly be explained by Cowgill’s Law.
*DER opyvt-aiog (AP), -detc (Nic.), “a fathom long or wide’, dpyvi-dopat in (6t-,
TEPt- )WPYVIWLEVOG ‘outstretched (a fathom widey (Ctes., Hipparch., Lyc.).
*ETYM Traditionally explained as a substantivized perf. ptc. fem. from dpéyw ‘to
stretch (the arms)’ without reduplication, reminiscent of dyuia, dpmuia, etc; see
Beekes 1969: 27f. This explanation meets with semantic and formal difficulties: why
use a feminine form to express this notion, and why a perfect? The supposed archaic
ablaut dpyvia: dpdyuta is problematic as well; one rather expects that the o was
anaptyctic, as suggested by DELG s.v. Anaptyxis could also explain the variant
*-opvy-, seen in compounded -wpvy-.
Most problems have been solved by De Lamberterie Die Sprache 35 (1991-1993): 128-
130, who assumes that the word originally occurred in a syntagm dpyvta yeip, which
was used in the dual; this presupposes an adjective *Opyvc. Further traces of a u-stem
of the root *h,reg- are found in Skt. rju-, Av. arazu-, and especially in Ved. rju-hdsta-
‘with outstrechted hands’. See » dpéyw.
6pdeirov = TdpddAov.
6p5<n>pa [n.] - ToAUIN TMV Epiwv ‘ball of wool’, dpdSucov- TOV xiTwvicKkov. ITdptot
‘short frock’ (H.). <?>
VAR Or <>, <w>?
*ETYM Isolated in Greek. Taken as a verbal noun of Lat. 6rdior ‘to begin a web, start’,
eg. by Pok. 60, which seems doubtful. The form wpdvAevodunv: eudx8noa ‘was
weary, etc.’ (H.) also belongs here, which is from dpdévAebw, deriving from *dpdvAoc,
-vA1| with a formation like in kévdvA0c, Kopdv0An, etc; cf. ToAvmEdvetv, which also
means pLoyOeiv.
Opedves = Gvdpec in the language of the Pythia (Plu. Mor. 406e). =dpe()avec.
dpecyac, -d450¢ 1099
opéya, -opat [v.] ‘to reach out (one’s hand), hand over, stretch oneself, to stretch out
for’. <IE *h,reg- ‘stretch, direct’>
*VAR Aor. Opétau, -acBai, fut. dpéEw, -opau (II.), perf. and plpf. med. 3pl. opwpéxata,
-to (II.), dpeypiat (Hp.), aor. pass. dpex Ofvat (E., X., Hp. Ep.). Other presentic forms:
1. ptc. Opey-vic (A 351, X 37), -vbpevoc (AP, Mosch.); 2. dpry-vaoptar (Hes. Sc. 190,
Herod., Theoc.), together with the innovated aor. wptyv-16nv (Antipho Soph., Isoc.),
fut. -1;oop1a1 (D. C.); for tas a secondary prop vowel, cf. kipvipu (s.v. > Kepavvuylt).
eCOMP Also with prefix, especially é1-.
*DER 1. OpeKtdc ‘stretched out’ (B 543, Str.), see Ammann 1956: 20, ‘desired, longed
for’ (Arist.) with Opexteiv- émiOvpeiv ‘to desire’, dpextidv: émiOvupi@v (H.); av-
Opektoc ‘without desire for, undesired’ (Arist.), with dvop-extéw, -ebia (late). 2.
dpeypa [n.] ‘stretching (e.g. of the hand, also of the foot), step’, also as a measure of
length (A., E., Arist., Tab. Heracl.). 3. dpektc [f.] ‘desire, appetite’ (Democr., Arist.)
with opektikdc ‘inclined to desire, pursuing’ (Arist., Arr.), ‘arousing appetite’ (Dsc.).
4. Opéydryv ‘by stretching out’ (sch., H.). On » dpyuta, see s.v.
eETYM As a thematic root present, opéyw agrees with Lat. rego ‘to direct, lead,
govern’ and Olr. rigim ‘to stretch out’; other Graeco-Latin correspondences are
opéEar ~ réxi and opextdc ~ réctus (Lat. long é is due to Lachmann’s Law). Gm.
words like Go. raihts ‘straight, right’ and Av. rasta- ‘directed, arranged, straight’ also
belong here. Independent formations are dpeytia, Av. rasman- [m., n] ‘line of
battle’, and Lat. regimen [n.] ‘leadership’. It is uncertain whether there is an old
connection between the isolated ptc. dpey-vuc, -vbpevoc and the Av. adjective ras-
nu- ‘straight’; the present optyvdojtau, with suffixed nasal, is probably independent
from Skt. rAjati ‘stretches itself, runs’ with nasal infix.
Ope(Yaives [m.pl.] acc. to Plu. 2, 406e = dvdpec in the language of the oracle of the
Pythian Apollo; cf. opeiovec: dvdpec (H.). <2>
*ETYM Formation like Akapvavec, etc. further unclear. Acc. to Giintert 1921: 122f,, it
belongs to dponyy, etc.
OpeuNdtys name or epithet of rivers in the language of the Pythia (Plu. Mor. 406e).
= Opopntdatac.
opéovto [v.] ‘they stirred, hurried’ (B 398, ‘¥212). <>
*ETYM If not poetic licence for dpovto, it is best taken (with Bechtel 1914 s.v.) as an
intensive of peto- wpuNOn ‘was stirred’ and the aor. Epon Opyon ‘will move’ (H.),
from a root *h,er- ‘move’; see on » £péOw and > dpvvLu.
é6peok@oc [adj.] ‘living in the mountains’ (A 268, 1155, Hes. Fr. 79, 5). <IE *kei-‘lie’>
eVAR Opeok0os (A., E.).
*ETYM Compound of » dépoc and > Keiji with o-grade (cf. e.g. Sopv-codoc to oeiw);
the irregular length (cf. Skt. -Say-d- lying’) is probably metrically conditioned, and
the -t- is analogical after kottos, etc. Acc. to Bechtel 1914 s.v., we should write -ot- for
-w-. An innovation (after the adjectives in -to¢) is 6péoxtoc epithet of Dionysus (AP);
the same holds for dpeoketw ‘to live in the mountains’ (Nic.).
dpeoxac, -a5o¢ [f.] ‘vine with grapes’, = doxn; -oc (Harp., H.). <PG(v)>
1100 Opevs
eETYM The word is evidently related to » dpaoxddec, and as variants, both are of Pre-
Greek origin (Fur.: 348).
opevc [m., f.] ‘mule’, replacing original Att. Muiovoc (IL, Ar., Arist.). <IE *her- ‘go’,
*h,er- ‘raise’ >
eVAR Ion. ovpete.
eCOMP As a first member in dpew-Kdpog [m.] ‘mule driver’ (Att.), etc. (perhaps for
opeo- with influence of the gen. dpéwe?).
DER Optkdc ‘belonging to a mule’ (Is., Aeschin.).
eETYM Derived from dpog, Ion. otpog ‘frontier’, which originally means ‘furrow’.
Thus, dpevc would properly mean ‘furrow-drawer’. The lack of aspiration in dpevcs
may be explained through secondary association with dpoc; on the psilosis, see
Chantraine 1942: 185.
opex8éw [v.] expressive epic poetic verb of unclear mg., in Hom. of Béeg oqaldpevor
(Y 30, traditionally explained as ‘to rattle’), in Theoc. of the sea (OdAacoav ...
OpexGetv 11, 43) ‘to roar, surge’, but in Ar. (Nu. 1368), A. R. (a, 275), Opp. (H. 2; 583)
of the heart (kapdia, kéap), also of Ovudc (A. R. 2, 49); after this in Nic. (Al. 340) of
the kvotic and in the tragedian Aristias (6; V*) of médov, which is rather obscure.
<>
*ETYM The acoustic notion, which is undeniable in Theoc. and obvious in Homer,
cannot possibly be assumed for the other attestations. Etymologically unclear. The
ancient connection with poy@€w ‘to rustle, roar’ is formally difficult, and does not
explain all attestations; that with opéyw (assuming an enlargement -0-; cf. Schwyzer:
703) is gratuitous as long as the meaning is unclear. See DELG sv. for interpretations
from antiquity.
op8ayopicKos [m.] ‘sucking-pig’ (Ath., H.), also as a fish-name (Plin.), after its
grunting sound, acc. to Strémberg 1943: 69. <GR>
DER Further BopOayopioxia: xoipea Kpéa. Kai pucpoi xoipot BopBayopicKot (-BaKeor
cod.). Adxwvec ‘pig meat; also, small pigs are called 8. (Laconian) (H.).
eETYM Acc. to several sources in Ath. 4, 140b, it stands for *op8payopiokos, “ertei
TIpds Tov SpOpov mutpdoKovta.”, ‘because they are sold at day-break’. Thus it would
literally mean ‘who has its market at day-break’, a qualification which Bechtel 1921, 2:
328 rightly finds remarkable. Still, he considers it to be beyond doubt, and the name
would then be a word of pleasantry. Acc. to Pisani Paideia 13 (1958): 143, it was
created by the Lacedaemonians with unfriendly reference to Op@aydpac, the first
tyrant of Sicyon, whence dp0p- by folk etymology. The meaning was much
discussed.
(F)op8aia [f.] epithet of Artemis (Lacon. and Arc. inscr. since VI*, X., Plu.). <IE?
*uerd"- ‘grow >
eVAR Also Fwp-, -Oeia, -Bea, -O1a.
eDER FopOaocta (Lacon. and Arc. inscr. since V*), dp8woia (Pi. Hdt., Meg. inscr.);
5 doubtful explanation by Kretschmer Glotta 30 (1943): 155f., see Risch Mus. Helv. 11
(1954): 29%
dp8poc 1101
*ETYM Traditionally connected with dp0dc, but this is doubtful, since the latter has
no initial F-, and the semantic connection with Artemis is not clear either. Ruijgh
1967a: $1307 has suggested that the epithet denotes Artemis as a goddess of growth
and fertility; he derives (F)op@aia from the IE root *uerd"-, Skt. vardh- ‘to grow’.
6p86c [adj.] ‘upright, straight, right, true’ (II.). <1E *h,rd"uo- ‘high, upright’>
*DIAL Myc. 0-to-wo-, 0-tu-wo- and o-two-wo- point to /ort*wo-/.
ecomP As a first member in several compounds, eg. 6p06-Kpaipa (see » Kpaipa),
0p06-pavtc, -10Atc (Pi.), 6p80-otdt¢ [m.] ‘column standing upright, etc.’ (Att.
inscr., E.); rarely as a second member, e.g. &&-op80c ‘upright’ (Ath.), a back-
formation from é-op86w (PI.).
*DER 1. 6p0-tog (-10- formal enlargement) ‘upright, steep, going up, shrill, loud,
arranged in columns’ (A 11), on the difference of mg. against dp0dc, see Chantraine
1933: 37; thence 6p0-iak [m.] (-iac H.) ‘the lower part of the mast’ (Epich.), -14¢w [v.]
‘to cry loudly’ (A.), -taouata [pl.] ‘high pitch’ (Ar.), also ‘to raise’ (API.), -iaotc [f.]
‘erection’ (medic.); -ta4w = -dw (gloss., sch.). 2. 6p0-nAdg ‘tall, straight’ (Hell. inscr.),
after byrAdc; also -npdc ‘id’ (pap. I*). 3. dp8éotov: SpOtov, paxpov, O€0, péya ‘tall,
sharp, large’ (H.), cf. Qeoméotoc. 4. OpBAvvnjs (PI. Com., inscr.), also single -v- (Phot.,
H.) [m.] name of a Priapus-like demon (-vv- hypocoristic gemination; cf. "Epyavn,
etc.). 5. op086tTI7¢ [f.] ‘uprightness, straight position; correctness’ (IA); -oobvn [f.]
‘uprightness’ (Democr.). 6. Denominative verbs: a) dp06w ‘to raise, straighten,
improve, succeed’ (I]l.), aor. -Goat, often with prefix, especially d1-, kat-, av-. Thence
(dt-, Kkat-, av-)dpOwots [f.] ‘raising, etc’ (Hp. Arist.), Ot, Kat-, damt-dp8wya [n.]
‘Gmplement for) raising, right act, etc’ (Hp., Arist.), dt-, kat-op8wttj¢ [m.]
‘improver, etc.” (LXX), opOwttp [m.] ‘raiser, upholder’ (Pi.), dt-; Kat-op8wttkdc
‘improving, successful’ (Arist.); b) (61-)op8etw = (dt-)op8dw (E.).
*ETYM Traditionally, dp8dc¢ is identified with Skt. urdhva- ‘raised, high’ and derived
from *uord'-uo-; for the initial F-, the gloss Bopodv- otavpdv. ‘HXeiot ‘pole, stake
(Elean)’ (H.) is compared. The words are thought to derive from the verbal root
*uerd"-, preserved in Skt. vdrdhati ‘to raise, grow (trans.)’ and in Av. varad- ‘id’.
However, it is highly awkward to disassociate 6p86c¢ and urdhvd- from the group of
Lat. arduus ‘steep, lofty’, Olr. ard ‘high, great’, and especially Av. araduua- ‘high’, etc.
We have to leave the reflex of the initial in Skt. drdhvd- as an inner-Sanskrit
problem. Note that a similar problem occurs in the correspondence between dpytj
‘impulse, drive’ and Skt. urj- ‘refreshment, strength’.
There is no evidence for initial w- in Mycenaean. This has been explained in a
number of different ways, in order to maintain the connection with Skt. vardhati,
eg. the assumption that PGr. *wo- > *o- at an early date. See »dpOpoc and
> (F)op8aia.
op8dkpaipa >Kpaipa.
6pOpog [m.] ‘time before daybreak, time of the cock-crow, first dawn’, later ‘morning’
(h. Merc. 98, Hes. Op. 577). <1E? *h,r-i"ro- ‘sunrise’>
*COMP OpOpo-Boac [m.] name of the cock (AP), cf. » rikavéc; TO 1tepi-op8pov ‘dawn’
(Th. Hdn.).
1102 dpiyavov
*DER 1. Adjectives Sp@p-toc ‘belonging to dawn, happening at dawn’ (h. Merc. 143),
‘OpOpia [f.] name of a goddess (Schwenn RhM 86 (1937): 298); -tvdc ‘id.’ (Arat., LXX,
AP), cf. EwOtvdc, etc, -t610¢ ‘id.’ (AP), cf. didtoc, etc; grades of comparison dpOptai-
tEepos, -tatoc (Hdn.), adverbial also opOpi-tepov (pap.) after mpwi-, dwi-tepov.
2. Verbs: a) dpOp-evw, -opat ‘to be sleepless or awake in the early morning’ (E.,
Theoc.), back-formation ‘Op8poc [m.] name of a mythical dog (Hes. Th. 309), see
Kretschmer Glotta 13 (1924): 270, with é1- also ‘to be out of bed early’ (D. Chr., Luc.);
b) -Gw ‘id’ (LXX, Ev. Luc.) with (én-)op@ptopdc [m.] (Aq, Plu.).
eETYM The best etymology proposes *h,r-d'ro-, from the root *h,er- ‘to rise’ also
found in Lat. ortus ‘rise of a star’, oriens ‘sunrise’. Acc. to Frisk, the meaning ‘time
before daybreak, first light of the morning’ would seem to contradict this etymology,
but it is unclear why. Frisk further adduced » dp8ayopioxos as proof for *FopOp-,
but the relevance of this word for the present entry is doubtfyl. At any rate, a direct
comparison between dp8po¢ and OCS ranv ‘ép8ptoc’, Ru. rdno ‘early’ as *urdd"-no-
is useless, in view of the unmotivated lengthened grade in the reconstruction.
éptyavov [n.] name of a sharp or bitter tasting herb, ‘marjoram, organy, origanum’
(Epich., Hp., Ar., Arist.). <2>
eVAR Also -oc [f.]; also written dpei-; variant épry- (pap. II*).
eCOMP With determining first member: aypt-dpiyavov (Dsc.), cf. Risch IF 59 (1949):
257, tpay-dplyavov (Nic., Dsc.).
DER Optyav-ic (-tc) [f.] = papov, a kind of salve (Ps.-Dsc.), -itn¢ (oivoc) ‘wine spiced
with 6. (Dsc.), -detc ‘belonging to 0. (Nic.); -iwv [m.] name of a frog (Batr.), -ifw ‘to
be like 6. (Dsc.).
eETYM Unexplained word of foreign origin. Marjoram originates from Northern
Africa. Was it folk-etymologically adapted to édpoc and yavoc? Incorrectly, Carnoy
REGr. 71 (1958): 97f.
opivdns (aptoc) [m.] ‘bread made of rice flour’ (S. Fr. 609 from Ath. 3, 110e, Poll. 6,
73). <LW Iran
*DER Opivdtov o7tépya (Poll.); dpivda: iv of moAAOi Spvtav Kadodor ‘what most
people call rice’ (Phryn. PS 93).
eETYM Acc. to Ath. and Poll. l.c., opivén¢ would be Ethiopian, but in fact it is an
Iranian loan; cf. MoP birinj and Arm. brinj (from Iranian), and see the discussion in
Brust 2005: 488ff. See » dpuCa.
Sptve, -opat [v.] ‘to excite, stir’,(Il.). <IE *h,r-i- ‘set in movement’>
eVAR Lesb. dpivvw (only-Hdn., -v- Alc; see Hamm 1957: 36 and 131), aor. dptvat,
-ao8at, pass. dptvOrjvat.
eCOMP Also with ovv-, 2&-, av-.
*DER Opivtins [m.] ‘exciter’ (Theognost.). Uncertain is the appurtenance of the
Corinthian horsename Opifwv (Fraenkel Gnomon 22 (1950): 238).
eETYM The present dpivw, whence the other forms derive, may either be from *dpt-v-
tw (a yod-present built on a nasal present, like kAivw) or from *épi-vf-w (a
thematicized vv-present).
5
4
q
i
i
t
Opkoc 1103
Disyllabic *ori- is found also in Arm. ari [ipv.] ‘stand up’, aor. y-are-ay (< *-ari-) ‘T
stood up’, as well as in Lat. orior. These derive from an earlier i-present which is
found in Anatolian: Hitt. arai-'/ ari- ‘to arise, raise’ < *h,r-oi-, *h,r-i-; cf. Kloekhorst
2008 s.v. This is an extension of the root *h,er- ‘rise’ seen in » 6pvupt.
OpKaBous - é—’ wv TA odKa WhyovoL ‘on which figs are dried’ (H.). <PG?(s)>
*ETYM Unknown. Probably Pre-Greek.
Opkavn =épkoc.
6pkKos [m.] ‘oath’ (II.), ‘object to swear by’, originally of the water of the Styx (B 755,
Hes., h. Cer. 259). <?>
*COMP Opk-wpdTIs [m.] ‘who takes an oath’ (Arc., Locr. inscr. VI-V*) with
opkwuot-éw [v.] ‘to take an oath’ (trag., etc.), a compound of dpkov oudoat with a
suffix -t1-; et-opkoc ‘faithful to one’s oath’ (Hes.) with evopKx-éw; v-opkoc ‘bound
by oath’ (Att.) with évopk-iouat [v.] ‘to bind by oath’; but &opKoc ‘sworn’ (Pi.) is a
back-formation from é-opkdw, -opkifw; on »émiopKoc, see s.v; mevtopK-ia [f.]
“taking of five oaths”, ‘oath by five gods’ (Locr. V*), with a suffix -ia-.
eDER 1. 6pkta [pl], rarely -tov [n.] ‘objects to swear by, oath pledge, animals
sacrificed for an oath, oath, solemn treaty’ (Il.), d6pxtoc “belonging to an oath, sworn
by (Att., Leg. Gort.). 2. opkikdc ‘belonging to an oath’ (Stoic.). 3. 6pKdw [v.] ‘to make
one swear, put under oath’ (IA), aor. -Woat, often with é-, whence opkwpata [pl.]
‘oath’ (A.), Opxwtij¢ [m.] ‘who makes swear, who puts one under oath)’ (Att:),
é€dpkw-otc [f.] ‘swearing, adjuration’ (Hdt., J.). 4. opxitw [v.] ‘to make one swear,
adjure, administer an oath’ (Ion., X., D., Hell. also Dor.), aor. -ioa, Dor. fut. opxiEew
(Delph.), also with dt-, 2&-. Thence opxiopata [pl.] ‘adjurations’ (Megara I-IIP), (1-,
é§-)opktoudc [m.] ‘swearing, adjuration’ (LXX, Plb.), @&opkto-tr\¢ [m.] ‘exorcist’
(Act. Ap.). 5. opkiAAouat [v.] ‘to swear in vain’ (Phot.), as if from a pejorative
diminutive *dpxidoc. 6. -opKéw only in derivatives from compounds, with analogical
formations: evopKk-éw (with edvopK-ia) from et-opKoc (see above), wevdopx-éw from
wevd-opkoc (Risch IF 59 (1949): 258), with gumed-, dAnO-, Svo-, map-opKkéw, etc.; for
éTLOpKEW see On & ETtiopKoOc.
Isolated, with a different mg., 6pKavn [f.] ‘enclosure’ (A., E.) beside late €pkavn, like
Opyavn : Epyavn (see on >» dpyavov and » épyov); cf. also PN “Opkatocg (Calymna
II*).
*ETYM Formally, d6pxoc seems to be connected with gpxoc ‘fence’ (thus already Eust.
and EM), in which case it would properly denote the oath as the bounds that one
assumes, a restriction, tie, or obligation. A meaning ‘tie, bond’ is indeed found in
dpkor Secpoit oppayidoc “bonds of a seal’ (H.), perhaps to be corrected to
*oppaytdec; cf. also » 6pkavn. Discussion in Luther 1935: 9off. and Luther 1954: 86ff.,
who assumes that dpKoc is originally a magical power that fences in the swearer.
Bollack REGr.71 (1958): iff. and Hiersche REGr. 71 (1958): 35ff. identify 6pxocg with
the X1vé, by which the gods swear, and take it as the world-embracing fence (uéyac
dpKoc). .
Criticism of these views by Benveniste 1969:2: 165ff., who thinks of dpKoc as a
sacralizing object, and refuses to give an etymology. Similarly, Leumann 1950: ouf.
1104 OpkUNTELV
proposed that dpKoc = Lat. *sorcus or *surcus in surculus ‘twig’, in which case it
could denote a staff which is raised when swearing; Spvuyt ‘to swear’ would then
properly mean ‘to grasp’, and dpkov opdcat ‘to grasp the staff (cf. on » duvupit). See
> EpKoc.
opkvartetv - TO bnepKimtTEelv <mpdc TO> idetv TL TO ekTeivelv EavTOV Kal én’ OvbXwV
totac8at ‘to raise one’s head in order to see sth; overstretch oneself and to stand on
one’s toe-nails’ (H.). Cf. @pxuntev: brepéxuntev eatpopevoc (Suid.), i.e. ‘to stand
on the tips of one’s toes, in order to see over the heads of others’.
*ETYM Contains xtmtw; acc. to DELG, the first part is suggestive of dpvupat or
op86c, but the spiritus is unexplained.
Ww,
bpKic, -ivoc [m.] ‘tuna’ (middle com., Arist.). <PG(S)>
eVAR Later épkbvoc (Dorio and Hikes. [I*] in Ath.).
eDER Opkvvelov [n.] mg. uncertain (Halicarn. V*). On the stem-formation see
Schwyzer: 458 and 488. Also 6pKtadog ‘id.’ (v.l. Xenocr. apud Orib.), like pboaXoc,
etc. (Strémberg 1943: 127f.).
*ETYM Unexplained loanword; cf. Thompson 1947 s.v. Probably Pre-Greek; note the
suffix and the meaning.
6putevos [m.] ‘shoot, stalk, stick, especially of cabbage and asparagus’ (Diph. Siph. and
Posidipp. [III*] in Ath.). <2>
eVAR Plur. also -a; also dp-.
DER Oppevoetc ‘having a (long) stalk’ (Nic.); €&-oppevitw “dppeva éxBadAetv, to put
forth shoots’ (S. Ichn. 275 [uncertain], Nicostr. Com., Phryn., Poll.).
eETYM Formally identical with the aor. ptc. of dpvuut, which is semantically quite
plausible. Cf. » pvoc.
opp [f.] ‘onset, assault, onrush, outset, effort’ (Il.). <1£ *sor-meh,- ‘flow, stream’ or
*h;(o)r-sm-‘uprising’>
*COMP As a second member in épopynj ‘onset, assault’ (x 130, Th.), apopyr ‘starting
point, resource, etc.’ (IA), but these are back- formations from ég-, ap-oppdw (cf.
Chantraine 1933: 149).
eDER Denominatives: 1. 6ppatvw [v.]'to (es eonsinen ponder’ (Il.), aor. -fvau (rarely
with ég-, bmep-); on the mg. as opposed to pteppnpitw, etc. see Voigt 1934, later ‘to
put in violent motion, be eager’ (A., Pi., B.); perhaps 6ppavév: aveotnkdc, xadeTtov
‘stirred up, troublesome’ (H.); analogical Opydoteipa [f.] ‘she who urges on’ (Orph.
H.,) like Oeppaotpa, etc. beside Seppaivw. 2. dppdw [v.] ‘to incite, excite’, intr. (also
midd.) ‘to rise quickly, charge, begin’ (Il.), aor. -fjoat, often with prefix, especially
ag-, ég-, map-, é-. Thence dpprata [pl.] ‘onrush’ (B 356 = 590), (nap-)dopynia [n.]
‘onset, incitement’ (LXX, Epicur.), (nmap-, ég-, &&-)dpunoic [f.] ‘incitement, onset,
assault, eagerness’ (X., Plb.); 6pu-1t1ptov, Dor. -atrptov [n.] ‘(operation) base’ (Att.,
Cret. III-II*), -17t1\¢ [m.] ‘he who urges on’ (Philostr. Iun.), -1ytlag [m.] ‘id.’ (Eust.),
(ég-, ag-, map-, €&-)oppntiKds ‘offensive, desiring, eager, etc. (Ti. Locr., Arist.);
back-formation d@opposg ‘setting off, leaving’ (S.).
Sp pos 2 1105
eETYM Traditionally compared with Skt. sdrma- [m.] ‘flowing, streaming’ (only RV 1,
80, 5), from a verbal root seen in Skt. si-sar-ti, sdr-ati ‘to flow, stream’, also ‘to hurry,
drive, etc.’, which is formally excellent and semantically possible. However, within
Greek one might also compare épvuzu ‘stir’ and propose a pre-form *or-sma- (a
similar formation is perhaps continued in » Gppa). The form éput}; €&0doc ‘way out’
(H.), with a variant épitn ‘id.’, is difficult to assess.
Gpucas = pHpné.
Spttivov [n.] ‘sage, Salvia Horminum’ (Thphr.). <PG(s)>
eVAR Also -og [m.]; also -piv-.
*ETYM Formation like oé\tvov, Kbpivov, kapdapivn, BoABivn, etc. (Chantraine 1933:
204, Schwyzer: 491). Frisk mentions three options: a loan (like the first two words), a
derivative from épyoc (though the semantics would need further argumentation), or
one from opun ‘assault, onrush’ (Strémberg 1940: 93), as the plant was used as an
aphrodisiac. However, the word is no doubt Pre-Greek, just like the other words
with a suffix -iv- (not in Fur.).
6pytos 1 [m.] ‘chain, necklace, lace’ (2 401); name of a dance in a ring (Luc.). <IE *sor-
mo- ‘string’>
*DER 1. Diminutive opp-ioKog [m.] ‘small necklace’ (Att. inscr., LXX), ‘signet-cord’
(LXX, J.) together with -icktov name of a precious stone (Plin.); 2. -14 [f.] ‘fishing-
line’ (Pl. Com., Antiph., Arist.), 6ppua-tdvoc [m.] ‘angler’ (E. Hel. 1615); 3. 6py-a0dc
[m.] ‘string, chain’ (w 8, Ar., Pl.), on the formation see Chantraine 1933: 367,
although -a8oc seems to be Pre-Greek, cf. » yva80c), with -4810v (Gal.), -a8itw [v.]
‘to string’ (H., Suid.). 4. b@-dp,uov [n.] acc. to Ael. Dion. Fr. 417 mapa toic mahatoic
Xpvoodv TL Koo Ldptov ‘among the ancients, a little golden ornament’.
eETYM Old thematic derivative with a suffix -mo-, from the root seen in »eipw 1
‘string’. Martirosyan 2010 s.v. connects it with Arm. orm ‘wall, which is formally
impeccable.
6puos 2 [m.] ‘anchorage, road(stead), harbour’, also metaph. (lIl.). «IE? *sor-mo-
‘string’ >
*COMP Oppio-@vAag ‘harbour-master’ (pap.); often as a second member, eg. mdv-
op|toc ‘offering anchorage to all (ships)’ (Atévec, v 195), often as a PN (Sicily, etc.),
dbo0-optiog ‘with a bad harbour, inhospitable’ (A., X.); often with preposition, partly
as back-formations from the relevant verbs: €£-oppos ‘sailing out’ (E.), to €£-oppéw,
b@-oppog ‘at anchor, fit for anchoring’ (Ph., Str.), also [m.] ‘anchorage’ (Arist., Str.),
to d~-opptéw, 1Pd0-oppos [m.] ‘id’ (Str.), to mpdc-oppéw, -oppitw.
*DER Two denominatives: 1. 6ppiéw ‘to be at anchor (in the harboury (IA), also with
ég-, &-, d@-, etc., with épdpnote [f.] and (as a back-formation) époppoc [m.] ‘being
at anchor, blockade’ (Th.). 2. 6ppifw ‘to bring to an anchorage or harbour’, -opat ‘to
anchor, moor’ (Il.), aor. -icat, -icac8at, often with prefix, e.g. év-, mpoo-, KaO-, pe0-.
Thence (mpoo-, etc.)dptotc [f.] ‘anchoring’ (Th.), (év-)6pytopta [n.] ‘anchorage,
anchoring’ (App.), mpoooputojtdc [m.] ‘anchoring’ (sch.), mpocopiotrptov (H. as an
1106 6pveov
explanation of énivetov [cod. énrvov}), optuotnpia [f.] ‘rope for anchoring,
attaching’ (Ph., D. S.), dppiotpta [f] “the anchoress” epithet of Isis (pap. II?).
*ETYM No certain etymology. Often connected with » 6p, ‘impulse’, but with
various ways of argumentation for the semantics (details in Frisk). Connection with
> elpw ‘to string’ is more promising, starting from an original meaning ‘attachment’
and identity with 6pyoc ‘chain’. Comparison with » gpa, in plur. ‘supporting
stones’, has also been proposed (unclear).
épveov [n.] ‘bird’ (N 64). IE *h,er-n- ‘bird’>
evar Also Spvic, -i80¢ [m., f.] ‘(augural) bird’ (IL), in later Att. especially “hen, cock’,
acc.sg. also -tv, plur. also -etc, -ic (trag., D.},, Dor. -IxXo<, etc. (Pi, Alcm., B., Theoc.,
Cyrene), dat.pl. -ixeoot and ~&, whence nom.sg. ~1&, gen.pl. -ixwv (Hell. pap.).
«comp A few late compounds, e.g. dpveo-Onpevtixt [f.] ‘the art of bird-catching’
(Ath.). Often as a first member, e.g. 6pvi8o-Orpac [m.] ‘bird-catcher’ (Ar., Arist.),
dpvixo-Adxog [m.] ‘id’ (Pi). Also as a second member, e.g. Svo-opvic ‘with bad
auspices’ (A., E., Plu.), nodv-6pwGog ‘rich of birds’ (E.).
*DER A: From dpveov: opve-wdn¢ ‘bird-like’ (Plu.), -@tn¢ [m.] “bird-catcher’ (Poll.),
-a6c ‘avian’ (Tz.), -4Copou ‘to twitter’ (Aq.), ‘to hold one’s head up high’ (“watching
the birds”, Com. Adesp.).
B: From opvic: 1. diminutives dpvi8-tov (IA), -4piov (com., Arist.), also dpv-bgLov
(Thphr., Dsc.), rather from dépveov. Substantives: 2. dpvi8-ac, -4 [m.] ‘poulterer’
(pap. II-VI°); 3. -iat [m.pl.] “bird-winds”, which bring migratory birds (Ion., Arist.),
xelt@v OpviBiag (Ar.); cf. étnoiat, etc. (Chantraine 1933: 95); -iac [m.] ‘bird-fancier’
(Lib.); -iwv [m.] PN (Att.); 4. dpwi8-wv, -@voc [m.] ‘henhouse’ (inscr., pap.); 5.
dpvibia [f.] ‘poisoning by bird dung’ (Hippiatr.). Adjectives: 6. opvib-etog fof a bird,
of a chicken’ (Att.); 7. -1K6c ‘belonging to birds, hens’ (Luc.); 8. ta dpvidiakd name of
a work on birds by D. P. (on the formation Schwyzer: 497 with lit.); 9. -dng ‘bird-
like’ (Arist.). Verbs: 10. 6pvi8-ebw ‘to catch birds’ (X.), -ebopat ‘to watch the birds,
auspicari’ (D. H.) together with -eia [f.] ‘auspicium’ (Plb.), -evtijc [m.] ‘bird-catcher’
(Att), -evtixt [f] ‘the art of bird-catching’ (Pl.); u. dpvi8-dopat ‘to be changed into
a bird’ (Philoch.); 12. dépvi0-1dCw ‘to speak the language of birds’ (sch. Ar. Av.).
Further dpvioc = dpvi8-etog (AP), Opvitw ‘to twitter’ (Aq.), uncertain; cf. opvedContat
above. On itself stands dpvanétiov [n.] (Boeot., Ar. Ach. 913), hypocoristic and
contempting, with unclear a; cf. further kivdretov, épitetov, etc., also Bechtel 1921, 1:
308. On the various formations see F. Robert 1944: 67ff.
*ETYM Both dpv-eov and dpv-i-¢ derive from an n-stem *h,er-n-, which in dpveov
was enlarged with a suffix -e(t)o-, probably marking gender (Chantraine 1933: 62).
The more common form dpvic is originally a feminine derivative in *-ih,, to which
the suffixes -0-, Dor. -x- were later added.
The n-stem that must be assumed for Greek is also found in the Germanic and
Anatolian words for ‘eagle’: Go. ara, gen. *arins, ON ari, and orn < *arn-u-, OE earn,
etc., Hitt. hdran-. Balto-Slavic has an I-stem, e.g. Lith. erélis from older arélis, OCS
orolo, Ru. orél ‘eagle’.
dpoBoc 1107
Gpvuziat [v.] ‘to stir, rise, rush away, hurry’ especially ‘to excite, incite, revive’ (I].). <IE
*hyer- ‘(a)rise’>
eVAR Aor. wpOuyy, -eto, often older athem. Wpto, ptc. Sppevos, etc., fut. dpodpat,
opeitat, perf. Spwpa; act. dpvyu, also -bw, aor. W@poa, redupl. 3sg. Mpope, fut. dpow,
aor. pass. 3pl. @p8ev (Corinn.).
Further dpotw ‘to rise quickly, rush away’ (Il.), fut. d6povcw, in Hom. only aor.
Opovoat, often with prefix (e.g. én, dv-, év-, &&-).
ecomP Also with prefixes like én-, bm-, av-. As a first member in governing
compounds, e.g. dpoo-tpiatva [m.] ‘wielder of the trident’ (Pi.), dpot-aXozg ‘stirring
the sea’ (B.), PNs like Opoé-Aaog (Boeot.), Opot-Aoxog (Il) beside ‘Opti-hoyoc
(Dor.); see Schwyzer: 442, Bechtel 1917b: 353f., Wackernagel 1916: 236°. As a second
member in the compound kowl-optic (see > KOvic), in verbal adjectives like 6€-optoc
‘sprung from the gods’ (Pi. A.), vé-optoc ‘newly arisen’ (S.).
*DER Perhaps »Opyn. Further only dpovotg [f.] ‘rise, Sppnotc, Spy (Stoic.),
Opovpata Oppnpata, mSrpWata ‘leaps’ (H.); remarkable dpodtn¢, -1To¢ [f.] = dppy
(Critias), 6poitns [m.] name of a Cretan dance (Ath).
eETYM The pervasive o-vocalism points to a reconstruction *h,er-. Traces of an e-
grade have been supposed in épeto- wpy8n ‘was excited’ (H.), etc. (see » EpéBw), as
well as in Aa-épti (related to »Aadc), but such forms can never derive directly
from *h,er-. It is best to derive these forms from the root *her-, or to assume
secondary ablaut in Greek.
Kiimmel 20004: 253-266 has found a distinction in Indo-Aryan between the roots
‘ar- ‘sich in Bewegung setzen’ < *h,er-, aor. drta (= @pto), pres. irte, and ar- ‘treffen,
stofen auf, wohin gelangen’ < *h,er-, pres. rcchati (cf. » €pyopat). This gives a solid
foundation to the formal distinction between PIE roots *h,er- and *h,er- on the basis
of the root vocalism.
The presents dpvuzu, Skt. rndti, and Hitt. arnu-# ‘to deport, etc.” may be old parallel
formations (though Hitt. may rather derive from *h,r-nu- as a productive causative
formation).
An original form *ipvupu (t was assumed to be a schwa secundum like in kipviat; see
on > Kepdvvutt) was formerly found in the epithet ’Emipvbtioc: Zevc év Kprity (H.),
but the connection is arbitrary, and formally impossible in laryngealist terms (*h,r-
always gives Gr. dp-). Under an analysis *h,r-n-eu-, we may compare the aorist
opovoa, whence later the rare present 6povw, as an o-colored full grade (cf. kpovw,
koAovw) from an extended root *h;r-u-; compare Lat. ru6 ‘to rush, collapse’. See
> dpivw, » Spoc, » ovpos 1.
bpoBog [m.] ‘chickpea, Vicia Ervilia’, plur. ‘chickpea seeds’ (Hp., D., Arist., Thphr.).
<PG(V)>
*COMP Opof-ayyn [f.] name of a weed, “smotherer of the dpoBoc”, ‘Cuscuta’ (Thphr.,
Dsc., Gp.); mevt-dpoBog (also -wp- with compositional lengthening) [m.] properly
“with five dp.”, name of the yAukvoidn, usually metaph. of an architectural ornament
(Hell. inscr., Dsc., Plin.). :
*DER 1. Diminutives: dp6$-tov [n.], also ‘flour made of dp.’ (Hp., Ph. Dsc.), =
xpvooKkdrAng eidoc ‘kind of dish of linseed and honey’ (H.); -détov [n.] = dpdBak
1108 Opddatvoc
(Ps.-Dsc.). 2. -tag [m.] name of a kind of épéBtv8oc and a kind of \iBavoc (Thphr.,
Dsc.). 3. -ity¢ [m.] (Ai8oc), name of an d6poBoc-like stone (D. S.), -itic [f.] ‘prepared
xpvodKoAAa’ (Plin.). 4. -a& [f.] = yAvkvoidn (Ps.-Dsc.), -axxoc oidn¢ [pl.] ‘fruit of the
pomegranate’ (Nic.), -axyn: Botdvn tic. of dé Tic Polac Ttobc Kapmovc ‘a plant;
others: the fruit of the pomegranate tree’ (H.). 5. -18pov [n.] plant name = broxtoBic
(Ps.-Dsc.), cf. BopvB-, Kd7t-18pov, etc., Chantraine 1933: 373f. 6. -.voc GAevpov ‘meal
of 5. (Ph., Dsc.). 7. -taiog ‘of the size of a dp.’ (Dsc.). 8. @poBiopévot- KeXopTAopEevot
amd TMV Pov (leg. dpdBwv?) ‘fed, fattened, of cows’ (H.).
eETYM Like épéfBtv8oc, Lat. ervum, etc., an old substrate word, probably from the
eastern Mediterranean area. In any case, dpoBoc need not have undergone
assimilation from *%poBoc, as per Schmidt RZ 32 (1893): 325. For further details, see
> épéBrv8oc.
6pddapvoc [m.] ‘branch, twig’ (Thphr., Call., Nic, AP). <PG(V)>
*DER Diminutive dpodapvic [f.] (Theoc.).
*ETYM Probably for Aeol. Fpddaptvoc = » Padatvoc, with o- as a graphic indication
for F (cf. » dpiv6nc). The form dpaytvos ‘id.’ (Nic., AP) is unclear; it is probably not a
cross with dppevoc.
dpoObvw [v.] ‘to excite, incite, revive’ (Il., also A. Pr. 202). 4GR?>
eVAR Aor. OpoPivat.
eCOMP Also with é&-, dyg-.
*ETYM Acc. to Frisk, a secondary formation from > épé0u, replacing earlier *opo0éw
(after Sapotvu, Stpbvu, etc.), or directly from a lost noun *dpo8oc. Not assimilated
from *épo8vvw; see Van Beek fthe.b.
6popat [v.] «VAR Only dpovrtat, -vto (epic). =dpaw.
bpov [2] - okebdc tt yewpytkov we ‘Ioalog (fr. 5) ‘an agricultural tool acc. to I? ...
Luymote ptévtot TO dpov mapa te AioybAw Kai mapa Mevdavdpw onpaivet @ tiv
TETNATILEVV OTapvAnv méCovot (Harp. 139) so the piece of wood with which
bunches of grapes are crushed; also for olives (Poll. 7, 150); cf. SEG 11, 244. <?>
eETYM Unknown.
opdvtiov [n.] ‘cuckoo-pint’, name of a plant used as a remedy against jaundice
(Archig. apud Gal.). <PG>
*eETYM Acc. to Stromberg 1944: 51, from the PN Opdévtng; naming motive unknown.
Fur.: 345 refers to Gams in DKP 1: 602f., who connects it with dpov ‘Natterwurz’, a
kind of shore-weed.
6pdc [m.] ‘the watery part of curdled milk, whey’, also metaph. of other liquids (Od.,
Hp., PL. Arist.). <1E *ser- ‘flow’, *sor-o->
*COMP 6po-notéw [v.] ‘to drink whey’, with -in [f.] (Hp.).
*DER Opwdng¢ ‘whey-like’ (Thphr.); €Eop-iCw [v.] ‘to press out the whey’ (EM, H.).
*ETYM An oxytonized agent noun (like tpogéc, etc.; see Chantraine 1933: 9f.) with
Ionian psilosis, beside the action noun in Lat. serum [n.] ‘id’, Skt. sard- ‘flowing,
dpoc 1109
liquid’, from the verbal root *ser- ‘run, flow’ retained in Skt. sisarti, sdrati, aor.
dsarat.
Spo [m.] ‘border, boundary mark (pole, column, stone), term, limit, mark,
appointment, definition’ (Att.). <IE? *ueru- ‘draw’, *uoru-o->
VAR ovpos (I1.).
*DIAL Myc. wo-wo /worwos/, Corc. opfoc, Cret., Arg. @poc, Heracl. Opoc. Brixhe
REGr. 109 (1996): 640 adds dppog (Heracl. Pont.) < *hdpros, also Sppoc (Chalcid.,
Megar.), cf. RPh. 71 (1997) 170.
*COMP As a first member, e.g. dpo-Qeoia [f.] ‘the fixing of boundaries’ (Hell. inscr.,
Act. Ap., pap.); like voto-Oecia, etc., formally from dpo-8étn¢ (gloss.), a composition
of Spov Vzivat with a suffix -tn-; often as a second member, e.g. di-wpoc ‘with two
boundary stones’ (Arc. IV*), auup-ovptov [n.] ‘toll paid by the seller to the owner of
the neighbouring estate as a fixation of the sale’ (pap. III*, Rhod. inscr. II*),
dupouptaoptdc [m.] (*dppoupt-alw); on » evOvwpia, see s.v.
*DER 1. Opia [n.pl.] (rarely sg.) ‘borderline, border areas, etc.” (Hp., Att., Arc.); 2. opia
[f.] ‘border’ (Att. inscr.); 3. Sptoc ‘belonging to the border’ (Zevdc dp., Pl, D.) = Lat.
Terminus (D. H., Plu.); 4. dptkdc ‘ptng. to definition’ (Arist.); 5. 6p-ala TEKTOWKT =
gruma, -1aioc AiPoc (gloss.); 6. 6pitw (Ion. obp-) [v.] ‘to border, demarcate, separate,
determine, define’ (IA), aor. -(oa, often with prefix, e.g. 5- (ém-Ot-, etc.), a@-, TEpt-,
Tpoo-, with (a@-, mept-, 5t-)Sptopta (also obp-) ‘delimitation, border’ (Hdt., E.), (a@-,
Tept-, etc.)Opiopdg ‘delimitation, determination, etc. (Att.), (61-)ptoic (PL. Arist.)
opto-ti¢ [m.] ‘land surveyor’ (Att, Tab. Heracl.), -t1x6c ‘ptng. to delimitation or
determination, limiting, defining’ (Arist.). 7. On > dpeuc, see s.v.
*ETYM In view of Mycenaean, all Greek forms must go back to Fépfoc. This can be
connected wih Lat. urvare (amb-) ‘to mark out a boundary with a furrow’ (Enn.
apud Fest., Dig.); the basic noun is urvum ‘curved part of a plough’ (Varro) <
*u(o)ru-o-, which may in principle continue the same formation as *FépFoc.
Within Greek, further connection wih méptw ‘to draw’ is probable. See » ovpoi,
> ovpov 2.
6pog [n.] ‘mountain, height’; also (in Egypt) ‘desert’ in contrast to the cultivated plain
(Il.). < IE *h,er- ‘rise’, *h,er-s->
eVAR With metrical lengthening ovp-eoc, -ea, etc. (epic), also ®p-eoc, -ea (Theoc.).
*DIAL Myc. o-re-a, /ore*a/.
*COMP As a first member: 1. with unenlarged stem ia. in » dpeoK@oc; 2. thematically
enlarged in dpeo-céAtvov [n.] ‘mountain-parsley’ (Thphr.); 3. often in loc.sg., e.g.
opet-dpdploc ‘going through the mountains’ (Pi., E., Nonn.); thence ia. opel-yadkoc
[m.] ‘mountain ore, brass’ (h. Hom. 6, 9, Hes. Sc. 122), borrowed as Lat. orichalcum,
folk-etymological auri-; also wpd-yadkoc (Peripl. M. Rubr., PGiss. 47, 6), perhaps w-
= Lat. au-; 4. in loc.pL, e.g. dpeci-tpo@os ‘grown up in the mountains’ (Hom.).
*DER 1. Opéo-tepos ‘living in the mountains, consisting of mountains’ (X 93); 2.
dpetoc (epic lyr. otp-) ‘mountainous’ (h. Merc. 244) < *ores-io-, fem. -eiac (AP), as a
substantive ‘mountain-nymph’ (Bion, Nonn.); 3. dpetvdc < *ores-no- ‘id’ (IA); 4.
Opégo-t1j¢ [m.] PN (11), with Opeot-ddnc, opéot(e)tov [n.] = éAéwov (Dsc., Plin.);
1110 Opovw
"Opéo-tat [m.pl.] “highlanders”, name of an Epeirotic people (Th.); dpeot-14dec
vipat (Z 420, h. Hom. 19, 19), metrical for *opeot-a6- (Schwyzer: 508); Opeot-iac
[m.] ‘mountain wind’ (Call.), like ‘OAupimiac, etc, 5. opwdn¢ ‘mountainous’ (EM).
*ETYM The original meaning is “elevation”, a verbal noun *h,er-s- related to the root
of » Spvujtat ‘to rise, etc.. A further derivative of this s-stem may be found in Skt.
rsvd- ‘rising up, high’. See » dppoc, » poo8Upn.
opovw =dpvupat.
Opogn, -Poc >Epequ.
dSprak [2] - Ppacidc dvepoc ‘rough wind’ (H.). <2G?>
sETYM Fur.: 327f. compares Opna: Eptvic (H.) and “Opuya- Epivuc (H.) with
anaptyctic vowel, as well as » apnacw. Probably Pre-Greek. Perhaps ‘Apnuia (Fur.:
327, 347) also belongs here?
dpras [2] - Tis aKpidoc 6 ydvoc, EvBev yapov MoLovat ‘offspring of the locust, from
which sauce is made’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
dpmy [f.] - ciSnpos év @ tov eAéqavta tdmTOVOL ‘metal in which ivory is beaten’ (H.).
<PG?>
eETYM DELG compares > dpmn ‘elephant-goad’.
Spmné [m.] ‘sprig, twig, (shaft of a) spear’ (M 38, Hes. Op. 468). <PG(S)>
VAR Also 6-; Dor. Aeol. -a&, -Koc.
COMP ev-Opmné ‘with fair twigs’ (Nonn.).
sETYM Formation like ox@Ané, KaxAné, vapOng, etc. without a clear etymology. The
comparison with Lith. vdrpa ‘ear’ is not very illuminating; derivation from the root
of Lat. sarpo ‘to trim the vines’, sarmentum ‘osiers’, > domn ‘sickle’ is unlikely, as an
o-grade of this root is not attested elsewhere. Frisk connects pw in the sense of a
slow movement over the ground: “crawler, sneaker”.
It is rather a Pre-Greek word, given the suffix -ax-.
6ppoc [m.] ‘rump, arse’ (Ar.), ‘end of the os sacrum’ (Gal.). <IE *h,ers-, *h,ors-
‘bottom, arse’>
eCOMP As a first member in dppo-mby-tov, Ion. dpoo-, see » muy. As a second
member in madiv-opoocg ‘moving back’ (I 33, Emp.); -pp- (Ar. Ach. 1179); not in
> dwoppoc.
*DER Oppwdrc¢ ‘belonging to the rump’ (Hp., Gal.), dppoxpdv- goxatov, akpov
‘utmost, extremity’ (H.), perhaps after > veoy,tdc.
eETYM Old inherited expression for “bottom, ass’, avoided by the epic because of its
vulgar status, and identical with the Germanic group of OHG ars, MoE arse, Arm.
of, plur. o7-k* (i-stem), and Hitt. arra- ‘id’, all pointing to IE *Hors-o-, *Hors-i-.
Regarding the color of the laryngeal, Olr. err ‘tail’ seems to point to original *h,ers-
h,- but, alternatively, the Celt. e-vocalism is a secondary development. In the latter
case, the word could be understood as enlargement of an s-stem *h,er-(0)s-
‘elevation’, and would thus be closely related to » édpoc ‘mountain’.
opoo8tpy 1111
The intervocalic sequence *-rs- was probably retained in Greek when preceded by
the accent (it subsequently became -pp- in Attic), but *s dropped with compensatory
lengthening if the accent followed (cf. on » ovpd). See » 6pooBpn.
oppwéw [v.] ‘to shudder, fear, dread’ (Att.). <GR?>
eVAR Ion. appwdéw (Hp., Hdt.).
eCOMP Also with prefix, especially kat-.
*DER Oppwoia, appwdin [f.] ‘fear, dread’ (Hdt, Th., E.).
*ETYM Not definitively explained. The proposal by Bréal MSL 8 (1894): 309 is
semantically attractive: dppwdéw comes from dppog ‘ass’ through *dppwédn¢ ‘afraid,
anxious’, like in MoFr. couard, Ital. codardo from Lat. coda. However, this would
amount to assuming that the Att. form with -pp- came into Ionic with substitution
of app- for opp- (perhaps after appwortéw, -ia?), which is hard to believe. Acc. to
Schmidt KZ 25 (1881): 112, Att. opp- developed from older dapp- by assimilation to the
folowing w; a better option seems folk-etymological influence of dppoc on original
app-.
Taillardat RPh. 71 (1997): 170 (also DELG Supp.) defends the old interpretation as
tov dppov idpodv ‘to shit in the pants’ vel sim. The a- would be due to Ionic
dissimilation of 6 - w.
Fur.: 342 considers the word to be Pre-Greek, which would make the variation a-/ 6-
understandable.
opooddakvny [f.] name of an insect which eats the buds of plants (Arist. HA 552A).
<GRE
*ETYM See Gil Fernandez 1959: 140. The word probably contains » éppoc (-po-) and
> Sakvw.
opoo8tpr [f.] especially a side-door or side-opening at the back, leading from the
men’s hall in the Aavpr to the rooms upstairs (x 126, 132, 333); see Wace JHS 71 (1951):
203ff., Bérard REGr.67 (1954): 18ff.; also sens. obsc. (Semon. 17). <IE *Hors-o- ‘back’ +
*d"uer- ‘door’>
*DER With dpoo-, we also find: dpcoAdm0¢ epithet of Ares, who cuts the enemy into
pieces (Anacr. 70 = 393 P), dpooAonevw (metrical for -éw) [v.] ‘to attack, revile’ (h.
Merc. 308, Max. 102), -€opict ‘to be teased or disquieted’ (A. Pers. 10); 6pooA6m0¢G
‘attacker’ vel sim., properly = 6 Aémwv tov dppov ‘who thrashes the back’, scil. tod
vyovtos Todettiov ‘of the fleeing enemy’, cf. Lasso de la Vega Emerita 23 (1955): u14f.
Further » 6poodaxvn [f.] name of an insect that eats buds (Arist.); naming motive
unknown.
*ETYM It is clear that the first element should be identified with dppoc, dpoog “back,
ass, for which we may compare maAiv-opooc in Homer (but not Gyoppoc). The
word means ‘back door’, which is a very natural interpretation.
Following sources from antiquity, others explained it as a high door, connecting
either Skt. rsvd- ‘high’ or vars- in vdrs-man- [n.] ‘culmen’; cf. also cipe8Upn (H.) and
épOvpic (EM). See Risch IF 59 (1944): 20. In the same sphere belongs oppobrpoc:
086c¢ (cod. 66-). Ttadtwtau ‘threshold’ (H.).
1112 Opool
However, there is no indication in our texts that the door is located above the
ground, and the obscene use in Semon. (though in an unclear context) proves the
connection with dppoc.
dpooi [m.] - tv apvav oi Eoxatot yevopevot (H.). <2
sETYM The word resembles Ȏpoat, with different vocalism and with different
inflexion.
optanic [f.] ‘hen’ (Nic. Al. 294). <?> att,
*DER OptTaAtxoc [m.] ‘young bird’ (A. Ag. 54, Ar. Ach. 871, AP, Opp.) young animal
(S. Fr. 793), ‘chick’ (Theoc.), -ixeb¢ [m.] ‘ide (Nic. Al. 228: accus. -fa, metrical
enlargement in verse-final position). Denominative av-optadiCw [v.] ‘to prance, clap
the wings like a hen (cock)’ vel sim. (Ar. Eq. 1344).
*ETYM Popular formations in -ic and -txo< (cf. andovic, KdWiXos, etc; see Chantraine
1933: 344 and 403), or perhaps rather with -aXic like in ovx-aiic, SopK-ahic (to dopk-
dc), etc. It is assumed to be derived from a noun *dptocs of unknown meaning. The
obvious connection with dpvupiat ‘rise, come into movement’ (cf. Kowl-optoc, Gé-
optoc) does not mean much semantically.
éptvé [m.] ‘quail, Coturnix vulgaris’ (Epich., [A); also as a plant-name = ote poupos,
‘Plantago Lagopus’ (Thphr.), cf. Strémberg 1937: 50. <IE? *uort- ‘quail’; PG?>
eVAR Fem. in Lyc. 401; yOptvé (i.e. Foptvs), -byoc (H.), -vKog (Philem. 245).
*COMP As a first member in dptvyo-trjtpa [f.] “quail-mother”, ‘corncrake, Rallux
crex’ (Cratin., Arist, LXX), acc. to H. = dptv& breppte yéOnc; as a second member in
pur-dptvé ‘quail-loving’ (Pl. Ly. 212d).
*DER Diminutive dptbytov [n.] (com.); Optvyia, -in [f.] old name of the island Delos
and other islands (Od., Str.), see Tréheux BCH 70 (1946): 56off., thence epithet of
Artemis (S.); patronymic Optvyiwv (Euboea).
*ETYM Formed like the rare bird names iBv&, BaiBuk; cf. also KdKkdE, mtépvé, etc.
(Chantraine 1933: 397, Schwyzer: 498). Except for the ending, foptv& corresponds to
Skt. (Ved.) vdrtika [f.] ‘quail’, later attested as vartaka- [m.], with the highly
productive suffixes -ikd- and -aka-. Note also MoP vardij- ‘id.’. The original form of
the word cannot be reconstructed. Fur.: 122 points out that both the suffix and the
variation «/y point to a loan.
épva 1 [f.] ‘intestine’ (Epich.). <PG?(v)>
eVAR In H. also -ova.
*ETYM Not certainly explained. The connection with Lat. arvina [f.] ‘grease, fat, lard,
especially around the intestines’ is doubtful (see Pok. 782 and WH s.v.); E-M points
out that the ending -ina recalls the Etr. ending -éna, -in(n)a. The variation -va/ -ova
might point to a Pre-Greek word.
opva 2 [f.] name of an instrument used in a quarry (PCair. Zen. 759 [III*]).
eETYM See >» OpUTTW.
épvta [f.] ‘rice’ (Aristobul. Hist., Megasth., Str.). <Lw Eastern Iran»
eVAR dpvtov [n.] (Thphr.).
dppavec 1113
*COMP opvlo-tpogéw [v.] ‘to grow rice’ (Str.).
*DER Diminutive dpv¢-tov [n.] (sch.), -it1)¢ tAaKods ‘rice-cake’ (Chrysipp. Tyan.).
eETYM Eastern Iranian loan; cf. Afghan. vrizé [f.pl.] ‘rice’, as well as Skt. vrihi- [m.]
‘jd.’; earlier history unknown. See Brust 2005: 494ff., as well as on » dpivdng.
opvpayddc [m.] ‘noise, din’ (IL). <?>
eVAR Opvyiddec: Bd6pvBot ‘noise’ (H.).
eETYM Expressive word with the same ending as KéAadoc, ypottadoc, poiBdos, etc.,
and with a comparable meaning. Cf. » wpvoua and wpvyidc, as well as épvyeiv,
épvyinAoc (Kretschmer KZ 38 (1905): 135); further details are unclear.
Gpvpos - Bwpdc. oi Sé Spup Bos ‘altar; others: 6” (H.). <PG(v)>
*ETYM Clearly a Pre-Greek word, due to the variations.
optoow [v.] ‘to dig (up, in, out), scrape, bury’ (Hom.). <IE? *h,reu-k- ‘dig up, grub’>
eVAR Att. -ttw, late -yw (Arat.), ipv. dpvye (Seriphos); aor. opvéar, fut. opv&w
(Hom.), pass. aor. dpvxOrjvat, fut. dpvx8rooptal, perf. dpwpvypat (IA), prefixed kat-
pvypial, act. dpwpvxa (Att.), them. aor. dpvyeiv, pass. Opvyfjvat (late).
eComP Often with prefix, eg. Kat-, Si-, dv-, Mept-.
DER 1. back-formation dpvé, -vyoc [m.] ‘pickaxe’ (AP), usually name of an Egyptian
and Libyan (also Indian) gazelle or antelope (Arist. LXX), seemingly after the
pointed horns, but rather a folk-etymologically transformed loan; also name of a
large fish (Str.). Prefixed compounds, eg. kat-@pvt, -vxoc ‘buried, dug in,
underground’ (w by compositional lengthening), as a fem. noun ‘grave, crypt’ (trag.);
dat.pl. katwpuxéeont (Aceon, AiPorct ¢ 267, 1185), probably metrical enlargement; d1-
@pv&, -vxoc (late mostly -vyoc) [f.] ‘ditch, channel, mine’ (Ion., Th., Tab. Heracl.,
pap.). 2. (dt-, Dm-)dpvypia [n.] ‘hole, grave’ (IA); 3. Opvyptdcg [m.] ‘id’ (Priene). 4.
(St-)opvyxn [f.] (-wp-) ‘digging’ (D., Delos), also -yr, (LXX). 5. (kat-, én-, bm-)dpvetc
[f.] ‘id. (Arist.). 6. OpuKtr [f.] = Spvypa (Ph.). 7. OpvK-tip [m.] ‘miner’ (Zeno
Stoic.), -tn¢ [m.] “digger, tool for digging’ (Aesop., Str.); (dt-)opuKtpic [f.] epithet of
xeAWvn ‘mine protection roof (Poliorc.). 8. opvyetc: fossorium (gloss.).
eETYM The basis of all verbal forms and derived nouns seems to be a stem Opvy-; the
voiced stop in dpvy- and the present dpvxw are secondary.
Thus, we can explain the primary yod-present opvoow from *h,rug"-ie/o-. However,
cognate forms appear to continue a root *h,ruk-, e.g. the secondary nasal present Lat.
runco, -dre ‘to weed out, root up’, runcé, -6nis [m.] ‘weeding hook’, Latv. ritkét ‘to
dig, scrape’, Skt. luvicati ‘pluck off (with I- for IE *r).
Further cognates include Ir. rucht < *ruk-tu- ‘swine’, Alb. rrah ‘excavation, reclaimed
land’ < *rouk-so- (Restelli RILomb. 91 (1957): 475). Therefore, we have to assume that
the aspirated stop, which is seen only in Greek, is analogical.
It is possible that the root-final *k is a root extension; a root *h,reu- is perhaps found
in » ovpoi [m.pl.] ‘trench’. Connection with » époc ‘boundary’ is impossible because
of Myc. wo-wo, etc.
op@avds [m.] ‘orphaned, orphan’, metaph. ‘bereft, abandoned’ (v 68). <IE *h,orb'-o-
‘orphaned, bereft’>
1114 dppvny
eCOMP Asa first member in dp@avo-dtkao tai [m.pl.] “orphan-judge” (Leg. Gort.).
*DER 1. Adj. dp@av-tkdg ‘belonging to dpgavoi’ (Il. Pl. Arist.), -to¢ ‘abandoned,
lonely’ (AP). 2. Substantive dppav-ia [f.] ‘orphanhood, bereavement’ (Pi, Att.),
-Otn¢ [f.] ‘id’ (Cappadocia). 3. Verbs. a) dppav-i{w (also am-) ‘to make an orphan,
bereave of (Pi.); thence formally -totrj¢ [m.], but in the sense of ‘guardian’ (S. Ai.
512), also name of an official (Selymbria); b) -ebw ‘to bring up orphans’, med. ‘to be
orphaned’ (E.) with -evua [n.] ‘“orphanhood’ (E.), -efa [f.] (if not itacistic for -ia) ‘id’
(pap.); c) -dopat ‘to be bereft’ (AP, sch.).
*ETYM The glosses 6poPdtat: énitpomot 6ppavav “guards of orphans’, 6p@ofotia-
émitpomn ‘guardianship’, and wpqwoev- wppavcev (H.) point to the previous
existence of a noun *dpqoc. From this nouh, 6pgavéc (with the same meaning)
seems to be a purely formal enlargement after other adjectives in -avdc.
This pre-form *dpqoc agrees exactly with Arm. orb, -oy ‘orphan’, and Lat. orbus
‘orphaned, bereft’ < IE *Horb'o-. A io-derivative is supposed in the Celtic and the
Germanic word (perhaps a Celtic loan?) for ‘heritage’, e.g. Olr. orb(b)e, orpe [n.], Go.
arbi, OHG arbi, erbi [n.]; thence ‘heir’, e.g. Olr. orb(b)e [m.], Go. arbja, OHG arpeo,
erbo [m.].
Melchert fthc., for which see Kloekhorst 2008, argues that Hitt. harp-"“, harp-*' ‘to
separate oneself and reassociate, change allegiance, join with’ (from an original
middle *h,erb’-to) preserves the original verbal root, with a derivative *h,orb'-o-
which developed a specialized meaning ‘bereft, orphan’ in some languages (Gr., Lat.)
but a meaning ‘inheritance, heir’ in other (Celt., Gm.).
Compare loanwords into Uralic languages, e.g. Fi. orbo, orvo ‘orphan’.
6povn [f.] ‘dark(ness), murk, night’ (Thgn., Pi.). <?>
eVAR Dor. -a.
*DER Op@v-atog ‘dark, murky’ (II.), -W61y¢ ‘id.’ (Hp.) and several expressions for ‘dark
color, dark red’: é6p@v-tvog (Pl. X.), -to¢ ‘id. (Arist, Plu.), -meic (Q. S., Man.), -d¢
(Nic.); unclear ép@v-itac [m.] (Dor.), epithet of taAapoc (AP).
eETYM The similarity with épefpoc has often been observed. If related to dppviy, we
would have to posit a basis *h,rg’-sno- (with the same suffix as in the opposite
Abxvog < *luk-sno-) > PGr. *erk""no-, from which a feminine org”"nd- was created,
with secondary o-grade (Schwebeablaut with *h,org’-sno- is unattractive).
Also compared with a Germanic adjective for dark shades of color, eg. OHG erpf
‘fuscus’, OE eorp, earp ‘dark-colored, blackish’, from PGm. *erpa-; to this also belong
names of the partridge (with different ablaut), e.g. OHG repa-huon, and Slavic words
with nasal, e.g. Ru. rjab ‘motley’, CS jerebo ‘partridge’.
Comparison with Arm. arjn ‘dark brown’ < QIE *arg’'en-, *org”"en- has been
proposed as well (Scheftelowitz BB 29 (1905): 17). ToB erkent-, ToA arkant- ‘black’
are unclear, as are ToB orkamo ‘dark’, ToA orkdém ‘darkness’. All in all, neither
comparison is convincing.
Opg~ws name of a large seafish of the genus of the perches, ‘Serranus gigas’ or
‘Polyprion cermum’ (com., Arist.). <?>
Opxéouat 1115
eVAR Also -@c, -W, -Wv; secondary dp@dc or Spog (Arist.); acc. to Hdn. Gr. 1, 224,
Sp@oc Kotvadc, oppwc 5é ATTIKGc.
*DER Opg-iokoc [m.] = KixAn as a fish name (Pancrat. Ep. apud Ath.), -axivijs [m.]
‘young dp@wc’ (Dorio apud Ath.), derived from *dpqagt (cf. déAgak, etc.) with a
suffix -tw17- like in deAgak-ivn, éAag-ivig, etc; dpq-evc [m.] = dp~we (Marc. Sid.,
Alex.), with allusion to the PN. Details in Thompson 1947 s.v. and Strémberg 1943:
2if.
*ETYM Formation like the fish names Aaywe, -dc (originally a compound?), axapvuc,
etc. Often compared to ép@vn, with reference to the color (see Strémberg 1943: 2:f.),
but unclear in detail. Connected with dp@dc in dp@o-Bdtai (see » 6p@avdc) by
Bechtel 1917a: 32, but without semantic argumentation; perhaps because of its
solitary way of life (described by Arist. as jsovipijc)? Borrowed as Lat. orphus,
MoHG Orf.
6pxauiog [m.] only in the Homeric formulae dpxapoc avépav, dpxape Aawv, later
Spxapoc otpatod (A. Pers. 129 [lyr.]), etc. <PG?>
eETYM Etymology and meaning debated. Traditionally derived from dpyw with a
superlative suffix -u.0-, and interpreted as ‘leader’. If inherited, the o-vocalism must
be due to ablaut (cf. dyptog : dyw). Fur.: 342 thinks that d-/ 0- (in dpyw/ dpxaytoc)
points to a Pre-Greek word. However, Bechtel 1914 s.v. and others proposed to
compare dpxatoc ‘ordered plantation’ and cognates (see on »dpyxoc) in the sense
‘protecting wall (of the men)’, like pxog Ayai@v; Wright Class. Rev. 29 (1915): uf.
compared dpxoc ‘row of trees’.
opxac 1 [f.] ‘kind of olive’ (Nic.). =dpxic.
Opxas 2 - NepiPodoc, aipaotd ‘enclosure, wall’ (H.). *VAR épyatoc. =dpxoc.
opxéopat [v.] ‘to dance’, act. ‘to make dance’ (II., Ion., trag.). <IE? *h,erg'- ‘mount(?)’>
VAR Aor. OpxrjoaoG8at (Od.).
eCOMP Also with prefixes like b1-, kat-, &&-.
*DER 1. Action noun dpy-nOpd¢ [m.] ‘dance’ (Hom.,, h. Ap.), -1;op6¢ [m.] ‘id’ (A.),
-notus [f.] ‘id’ (Hom., E. Cyc. 171), like xi8apiotb¢; younger -notc [f.] ‘id’ (post-
Hom.), -nua (on-) [n.] ‘id? (Simon,, S., Pl.). 2. Agent noun opx-notrp CIl.), -notrc,
Dor. -1notdc (IL, Thera, OAtt.) [m.] ‘dancer’ with fem. -notpic (com., Pl.), -jotpia
(Moer.). 3. the nomen loci opx-hotpa [f.] “dancing-room, orchestra’ (Pl. Arist.). 4.
adjective -1j0T1K6c¢ ‘ptng. to dance(r)s, fit for dancing’ (Pl., Arist.).
*ETYM Taken by Frisk as an iterative-intensive formation from primary » épxopat
(but DELG finds this unconvincing, both formally and semantically). Skt. rghayati
‘to tremble, scream, rage’, which is traditionally compared (see Mayrhofer EWAia 1:
249), is indirectly connected at best. In inscriptions, 6pxéopa is often found in the
meaning ‘to mount’ (Watkins BSL 70 (1975): 11-26, especially 18-19, and LIV? sv.
*h,erg'-; the latter remarks that the semantic developments are unclear in detail).
However, in view of the reconstruction given under » épyic, Watkins’s connection
with the word for ‘testicle’ is dubious.
1116 dpxidoc
dpxidog [m.] name of a small bird, probably ‘wren’ (Ar., Arist., Thphr.); details in
Thompson 1895 s.v. <?>
eVAR On the accent Schwyzer: 485; also -tXoc (mss.).
*ETYM Formation like kop0-, tpoy-idoc, etc, perhaps from dpxéopiat because of the
liveliness of the bird. Unclear.
6pxtc, -ews [m.] ‘testicles’ (IA); also the plant name ‘orchid’ (Thphr., Dsc.), after the
shape of the root, and a kind of olive (Colum.), after the shape of the fruit (see
Strémberg 1940: 37 and 55). <IE *h,(e/o)rg"-i- ‘testicle’>
VAR Ion. gen. -toc, plur. mostly -etc, -tec.
COMP Opyi-neda [n.pl.] ‘scrota, testicles’ (Ar.), whence dpyxi-nedilw (Ar. H.); Ev-
opxtc ‘provided with testicles, uncastrated’ (Hdt., Luc.), also v-opxog (‘¥ 147, Hp.),
év-Opyns also ‘buck’ (Ar., Arist. Theoc.), with substantivizing -1¢ (see Schwyzer:
451), -11¢ (Milete VI°), with shift to an s-stem (see Schwyzer: 513). noe
*DER Diminutives dpxidia [pl.n.] (Dsc.) and dpxac, -450¢ [f.] “kind of olive’ (Nic.,
Verg.).
sETYM An old inherited word, retained in several languages. Ignoring enlargements,
3pxic agrees with Arm. orjik‘ [pl.] ‘testicles’, gen. -woc < IE *h,(o)r$'i-io-, and with
Alb. herdhé [f.] ‘id? < QUE *h,erg'-ih, [du.], MIr. uirgge [f.] ‘id’ < *Horg'iia-.
Av. arazi [m.du.] ‘id.’ points to a zero grade IE *Hrg"-i-h,. Beside the inherited i-stem
in Hitt. arki- [c.] ‘testicle’ < *h,r¢’-i-, Hittite also has a verbal root ark-“, ark-' / ark-
‘to mount, cover, copulate’ < *h,rg'-, *h,org"., with loss of initial *h, in front of *r and
of *o (see Kloekhorst 2008 s.v.).
A derivative in -I- is found in Baltic, e.g. Lith. e*Zilas, dial. a?2- [m.] ‘stallion’, where
the vocalism of the former can be explained to be secondary by Rozwadowski's
change (a recent overview of this effect is found in Derksen Baltu Filologija 11 (2002):
-12).
Sn aees shows that we may safely reconstruct initial *h,- for PIE, which is also
what the o-vocalism in most languages points to. In our reconstruction *h ,(o)rg"-i-, it
is unknown what the exact original ablaut pattern looked like: Greek and Hittite may
continue a zero grade, Avestan certainly attests to it, and Armenian may do so as
well, if *h,e- yields Arm. ho- as opposed to *h,0- > 0-, as per Kortlandt 2003: 42.
5pxoc [m.] ‘row of vines or fruit trees’ (n 127, w 341, Hes. Sc. 296, B., Ar., X.5 Thphr.).
<PG(V)>
*VAR Opxoc¢ [m.] ‘border of the eyelid, tapodc (Poll. 2, 69); Opxac TtepiBodoc,
aitacta ‘enclosure, wall’ (H.), 6pxa5o¢ otéyng (S. Fr. 812); opxindov (Hdt. 7, 144) is
explained by H. as 1]81)56v ‘from youth upwards’, but usually as ‘in a row, general :
*DER 6pxatoc [m.] ‘ordered plantation, garden’ (1) 112, w 222, AP), plur. ‘rows of
garden plants, fruit trees or vines’ (E 123, E. Fr. 896, 2, Moschio Trag. 6, 12), metaph.
oSdvtwv, Kovwv Spxatos (AP, Ach. Tat.).
With a suffix -[1-: dpyptat- ppaypoi, Kakap@vec, papayyec, omfAvyé ‘fences, reed-
beds, chasms, caves’ (H.); opxpov<: oxLwW5ec Kai Spetov xwpiov ovK EnepyaCopevov
‘bushy and mountaineous area, uncultivated land’ (Lex.); in the same mg. opxatiy
(Poll. 7,147):
OOLOG 1117
*ETYM If the hapax opyxnSov is correctly understood as ‘following the row’, the
meaning ‘row’ has to be accepted for épyoc, as well. The word dpxatog was probably
a collective abstract meaning ‘order of rows (of plants)’. Thus, it seems hardly
possible to combine the above words under a notion ‘fence, enclosure’, which hardly
fits épxoc. Thus, the traditional connection with IE *uer¢"- ‘to turn, wind together,
fence in’ in Lith. verZiu ‘to fence in, string’, ON virgill ‘snare’, MoHG er-wiirgen, etc.
becomes unlikely for semantic réasons; the same holds for the comparison with Lith.
sérgmi ‘to preserve, watch over’ (Fraenkel KZ 72 (1955): 1936f.).
The connection of the TNs Opyojtevdc (older ’Epy-; cf. Schwyzer: 255) and Illyrian
‘Opyouevai (Krahe ZNF 7 (1931): 254 and Krahe ZNF 11: 81) is commonly accepted.
As there is no IE etymology, it seems more probable that the word is Pre-Greek
(note the agricultural meanings, and the name of the town with its variants). See
> cipyw, »pyatoc, and » dpxajtoc.
6c 1 [pron.rel.] ‘who, which’ (Il.). <1£ *h,i-o- ‘which’>
eVAR fj, 6.
DER Stepog ‘who, which of the two’ (Cret.), also é0-t1c, 5-te, log, Sco¢, etc.
*ETYM Inherited and identical with Skt. yds, ya, ydd, Av. y6, ya, yat, OPhr. ios, NPhr.
toc, from IE *Hi-o-s, Hi-eh,, Hi-o-d. Old too is dtepog = Skt. yatard-, Av. yatara- ‘id’.
The original function was not relative, but rather demonstrative (the pronominal
stem *h,-); see Gonda Lingua 4 (1954-1955): iff., Gonda 1956: 96f., 126, and Monteil
1963: 1-17. Thus, in the framework of the development of initial *i- versus *Hi-, dc
testifies to PIE *Hi- > PGr. j-, PIE *i- > Gr. ¢-.
és 2 [pron.demonstr.] «VAR in kai dc, etc. =6.
6c 3 [pron.poss.] ‘suus’. =é,
6010¢ [adj.] ‘sanctioned or permitted’, by the gods or by nature, ‘pleasing to the gods,
just (= Lat. fas), devout, ritually pure’ (Thgn., IA), cf. doi below. On the mg. of
dotos, -in, see on » tepdc and also Terstegen 1941, Jeanmaire REGr. 58 (1945): 66ff.,
van der Valk REGr. 64 (1951): 417ff. <?>
VAR Substantivized tO dotov, Ta Sota.
*COMP As a second member in av-dotog (IA), probably a bahuvrihi ‘who is without
TO Gotov, 1] Ooia’ (Frisk 1941: 10f.), d~-do1o0g = av-dotoc (Eg. inscr. I*), see Stré6mberg
1946: 41.
DER ooia, Ion. -i1) [f.] “divine or natural law, law, holy custom, holy service’ (Od.),
probably for dotia (Frisk); 6016-t1¢ [f.] ‘divine obedience, piety’ (PI., X.).
Denominative 6o16-op1al, -w ‘to purify (oneself), hallow’ (1A), especially with aq-,
also with xa@- and é&-. Thence (a4@-, ka8-)ooiwots [f.] ‘purification, hallowing’ (D.
H., Plu.), dgoowpata: ka8dppata, Ka8dpo.a ‘purifications’ (H.), dowttp [m.]
“purificator”, name of a sacrificial animal in Delphi (Plu.).
eETYM There is no convincing etymology. Often explained as a derivative in -to-
from a participial form *s-o-to- beside alleged *seto- in étd- dAnBi} (see > EtaCw).
However, the root for ‘to be’ is now established as *h,es-, and the type of formation
assumed is untenable. The older connection with Skt. satyd- ‘true’ < IE *h,s-nt-io-
1118 dou
fails because there is no reflex of the laryngeal, and because of the vocalization *y >
o, which is not found in this environment in any dialect.
The derivation from *soto- (from a different root *set-, seen in » éta(w and » étedc)
is defended by Pinault 1996: 43f.: *sotiio- ‘conforme a lordre établi, pieux’. Cf.
Benveniste 1969:2: 198-202. A recent attempt by Willi JHS (2008): 153-172 is
unconvincing (see on » vé00c).
dopy = odp1. =dCu.
600¢ [pron.rel.] ‘how great’ (IIl.). <1E *h,i-o- ‘who’>
eVAR Epic 60006, -n, -OVv. 7
eETYM Derived from the relative » 6c; see s.v. and on » TOG0<c.
éonptov [n.]. ‘pulse, legumen’ (IA). <?>
eVAR Mostly plur,; late also -eov.
*COMP dompto-mwAnc [m.] ‘pulse trader’ (Att. inscr.), domp-nydcg < *dompe-nydc
(Schulze 1933a: 430%) ‘transporter of 6.’ (Abydos V-VIP).
*DER oompt-wdn¢ ‘like a pulse’ (Aq., Orib.), -yitn¢ [m.] (-y- spirantic indicator of
hiatus) ‘pulse trader, pulse planter’ (pap. VI’); domp-edw [v.] ‘to sow with 6. (Att.
inscr.).
*ETYM No etymology; probably a loan (Chantraine 1933: 55). IE hypotheses (see Frisk
s.v.): connection with onéipov ‘cover’ or with oneipw ‘to sow, but these are
impossible, since 0- is not a prothetic vowel.
d00a [f.] ‘(prognostic) voice, rumour’ (B 93). <IE *uok"-ih, ‘voice’>
eVAR Att. 6tTa.
*DER Ottevoptat [v.] ‘to wait for omens, interpret, predict’ (Ar. Plb., D. H, Plu.),
otteia [f.] ‘prediction’ (D. H.); probably after pavtevopa.
*ETYM Formation like yAdooa (to yA@xec), derived with a suffix -1a from é7- ‘voice’,
as seen in accus. Oma, etc. (see » *Oys 1).
éooe [n.du.] “both eyes’ (Il.). <1E *h,ek”- ‘see, face’>
eCOMP As a second member in tpt-ott-ic [f:] ‘pendant provided with three eyes (eye-
like ornaments)’ (cf. tpiyAntia Eppata) with the diminutive suffix -ov (Hdn. Gr.,
Eust.); also -n¢ [m.] (Phot., EM).
eETYM An inherited dual, from PGr. *ok”ie < *h,ek”ih,, identical with OCS o¢i ‘both
eyes, Arm. ac‘k [pl.] ‘eyes’. See Forssman MSS 25 (1969): 39f. See > Spa, > OWT,
and » dcooupal.
éocopat [v.] ‘to look, forebode, presage’ (Il.). <IE *h,ek”- ‘see’.>
eCOMP Also with mpotti-, ém-, KaT-.
eETYM An old yod-present from PIE *h,k”-ie/o-, from the root *h,ek”- ‘see, face’. The
present dooopat had a semantic development different from the non-presentic forms
dérwna, Syouat etc; cf. Treu 1955: 62f. Att. ottevouat is rather derived from > écoa.
See > 6Ttwra, > Styla, and » dooe.
doTaKds —doTAKOG.
Sotpakov 1119
datagic +aotagic. a
gy
dotéov [n.] ‘bone’ (Il.), also ‘stone of a fruit’ (pap. III*), see below. <IE *h,esth,-i-
‘bone’>
VAR Att. do tobv, Aeol. plur. -ta, Dor. (Theoc.) -ia.
*COMP Few compounds, e.g. dot(e)o-Kdmog [m.] name of a bone-disease (Hp.,
Thphr., Gal.), 6A-doteov [n.] ‘Plantago Bellardi’, a substativized bahuvrihi
“consisting only of bones”, because of its healing power; cf. d0teo-KdAXog [f.] and
Stromberg 1940: 88f. and 32.
*DER Diminutives: dot-dpiov [n.] (medic.), -apidiov [n.] (Pall.); adjectives -€ivoc
(IA), -tvog (Ar. Ach. 863 [Boeot.], Arist.), -divoc (Aq.) ‘made of bone’, -wdnc¢ (X.,
Arist.), -e@dng¢ (Plu.) ‘bony’; -itn¢ [m.] ‘ptng. to the bones’ (Ruf.).
eETYM The PIE word for ‘bone’ was originally a neuter root noun, as evidenced by
Av. ast- (eg. gen. astd, acc. asca < *ast-ca) and by Lat. os < oss < *ost, gen. ossis.
It was transformed in various ways in other languages, eg. Skt. dsth-i [nom.acc.],
asth-n-ds [gen.] with interchange of i and n, and Hitt. hastai / hasti- with ablaut *0i :
i. The root shape must have been *HestH- (as shown by Skt. -th-). The initial
laryngeal is shown to be *h,- by Lat. os (root nouns generally have e-vocalism), while
Greek dotéov shows that root-finally we have *-h,-. The Greek ending -eov < *-ei-o-
is probably a thematization of the full grade of the IE suffix *-i-, which also seems to
be found in Skt. hfd-aya- [n.] ‘heart’ beside hard-i ‘id. (cf. » kap8ia).
The words »déotpakov, > dotpdyahoc, »dotaKdc, > dotpva, and Pdo@tc are
unrelated.
botAtyé, -tyyos [f.] ‘lock of hair, tendril, vine, curling flames, tentacle of an octopus’
(Thphr., Call., A. R., Nic. Hdn. Gr.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Also dotA- (Hdn. Gr. 1,44).
eETYM Formation like eihty&, otpdgry—, OapuyE, mbAtyyec, etc., with comparable
meanings (Chantraine 1933: 399f., Schwyzer: 498); otherwise obscure. The word is
Pre-Greek, as is shown by the varying anlaut and the suffix -tyy-. Fur.: 276 also refers
to *dotpvyé in dotpbyylov 1 EmipvdAdic ‘racemus’, ‘stalk of a bunch of berries’ (gloss.;
not in LSJ). H. has GotAtyyac: abydc | dotpryyac; EM 159, 38 has dotptyac.
6otpakov [n.] ‘hard shell of snails, mussels, turtles, etc.’ (h. Merc. A. Hp. Arist.),
‘earthen potsherd (for writing on, e.g. at a vote), earthen vessel’ (Hp., Att.). <PG(v)>
*COMP Few, eg. Ootpakd-Septtog ‘having a shell for skin, with a hard skin’ (Batr.,
Arist.), wakax-dotpakog ‘with a soft shell’ (Arist.).
*DER A. Substantives: 1. Diminutive dotpax-tov [n.] (Arist. Str.); 2. -ic, -id0¢ [f]
‘pine-cone’ (Mnesith. apud Ath.); 3. -evc [m.] ‘potter’ (API.). 4. -a¢ [m.] ‘id’ (inscr.
Corycos, Hdn. Gr.); 5. -itn¢ [m.] name of a stone (Dsc., Plin.), of a kitchen (Ath.),
fem. -ittc ‘calamine’ (Dsc., Plin.); 6. -iac [m.] name of a stone (Plin.).
B. Adjectives: 7. voc, 8. -e(L)oc, 9. -det¢ (AP), -otc (Gal.) ‘earthen’; 10. -@61¢ ‘shell-
or sherd-like, full of sherds’ (Arist., LXX, pap.). 11. -npa [n.pl.] ‘crustaceans’ (Arist.).
C. Adverb: 12. -ivéa ‘played with potsherds’ (Ar.), see Taillardat REA 58 (1956): 189ff.
D. Verbs: 13. -iGw ’to write sbd.’s name on a potsherd and thus vote for his exile; to
exile’ (At, Arist.) with -toptd¢ [m.] ‘ostracism’ (Arist.); 14. -dopat ‘to crack into
1120 SOTPELOV, -EOV
pieces’ (A.), ‘to become covered with a shell’ (Lyc., Gal.), -6w ‘to turn into a shell,
harden’ (Arist.), ‘to cover with sherds’ (Att. inscr. IV’).
*ETYM Traditionally (Schwyzer: 497, Chantraine 1933: 384), it was assumed to be a
formation in -axo- derived from an r-stem dot-p-, seen also in » dotpeov. This r-
stem was assumed to interchange with the i/n-stem in Skt. dsthi, gen. asthnds (see
> dotéov). However, there is no alternation between *r/n and *i in IE, nor a suffix
*-nko- (as per DELG) leading to Gr. -axo-. Therefore, the word must be Pre-Greek
(not in Fur.).
The suffix -ako- is also seen in » dotakdéc ‘smooth lobster; hollow of the ear’, which
may be related as a Pre-Greek word, displaying typical variations. The same holds
for » dotpayahoc. :
éotpetov, -eov [n.] ‘oyster, mussel, sea-snail; purple dye’ (A., Epich., Att.). <PG(s)>
*COMP Ootpeto-ypagric ‘painted with purple’ (Eleg. apud Plu.), Ayv-dotpea [pl.]
‘pond oysters’ (Arist.).
*DER Ootp-éivoc ‘mussel-like, provided with a shell(?)’ (Pl.), -ivoc ‘purple’ (POxy.
109, 5; III--IV?), probably from Lat. ostrinus ‘id.’ (since Varro), cf. below; -e(1)wdr¢
‘oyster-like’ (Arist., Str.), -etaxdc “belonging to oysters’ (Zonar.), -it1)¢ [m.] kind of
stone (Orph. L.).
eETYM The old etymology, which analyzes dotpe(t)ov as a suffix -e(1)o- added to a
stem dotp- ‘bone’, which is also assumed for dotpakov, is wrong, as there is no
evidence for an Indo-European pre-form *ostr- meaning ‘bone’ (see on » doTpakov).
Therefore, the word must be Pre-Greek. I assume that -e(t)- continues a Pre-Greek
suffix -ay- (Pre-Greek: Suffixes s.v. -at-/-e(.)-). For a word with this meaning,
substrate origin is most likely in any case.
It was borrowed as Lat. ostreum ([n.], ostre- [f.] (from dotpea [n.pl.]), together with
ostr-inus (whence Gr. dotpivocg see above), -edtus, -edrius, etc; thence MoHG
Auster, etc.
éSotpmtov [n.] ‘stable, fold’ (Antim., H.), “Ootpyia [pl.] name of a mountain (Lyc.).
<PG?>
*ETYM Improbable hypothesis by Bezzenberger BB 27 (1902): 174, who reconstructs
*h,od'-tro-, comparing the Germanic group of OS edor ‘fence’ < *h,ed'ro- and the
Slavic group of OCS odre ‘bed’ < *h,od'ro-: both the Greek suffixation and the
formation in *-tro- remain unexplained. Acc. to Frisk, dotpytov belongs to
> SoTpakov, » SoTpEov, assuming a prior meaning *‘protecting roof, for which he
gives a parallel in Lat. lestud6 ‘tortoise’, also ‘protecting roof.
Since there is no IE etymology, the word may be Pre-Greek, although there appears
no further indication for this.
dotptva, -vn [f.] name of a tree with hard, white wood, ‘hop hornbeam, Ostrya
carpinifolia’ (Thphr., Plin.). <PG>
VAR Also doTpve¢, -boc (or -u¢, -voc?), and doTpvic, -i5oc.
*ETYM Frisk compares »déotpeov, but the semantics are weak. The assumption of
syllable dissimilation from *dotpo-Spuc is extremely doubtful. Heubeck 1961: 37 and
dogis, -vocg 1121
Neumann Glotta 37 (1958): 106-112 consider dotpuc to be Pre-Greek. Indeed, the
enlargements -vc, -vba, -vic are typical for an adapted foreign word. Not in Fur.
dogpaivopat [v.] ‘to catch scent of, smell’ (IA). <IE *h,ed- ‘smell’ + *g”"reh,->
eVAR Aor. d0@p-eéo8at (Att.); Woppavto (Hdt. 1, 80), fut. do@p-rooptat (Att.), also
dogpav-Oivat (Hp., Arist.), -Ojoopa (LXX), younger present do@gp-atat (Paus.,
Luc.), aor. Wo@gp-toavto, -AOn (Arat., Ael.). Rare and late causative do@paivw ‘to
give to smell, make smell’ (Gal., Gp.), also with am-, ovv-, mtap-, etc.
eCOMP Rarely with mept-, b1-, kKat-. Compound karv-oogpavtns [m.] ‘who smells
smoke’ (Com. Adesp., Alciphr.).
*DER 1. dagp-notc [f.] ‘olfactory sense or organ’ (Pl. Arist.), 2. -acta [f.] ‘smell,
smelling’ (LXX, Arr.), 3. -avotc [f.] ‘olfactory sense’ (Clearch.). 4. back-formation
sogpat [f.pl.] ‘flavours, smell’ (Ach. Tat.) with décgpddiov [n.] ‘bunch of flowers’
(Eust.). 5. d0@p-avtiptoc ‘smelling, sniffing’ (Ar.), 6. -avtiKdéc ‘smelling, able to
smell’ (Arist.), -rtuxdg ‘id’ (Gal. D. L.); 7. -avtdc (Arist.), -1yt6¢ (S. E., Gal.)
‘smellable’.
eETYM The triad dogpéo8al : dogproopat : do@pytds corresponds to aicBécBat :
aic@rjoopa : aio®ntdc, which is semantically related and much more frequent;
dogpaivoptat may have been built after this on the basis of examples like aAttéo@au :
aAttaivopiat, Brooptat : Baivw, meprjoetat : paivw, etc; dogpavOijvat possibly after
evepavOrjval, and doppavto (Hdt.) probably after rveixavto, etc.
It is widely agreed that the initial syllable contains a zero grade s-stem from the root
*h,ed- seen in » dCw, » ddr), > opt. This s-stem also occurs in the suffix -wé1¢ (s.v.
> d(w). Against further identification of 60-ppaivouat with d-, eb-gpaivw (which
belong to » gprjv) speak the non-presentic forms 60-gpéoOat, -pprjoacBal, for which
no parallels exist in d-, ed-ppaivw.
Brugmann’s old connection (e.g. Brugmann IF 6 (1896): 100ff.) with Skt. jighrati,
ghrati ‘to smell’, ghrdna- [n.] ‘scent, nose’ is now followed by LIV? s.v. *g""reh,-. The
verbal compound in Gr. é0-gpr)- < *h,eds-g”*reh,- was compared with *mens-d'eh,-
in IIr. *manz-d"a- by Schindler 1975: 266. Thus, all Greek forms derive from the
future.
Seebold 1980: 482 also connected OE breéé ‘smell, breath’, etc.
dais, -Vos [f.] ‘hips, loin(s)’ (IA). <PG(v)>
eVAR Accented thus in Hdn. Gr,; the codd. often have -wc.
*COMP As a first element e.g. in do@v-adyrig (A. Fr. 361 = 111 M., Hp.) ‘suffering from
a hip-disease (lumbago)’,, with -éw, -ia (Hp.).
*DER Diminutive do@vétov [n.] (Theognost.).
*ETYM For the formation, cf. ifdc, vnduc, etc. Often connected (but without serious
argumentation) with dot-gov, assuming different second members, e.g. @v- as in
Evy, or opu- as in opvda@v- ioxupdc ... ‘strong’ (H.). Fur. 375 adduces uc = d0@uc
(AB 1096), with Doric loss of initial o- before @, pointing to a Pre-Greek prothetic
vowel. He also accepts (op.cit. 393) the connection with yta ‘loin-muscles’ and
> woat, which was suggested already by Prellwitz and is too obvious to be discarded.
Thus the word is clearly Pre-Greek.
1122 60x1) 1
60x11 [f.] ‘scrotum’ (Hp.). <PG?>
VAR In the same mg. also doy-éa [f.], -eo¢ [m.] (Arist.), -eov [n.] (Poll, H.). Also
doxea PadAdvtta, Lapovmiia 7 TO TOV SSvpwv ayyeiov ‘bags, purses or a sack of
twins (sens. obsc.)’ (H.).
*COMP dv-ooxrv- dvavépoc ‘unmanly’ (H.).
*ETYM Explained by Frisk as a metaphorical use of » édoxn 2. DELG considers this
possible, but uncertain. Improbable is derivation from a prefix 6- (see » 6- 2) and
oxeiv (suggestion by DELG). The word may well be Pre-Greek.
é0xn 2 [f.] in doxat- KANpLata Botptwv yéuovta “branches full of bunches of grapes’
(H., similar Harp.; unclear Nic. Al. 109). <PGQV)>
eVAR Also doxn: KANpatic ‘vine-branch’ (EM, Suid, H.); msc. plur. woyxoi ta véa
kATLata odv avdtoic totic Bdtpvot ‘young branches, with the bunches themselves’
(H.); likewise, among others, EM 619, 32 with oi-, perhaps after oivoc; sg. in
Aristodem. apud Ath. u1, 495f.
eCOMP Frequently in woyo-gédpia [n.pl.] name of an Athenian festive day, together
with -gdpot [m.pl.], -popixdc (since IV*); on the mg. see Rutgers van der Loeff
Mnem. 43 (1915): 404ff.; codd. also 0- (cf. doxog Ar. Ach. 997 as a conjecture).
Hypostasis én-doxtov [n.] ‘offshoot of a vine’ (Gal.).
*ETYM Scheftelowitz IF 33 (1913/1914): 141, 144f. hypothetically compares MP azg
‘branch’, MoP azay ‘twig, bud’, but this word is further isolated. Previously
connected with oxetv ‘to hold’ with prefixed w-, 6- (see Frisk for lit.), but this prefix
does not exist in Greek (see > 6- 2). The variation of the initial vowel rather shows
that the word is Pre-Greek (not in Fur.).
été [conj.] ‘when, as’, mostly temporal (IA, Arc., Cypr.). <IE *h,i-o- ‘if, when’>
*DIAL Myc. o-te, Aeol. éta, Dor. Ska.
*ETYM Usually explained from the relative 6- < IE *h,i-o- and the particle -te, -ta,
-Ka (cf. on > eita, > yvika and Schwyzer: 629).
6tAo¢g [m.] ‘burden, load, suffering’ (A. Th. 18, S. Tr. 7 sch.). <PG?>
*DER OtA-€w (Call, A. R., Lyc.), -ebw (A. R., Babr.) [v.] ‘to bear, undergo’, -rypa [n.]
‘distress’ (H., Theognost.).
eETYM Taken as a verbal noun to tAfjvat ‘to bear, suffer’, under the dubious
assumption that the prothetic vowel 6- was rhythmically conditioned, or a prefix.
However, this is no explanation, and moreover *tlh,-o- would give Gr. *tado-, so the
etymology is wrong. The word is probably Pre-Greek.
étofos [m.] ‘noise, sharp sound’ (Hes., A. S., Antim.). <ONOM, PG?>
DER Otof-éw ‘to produce noise’ (A.).
*ETYM Onomatopoeic with a suffix -Bo- like in 8@dpupoc, kdvafoc, etc. Besides, there
isthe reduplicated interjection ototot ‘ah!, woe! (trag.), with ototUlw ‘to cry dtotoi,
lament’ (A., Ar.); see Schwyzer: 716.
otéotvAdov [n.] name of an unknown plant (Epich. 161 cited in Ath. 7of). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
ovyyla, ovyKia 1123
OtTparéwe [adv.] ‘swift, quick’ (IT 260, T 317, t 100, Hes. Sc. 410, Sapph. 44, 11, A. R. 1,
1210). <?>
VAR Also -A€og [adj.] ‘id’ (Opp., Q. S.). Cf. étpnpdc ‘id’ (Hom., Ar.).
*DER Otpvvw [v.] ‘to encourage, urge, incite, stir up’ (Il.), aor. dtpdvau, fut. dtpvva,
also with prefix (always in prose), especially éu-. Hence dtpvv-tvtc, -vv [f.]
‘incitement’ (T 234f., Antim. 91), -ttxdc ‘inciting’ (Eust.), -tebc¢ [m.] name of a
Lydian, together with -teidncg (Y 383f., 389); pyotpuc: katdcoKomoc épywv ‘labour
inspector’ (H.), a back-formation.
sETYM Like kAtvw < *kAi-v-1w, OTpUVW < *dTpPv-v-tw is an older nasal formation to
which a presential yod-suffix was added. otpnpdc is undoubtedly a recent formation
in -7pdc¢ (on which, see Chantraine 1933: 231ff.); perhaps 6tpadéoc was formed to
otpbvw after the model Bapoadgosg : Bapobvw.
The variation in Otpbvw : Otpadéwe recalls that in tpb@dAeta : tTpditeta < *(k”)tur-.
The form otpbvw has therefore been analyzed as *6-tpi-v-1w, consisting of a prefix
6- and a zero grade IE *tur- which metathesized to tpv- (cf. on » tpvpdAeta). In this
way, connection with Skt. tvérate ‘to hurry and with the Germanic group of OHG
dweran ‘to turn round quickly’ < IE *tuer- became possible. This analysis seems
quite uncertain, however, since a prefix 6- probably did not exist in Greek; cf. » 0- 2.
See > Topvvn 1.
OTPLYN, -Payos —TpvYN).
OTpUVW >dTPAAEwc.
OTTEvOLLAL 600d.
od [pcl.] ‘not? (IL). <1E? *h,eiu- ‘lifetime, long period’>
eVAR Antevocalically ob, ody (Il.), obki (epic), obyi (trag. also Hom. and Att.
prose).
DIAL Myc. o-u-ge ‘and not’.
*ETYM Pre-Greek origin has been considered for a long time, until Cowgill Lang. 36
(1960): 347ff. connected the element with >» aiwv and cognates, assuming a basic
expression *ne h,oiu k”id, where *ne is the sentence negative; it lost its meaning to
the second element, a development which occurs more often. The syntagm would
also explain Arm. o¢‘and Alb. as (cf. Kortlandt 2003: index).
The other Greek forms are easily explained in this way: Hom. ov-ki contains the IE
indefinite pronoun *k”id and is the oldest form; thence ovk by elision and od with
aspiration, if the latter was not elided from ov-x1, containing the stressing particle IE
*$hi (Pok. 417f.), like vai-x1, f-xt, etc. = Skt. hi (in na-hi ‘since not’, etc.), Av. Zi.
From ov6éé eic arose ovdeic, younger Att. and Koine ov@eic ‘nobody’; in the same
way, o6-ajtod, -apioi, -aptd@c, -aptdc, and -duvoc arose from > *ajto0-, dia.
ovai [excl.] ‘alas! (LXX). <LW Sem.>
*ETYM A loan from Semitic; see Lowe Hermathena 105 (1967): 34-9.
obvyyia, ovyxia [f.] = Lat. uncia.
‘ eVAR Also oykia (Epich. 203).
1124 obdac, -E0c
eETYM A loan from Latin by the Greeks of Sicily.
ovdac, -eog [n.] ‘ground, soil’ (I1.). <PG?, %
eVAR Dat. -et. On the inflexion see Chantraine 1942: 210f.
*DER ovddaiog ‘on or under the ground’ (Lyc., Orph., AP) and several hypostases:
kat-ovdaioc ‘subterranean’ (Hes. Fr. 60, h. Merc., Call.), b1-ovdatog ‘id.’ (Plu,
Opp.), énovdator- émy8dwot ‘who dwell on the earth’ (H.); 1poo-ov6-ilw, -ioat [v.]
‘to throw on the ground’ (Hdt., Plu., D. C.), émotovdiee: katéBadev éni yiv ‘threw to
the ground’ (H.), containing the prefix motT-.
*ETYM There is no good etymology. Semantically attractive but phonetically difficult
is the connection with Arm. getin ‘bottom of,the earth’ < *ueden-o-, Hitt. utné ‘land’
< *ud-n-i-, but then ov- remains unexplained; see » o0dd6c ‘threshold’ for details. See
Peters 1980a: 57f. for a discussion of all possible reconstructions. One also compared
> Z5agoc ‘ground, bottom’.
00656¢ [m.] ‘threshold’ (II.). <PG?, ?>
eVAR O0dc (Att.), wdc (Cyrene, H.).
eETYM Unexplained. A basis *5f6c¢ enables connection with obédac, but only if one
accepts that this is a generalized Ionic form (Att. *66ac¢ would be expected). The
further connection of Arm. getin and Hitt. utne with oddac and ovddc used to be
justified by the assumption of a form *d-fo6d- besides 666¢ from *fod-dc, but a
prothetic vowel cannot be assumed anymore in an inherited word. In any case,
*h,uC- did not give ovC- (as per Peters 1980a: 72f.). In principle, ob5dc¢ and ovéac
could be variants of the same Pre-Greek word. See > od6ac.
ovdav, -@voc [m.] ‘kind of felt-shoe made of goat hair’ (Poll. 10, 50). <LW Asia
Minor>
*DER Diminutive -wviov (Edict. Diocl. [Asine]), -wvdaptov (Charis., gloss.).
eETYM Borrowed as Lat. ud, -dnis [m.], also odo. Acc. to Martialis 14, 140, the word
is Cilician, thus a foreign word from Asia Minor; cf. WH s.v. and Neumann 1961: 33.
odOap, -atoc [n.] ‘udder’, also metaph. (II.). <1E *h,e/ou(H)d"-r/n- ‘udder’>
*DER ov0aTtoc (AP), -detc (Nic., Opp., Orph.) “belonging to udders, fertile’.
eETYM Old inherited word for ‘udder’, preserved in several languages. The original
r/n-stem is also seen in Skt. idhar, gen. idhnas. In Lat. aber, -eris [n.] (secondarily
with adjectival mg. ‘rich, fertile’), the r-stem was generalized, like in Germanic, e.g.
MHG iter, ON jugr < *judr with deviating initial, and in Lith. adr-oti, 1sg. -d ju ‘to be
pregnant’, pa-udroti ‘to get an ever larger udder’, of pregnant swines and dogs. If the
Germanic forms with initial *e- are not secondary, the root starts with *h,- and
shows ablaut e / 0 / zero. Slavic rebuilt the word after the neuters in -men, e.g. SCr.
vime, Ru. vymja [n.].
The variations in anlaut seem to point to an old ablaut *HeuHd"., HouHd"., HuHd'..
Acc. to Schindler BSL 70 (1975): 7f., this reflects a PIE static heteroclitic formation.
To explain the Greek form, the Saussure Effect is assumed: loss of the laryngeal after
a root with o-grade and a resonant or semivowel. However, if the length in Skt. could
ovAN 1125
be explained in a different way, there is no need to reconstruct the internal laryngeal
at all, since in Balto-Slavic, initial *HuC- merges with *uHC- (see Pronk fthc.c).
ovAai [f-pl.] ‘Cunground) barley corns, roasted and sprinkled between the horns of the
sacrificial animal’ (Ion. since y 441); Lat. mola salsa. <PG(v)>
eVAR OAat (Att.), dAoai (Arc. II*). Cf. dAma- ydvdpov tic Eynorc. ESeoud tt ‘cooking
of groats, a dish’. 7] 6ABog ‘wealth, blessed state’ (H.).
eCcOMP As a first member in ovdAo-xbtac [acc.pl.f] ‘id’ (Hom.); ovAdxvta: Ta
katdpypata ‘first offerings’ (H.); compounds of obdAai and » yéw with a suffix -to-
(cf. e.g. axpd-Betov); obAO-xbTac took the gender of ovAat (but acc. to Schwyzer:
439, it stands for *obAdc xvTdc); thence odAOYvT-~optat [v.] ‘to besprinkle with ov.’
(Thphr. apud Porph.). Also ovAo-xdiov (-xoeiov?)- dayysiov, eic 6 ai dda
EuBdAAOVTAL TIPdg ATapxac TWV BvOIWV ‘vessel in which the 6. are thrown at the
beginning of sacrifices’ (H.); as if from *ovAo-ydo<¢, -xoéw.
*DER Also (with OAB- = OAf-) OAB-dyviov [n.] ‘basket for the dda’ (EM 257, 53
[Syracuse]), OABaytov: kavodv. Aetvodoxog (H.); dABaxria ‘id.’ (Dor., acc. to H. s.v.
edmAoUTOV Kavodv); dAayLEvelv- OAdG PadXeLv ‘to throw 6.’ (Phot.) with ddAaipets: 6
(cod. 16) tag dAdc BaAwv ‘he who throws the 6. (H.).
*ETYM The second 0 in Arc. dAoai may stand for F (cf. dodv = Spay, see » Srv), from
which we obtain a basic form dAfat. The comparison with éAvpat and » Avo
‘barley’ is hypothetical. In view of the gloss éAma (H.), which Fur. 155 and 240
connects with » dABoc under an original meaning ‘Nahrung, Getreide’, it is probably
Pre-Greek.
ovAapdc [m.] ‘throng, crowd’ (Il: obAaudcs avépmv); metaph. of bees (Nic.); technical
usage ‘troop of cavalry’ (Plb., Plu.). «IE? *uel- ‘press together’>
eCOMP As a first member in ovAaLN-Pdpoc, OdAAL-WvuLOG (Lyc.); details in Triimpy
1950: 159.
*ETYM From y6dAapoc (=FOA-): Stwypdc ‘pursuit’ (H.), a pre-form (F)oAauds with
metrical lengthening is deduced (cf. Chantraine 1942: 124f.). This is derived from
> ciAgw 1 ‘to press together’, with an o-grade root and suffixal -ap-, like otapdc,
TAOKALOG.
ovAa@og [m.] - vexpdc ‘corpse’ (H.). < PG(S)>
DER Also in obAagn-pdpos ‘bearer of corpses’ (Call. amb. 1, 234).
eETYM Often connected with » obAoc 3 as containing a suffix -@o- (cf. Chantraine
1933: 263). However, it rather seems to be an independent Pre-Greek word.
ovAe ‘salve’ (w 402). >6A0c.
ovAn [f.] ‘scarred wound, scar’ (Od.). <IE *uel- ‘draw, tear’>
*COMP ovA0-mpdowmos ‘with scarred countenance’ (Cat. Cod. Astr.).
*DER ovAdoual, -dw [v.] ‘to scar, cause scars’ (Arist.), with -wotg (Gal.), -wpa (Suid.)
‘scarring’.
eETYM From a pre-form *wolnd-, but without a direct counterpart outside Greek.
Closest is Lat. volnus [n.] ‘wound’ < PIt. *welanos- < QUE *uelh,-nos-. Celtic words
1126 obALoc
like MW gweli [m.] ‘wound’, also ‘blood’ < *ueliso- (vel sim.), Olr. fuil [f.] ‘blood’ <
*uolH-i- are root-related.
As a common basis for these nouns, the root *uelh,- ‘to strike’ must be assumed, as
represented by Hitt. yalh-” ‘to hit’, Lat. vellé ‘to pull out’ and, within Greek (with
change of meaning), » GAicxopat ‘to be caught’. The loss of laryngeal in *uolH-neh,-
> PGr. wolnd- can be attributed to the Saussure Effect; for an alternative, see Van
Beek 2009.
ovAtog ‘baneful’. =odA0oc 3.
ovdAov [n.] ‘gums’ (Hp., A., Pl, Arist.). <?>
eVAR Mostly plur. -a. 3
*ETYM The basic form is uncertain: *(f)dAcov, *(F)dAvov, or even (if an Ion. loan
into Att.) *(F)6AFov? It is etymologically uncertain as well: both the connection with
eihéw, efAoucu ‘press together’ (referring to the compact, massive structure of the
gums) and that with eiAéw ‘to turn, wind’, eiAdw ‘to envelop’ (properly *”tumor,
envelopment”; Pok. 1141, WH s.v. gingiva) seem conceivable.
ovAoc1 ‘whole, entire’. =dA0c.
ovA0¢ 2 [adj.] A. ‘frizzy, shaggy, woolly, crinkly’, of kéun, Adxvn, xAadiva, Tanntes, etc.
(IL), as a first member in ovAd-OptE, -Kdpryvog, -Kopos, etc. (Od., Hdt., Alex., Arist.);
also of plants like AE, oéAtvov (Simon., Hdt.); B. Later, of FvAov, dévdpov, etc.
(Thphr.), also of the voice (Plu., AP), of movements (Call.) “compact, dense, thick,
TIUKVOG, OVVEOTPALLEVOG. < IE? *uol(H)-no- ‘wool’>
eVAR Myc. wo-ro-ne-ja was interpreted as /wloneja/ with metathesis for /wolneja/ by
Ventris and Chadwick 1973: 322; uncertain.
*DER From A. ovdAdc [f.], of xaity (Nic.); from B. obAtog [adj.], of yAapb¢; obAdg also
as a substantive = mrypa, 8bAakog (Call., AP, H.).
*ETYM In the meaning ‘frizzy’, obAoc can be connected with > eiAéw 2 ‘to roll, turn,
wind’ (Bechtel 1914). The later-attested meaning ‘compact, thick, etc.’ agrees better
with » eiA€w 1 ‘to press together’, but we may also be dealing with a semantic shift
‘twisted’ > ‘compact’ (cf. » ovotpégetv), and it is often difficult to separate the two
verbs.
However, the morphology is difficult: a base form like *fdAvoc fits better with a
substantive. A reduplicated *f6-FA-o¢ is improbable. If Myc. wo-ro-ne-ja stands for
/wolneja/, we may reconstruct *uol(H)-no- ‘wool’, either from *uel- ‘to twist’ or
*uelH- ‘to pluck’ (Lat. velld). See » tovAoc.
u
ovdoc 3 [adj.] ‘baneful’, epithet of Ares and Achilles, also of Ovetpog (II.); of Eros (A.
R.), also of xeipa (Bion), of otdptov (Nic.); probably also in obAov KekAryyovtes (P
756, 759; acc. to the sch. and McKenzie Class. Quart. 21 (1927): 206 ‘thick, loud,
violent’, to » obAOg 2). <IE *h,lh,-u- ‘destructive’>
«DER With a suffix -to- and in the same mg. ovAtoc, said of dotnp (A 62), of Ares,
etc. (Hes. Sc., Pi, S.); also of Apollo and Artemis (Delos, Milete), probably originally
as bringers of pest and death ( = Aoituoc), later connected with Apollo as a healing
ovpa 1127
god and connected with dAo¢ (whence Az. “OAtog in Lindos; cf. on 6Aoc). On
> oVAa@oS, see S.Vv.
eETYM Derived from the root *h,elh,- of » SAAvut, but the details of the derivation are
disputed. It seems best to assume an original u-stem *h,elh,-u-, *h,lh,-eu-, which is
probably continued in dA06d<¢, as well.
As an epithet of Ovetpoc, obAog was interpreted by Bechtel 1914: 259f. as ‘deceiving’
and connected with Lith. vilti ‘to deceive’, which Frisk calls “verlockend aber
iiberflissig”.
ovAog 4 [m.] ‘sheaf of corn’, secondarily ‘song to worship Demeter’ (Ath. 14, 618d);
obAotr Spdypata ‘sheaves’ (H.). <?>
*DER OvAW [f.] epithet of Demeter (Semus 19). Egetmeyer Kadmos 32 (1993): 35f.
compares the Cyprian epithet of a goddess wo-lo-we-a-i /wolweai/ [dat.sg.f.].
eETYM Unknown. Hardly the same word as » iovAog, as assumed e.g. by Frisk.
obv [adv.pcl.] ‘well, so’, also (originally?) affirmative: ‘in fact, indeed, certainly’ (Hom.,
Att.). <2
*VAR Post-Hom. Ion. wv (also attested as obv), Lesb. Boeot. Dor. wv, Thess. obv (<
wv?).
*ETYM The relation between obv and wv is unclear. Unconvincing explanations in
Brugmann-Thumb 1913: 633 and in Schwyzer 1950: 586f. On ovdv in Homer, cf.
Reynen Glotta 36 (1957): 1ff. and Reynen Glotta 37 (1958): 67ff.
ovvexa, -Kev [rel. adv., conj.] ‘wherefore, because of which, for the reason that’ (II.), as
a preposition ‘because of = évexa (mostly Att. poetry, Herod.). <GR>
eETYM As a relative, compounded from od évexa; as a preposition, arisen from
éxeivov éveka > Exetvodveka (vel sim.) by false division.
obvov
eVAR ovvel.
*ETYM Acc. to Mayer Acme 14 (1961): 233ff., it was borrowed from Eg. wny (cf. Copt.
ov(e)vi) ‘to run’. See » éptobvijc.
ovpa [f.] ‘tail’ (I1.), later often metaph. ‘rear (guard) (X., Plb.). <IE *h,ers- ‘tail’, PG?>
eVAR Ion. -1.
*COMP ovp-aydc [m.] ‘leader of the rear guard’, with -éu, -ia (X., Plb., LXX); on KdA-
ovpog see » KOAOG; see also » KB0UPOG, > md youpoc.
*DER 1. Diminutive ovpddtov (Gp.); 2. Adjectives obp-aiog ‘belonging to the tail’ (‘Y
520, Hp.) with -aia [f.] (like xepaia, etc.) ‘tail’ (Aret.), -aiov [n.] ‘id.’ (E.). 3. obp-axdc¢
[m.] ‘foetal organ, point, outer end’, eg. of the heart, of the eyebrows, of a stalk
(medic., Ael.), -iaxocg [m.] ‘lower end of a spear’ (Il, A. R, AP; metrically
conditioned?); cf. kbuB-axoc, GTON-aXos, etc. 4. obpwddrj¢ ‘belonging to the tail’ (Hp.
v.1.). See also » otpak.
eETYM The alternation between otpda and dppos, -opoog mirrors that between kovpa
and Kdéppi), Kdpon. The cause for this alternation may have been the accent: *Opoa
gave ovpd, while -po- remained when the accent preceded: dpoog (> Att. Sppoc).
Note Olr. err [f.] ‘tail’ < IE *h,ers-h.-.
1128 ovpavec
The form otpayéc is remarkable, with a suffix that is probably Pre-Greek; here again
there are the parallels with -ay-, -ty-, -vx- (cf. Chantraine 1933: 403). Even stranger is
the form ovtpiayoc, which has been considered to be a metrical licence (there is no
other word in -taxoc). One might suppose, therefore, that the preceding consonant
was palatalized, ie. -rs’-; cf. Beekes 2008. This might lead to the conclusion that the
word for ‘tail’ is Pre-Greek (unless one concludes that odp(i)axdc is not cognate with
the tail-word). See » édppoc.
ovpavoc [m.] ‘heaven, sky’ (Il.), also personified (Hes.). <PG?, IE? *uors-o- ‘rain’>
eVAR Dor. Boeot. wpavdc, Aeol. ®pavoc, dpavoc (both probably for dpp-, see below).
COMP Often as a first member, e.g. odpavogyrne ‘sky-high’ (€ 239); in hypostases
like ém-ovpdviog ‘in the sky’ (I1.).
*DER 1. Diminutive otpavicxog [m.] ‘tent-roof, palate’ (Hell.), also name of a
constellation (sch.); 2. obpav-toc ‘heavenly’ (Pi. IA), -ic¢ [f] (AP); -ia [f.] name of one
of the Muses (Hes.); 3. Odpav-iwve¢ (Qeot) [m.pl.] ‘the heavenly (gods) (Hom.,
Hes.), also ‘the Titans’ (E 898; from Ovpavoc); -61)¢, Dor. -idac ‘son of Ouranos’,
plur. ‘the Titans’, also ‘the heavenly’ (Hes., Pi.); 4.00pav-tdc [f.] “game to worship
Ourania’ (Sparta); 5. obpav-iCw or -ifopat ‘to go up high’ (A. Fr. 766 M.), -1dCw ‘to
toss up high’ (H. s.v. obpaviav), -odc08at ‘to become deified’ with -wotc (Eust.).
eETYM As the Aeolic variation wp-, Op- probably stands for geminated dpp-, the basis
is likely to have been *(F)opoavéc, accented like dpq@avdg and perhaps an
enlargement of a noun *uorsd- = Skt. varsd- [n., m.] ‘rain’.
Alternatively, like e.g. dxavov : yw, Edavov : Eéw, it has been supposed that obpavdc,
as an agent noun, derives from a verbal root *uers- as seen in Skt. varsati ‘to rain’;
alternatively, that it derives from the iterative » obpéw, in the way that Indo-Iranian
nouns in -ana- are connected with verbs in -ayati (= Gr. -éw); it would then mean
“rainmaker” or “moistener, impregnator”. However, the identity of the suffixes Gr.
-avo- and IIr. -ana- can only be accepted under the doubtful assumption of PIE *a.
Specht KZ 66 (1939): 199ff., Fraenkel 1955 s.v. virsus and others interpreted it as “der
zur Hohe in Beziehung stehende”, from the root of Skt. varsman- [m., n.] ‘height’,
Lith. virsus ‘upper, highest seat’, to which "Eppoc: 6 Zetc (H.) has also been
connected, so from IE “*uers-; however, this is not to be preferred, neither
semantically nor formally.
The old identification with the theonym Skt. Vdruna- is certainly wrong; see
Mayrhofer EWAia s.v.
It has also been suggested that the word is of foreign, i.e. Pre-Greek, origin (DELG);
note that -av- is difficult to account for if the word represents an old IE formation.
ovpak, -ayog [f.] Att. name of the bird tétpiE (Arist.). <PG>
eETYM The suffix occurs in Pre-Greek, and it has parallels with three Pre-Greek
vowels: -vy- -ty- (with long vowel, as appears often in Pre-Greek); see Chantraine
1933: 397, and cf. »Adtag. This means that the word is Pre-Greek and probably has
nothing to do with the word for ‘tail’. Cf. Potpa.
obpéw [v.] ‘to urinate’ (Hes., IA). 4 IE *uers- ‘urinate’>
VAR Ipf. éovpovy, aor. ovpijoat, fut. -rjow, -foopat, perf. Zovprnka.
ovpos 2 1129
eCOMP Also with prefixes like év-, é&-, mpoo-, Kat-.
*DER (é-, an-)ovpnote [f.] ‘micturition’, -ytHp [m.], -78pa, Ion. -1 ‘urethra’, -na
[n.] ‘urine’, -1)tlkdc¢ ‘urinating frequently, promoting urine’ (Hp., Arist.); also as
back-formation ovpov [n.] ‘urine’ (Hdt., Hp., Thphr.), together with dvooupéw [v.]
‘to have difficulties with micturition’, -ia [f.] ‘difficult micturition’ (medic.) as if
from *d5vo-oupoc. From otpov or obpéw: ovpavy [f.] ‘chamber-pot’ (A. Fr., S. Fr.) =
ovprytip (Poll.).
*ETYM Iterative formation *uors-eie/o- from the primary root present seen in Skt.
vdrsati ‘to rain’ < IE *uérs-e/o- and YAv. aifi.varasta- ‘rained upon’. It is a
euphemistic expression for » dpelyw; cf. » olpavdcg and » gpo1. The cluster -rs- lost
its s with compensatory lengthening when followed by the accent.
Lat. arina goes back to *uh,-r- (Skt. var- [n.] ‘water’, ON ur [n.] ‘drizzle’), and
therefore cannot be connected. See CEG 1 (RPh. 70, 1996): 117f.
odpia [f.] name of a duck-like waterbird (Alex. Mynd. apud Ath. 9, 395e). <?>
eETYM Unclear. It cannot be combined with the word for ‘water’ in Lat. arina, etc,
see on » ovpéw.
obpoi [m.pl.] ‘trench or keel-furrow, through which ships are pulled into the sea’ (only
B 153). <IE *uoru-o- ‘drawer’, *uerH-u- ‘draw’>
eETYM Formerly, words mentioned s.v. » 6pog ‘frontier, etc.’ were connected, but
also » dptoow ‘to dig’. Recently, however, Garcia Ram6én 2004 (see also DELG
Supp.) has analyzed ovpoi as an agent noun *uoru-d- built on the same root as épvw
‘to drag’, illustrating the etymology with examples from Homeric phraseology.
ovpov 1 [n.] ‘urine’. >ovdpéw.
ovpov 2 [n.] in obpov (-a) Mutdvotiv (-vwv) (8 124, K 351) and dioxov obpa (¥ 431,
dioxovpa Y 523) as a measure of length. <?>
eVAR Later only ovpa (A. R. 2, 795).
eETYM Because the concrete meaning is unknown, the word has no certain
explanation. Wackernagel 1955(2): 1082 supposed that otpa was originally a
collective plural of otpog ‘frontier, furrow’ (or to odpoi?, Frisk adds), from which the
singular otpov was an innovation. Details in Bechtel 1914: 261f.
ovpog 1 [m.] ‘fair wind’ (I].). <1E *h,er- ‘arise’>
*DER oUptog ‘with a fair wind, favourable’, also as an epithet of Zeus, 1) ovpia (sc.
Ttvor}) = odpos (IA); obpitw ‘to carry with a fair wind’ (trag.), ovpiow ‘id.’ (AP); often
in hypostases like énoup-iCw ‘id.’, also intrans. ‘to blow fairly, etc. (Att.); cf. ét-ovpoc
‘blowing fairly’ (S.).
*ETYM May be derived from the root *h,er-, extended *h,er-u-, in »dpvupat, » dpobw
starting from a pre-form *orwo-. Att. obptog must then be a Homerism or Ionism.
ovpocg 2 [m.] ‘watcher, guard(iany (I1.); in Hom. almost only in obpoc Axatwv, epithet
of Nestor. <IE *uer- ‘observe’>
eVAR Myc. wo-wo /worwos/.
1130 obpos 3
*COMP Cret. obpetw [v.] ‘to watch, guard’ with ovpeta [n.pl.] ‘fortress’ (III*), wpeta
(1*); Opevetv- pvAdooetv ‘id.’ (H.).
eETYM Can hardly be separated from » 6paw, and probably derives from *Fdpfoc,
which is attested in Mycenaean wo-wo. On the Cretan forms, see Bechtel 1921, 2: 691
and 791, as well as Thumb-Kieckers 1932: 153. See » émtioupoc.
ovbpog 3 [m.] ‘border’. =dpoc.
obpos 4 [n.] ‘mountain’. dpoc.
ove [n.] ‘ear’, metaph. ‘handle’ (I1., IA). <IE *h,eus-, *h,e/ous-n- ‘ear’>
*VAR Wc (Theoc., Hell.); gen. @td¢ (IA, with:nom. acc. plur. @ta, etc.), also obatoc,
-ata, etc. (Simon., with nom. acc. sing. obac); also the gloss ata (cod. dta) ata.
Tapavtivot (H.); probably also sing. atc (Paul. Fest. 100, 4; see Wackernagel 1955(2):
1252ff.).
*DIAL Myc. a-no-wo-to /an-Gwotos/ ‘without handles’; also a-no-we /andwes-/ like
aip-w1)¢ ‘with two ears or handles’ (Theoc.), beside dtp-wtoc (Od.).
*COMP Wt-akovotéw [v.] ‘to eavesdrop, listen, pay attention’ (Hdt., X., D., Plb.), a
compound built on wti dkovotdév (opposite av-ryKovoTéw : odK akOUOTOV), with
@takovotr¢ [m.] ‘eavesdropper, listener’ (Arist.); av-obatoc ‘without ears, without
handles’ (Theoc.), &-wtog ‘id.’ (Philet., Plu.); uvd0-wtov (ut-wtov) [n.], pvoowTic
[f.] “mouse-ear”, i.e. the plant ‘madwort, Asperugo’, from voc wta ‘id’ (Dsc.), see
Stromberg 1940: 42. On »Aaywe, see s.v.
*DER Wt-iov [n.] ‘handle, ear’ (Theopomp. Com., LXX, NT), -dptov [n.] ‘id.’ (com.
IV*); obat-detc ‘with ears, handles’ (Simon., Call.), which can also be reconstructed
in Hom. and Hes. for wtwetc, acc. to Wackernagel 1916: 168f. wt-1xdc ‘belonging to
the ear’ (Gal., Dsc.). Also wtic, -idoc [f.] “bustard’ (X., Arist.), perhaps after the
cheek-plumes or the tuft, Thompson 1895 s.v. besides @toc [m.] ‘eared owl (Arist.),
after the ear-plumes. See also on » évadiov, » EvWTLOV.
eETYM The nominatives otc, wc (cf. Botc, Bac) can be derived from IE *Héus. The
color of the initial laryngeal is determined by Lat. auris, aus-culto, etc., which must
continue an e-grade *h,eus-. This e-grade may also be found in the gloss ata, if from
*ato-ata; see perhaps also on » ddv@a; it is certainly found in » mapeiai ‘cheeks’ <
*par-aus-(i)ai. It has been supposed that the o-vocalism in otc was taken from the
word for ‘eye’.
OAtt. OX is noteworthy; it cannot contain an inherited diphthong *ou- and thus
seems to point to a contraction from *éwo-. An s-stem *h,ous-os was reconstructed
on this basis, for which support was found in OCS ucho [n.] ‘ear’, gen. usese < *h,eus-
os, gen. *h,eus-es-es. However, it is also possible to interpret the OAtt. form as Wc,
analogical after wtdc, etc. This would eliminate the problem that Homeric otc at Y
473 (there are also problems with A 109) contains a contraction which cannot be
resolved. Cf. Fischer MSS 56 (1996): 42 and the discussion in Haug 2002: 85ff.
The other case forms can be derived from pre-forms *h,ous-nt- (see Kiparsky Lang.
43 (1967): 619-635), so it is no longer necessary to assume a lengthened root grade
*h,Ous-nt-, as per Frisk. This gives Hom. (Aeol.) obatoc, with a geminate as a reflex
of the cluster *-Rh-, and IA *owatos with compensatory lengthening, contracting to
ovtTaw 1131
wtdc. The n-stem continued by these forms is also found in Arm. un-kn (with -kn
after akn ‘eye’; cf. on the Greek vocalism above) and in Gm., e.g. Go. auso, ausins.
However, n-stems were highly productive in Germanic, which excludes them as
evidence for the original flexion.
To summarize, the Homeric instances may show a trace of an original root noun
*h,ous (represented in Lith. gen.pl. aus), while the rest of the Greek forms
(including OAtt. OZ) may have been built on the n-stem *h,ous-n-, which need not
be inherited (though note the Armenian parallel). Other notable forms are the old
duals Av. usi < IE *h,us-ih, with zero grade, OCS us-i < IE *h,eus-ih,.
On the reconstruction of the initial laryngeal, see Beekes Sprache 18 (1972): 123f,
extensive treatment of otc and derivative compounds in Szemerényi SMEA 3 (1967):
47-88. Perhaps related are » dkovw, » dkpodopat.
ovoia [f.] ‘property, homestead; being, presence, existence, reality, substance’ (Att.).
<IE *h,s-ont- ‘being’>
eVAR Ion. -in, Dor. woia.
*COMP Often with prefix (from dm-eut, etc.), eg. am-, &&-, wet-, map-, ovv-ovoia, -in
(mostly Att.). Compounds ét-ovotoc ‘bereft of property’ (Ph.), btep-ovctog ‘above
being’, et-ootoc ‘below being’ (Them., comm. Arist, etc.).
*DER ovo-idtov [n.] ‘small property’, -\6t1¢ [f.] ‘nature’; -\wdn¢ ‘substantial, real’
(Epicur.), -takdc ‘belonging to property’; verbs ovv-ovotdtw [v.] ‘to be together’, é&-
ovoidtw ‘to have power’ (since IV*; oboiaw only PMag. Lond.), whence ovvovot-
aoti¢ [m.] (PL. X.), -aotixdc¢ (Ar.) etc; ovot-dw, -dopat ‘to provide (be provided)
with substance’, ovv- ‘to be connected to something’ with (ovv-)ovoiwatc (late).
*ETYM Abstract formation in -ia from the ptc. dv, ovoa, dv (cf. the pair yepovoia :
yépwv). On this was modeled Dor. woia, but also éooia on Dor. Aeol. éooa [f.], vtec
[pl.] (Pl. Cra. 4o01c); see also got s.v. »eipi. Suppositions on the formation in
Collinge Glotta 49 (1971).
ovoov [n.] ‘ship’s tackle, ropes’ (Lyc. 20, Antim. 57 Wyss, H.), mostly plur. <?>
*ETYM von Wilamowitz Herm. 59 (1924): 273 compares oovoov (?).
obtaw [v.] ‘to harm, wound’ (II, also trag.). < PG?>
eVAR Present only ipv. obtae (x 356); 38g. ota (A. Ch. 640 [lyr.] conj. Hermann);
more frequent is the present odd; aor. odt-doat, -foat, -NOFvau, fut. -dow, -hou,
pret. 3sg. ota, inf. obt-dpev(at), ptc. -dapevos, perf. pass. obtaotau.
DER G-ovTos, dv-ovTatoc ‘unwounded’, ve-obtatoc ‘newly wounded’ (II.), later also
-tog (Nic. Nonn.). dv-ovtijti [adv.] ‘without wounding, without wounds’ (X 371,
Q.S.).
eETYM Athematic ott-a, -dpev(at), -duevoc, which certainly function as aorists,
should probably be considered to be the common basis of the above forms. Thence
ovtae and (if correctly restored) obtd, together with obt-foat, -18ijval, -ow on the
one hand, and the s-aorist odt-doa, whence in turn -dow, -d0w, -aotat. See
Chantraine 1942: 356, 380, 410f.; on the use in Hom., see Triimpy 1950: 92ff.
Morphologically and etymologically unclear. Often connected with »wrteti}
fol
(obtapévyv wtelAry & 518, P 86) and with »ddw. Already Meister 1921: 229 had
1132 ovTib6avec
thought of Pre-Greek origin, which seems to be the best solution, by the
interpretation of wteiAn as a variant. A root of the shape *h,u(a)th.- (e.g. Peters
1980a: 60ff.) is impossible for PIE.
obtidavoc [adj.] ‘worthless, insignificant’ (Il. also A. Th. 361). <GR>
*ETYM Derivation from ovtt like ynedavec, mevkedavoc, etc. (Chantraine 1933: 362),
although the 6 could also belong to original *ov-t15 < *h,oiu k*id; see on » ov. See
> dAAOSartdc, Pm EdaTtdc.
obtog [pron.dem.] ‘this, this one, that one, iste’ (II.). 4IE *so- + *h,u-to- ‘that one’>
eVAR abit [f], todto [n.].
eETYM The form obtoc < *so/to- + h,u-to- (Beekes 1995: 202), a univerbation of the
*so/to- pronoun with the stem that also figures in » adtdc. For the element *h,u
‘away, again’ (Skt. ava ‘away’, Gr. ab) used in proniminal stems, cf. OCS ove ... ove
‘the one ... the other’. This element is also found in Skt. sé < *sd u < *so hu, and
perhaps also mavv (see on > mac)
dgeidw [v.] ‘to owe, be obliged, be due’ (IA, also II.). <1E *h,b'el- ‘owe, be obliged’>
eVAR OgéAAWw (Acol., Arc. also Hom.), dgrAw (Cret. Arc. Arg.), sigm. aor. O@eth-
joa, pass. -nOjvai, fut. -fow (Hell. also -éow), perf. wpeiAnka (Att.), them. aor.
w@edov, S@edov (II., Att.).
Further ogAtokdvw ‘to be guilty, incur punishment, be sentenced’, fut. d@A-rjow, s-
aor. -fjoa, perf. PANKa (Att.), ptc. FopANKOot [dat.pl.], 3pl. [Fo]@Agaon (Arc.), them.
aor. OpAsiv (IA), also with é1-, mpoo-.
*DIALMyc. o- pe-ro ‘deficit’, etc.
eCOMP Also with prefix, e.g. mpo-, Mpoo-.
*DER A. From the present dgeiAw: dgeth-étn¢ [m.], -étt¢ [f.] ‘debtor’ (S., Pl.) with
-éo.ov [n.] ‘small debt’ (Eust.), -ria [n.] (Th., Pl. Arist.); opmAwpa (Cret.) after
avaAwpa; dpeid-notc [f.] (pap. III*) ‘debt, indebted sum’; -1 [f.] “debt, leasing’ (pap.,
NT).
B. From the aorist opAeiv: 6~A-npa [n.] (D., Arist., pap.), -rotc [f.] (LXX) ‘penalty,
fine’; -17t1¢ [m.] ‘debtor’ (gloss.), opAoi- Opetdétau, dpethai (H.).
eETYM The system ogdAeiv : dgAtokavw : dgAfow : GPAnKa neatly corresponds to
evpeiv : evpioxw, evprjow, etprka, except for the presentic enlargement -dvw (see
Schwyzer: 700). The aorist o@Afjoat (Lys. and late) was built on the future. Arc.
[Fo]pAég-aot also has the same enlarged zero grade without secondary -x-. This
system was built on the zero grade thematic aorist; beside it stands another system,
based on the full grade aorist dpeAov, whence the nasal present *opéAvw was
derived (like étepov : té\tvw), giving the various dialectal forms dgeidw, dpéddu,
ogrjAw. As the formation of the present dogeikw became opaque by its phonetic
development, it was able to become the basis of another system. The form dgeihw ~
dgeov was also separated from dgAeiv semantically.
An old problem is fo-, which only appears in an Arcadian inscription. It cannot be a
prefix, but it may be that fo- is a notation of (earlier) 6-. On the forms, see Hamp
Glotta 60 (1982): 227f.
For references to attempts to connect dgeiAw with > OpéAAw 2 ‘to augment’, see s.v.
OpBadpoc 1133
OgéAAW 1 ‘to OWe’. >OQEiAW.
o~éAdw 2 [v.] ‘to increase, enlarge, augment, advance’ (epic, Pi, A. Theoc.). IE
*h,b'el- ‘increase, augment’>
*VAR Aor. opt. dpéAXetev (II 651, B 334), beside which the ambivalent forms
opédAwotv (A 510), SpeAAE(v) (B 420, Theoc. 25, 120), OpeAde (7 174).
*DIAL Myc. no-pe-re-a, /ndp*ele*a/ ‘useless’ [nom.pl.n.] < *4-h;b'el-es-h..
*COMP Also with é&- (0 18).
*DER 6geA-pta [n.] (S. Fr. 1079); -6¢ [m.] (inscr. Lydia) ‘increase, advantage’, -o1toc
‘advantageous, useful’ (Call., Orph., Opp.), after xpr-, Ovij-outog; also O~EAAMLOG ‘id.’
(Max.) with direct connection to d6@éAAw.
dgedog [n.] ‘promotion, use, advantage, gain’ (Il.); as a second member in eg. av-
wedrc ‘useless’ (IA), replacing *vw@eArc seen in Myc. (see above); secondary
simplex dgeArc (pap. II); Ogedgo-try¢ [m.] PN (Il); Opéd-avdpocg [m.] (VI*)
perhaps after AAg&-avdpoc (Sommer 1948: 198).
Denominative (with w- from the compounds) weehéw [v.] ‘to be of use, help,
support’ (IA), whence -in, -ia, secondary -eta [f.] ‘use, help’ (IA), -rwa [n.] (trag.),
-1oc [f.] (S.) ‘benefit, use’, -foutog [adj.] ‘useful’ (S. Ar.); much more common is
w@péAmosg ‘id.’ (Att.), probably from w@edéw, -ia. More details in Leumann 1950:
120ff. with an attempt to explain the lengthening of the initial vowel. Hamp Glotta
60 (1982): 229f. thinks that wpeAéw was extracted from the negative compound Myc.
no-pe-re-a2 /ndp*ele*a/.
*ETYM The old verbal noun égedoc is widespread in Greek. Beside it stands a yod-
present dgéAAw < *Oqed-w, and an s-aorist d~éAAelev with Aeolic development of
*dgeh-o-.
The form dgedoc can be directly identified with Arm. *awel in awel-i ‘more’ and the
denominative y-awel-um ‘to add to’, in ar-awel ‘more’ and ar-awel-um ‘to increase’:
all are from an IE root *h,b’el-. It is mostly agreed that » 6~éA)w 3 contains the same
root as the present lemma, since Armenian also has this meaning; various scholars
also believe that » dpeihw derives from the same root as well (see e.g. De Lamberterie
1992, of which a summary is found in DELG Supp.). However, opinions differ on the
semantic scenario to be proposed for Greek (is ‘increase’ or ‘sweep’ primary?); see
the discussion in Clackson 1994: 156-158.
dpédAw 3 [v.] ‘to sweep, broom’ (Hippon. 51). <1£ *h,b'el- ‘sweep’>
*DER OgeApa [n.] ‘broom’ (ibid., Eust.), dpéApact capwpactv ‘sweepings’ (H.),
SpedTpov: KaAAVVTpOV ‘broom’ (H.), whence dgeAtpetw (Lyc. 1165).
eETYM Identical with Arm. awelum ‘to sweep’, awel ‘broom’, except for the
formations. Doubts on the identity of the Greek and Armenian etyma were
expressed by Jahukyan and Arutjunjan (see Clackson 1994: 158 with fn. 232), who
assume borrowings from Near Eastern words. See » OgéAAw 2.
Barc [m.] ‘eye’ (I].). <PG(V)>
VAR Boeot. 6ktadAog, Epid. Lacon. ontid(A)oc.
1134 Sec
*COMP Often as a second member, e.g. ttov-6@8aAjtog (ovv-) ‘with a single eye, one-
eyed’ (Hdt., Plb., Str.), étep-d~0ahttoc ‘bereft of one eye’ (D., Arist.); also as a first
member, e.g. d@Oahtt-wpvx oc ‘digging out the eyes’ (A.).
DER 1. Diminutive d@0adt-idtov [n.] (Ar.); 2. -ia, Ion. -in [f.] “eye-disease’ together
with -tdw ‘to suffer from an eye-disease’ (IA), whence -iaotg [f.] (Plu. H.); 3. -iac
[m.] name of a kind of eagle (Lyc.), also of a fish (Plaut.); because of the fixing
glance, Stromberg 1943: 42; 4. -uxdc ‘ptng. to the eyes’, msc. ‘eye-doctor’ (Gal., Dsc.);
5. -156v ‘like eyes’ (gloss.).
6. Verbs dpBarttiZoptat ‘to be inoculated’ (Thphr.), ‘to suffer from d@OaAptia’ (Plu.);
with preposition év-O@Oa)tt-iCw ‘to inoculate’ (Thphr.), -iGopat pass. (Delos) with
-to4t6¢ (Thphr.); also -1dZopat (Plu.); &-opBadudtw ‘to disregard, disparage’ (pap.
IVP); én-o@Oadyt-iCw (Pherecyd., Plu.), -taw (Plu., pap. ITIP), -éw (pap. IV?) ‘to ogle,
peep at’.
eETYM Understandably, attempts have been made to derive the word from the root
om- ‘to see’. However, there are variants in Boeot. dktadhoc, Epid. Lacon.
OntiA(A)oc. This interchange xt : mt : @O was interpreted by Frisk as follows: -Kt- is
old, mt is analogical and 8 is expressive. This kt / mt was then compared with group
ks in Skt. aksi eye’, and a correspondence between the suppletive m-stem in Skt. gen.
aksnds and a putative I-stem in 6@6-aA-pLd¢ was assumed by Specht.
However, since an JE labiovelar became a labial before a consonant, the explanation
that takes -«t- as a regular reflex is just plain wrong. Also, expressive aspiration is a
meaningless explanation for -p~@-. Moreover, the repeated attempts to explain
O@BahtLdc as a compound are all wrong (e.g., from OaAapo¢g ‘bedroom’ and 8aAAw
‘to flower’; for literature see Frisk s.v. 6pO8aAtt6c).
Finally, not only the variation cannot be explained from Indo-European; the rise of a
suffix -aA(A)- would be incomprehensible as well. In Beekes 2008, it is shown that
6ktaddoc has a Pre-Greek suffix (thus already Beekes 1969: 193); it continues a
palatalized *l’, which was represented as a geminate. This leads to a PGr.
reconstruction *ok”t-aP-(m)-. Here the labiovelar could become a labial, but the
labial element could also be ignored, which yielded oxt-. Aspiration was not
phonemic in Pre-Greek, hence the variant 6@0- is unproblematic on this account. In
ontiA(A)oc, *a apparently became i by influence of the following palatalized
consonant. The fact that PGr. *ok”t- strongly resembles IE *h,ek”- is a mere
coincidence, and such accidents may be expected to occur every now and then.
By way of contrast, the gloss ékkov: 6@OaAyL6v (H.) may well be of IE origin (related
to, Arm. akn?). For words derived from the inherited root Om- ‘see’, see > dja,
> docs, » Onwna.
bgtc [m.] ‘snake’ (M 208). <IE *h,eg’”"i- ‘snake’>
eVAR Gen. -l0G, -€06, -EWs.
*COMP As a first member in the constellation name dgt-obxo¢ [m.] ‘snake-holder’,
Lat. Angui-tenens (Eudox., Arat.), see Scherer 1953: 184f.
*DER Diminutive og-idiov (1 and 1) [n.] (Att. inscr., Arist.); -iaoic [f.] (to *ogiaw)
“snake-disease”, name of a disease of the skin (Gal.); -twSn¢ ‘rich of snakes, snaky’
(Pi., Arist.); -wetc ‘rich of snakes’ (Antim.), HN Ogtodc¢ [m.], Oiodoca [f.] name of
‘
i
i
i
i
Ogpds, -boc 1135
several islands (Antim.,, Arist.), of a plant (Plin.); -taxdc ‘belonging to snakes’, ta
d@taKkd title of a work (sch. Nic.); -léveog ‘snaky’ (Opp.), perhaps from *-1-iveocg
(Schwyzer: 491); -itng (Ai80c) [m.], -tftI¢ nétpN [f.] ‘serpentine’ (Orph. L.), after the
color, Redard 1949: 59, ‘erysipelas’ (Gal.); Redard 1949: 104.
*ETYM Probably identical with Skt. dhi-, Av. azi- [m.] ‘snake’ from IE *h,ég’"i- (the
absence of reflexes of Brugmann’s Law points to IE e-vocalism). The traditional
connection with Arm. iz, instr. -iw ‘id’ is problematic, since it presupposes a pre-
form *Hég”"i- (with unexplainable lengthened grade). The appurtenance of the first
member of the Germanic word for ‘lizard’ (OHG egi-dehsa, etc.) is unclear, since one
expects *h,eg”"i- to yield PGm. *awi-. The lengthening of the 6- in M 208 (after
which Hippon. 49, 6, etc.) is metrically conditioned; see O. Masson 1962: l.c. See on
> éxic and (unrelated) » éyxeAue.
OPALOKavw —dgeirw.
dgvic [?] - bvvic, dpotpov ‘ploughshare, plough’ (H.). <IE *uog’'-n-i- (?) ‘coulter,
ploughshare’>
*ETYM Can be identified with OPr. wagnis ‘coulter’ < IE *uog”*ni-. Beside this stands
Lat. vomis (-er), -eris [m.] ‘ploughshare’, from an unclear base form; see De Vaan
2008 sv. It is probablye that dgata: Seoptoi dpdtpwv ‘ties of the plough’. Axapvavec
(H.) also belongs here; see Bechtel 1921, 2: 76. See > bvtc.
dgpa [adv., conj.] ‘so long as, until; in order that’; in correlation togpa ‘so long as,
meanwhile’ (II.); on the use in Hom. see Bolling Lang. 25 (1949): 379ff. <IE *-b'r->
eETYM From relative 6- and demonstrative to-, perhaps comparable to Arm. erb
‘when? (IE *h,e-b"r-), ToA ku-pre ‘when’, té-prem ‘so much’, etc. Ehrenfellner KZ
107 (1994): 101-104 explains the second member as the zero grade of *b'er- ‘to bear’
as ‘auf welches hinzielend’.
d—pic, -vog [f.] ‘eyebrow’, mostly plur.; metaph. ‘elevated edge, brow ofa hill’ (IL). <IE
*h,b'reuH- ‘eyebrow’ >
eVAR Details on the inflexion in Schwyzer: 571.
*COMP As a second member in otv-ogpuc ‘with meeting eyebrows’ (Arist.).
*DER Diminutive ogpv-diov [n.] (H. s.v. émtoxbvov, Theognost.), MoGr. (d)ppvd1;
Ogpvn, -a ‘elevation’ (Hdt., Argos) like ix60-n, -a, etc; -detc ‘situated on an edge,
terraced’ (X 411), -wn¢ ‘protrusive’ (Gal.).
Denominative verbs: 1. ogpv-dopat [v.] ‘to be haughty’ (Timo, Luc.) with -wotc [f.]
‘elevation, edge’ (Paul. Aeg.), older ovv-oppvdopat [v.] ‘to knit one’s brows’ (S., E.);
with kat- in Katw@pvwpévos ‘to be provided with brows’ (Philestr. VA, Luc.); 2.
dgpv-atw ‘to beckon with the eyebrows’, also as an expression of pride (Amips.
Com. V-IV*); 3. -dw ‘to be hilly’ (Str.); 4. dppvyva- dpoiws (ie. = -dCet). Bowwtoi
(H.); unclear, perhaps after dptyvaojtat.
*ETYM Ogpdc continues an old root noun *h,b"ruH-, identical with Skt. bhri- [f.],
acc. bhruvam, and with forms from Celtic and Gm.: Olr. for-bru [acc.pl.], OS bra.
The root noun is also visible in Balto-Slavic: OCS brov-», Lith. brave, dial. -is. The IE
paradigm was nom. *h,b"réuH-s, gen. *h,b"ruH-os, which explains the Gm. forms
1136 bxa
OHG brawa [f.] ‘eyebrow’, wint-prdawa ‘eyelash’, which belong with OS braha ‘id’ to
OE brew [m.] ‘eyebrow’, ON bra [f.] ‘eyelash’.
The root noun was extended as an n-stem in ON briin, while ToB parwane [du.] may
contain the regular dual ending in this language. An extension with dental is found
in Av. bruuat-biigm [dat.plf.], MIr. bruad [gen.du.], and in a&Bpottec: ogpic.
Maxeddvec (H.).
6xa [adv.] “by far’, before Gpiotog (Hom.). <GR>
*ETYM Backformation from éoxa ‘id’ (oxoc, éEéxw); see Leumann 1950: 1336f.
OXavN eVAR Gxavov, OxT, etc. =EXw.
oxen [f.] ‘cave, grotto’ (Arat., Nic., Orph.). <GR>
*ETYM Hellenistic for » yeu} after » OKpvdec for Kpvdetc; perhaps through cross with
sematically related dyetdc.
OXETOG > OXEW.
oxevw [v.] ‘to cover, mount’, med. ‘to copulate’ (IA). <GR>
eVAR Aor. -evdoa.
eCOMP Also with én-, kat-, map-, etc.
*DER Ox-€iog ‘serving as a cover’ (Din.), -etov [n.] ‘covering place, stallion’ (Lycurg.,
Arist.); -eia [f.] (X, Arist, pap.), oxy [f.] (Arat.), -evowc [f] J.) ‘covering,
impregnation’, -evpa [n.] ‘product of the body’ (Arist.); -evtr¢ [m.] ‘stallion’ (pap.
III"), -evtixdg ‘ruttish’ (Arist, Thphr.); -ebtpav (H. s.v. woav). Also ox@v-
OYEVTIKMs Exwv (H.), Oxéwvtat (Arat. 1070 verse-final) = oxebwvtal.
*+ETYM Etymology debated. Acc. to older interpretations, it is related to oxéoj1a ‘to
drive, ride’, in which case the ending -ebw and the active diathesis would be
remarkable in dyebvw. Others connected »#xw in the sense ‘to overpower’. More
attractive is the hypothesis by Bo&hardt 1942: 30, who takes oxevw as a denominative
from dxev¢ ‘door-bolt, etc’ (which also derives from #xw): this was originally a
wooden pin which was fitted in a hole in the wall to block the door. The hapaxes
OX OV, OXEWVTAL are secondary innovations.
Oxéw, -Eoptat [v.] ‘to carry, bear, endure, sustain’, ‘to let mount or ride’, ‘to anchor’
(Od., E. Hel. 277); more frequent in med. ‘to drive, ride, swim, be at anchor’ (II.).
<GRP>
eVAR Aor. and fut. (not in Att. prose) act. dyfj-oat (Call.), -ow (A., E.), med. -caoBa1,
-oouiat (Hom.), pass. -Orjvai (Hp.).
eCOMP Also with prefix, especially én-oxéopat.
*DER 1. Oxy-eTd¢ [m.] (from dxoc?) ‘canal, furrow’ (Pi., IA) together with -etebw ‘to
conduct by a canal’, whence -eteia, -étevpa, etc; dxet-1ydc ‘drawing a canal’ (
257); 2. 6xeTAa: OxMaTa (H.); 3. d6x-1NHa [n.] ‘vehicle’, also metaph. (Pi., IA) with
patikdg; 4. -rNotc [f.] “driving, riding’ (Hp., Pl.).
*ETYM The middle is an iterative of »%xw 2 ‘to carry, offer’ (Schwyzer: 717); the
meaning ‘to drive, ride, transport’ is old; cf. especially Lat. vehd, etc. The rarer active
forms can also be understood from this meaning, but in some instances, the
dxhocg 1137
meaning of the active has shifted by influence of » €xw 1 ‘to hold, possess, etc.”: note
oxéovtag ifbv (17 211) beside mévov 1 éxéuev Kai ditiv (N 2, 6 529). See » dxo«,
> OxAoc.
6x9éw [v.] ‘to cherish resentment, get angry or wrathful’. <GR>
eVAR Only aor. ptc. dxOrjoac and 3pl. dyOnoav (Hom.), fut. dxOrjow (Q. S.), dyOet-
otével, otevacet ‘to wail, sigh, groan’ (H.); cf. dy8Go8a- and Tob dxOn. oi yap:
otévovtes éavtovs petewpifovor ‘from 5x6n; for the wailing elevated themselves’
(H.); enlarged 6x8-iCw (Opp. H.), mpoo-ox8-iCu, -ican, -1&, -wx Oka (LXX).
eDER 6x8no1c¢: OdpvBoc, tapaxoc ‘noise, agitation’ (H.), mpoodx@to-ya [n.]
‘displeasement, object of indignation’ (LXX), mpoooy@topdc¢: mpdoxpovoic,
detvorta0eta ‘offence, exaggerated complaint’ (H.), etc.
*ETYM Probably a causative or iterative-intensive of yOouai, ExOw (see » Ex Gos), like
gopéw : péBopat, copéw : o€Popat, Bpogw : Bpéopat; MoTdopat : méTOMAL, etc.
Connection with » &y8oc, -opat is phonetically less convincing.
6x96n [f.] ‘high and rocky edge by the water, bank, shore’ (I].). <PG?(v)>
eVAR Usually plur. -au.
*DER 6x80¢ [m.] ‘height, hill’ (Ion. since h. Ap. 17), ‘hunch, outgrowth, tubercle’
(medic.) with 6x8-1)pd¢ ‘hilly’ (Hell.), -@6n¢ ‘full of outgrowth, tuberculous’ (D. H.,
medic.).
eETYM Seems to display a suffix like in udy6oc, Bpdy8oc, etc., but the connection
with éyw ‘to hold’ is semantically unconvincing. Cf. further » ebox80c, -éw. Fur.: 110,
etc. compare &kt1 ‘promontory, edge’, which would point to a Pre-Greek word with
obvious variations.
6x8o1Boc [m.] ‘purple stripe or edge of a chiton’ (Ar., Pherecr.); ‘tuft neckband’ (Att.
inscr.); cf. Kretschmer Glotta 16 (1928): 169. <PG>
eETYM Technical word with a suffix -B- like in »KdovpBoc, »KdAAaBos, etc.
Connection with 6y98n ‘high edge’ seems possible. Cf. also offoc (Luc. Lex. 3)% acc. to
Poll. tod tpaxrjAov tod Bods TO KdAALoTOVv ‘the best part of the neck of a bovine’. No
doubt a Pre-Greek word; cf. Fur.: 321.
OxAEts eVAR -éw, -iCw. =dxAOc.
6xAog [m.] 1. “(orderless) crowd, multitude, throng’, plur. ‘crowd, people’; 2.
‘disturbance, perturbation, annoyance’ (Pi. IA). <IE *uog"-(s)lo-, *ueg'- ‘drive, ride,
transport’>
*COMP OxAo-Kpatia [f.] ‘mob-rule’ (Plb., Plu.), d-oyAog ‘without disturbances, not
disturbing’ (Hp.).
*DER Adjectives 1. 6xA-11pd¢ ‘bothersome, annoying’ (IA) with -npia [f.] (LXX); 2.
-tkdg ‘belonging to the crowd, mobbish’ (Hell.); 3. -@Sng ‘annoying’ (IA), ‘popular,
common’ (Plu.). :
Substantives 4. dyAevc: poyAdc, otpdgry—, Seapdc “bolt, pivot, tie’... (H.); émoxAevc
[m.] ‘brake shoe on a cart’ (Ath.), probably for *énoyevc; émoxAiCopat ‘to be bolted’
(Apollon. Lex.).
1138 6xpW0
Denominative verbs 5. oyAéw ‘to put in (rolling) motion, roll away’ (® 261), ‘to
disturb, perturb, bother’ (Ion., Hell.; with prefix, especially év-, also Att.); av-oyAéw
= av-oyAilw (S. E.). Thence dxA-notc (év-) [f.] ‘bothering, interference, perturbation’
(Democr., Hell.), (év-)6yA-nta ‘id? (Epicur., medic.), 6yAntt-Kdg = OxAtKdc (Procl.);
6. OxAevovtat = dyAedvtot KvAIVSobvtat ‘roll’ (H.); 7. OxA-iCw ‘to pull up or out of
place’ (II.), also with tet-, av-, etc; 8. 6yA-cCw ‘to be disturbed or confused’ (LXX).
*ETYM The original meaning of the verbal noun dyAoc, which was concretized in the
sense ‘crowd’, cannot be established with certainty; in the sense of ‘perturbation,
etc.’, it may have been influenced by dyhéw.
Starting from *uog'-(s)lo- (on the lack of a.f- in Homer, see Chantraine 1942: 125),
3xhog corresponds with the well-known verb ‘drive, carry’ seen in féyw (see > Eyw
2), Oxéoptat, Lat. vehd, etc. Several possibilities exist for the semantic development:
eg. an agent noun *‘driving, carrying, moving’, or an instrument noun *‘driver,
carrier, mover. ON vagl [m.] ‘tiebeam, roost’ (properly *‘bearing-bar, carrier’) is
formally identical. The primary nouns Lat. vectis and ON vog < IE *uog'-h,- ‘lever’
agree semantically with the denominatives dyA-iCw ‘to raise’, OyA-w ‘to roll away’
(both by using a lever), and with dyA-evc ‘bolt, etc.’. An original meaning ‘drive’
could easily develop into both ‘stirred mass, mob’ and ‘spiritual excitement, unrest’;
the same holds for the denominative dyAéw (cf. Lat. turba, -dre).
SXWAa eVAR OxLLAlw, SxpLocg. =EXw 1.
6xo¢ [m.] ‘cart, carriage, vehicle’. <IE *uog"-o-, *ueg"- ‘carry, drive’>
eVAR Gender: msc. (Pi. O. 6, 24 [6xxoc, see below], Hdt., A., etc.), often plur. -or
(since h. Cer.); also ntr. plur. dxea, -eogt (Hom., Pi.).
eETYM Old verbal noun from Féyw ‘to carry’ (see » €yw 2), dxéopat ‘to drive’, thus
from *FOxoc (on the loss of the f- in Hom., see Chantraine 1942: 125), and identical
with Slav. words like OCS voz [m.] ‘wagon’, IE *udg"o-. The e-vocalism expected in
an s-stem is preserved in éyeopt- Gppiactv ‘with carts’ (H.); yea is modeled on dxoc,
Oxéopal.
The forms *fdxo¢ and [F]6xea correspond to Skt. vahas- [n.] ‘vessel’ (metaph. for the
song of praise), vadhd- [m.] ‘draught animal’, as well as ‘vessel’, Av. vdza- [m.]
‘draught animal’ (would be Gr. dyoc). A derivation in -n- with the same meaning
was formed in the Western languages: Olr. fén ‘kind of wagon’ < IE *ue¢"-no-, OHG
wagan ‘wagon’ < IE *uog"-no-; a suffix *-tlo- is used in Lat. vehiculum [n.] ‘vessel’,
Skt. vahi-tra- [n.] ‘ship’, and appears also in 6yetAa- Oxpata (H.). The geminate in
dKxoc, OKxéw (Pi.) is unexplained. Cf. » dyéw, > SyAoc, and » yaidoxoc.
OX vy = OyXvI)-
OXUPOG =EXUPOC.
*dw 1 [f.] ‘voice, sound, word’ (II.). <IE *uek”- ‘speak’ >
°VAR Only in 6m, -dc, -i.
*COMP On > evpvora, see s.v.
eDER On » d00a [f.], see s.v.
oy Ov 1139
eETYM A root noun from IE *uok”-s. Lat. vox has a long vowel, which must stem
from the nom.sg. Skt. has vak, acc. vacam pointing to a paradigm *uok”s, *uok”-m.
Besides these, there is an s-stem in » moc. Cf. » évomn.
by 2, ondc [f.] ‘eye, face’. =dmwna.
oyé [adv.] ‘afterwards, after a long time, late (in the evening), too late’ (Il.). <IE
*h,e/op- ‘on’>
eVAR Owl (Aeol., Lyr. Adesp. 57).
*COMP Often dwi- as a first member (after dyyt-, Hpt-, etc.), eg. Owi-yovog ‘late
arrival, younger’ (Il, Hdt, Arist.); also ow-, e.g. ow-apd-tn¢ [m.] ‘who ploughs late’
(Hes. Op. 490). As a second member in dr-owé (A. D.), kat-owé (Alex. Trall.) ‘late
(at night)’, cf. kat-omtv, dm0-71p6, etc.
*DER 1. Owt-aitepos, -aitatog (Att.), after madaitepos, etc. 2. Sw-toc ‘late’ (Pi, Arist.)
with dywd-ty¢ [f.] (Thphr.), like mpwi-oc -twog ‘id? (X,, Hell.), like mpwi-ttoc
(perhaps by reinterpretation of Synpog ‘visible’ B 325); -\véc ‘id. (imperial period),
after €wOt-voc, etc. 3. dyixa: Owe. BUTavttot (H.), diminutive like 600-ixos, etc. 4. ow-
ia [f.] ‘evening’ (IA). 5. dw-iCw ‘to be late, be overdue’ (Lys., X.) with -topdc¢ [m.]
‘delay’ (D. H.).
*ETYM The final accented -é in dyé is unexplained. The form dy recalls Bye ‘in a
high place’, but it must in fact have spread from compounds with *Owt-. We can
therefore assume a basic form *dw, which recalls » ay and is identical with Lat. ops-
‘towards’ (beside op, ob), e.g. in o(b)s-tendo.
oytavés [m.] of Ai8oc, a black stone (Peripl. M. Rubr. 5, Plin. HN 36, 196 ntr.pl.
obsiana). <LW Lat>
eETYM Acc. to Pliny, it is named after a person called Obsius, who discovered it.
owetovtec [m.pl.] ‘wishing to see’ (& 37), desiderative ptc. to dmwz7a, etc. <IE?>
*ETYM Hypothesis by Wackernagel KZ 28 (1887): 141ff.: from 6wet i6vtec, whence the
Hom. ind. dyeiw and the other post-Hom. desideratives in -coeiw; hardly probable,
acc. to DELG. See Schwyzer: 789 and Chantraine 1942: 453; see also Lindeman BSL
60 (1965): 46f.
Gyic VAR Swopa. =6twTa.
éwov [n.] ‘side-dish, especially meat’; in Athens and other places especially ‘fish’ (II.).
<GR, IE *h,op-s>
*COMP owo-moldc [m.] ‘cook’ (IA), ev-owocg ‘rich of side-food, especially fish’
(middle com.). ow-aptv-tij¢ [m.] ‘cook’ with -tiKdc, -cia (com.), back-formation
owaptbw (Hell.).
*DER Diminutive dwdaptov [n.] (com., pap.), MoGr. wapt ‘fish’; ow-wv-ng [m.] ‘buyer
or trader of side-dishes’ (Ar. Fr. 503) together with -(a, -éw (Critias, Ar.), -tov [n.]
“meant for buying éwov”, ‘cash salary, wages’ (Hell.) together with -td¢w, etc,
borrowed as Lat. opsonium [m.] ‘side-food’, opséndre (to déwwvéw) together with
-ator, re-borrowed as owwvatwp, cf. WH s.v.
1140 OWov
sETYM Convincing analysis by Taillardat in DELG Supp.: thematicized from the
adverb *dy, reconstructed for oyé ‘late’ and oy, and seen in Lat. obs-. The dyov was |
a supplementary dish, which was always eaten on top of eg. grain or bread. This
suggests the comparison with Myc. o-pi. Taillardat adduces other parallels from
Greek for the use of a prefix ém- with verbs for eating, expressing the same sense of a
supplementary meal.
I
Ms mayaoa [f.] - Ppa. Kai mayacai ‘door’ (H.). <PG>
; eETYM Fur:: 157” identifies the word with the town Ilayaoai in Thessaly. Other place
names in -aoa, such as Ilepyaoa, are mentioned by Fur.: 648. The word is Pre-
Greek.
mayn [f.] ‘snare, trap’ (IA). <IE *peh.g- ‘make fast, stiff>
*COMP énimayocg [m.] ‘hardened frozen crust’ (Plu. medic; back-formation to
ETLUTET]YVUUL, -LaL).
*DER Ttayic, -iSoc [f.] ‘id’ (Ar. Fr. 666, Hell.), derivatives 15ebw, -iSevpua (LXX).
mayog [m.] 1. ‘pinnacle, cliff, hill’ (epic Ionic since € 405, 411); 2. ‘ice, hoarfrost, frost’
(A, S, PL, Arist.), late also ntr. after piyoc, xptoc. Thence (or from mayijvat,
TIHYVUEL) 1. Mayetd¢ [m.] = mayog (Pi., IA), mayetwdr¢ ‘ice-like, icecold’ (Hp. S.,
Arist.); 2. mayepdg ‘freezing, icecold’ (D. Chr., Arist; after kpvepdc); 3. maywdng =
mayetwdr¢ (Thphr.).
eETYM Verbal nouns in *ph,g-h,/o/i- of »ntyyvupu ‘to fasten, attach’. See » 1d€,
> mdooaAos, and > naxvn.
mayoupog [m.] “(edible) crab, Cancer pagurus’ (Ar., Arist.). <PG>
*ETYM Usually interpreted as “whose tail (obpd) consists of mayo”, due to the hard
short back of the body (as opposed to the softer tail of other species). However, this
traditional etymology is unconvincing; see oxiovpoc for a similar case. More
probably, mayoupocg is a Pre-Greek word. Fur.: 165 and 331 connects @dypoc,
aywposg ‘kind of fish’ (H.); with secondary r, we find maypwptoc. The word was
borrowed into Latin as pagurus, whence Middle French, MoFr. pag(r)ure “Cancer
pagurus’.
mayxv [adv.] ‘altogether’ (Il, Sappho, Hdt.). <GR>
*ETYM Derived from *navt- ‘all’ (ntr. nav), but -xv is unclear. Most often considered
to be a transformation of *éy-xt (like 1-1) et al. on the model of névu ‘altogether’.
Others have suggested haplology from *nav ayxv (related to Skt. amhi- ‘narrow’; see
>dyxw and mdyyxt), or a dissimilation from *ndayyvv after mpdyvv (see Frisk s.v.).
Meier-Briigger KZ 107 (1994): 87f. assumes a compound ‘completely poured’, with a
second member *-k"u-t- from xéw ‘to pour’.
maOvn [f.] ‘crib’. =patvn.
1142 mta8oc
mao [n.] ‘incident, experience, misfortune; emotion, passion; state, condition’.
TAO XW.
Tatdv, -avoc [m.] ‘choral song, hymn’, especially for Apollo, ‘paean’; also personified
as ‘divine physician’ (Hom.); epithet of Apollo, ‘physician, savior’; also name of a
foot (Arist, Heph.). <PG?>
*VAR Ttaurwv, -ovos (Il.), maidv, -@voc (IA), tawv, -ovoc (Aeol.); matdv, -avoc (Dor.,
trag., Hell.).
*DIAL Myc. pa-ja-wo-ne /Paiawonei/ [dat.].
*DER 1. MatWv-toc ‘belonging to a paean, healing, saving’ (A, S., Ar.), fem. -td¢ (AP),
-ic (S. E.); also -ia [f.] epithet of Athena (Pauss), as a plant name ‘peony’ (Thphr., Ps.-
Dsc.); mouavides [p].] epithet of dotdai (Pi.); Taindviog = Tlawwviog (API.); mataviac
[m.] ‘paean-singer’ (Sparta). 2. mawwwKdcg = tadwoc (Plu., Gal.), moaraviKdc ‘paean-
like’ (Ath.). 3. matnoovvn: iatpeia ‘medical treatment’ (H.). 4. mawvilw (1A), -aviw
(Dor.) ‘to strike up a paean, to worship with a paean’, matwviopdc [m.] (Th., Str., D.
H.), -totat [m.pl.] ‘guild of the paean-singers’ (Rome, Piraeus, II-III).
*ETYM Probably taken from the exclamation i?) matjwv, iw matdv (as the begining of a
song). The basis is *matd-(F)wv like Id(F)ovec, Kotva(p)wv (see » “Iwvec and
mKolvdc), but is otherwise unclear. Perhaps ‘who heals illnesses through magic
(Apollo), from *naifa, *nafia ‘blow’, related to » maiw ‘beat’; otherwise, related to
ttavw? In origin, the word may well be Pre-Greek.
mounaAn [f.] 1. ‘fine flour, flour dust’ (Ar. Nu. 262, Apollon. Med.), 2. ‘shrewd person,
crafty person’ (Ar. Nu. 260). <?>
*COMP 1. dvo-nainaloc, epithet of a valley (Archil.), the waves (B.), Mount Othrus
(Nic.), etc; 2. dvo-od0-nainada [n.pl.] “difficult and rugged’ (A. Eu. 387, reading
uncertain); 3. moAv-mainadoc, of the Phoenicians (0 419), of the air (Call. Fr. anon.
225).
ee Several formally close, but semantically doubtful fomations: 1. motmad-deic
[adj.] ‘rugged’, of islands, mountains, roads (Il. epic); 2. -woc [adj.] ‘artful, shrewd’
(Theognost., sch.); 3. -d6n¢ ‘id. (EM, Suid.); 4. -eo¢ (meaning unknown) of ma
‘woodpecker’ (Antim.). Verbs: 1. maitahav: mepioxoreiv, Epevvav ‘to look around,
inquire’ (H.), moundAnpa [n.] (Ar., Aeschin.) = moundhn, probably enlargement; 2.
maindAetv ele ‘to shake’ (H.); 3. naitahwoow: 16 naifw Kai To Mapotva ‘to dance
and act like a drunk’ (Theognost.). nainadd te Kprpvovs te (Call. Dian. 194) is
probably a back-formation.
eETYM The adjective matma\detc, used by the epic poets as an epitheton ornans, is
most often interpreted as ‘raw, steep’ or ‘twisted’; hence dvo-mainadog ‘rough and
steep’. In view of the glosses moimddAetv- oeietv ‘to shake’ (H.) and nanahwoow
(Theognost.), mat-tad- could be an intensive reduplication of the root *ma\- of
pmdAAw ‘to swing, rock’, thus ‘be agitated’ vel sim. Acc. to Tichy 1983: 306ff.,
meaning 1. is a ghost word.
Taic, matddc [m., f.] ‘child, boy, son, slave, servant’, more rarely ‘girl, daughter’ (Il.).
IE *peh,-u- ‘few, little’>
VAR Also mdic (epic Lesb., Boeot.).
TIALPacow 1143
*COMP tatd-aywydc [m.] ‘children’s attendant, schoolteacher’, d-moatc ‘childless’
(IA), etc.
eDER A. Nouns. Several hypocoristic diminutives, partly replacing maic: 1. ma1d-iov
[n.] (IA), -t6tn¢ [f.] ‘childhood’ (Aq.), -wdng¢ ‘childish’ (D. H.). 2. diminutive mat6-
ioxoc [m.], more usually -ioxn [f.] (Att.), -toxt-wpd¢ [m.] (Sparta) ‘guard of girls’?,
-tokdptov (Hell.), -toxelog (IV*), -toxeiov ‘brothel’ (Ath.). 3. maid-dptov (Att.) ‘little
boy’, -apioxoc (Hld.), -apidiov (gloss.), -apujpata: maddpta ‘little boys’ (H.), -apiwv
(H.), -apimdng ‘childish’ (Pl., Arist.), -apixd¢ “belonging to slaves’ (pap. VIP),
-aptevouat [v.] ‘to behave childishly’ (Aristox.). 4. m&iANog ‘male child’ (Tanagra). 5.
maid-ia ‘childhood’ (Hp.), -t4 ‘child’s play, pleasantry, pastime’ (Att.); -1Wd1)¢
‘playful’ (Ion Hist., Arist.). 6. matyvov [adj.] ‘playful’, -in [f.] ‘play’.
B. Adjectives: 1. moud-vég ‘in infancy, childish’ (Od., epic). 2. maid-etoc, -eloc, -1iog
‘childlike’ (Pi., trag., Pl.); ta -ijia name of a festival (Delph. V--IV*). 3. matd-1Kd¢
‘concerning the child, childlike’; ta matéixd ‘dear’ (B., Att.). 4. matdotc, -odoca
‘having many children, pregnant’ (Call., Hp.).
C. Verbs: 1. maifw [v.] ‘to behave like a child, play’ (Od.), also with év-, e.g. gumaix-
TG, -Y-Ldc, -y-wov" (LXX, NT), kata-, ovv-, etc. aor. maioal, analogically also
maigat (Crates Com., Ctes., Hell.), naiy-ya ‘play’ (E.), piAo-natypwv ‘fond of playing’
(y 134), -Hoobvat [pl.] ‘id.’ (Stesich.); maty-vin ‘play’ (Hdt.), -vujuwv ‘playful (Hdt.),
-wov (Att.), -x-viov (Erinna, Theoc. in pap. Antin., Call.) ‘play, jest’. Probably, maty-
v- for *matSv- because of an early connection with maitw. (ovp-)maix-ty¢ ‘player,
team-mate’ (AP), -tpta [f.] (Ant. Lib.), (ovp-)naio-tn¢ [m.] (Pl. Min., pap.), -T1Kd¢
‘“jocular’ (Clearch.), -tpy [f.] ‘playground’ (Herod.); ovpmaix-twp, -maio-twp (X.,
AP). 2. tad-evw [v.] ‘to raise, breed, educate’ (also with éx-, ovv-, etc.) (IA), with
mad-eia [f.] ‘upbringing, education, breeding’ (A., Democr., Att.), also ‘childhood,
youth’; -evotc [f.] ‘upbringing, education’ (Pi, trag., Pl.), -evpa ‘subject, outcome of
the upbringing, pupil’ (Att.), -evti¢ ‘instructor, teacher’ (PI.), -evtixdc ‘belonging to
the upbringing’ (Pl. etc.), -evtrpiov ‘school’ (D. S., Str.). 3. *mat6-dw in maid-wotc
[f.] ‘adoption’ (Elis).
eETYM Disyllabic ndic points to original *maf-t-6-. The unenlarged stem is still seen
in Att. maic (vase inscr.) and in the Cypr. gen. ®iAd-maf-oc; uncertain is Cypr.
dimac, = di-maic? A parallel enlargement occurs in »nabdpoc < *peh,u-ro-, cf. Lat.
parvus ‘small’. Other cognates are Lat. paucus ‘few < *peh.u-ko-, pau-per, if from
*peh,u-(0-)p(o)rh;-o- ‘providing little’ (see de Vaan 2008 s.v.), and Go. fawai [p].]
‘few’. The appurtenance of Lat. puer < *ph,u-ero- ‘smaller’ is not certain.
mead [n.pl.]? - mhaxobvtia mapa Kéoic (flat) cakes (Cos)’ (Iatrocl. apud Ath. 646f.).
<>
eETYM Unknown.
marpaoow [v.] mg. uncertain: ‘to twitch, sway, move vehemently?’; nuxvd am’ dou
én dAdov OpLay, EvBovoiaoTiKkdc éxelv, omevdetv, Bopupeiv, mNda&v ‘to move often to
another and from another, be inspired, hasten, make noise, leap’ (H.), ‘to flash,
flicker? (B 450, E 803, A. R., Q. S., Opp.); cf. maparpaooet Tivaooel, 1154, Tapaxivet
1144 Ttaiw
‘shakes, leaps, stirs up’, diagaocetv: Stagaivetv ‘to show through’, maimaocovoa:
Ttavti patvopévn (B 450) ‘completely clear’ (H.). <?>
eVAR Only present stem.
eCOMP Rarely with éx-, mept-.
eETYM Probably a reduplicated intensive present, but the uncertain meaning does
not allow us to establish an etymology. See Tichy 1983: 309ff. for further suggestions.
maiw [v.] ‘to strike, hew, thrust, hit, bump’ (IA, Cret, relatively rare in Attic prose).
<UE *ph,u-ie/o->
*VAR Boeot. myw (Hdn.), aor. naioat, pass. naioOijvai, fut. maiow, -yow, perf.
TETIALKA, -OLAL. a
eCOMP Often with prefix, e.g. mapa-, dvti-, év-, ovv-, bmEp-.
*DER maitia [n.] ‘impression’ (Crete), mapanaiopata [pl.] ‘attacks of madness’
(Oenom.), mapainaya: mapaxom) ‘frenzy’ (H.); avdnat-otog ‘struck back’, [m.]
‘anapest’ (com., Arist.); &tmal-otog ‘embossed, coined’, -opa [n.] “‘embossment’
(Delos II*). -otixr téxvn ‘the art of embossing’ (Ath.); back-formations éumat-oc,
TIPSOTIAL-O¢ (to éU-, Mpoo-naiw) ‘bursting in, suddenly’ (A.).
eETYM All Greek forms are based on the present maiw. Cognate forms: Lat. pavi6, -ire
‘to thump, pound, strike’ (< *ph,u-ie/o-), Lith. pjduti ‘to cut’ (3s. pjduna), Latv. plait
‘to mow, harvest’ < *peh,u- (or *pieh,-u-). LIV? follows Hackstein 1992: 161 and
reconstructs a pres. *pi(e)h,-u-ie/o-, which would have lost the first *i due to
dissimilation (LIV’) or simple phonetic loss (Hackstein). The development may have
been *pih,u-i- > *ph,u-i-, the absence of laryngeal metathesis being due to the
following *i instead of a stop. Perhaps connected with the group of ToB pyakar [3pl.]
‘they struck down’, Gr. » ntaiw ‘to hit’, ToAB putk- ‘to divide’, Lat. putare ‘to prune
(trees)’.
maAdOn [f.] ‘cake made of preserved fruits’ (Hdt. 4, 23, Thphr., LXX). <PG(v)>
*DER Diminutive nada@-ic [f.] (Ph. Bel., Str.), -tov [n.] (Polem. Hist.), makdo-tov (Ar.
Pax 574; v.l. -Otov); adj. -@5r¢ (Dsc.).
eETYM Has often been connected with »mAdoow ‘to knead’ < *mA\a6-, but the latter
requires a preform in *pld"-, whereas mad-0n would have to reflect word-initial
*plh,-e-. If this line is followed, it can be compared with madé-pn, Mada-or, ‘flat of
the hand, etc.’; the word méa-voc dough, pulp’ could show the full grade of the root
in *pelh,-n-, and the PIE root would be *plh,- ‘to hit’, whence the roots *plh.g/k- in
LIV? may derive. However, the semantics of this etymology are not compelling, of
course. Alternatively, maA&6n could reflect a loanword. Fur.: 259 cites maAdota - Ta
ovykekoppéva odKa. Kai Sta Tob 6 maAdOta ‘harvested figs, also maAdOa with -6-’
(H.); the variation 6/ o could point to a Pre-Greek word.
mada [adv.] ‘of old, formerly, long ago, bygone, earlier’ (I].). <1E *plh,- >
*DIALMyc. pa-ra-jo /palaios/.
*COMP TlaAal-yeviic ‘born long ago, of high age’ (II.), x-mahat ‘long since, long ago’
(Hell.).
eDER maAatdcg ‘old, ancient, former’ (II.), madat-dtn¢ ‘age, antiquity’ (Att.), -dopar,
-dw [v.] ‘to grow old, make old, declare archaic (Hp., Pl. Arist.); hence mahai-woic
TaAdoow 1145
[f] ‘aging’ (Hp., LXX, Str.), -@pata [pl.] ‘antiquity’ (LXX). Compar. mahai-tepos,
-tatoc¢ (Pi.), also madad-tepos (Y 788), -tatos (Pl.).
eETYM Formation like yaptai, mapai, except for the accent. A frozen case-form,
perhaps originally a dative. The Mycenaean form precludes a labio-velar, and points
to *plh,-ei; see Chadwick Glotta 54 (1976): 68-70. Thus, the earlier connection with
> tie ‘far away, far’ < *k”- must be abandoned.
maXaiw [v.] ‘to wrestle, survive a wrestling match’ (Il). <?>
eVAR Aeol. -aipt, Boeot. -w (Hdn. Gr.); aor. -atoat, -ato8ijva, fut. -aiow.
eCOMP Also mpoo-, KaTa-, Ovv-.
*DER 1. ITaAaipiwv, -ovoc [m.] ‘wrestler’, only as the name of a sea-god and an epithet
of Heracles (E., Call. Lyc, inscr.); from ‘wrestler’ were derived madaytov-éw [v.]
‘wrestle’ (Pi.) and madat(o)j0-obvn ‘art of wrestling (Hom., Simon.). 2. maAat-ona
‘wrestling, bout in wrestling, trick’ (IA), 3. -otc [f.] ‘prize fight’ (Ptol.); 4. -ottc¢
‘wrestler’, fighter’ (6 246), -ottkdc ‘belonging to wrestling, to the wrestler’ (Arist.); 5.
-otpa [f.] ‘wrestling school, gymnasium, arena’ (IA) with -otpidiov, -otpitnc,
-OTpIKdG, -oTpiaioc. The noun mdAn [f.] ‘wrestling, wrestling match’ (II) is a back-
formation, hence avti-mahoc [m.] ‘rival, opponent’ (Pi. IA), dvo-madic¢ ‘hard to
beat’ (Pi; with transition to the s-stems) et al. Similarly, diandA-n [f.] (Pln.) from
dta-tahaiw (Ar. Ph.).
eETYM One could derive ‘wrestle’ from ‘rock, sway’, and connect mahaiw with
> mdAdw, for which a root *plh,- has been suggested. Gr. madaiw may be a recent
enlargement of a stem *mada- (cf. kepatw : kepd-cat), but there is no way to arrive at
a sequence mada- from a preform *plh,-. Alternatively, one could connect midvaziat
‘to approach’ < *plh,- (semantics: ‘to make close contact’ > ‘wrestle’), and posit a
zero-grade verbal formation *plh,-e- > mada-. However, since no synchronic traces
of such a verbal stem remain, this remains hypothetical.
madaun [f.] (flat) hand, device, means, function’ (II.). IE *plh,-(e)m- ‘hand’>
*COMP dv0-71datoc ‘mischievous, helpless’ (A. [lyr.]).
eDER mdAaytc (cod. -ic¢): texvitng Mapa toic Ladayuviois ‘craftsman (Salam.)’ (H.),
ttadanpic [f.] ‘mole’ (Alex. Trall.). Denominative maAapt-copa, -roac8at ‘to handle,
perform, plan’ (Alc, E., Ar, X.) also madapjoac texvacac, épydoac ‘having
wrought, produced’ (H.), -nua [n.] ‘performance, plan’ (Com. Adesp., Ael.).
Furthermore d&mdAaivog (also d-mdAattoc) ‘without hand’, ‘unadept, helpless,
indeliberate, inconsiderate’ (E 597); maAautvatoc ‘who does sth. with his own hand’,
euphemistically ‘murderous, murderer’ (trag.); both from *mdAaua [n.].
*ETYM Related to Lat. palma [f.] ‘flat hand’, OHG folma, Olr. lam ‘hand’, all with an
old zero grade m-derivation (*plh,-m-) of a lost verb for ‘spread out’. Greek requires
*plh.-em-; cf. Beekes 1975: 10ff. Other derivations of the same verb have been
suspected in » mahaotr] and » mé\ayog; see also’ méXavos, > TAdCow, and > mhavaw,
as well as » émimo) fj.
maddooouat [v.] ‘to draw lots’. =1dAhw.
TaAdoow [v.] ‘to besprinkle, stain, taint’ (Il.). <?>
1146 TAAAOTH,
VAR Fut. inf. madakétev, perf. ptc. menadaypévos, plpf. nenddakto.
*COMP éu-ntadkdooopat ‘to be tampered, be entangled’ (Hdt, Th.), etmarakou-
euumA€Ear ‘to entwine’ (H.), with gunaAdypata [pl.] ‘entanglements, embracements’
(A. Supp. 296).
DER ndAaktc [f.] ‘sprinkling’ = ‘priming’ (Epid. III").
eETYM Possibly connected with » md\Aw ‘to swing’, though this verb itself has no
certain etymology. One would have to posit a Proto-Greek root *pal- with the suffix
-doow, also found e.g. in » oTaAdoow, aiptdoow, et al.
mahaotr [f.] ‘surface of the hand, breadth of four fingers’ (IA). <PG(V)>
eVAR -dota (Aeol.), -atot (Hp. Arist., pap.sperhaps secondary after naAaiw?), also
-atoti¢ [m.] (LXX, Hero); after petprtijc, etc.
*COMP Tpt-1dAa(L)otos ‘measuring three handbreadths’ (IA, Hell.).
*DER TaAa(l)oT-taiog ‘measuring a handbreadth’ (IA, Hell.).
eETYM Frisk derives this noun from the same verb for ‘spread out’ as » madd, with
a suffix -st-. However, the word rather seems Pre-Greek, as is confirmed by the
variation o/ to (which probably points to a palatal *s”); cf. Fur. 296.
maketw [v.] ‘to act as a decoy, lure into, tempt’ (Ar. Av., Ph., Plu.). <PG?>
*DER mahevtai: oi ta Aiva totwvtec, oic TA Orpia MaAEveTar ‘those setting up the nets
by which animals are trapped’ (H.), -evtikdv (cod. mat-)- Onpevtikov ‘related to
hunting’ (H.), -evta- ta Aiva oic¢ Ta Onpia aAicketau ‘nets by which wild animals are
caught’ (Phot.), -ebtpta [f.] “decoy bird’ (Eub., Arist.), -evtpic [f.] (Phot.), -evya ‘bait,
lure’ (anon. apud Greg. Cor., p. 1017 Schaefer).
eETYM A technical word, probably Pre-Greek.
mtahéw [v.]<PG?>
VAR Only in the aor.opt. naAroete, said of a fleet which cannot fight (Hdt. 8,21), ind.
énddnoev- ép8dpr ‘to destroy’ and perf. nenadnkévat éxneceiv ‘to fall out’,
TerraArpevat: BeBAapyévat ‘who are disabled or hindered’ (H.); furthermore (as if
from md4AAw) meTtahpevoc: BeBAappévoc, EapBpoc yeyovwe ‘disabled; who has got
dislocated joints’ (H.), netadkévou Aéyetau TO éxrintetv Ta MAota ‘suffer shipwreck’
(Phot.).
*DER ékmtaArj¢ ‘dislocated’ (Hp., H.), éxnadéw [v.] ‘to dislocate, disjoint’ (Hp.),
exmaAnote, -eia [f.] ‘dislocation’ (medic.).
eETYM If Frisk’s proposal is correct -- viz. that the rare simplex could be a
backformation from éxmadéw, a denominative of ékmaAr¢ ‘jumped out’, which in
turn was from from éx-mdA)optat ‘to jut out’ (see » 1a4Ahw “to sway, rock’) -- then this
entire lemma is secondary. Only the forms memahévoc and menadKkévat must be
older. Fur.: 149 connects these words with glosses in BaA-, and with the root BAaf-,
which could show thatthe word is Pre-Greek.
mdaAn 1 [f.] ‘wrestling match’. =radaiw.
mMaAn 2 [f.] ‘fine flour, fine dust’ (Hp., medic., Pherecr.). <?>
eDER maAnpta [n.] ‘id.’ (Nic.), -rptatiov (Ar.Fr. 682). Reduplicated » maindhn; perhaps
to nmakdoow and nahvvw.
TtadXtyiap 1147
eETYM Has been derived from ma\Aw ‘to swing, rock’ = ‘to sieve flour’, which is
conceivable but not compelling. Alternatively, one could connect mdéAn with Lat.
pollen ‘flour, powder’ < *pol(H)-, Gr. » méAtoc, Lat. puls, -ltis ‘kind of porridge’ <
*
polt-.
maXtv [adv.] ‘backwards, reverse; again; anew’ (Il.). «IE *k"lH-i- ‘turn’>
eVAR Also maXt (Hell. poet.).
eCOMP As a second member in originally prepositional expressions like &1-maAtv
‘reversely, on the contrary’, dvd-nadtv ‘backwards, aback’ with dvanahebw [v.] ‘to
take back, cancel’ (pap.). Very often as a first member, e.g. madiv-opooc (see
> Sppoc), NaAiwétc [f.] ‘pursuit, counterattack’ (Il, App.) < *maht-fiwktc, where maht-
was formed after other first members in -.
*ETYM Frozen accus. of a noun *ndXic ‘turning, turn’ (from » méAoptat; see also
> mda), which may first have been used as an accus. of content in cases like maAtv
iévat, Baivetv, 5t56vau. See Dihle Glotta 83 (1985): 7-14 on the mg. of naAtwéc: it may
be a technical term used in chariot fighting during the second millennium, from
TIAALY FLOKELV.
maXiovpos [m.] plant name, ‘Christ’s thorn, Paliurus australis’ (Thphr., Theocr.).
<PG?>
eETYM A connection with ovpa ‘tail’ makes little sense, nor it is to be taken with
ovpov ‘urine’ (thus DELG). The word is most probably Pre-Greek (cf. Dihle Glotta
51 (1973): 270f.); see » mayoupoc.
maddaxt [f.] ‘concubine’ (IA, Hell.). <PG?>
eVAR maAAakic (Hom., X., Hell.).
*DER maAhak-idtov (Plu.), -ivoc [m.] ‘son of a concubine’ (Sophr.), -ia (also -eia to
-ebw) ‘concubinage’ (Is., Str.); -evopat, -edw [v.] ‘to take as a concubine, be a
concubine’ (Hdt, Str, Plu.). A probable back-formation is maAAak [f.], also [m.]
‘youth’ (gramm.), -axiov = jteipaktov ‘boy’ (Pl. Com., Ael. Dion.), mtadhakdc:
Epwpevoc (Eppwyévoc cod.) ‘eromenos’ (H.), Phot, MOAANE [m.] (Samos III--II*, Ar.
Byz.), nahAnkdptov (pap. written. -t-), MoGr. madAnkdpu. A different suffix is found
in MéAAGc, -avtog [m.] ‘youth’ (Philistid.; after yiyac). Athena’s epithet TladAdc,
-a5o¢ [f.] (IL) is isolated; among the Greeks in Thebes (Egypt), it functions as a
sacral term for ‘girl’; -A6tov ‘statue of Pallas’, originally “doll, female idol (Hdt, Ar.,
inscr.).
*ETYM The word may well be Pre-Greek, with a suffix -ak-. Similarly, Levin General
Linguistics 23 (1983): 191-197 regards Latin paelex ‘mistress’ as a loanword from a
Mediterranean language, maybe a Semitic one, in view of Hebr. pigs Ipi(y)leyes/
‘concubine’. The remaining connections that have been proposed, particularly those
with Ir. airech, gen. airige [f.] ‘concubine’, Avestan pairika [f.] ‘witch’, MP parik,
MoP pari < Plr. *parika, should all be dismissed for formal or semantic reasons.
maANAvtiov [n.] kind of grass (Hippiatr. 66). <?>
*ETYM Fur.: 344 compares anoAdvtiov ‘id.’, but the analysis of the latter is unknown.
madAtxiap [n.] - nepytdtidy TL mapa AdKwot ‘small cake (Lacon.)’ (H.). <PG?>
1148 TAAAVTAG
*ETYM DELG suggests a compound of nav and Xeixw (after Bourguet 1927: 148"), but
it may rather be a Pre-Greek word.
madlvtas [?] dpyavov Bacaviotiptov ‘instrument of torture’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM From nav and » lbw?
TdAAw [v.] ‘to sway, rock, draw lots’, med. ‘to vault’, also ‘to jump, hop’. <?>
eVAR Aor. mijAat (Il.), med. myAaoBat (Call.), maAto (av-, Kat-Enadto), reduplicated
&-metadkwv (Hom.; see below on memdd-eoe, -éoOa1, if for -acGe, -ao8at or -ax8e,
-dx8at), aor. pass. dva-mareic (Str.), perf. med. mémadttou (A.).
eCcOMP Also dva- (du-). As a second member in éyyéo-, cakéo-madocg ‘swaying the
spear, shield’ (I1.). *
*DER 1. Madoc [m.] ‘(shaken) lot’ (Sapph., Hdt., trag.), GutaAoc [m.] ‘fresh casting’
(of the lot, Pi.); avamaAn [f.] name of a dance (Ath.); 2. maAtov [n.] ‘javelin’ (A., X.),
éndAtagta ‘threw the javelin’ (H.), maAtdc [adj.] (S.); 3. madpdg [m.] ‘vibration,
pulsation’ (Hp., Arist., Epicur.), -w61¢ ‘full of vibrations’ (Hp.); makpatiag cetopidc
‘heavy earthquake’ (Arist.); 4. madoig (avd-, amé-) [f.] ‘pulsation, etc” (Arist.,
Epicur.). Intensive verb mat-1a)Aetv ‘to shake’ (H.). A velar enlargement seems to be
present in *maddooopat, memddaxGe, -dx8o1 (H 171, 1 331); these difficult perfects
must perhaps be read as reduplicated aor. -eo0e, -éo8at.
eETYM The forms maAto and back-formed mdAdojtat arose through metanalysis of
the compounds kat-en-aAto, dv-en-adto, which belong to dAAoptat ‘to jump’, as
containing augmented é-naAto. The remaining forms show a common basis ma)-
(pres., reduplicated aor, etc.). In LIV’, Gr. mad- ‘to swing’ is connected with Slavic
material such as Sln. plati, sg. pdljem ‘to surge, let seethe’, as well as Gr. » mehepifw
and » mdAepoc. The root would be PIE *pelh,-, whence a nasal present *pl-n-h,-e/o- >
Gr. mah)-e/o- (with similar phonetics as in B&AAw), and a reduplicated aorist *pe-
plh,-e/o- > nettad-e/o-. This analysis is possible in theory, but note that there is no
independent evidence for mdA\w continuing a nasal present. Thus, everything
remains uncertain. Alternatively, we could be dealing with a different, Proto-Greek
stem *pal-, to which nakvvw and maAdoow could belong as well. The appurtenance
of méXepoc is semantically uncompelling. The noun méAog is probably deverbal, as
the meaning suggests. See » mahaiw.
mdApve, -vdoc, -vv [m.] ‘king’ (Hippon., A. Fr. 437 = 623 M., Lyc., AP 15, 25), also PN
of a Trojan (N 792). «LW Lyd.>
*ETYM Originally a Lydian word (Lyd. qaAmAus).
maAog [m.] ‘lot’. =1d\Aw.
maXog [m.] ‘gladiator’. <Lw Lat»
*ETYM From Lat. pdlus ‘stake’, a gladiator’s rank.
madtvw [v.] ‘to sprinkle flour; to besprinkle with flour, dust, snow, etc.’ (I].). <GR>
eVAR Aor. mtahdvat.
eCOMP Rarely with Gyigt-, dta-, brEp-.
j
if
{
|
i
i
navOnp, -npos 1149
eETYM Either a direct derivative of » man 2 ‘fine flour’ or from an unattested u-stem
*pal-u- ‘flour’.
maumndnv [adv.] ‘wholly, throughout’, = néjitav (Thgn., A., S.). <GR>
eVAR -1)56v, -1)50vic (Theognost.).
eETYM Transformation of népimav after the adverbs in -md1v, -1156v. See > Emr ¢.
tapgaive [v.] ‘to shine brightly, radiate’ (Il. epic). <GR>
VAR Only present; iterative mapipaiveoKe (Eratosth.).
DER Taipavowv, -dwoa, -dwvta [ptc.], as if from *mapipavaw.
eETYM Reduplicated intensive of > paivw.
Taupaddw [v.] ‘to gaze around in astonishment’ (Hippon., Anacr., Herod.),
éTraipadnoev: 28avpiace, nepieBAEyato ‘wondered, gazed around’ (H.). <PG?(V)>
eETYM Reduplicated intensive in -dw. Frisk assumes that it represents a dissimilation
of *pad-pad-dw, probably from gaddc ‘white’ (H. see » pakaxpdc), with the same
semantic development as assumed for \evKdc ‘white’ > Aetoow ‘to look’. Fur. 161
equates Tapaddw with mantaddopat ‘to look around’ (Lyc.), assuming Pre-Greek
origin.
mauge [adv.] mavtanact ‘altogether’ (H.). <GR>
eETYM An instrumental in -qu, derived from mav [n.] ‘all’?
Ildv [m.] pastoral god from Arcadia (h. Hom., Pi., Hdt.). IE? *peh,us->
VAR Case forms ITa-vdc, -vi; Taov (Arc. VI*); plur. [avec (Ar.).
*DER 1. Diminutive Ilavioxog (Cic.); 2. Taviog “belonging to Pan’ (A. Fr. 98 = 143
M.), -tov [n.] ‘sanctuary of Pan’ (Epid. III*), -etov [n.] ‘id.’ (Str.), ta Tldveta “festival
of Pan’ (Delos II*), fem. Tlawda¢ (Nonn.); 3. Havkds ‘id’ (Hell.); 4. Tavaotat
[m.pl.] ‘worshippers of Pan’ (Rhod., Perg, like AnoAAwwactai etc; Tawotai conj.
in Men. Dysc. 230); 5. Mavetw ‘to treat in the manner of Pan’ (Heracl. Paradox.).
eETYM Often identified with Skt. Puisdn- [m.] ‘god who protects and augments the
herds’, assuming an IE ablauting paradigm *peh,us- (> PGr. *pauh-on- > IIdv) /
*phus- (> Skt. Pis-dn-), derived from PIE root *peh,- ‘to protect’. Doubts by
Mayrhofer EWAia 2 s.v.
navdoupa, -dotpa [f.] three-stringed lute (Euph. apud Ath. 1836, Poll.). <PG(v)>
*VAR mavdovpog (Euph. Lc., inscr. Seleucia ad Calycadnum), @avdoupocg (Nicon.
Harm. 4).
DER -dovptov, -Soupic (H.), -Sovpitw , -dovpiotis.
eETYM Probably a Pre-Greek word. Hiibschmann 1897: 395 compares Arm. p‘andir,
Oss. feendur, and Georg. panturi.
mavOnp, -npos [m.] ‘panther’ (Hdt, X., Arist.). «LW Orient>
eCOMP Avko-navOrpoc [m.] ‘wolf-panther’ (Hdn. Epim.).
eDER Diminutive -npioxocg (Hero).
*ETYM Foreign word of Oriental origin. Compare Skt. (lex.) pundarika- [m.] ‘tiger’ if
connected with »ndpdakic, one might consider original *nap8np, which was
1150 TUL VOG
changed to mavOnp by folk-etymological association with mav ‘all’ and 8npdw ‘to
hunt’. See Fur.: 19073.
mavos [m.] ‘torch’ (A. Ag. 284 [codd. gav-], S. Fr. 184, E. Ion 195 and 1294 [codd.
mtav-], Men.). <PG?(V)>
eETYM Unexplained. Fur: 318 thinks the word may be Pre-Greek because of the
variant with mt-.
navowsi (-ei) [adv.] ‘rushing in collectively or jointly, with the entire army’ (Th,
Pherecr., X.). 4GR>
VAR Also maco-. ;
*DER -Oiy (IL. A. R.), -di@ (E., X.) ‘id’, also ‘in a great hurry’, -dinv (EM, H.); -d6v
‘together’ (Nonn.); denominative mac<o>vdiatw [v.] ‘to assemble’ (Cyme; imperial
period).
sETYM Compound of nav and > cevop.at (aor.3sg. obo), with the adverbial suffix -6i,
etc.
TMAVY >A.
mag [adv.] ‘enough, well’ (Men., Diph., Herod.). <GR>
*ETYM Probably from » mryyvupt, Mayfvat, with adverbial -s like in » dag.
magapas [m.] ‘biscuit’. <?>
DER trakapitis , magaptidiov (Gal.).
*ETYM Allegedly from the name of a baker, [1d&atoc¢ (Gal., Suid.).
manai [adv.] exclamation of pain and astonishment (IA). <ONOM>
eVAR On the accent see Hdn. Gr. 2, 933.
*DER namaudg (Ar. E., Luc.); redupl. tanananai (Ar. Th. 1191).
eETYM Nursery word.
manna [m.voc.] ‘papa!’ (¢ 57, etc.) <ONOM>
eVAR Accus. -Gv.
*COMP mp6-nannoc ‘great-grandfather, proavus’ (Att.), éni-nanmoc great-
grandfather, abavus, forebear in general’ (Jul. Lib., Poll.).
*DER ndnoc ‘grandfather, ancestor’ (IA), ‘down (on seeds, on the chin)’, name of an
unknown bird; tann-@oc ‘ancestral’ (Ar.), -tk6c ‘id. (pap. TIP), -@6ng ‘fluffy’
(Thphr.). Denominatives nann-datw (E 408, Q S.), -(w (Ar.) [v.] ‘to say papa, call
papa’, -aopdc [m.] ‘calling out “papa” (Suid.); hypocoristic mann-ta, -iStov (Ar.).
Fully inflected: namac, -av, -@ (Hell.).
eETYM Reduplicated nursery word
nanpak, -axoc [m., f.] name of a fish in the Thracian lake Prasias (Hdt. 5, 16).
<PG?2(S)>
eETYM Has been connected with mépkn ‘perch’, mepxvdc ‘spotted’, or explained as
onomatopoeic after the supposed sound of the fish; cf. BaBpdtetv ‘to chirp’. The
word may be Pre-Greek (suffix -ak-).
mantaivw [v.] ‘to look around, glance at sth.’ (Il.). <PG?>
TApavTa, -TA 1151
eVAR Aor. nantivat, also -avat (Pi.), fut. -avéw.
*COMP Rarely with amo-, dia-, mept-.
DER Temtrvac: nepiPAEWaptevoc ‘looking around’ (H.); mantahwptevog (Lyc.).
eETYM Intensive reduplicated formation ma-nt-aivw. Could be connected with
métopat ‘to fly’, assuming the image of a restless gaze, but this is hardly compelling.
No good IE etymology. Other forms which have been connected: some Cypriot
glosses from H., such as ititdtaov. guPrdeyov. Taio ‘looked at (Paph.)’,
ivkandtaov: éykataBreyov ‘id.’, etc. (see Frisk s.v.).
manvdpos [m., f.] ‘papyrus shrub, linen, paper’ (Thphr., Dsc., pap.). <Lw>
*DER Diminutive manvp-tov [n.] (Dsc.), -(e)wv [m.] “bed of papyrus’ (Aq., inscr.);
voc [adj.] ‘made of papyrus’ (Delos II’, Plu., pap.), -txdcg ‘id.’ (pap.), -wd1)¢ (Gal.
sch.).
eETYM Loanword of unknown origin. Note that Pre-Greek has a suffix -tp-.
mapa [adv., prep.] “besides, by; from, next to, alongside, against’ (Il.). <IE *prh,-,
*preh,- ‘beside, by >
eVAR With gen., dat. acc. Also mapa, epic also mapat (Ilapat-Batac in dial. inscr.),
non-IA mostly map.
eDIAL Myc. pa-ro.
eETYM Discussion by Garcia Ramén 1997: 47-62. For Indo-European, he
distinguishes *prh,- ‘at the front, beside’, with a loc. *preh,-i, also *pr- ‘id.’ and *pres-
in mpéoBuc. Beside these, there is also a gen.-abl. *prh.-es > mdpos, and finally, *pro
and *pro-h, ‘to the front’.
The words mapai, map, and mapa are synonymous; napat may derive from *preh,-i
with analogical *pr-. The word mapa lost the meaning ‘forward’ to mp6. See » ndpoc,
> Tépa, » TEpl, > Mplv, » 1pd, and » mpdc.
mapayavdng [m.] “garment with purple border’ (Lyd. Mag. 1, 17; 2, 4). «LW OP>
eVAR Tapaywdac (cod. mapaywyac) “a Parthian garment’ (H.).
*DER Tapayavdiov (POxy. 1026, 12; VP; Ed. Diocl.).
*ETYM A loanword from Old Persian; see R. Schmitt Glotta 49 (1971): 107-110.
mapdadetcog [m.] ‘enclosed park with animals’ (X.), ‘garden’ (LXX, Hell. pap., inscr.),
“garden of Eden’ (LXX), ‘abode of the blessed, paradise’ (NT). <LW Pers.>
eETYM Loanword from Av. pairi-daéza- [m.] ‘enclosure’, MIran. *pardéz, MoP paléz
‘garden’. Iranian *daiZa- is cognate with Gr. » teixoc, from the IE root *d'eig*..
mapakAavoibvpov ‘lover’s complaint sung at his mistresses’s door, serenade’ (Plu.).
<GR>
*ETYM Univerbation of mapa-, khatotc, and Ovpa (Leroy 1969: 223-237).
Tapaodyyne¢ [m.] Persian length measure (Hdt., X.). <Lw OP>
eETYM From OP; cf. MP frasang, MoP farsang. The view that mapaodyyns was used
in the meaning ‘tyyedoc is probably due to a misunderstanding (Pearson on S. fr.
520).
mapavta, -ta [adv.] ‘immediately’ (Aesch., D).
1152 Trapayidacw
eETYM From rap’ adta Ta Mpaypata.
mapaywtdatw [v.] ‘to spatter’ (Hippon. 92 M.).
eETYM Masson cites Coppola, who adduced yidec: yiddec, ywaxdades “drops, drops of
rain’ (H.). See > yiCopat.
mapdaxdc [adj.] ‘wet, damp’ (Archil., Semon., Ar. Pax 1148); maptatov (-Cov cod.)-
Bypavov. Adxwvec ‘wetting’ (?) (H.). <PG(V)>
eVAR VIL. nop-, -SoxKdc.
eETYM The variations a/o and 6/t show that the word is Pre-Greek. Fur. 241 further
adduces dpdw ‘to irrigate’ < *d-Fapdw (Kretschmer Glotta 3 (1910-1912): 2of,
Neumann 1961: 91); he also compares Basque’forms.
mapdaXtc, -toc, -ews [f.] ‘panther, leopard’ (Il.); also name of a fish of prey (Ael.,
Opp.), of a bird, perhaps ‘red-backed shrike, Lanius’ (Arist. [-Aoc], H.). <Lw?>
eVAR Also mép6-.
*COMP mapdahn-popog ‘borne by a panther’ (S. Fr. 11), kapnAo-napdadte [f.] ‘giraffe
(Agatharch., LXX).
*DER mapdaA-én, -éa, -i [f.] ‘pelt of a panther’ (Il.), -a [n.pl.] ‘panthers’ (Arist.),
-\6eb¢ ‘young panther’ (Eust.), -e(\)oc ‘belonging to the panther, panther-like’
(Arist.), -@6dn¢ (Ath.), -wtdc¢ ‘spotted like a panther’ (Luc.); na&pdoc [m.] ‘panther’
(Ael. NA 1,31 [v.l. map5adoc]); as a second member in > Aedmtapdoc.
eETYM Loanword from an unknown Oriental source; compare several Iranian words
for ‘panther, leopard’, eg. Sogd. pwrdnk, Pashto prang, MoP palang, and Skt.
prdaku- ‘panther’. Gr. mapdoc¢ might be a back-formation from Lat. pardus (Lucan).
H.’s statement that mdpdadic is male, mapdadtc female probably represents a
secondary distinction. For the suffix, compare dduahic and, more remotely,
kv@dahov, Etadov, iEahog, et al. See » mavOnp.
mapetai [f.pl.] ‘cheeks’ (Il.). <IE *h,eus- ‘ear’>
eVAR Rarely sing. -1a (trag.), for -1d (cf. dyviai to sing. -t4)? Aeol. mapatat [pl.]
(Theoc. 30, 4 [cod. -avAatc], Hdn.). Furthermore mapriov [n.] (also plur. -a)
‘cheek(s), bridle’ (Hom.; Ceos V??).
eDIAL Myc. pa-ra-wa-jo [du.] ‘bridle’?
*COMP kadAt-Td pros (-170¢, -etoc) ‘having fair cheeks’ (II.), waho-mapavog (Aeol.) =
AevKo-mapetoc (Theoc., H, literally ‘having apple-colored cheeks’), ev-mdpaog = ev-
mapetos (Pi.).
eDER 1. ttapnic, -i50¢ (-1¢, -f}5o0c) [f.] ‘cheek’ (trag., AP); 2. mapetds (-1id¢), -d60¢ [f.]
‘cheek, cheek band’ (Hell. epic, medic.); 3. mapetacg (dgic) [m.] ‘kind of snake’ (after
the light spots on both sides of the neck; Att.); also mapovac (Apollod. apud Ael.;
after oUc).
eETYM From PGr. *par-aws-d, *par-aws-iio- ‘that which is next to the ears’, a
compound of mapa and the (original) e-grade of ovc, either with or without a suffix
-to-. The Greek words present some phonetic problems; cf. the discussion in DELG,
Forssman 1966: 153, Ruijgh 1967a: $32, and especially Peters 1980a: 295ff. on the
question whether a separate form *par-aws-iiad should be assumed.
Tapvoy 1153
mapropos [m.] ‘(horse) in the same harness’ (I].), metaph. ‘walking beside the track,
irrational’, also ‘outstretched, sprawling’ (through false interpretation of II 4712). <IE
*h,uer- ‘bind, connect, hang’>
eVAR Also -dopog (A. Pr. 363; v.l. -1}-), -apog (Theoc. 15, 8), -@pocg (Tryph., AP).
eDER A rhythmic byform is mapndptog ‘driven out of course’, of a ship (A. R.),
‘irrational’ (AP). Thence mapnopiat [f.pl.] ‘side-traces’ (I].), metaphorically ‘outlying
reaches of a river’ (Arat. 600); mapnpia (for -rnopia?)- wwpia ‘folly’ (H.).
eETYM Verbal noun of nap-aipw; see > deipw 2.
mapBEvog [f.] ‘virgin, girl, young woman’ (Il.). <IE? *psteno- ‘breast’>
VAR Also mapoévosg (Ar.).
*COMP TapVev-orina (A 385), see > OmiMEvW; Kahi-MdpVEvoc ‘having fair virgins, of
a beautiful virgin’ (E.).
eDER A. Nominal: 1. Diminutive mapOev-iokn, -toxdpiov (Hdn. Gr., gloss.); 2.
ttap8éviocg (analogical -etoc, -Hioc) ‘vestal’ (I1.); 3. -u«n [f] ‘maiden’ (II.), -tkdc ‘vestal’
(LXX, D. S.); 4. -tov, -tkdv, -i¢ names of several plants, ‘artemisia’ et al. (Hp., Dsc.); 5.
-w61¢ ‘vestal’ (St. Byz.); 6. -tavdc “born under the sign of Virgo’ (Astr.); 7. -iag [m.]
‘son of a maiden’ (Arist., Str.); 8. -wv (-ewv AP, etc.), -@voc [m.] ‘bower’, usually the
name of the temple of Athene map8évocg (Att.). 9. mapBevia (-ela), -in ‘virginity’
(Sapph.,, Pi.).
B. Verbs: 1. map8evevoua, -w (also with amo-, dia-, éx-) [v.] ‘to be a maiden, treat as
a maiden’ (Ion., A., E.), -evua [n.] ‘maiden’s work, son of a maiden’ (E.), -evote [f] =
-ia (Luc.), -ela ‘id? (E.). 2. dto-map8evow [v.] ‘to deflower’ (LXX).
eETYM Klingenschmitt 1974 proposed a reconstruction *pr-steno- ‘having protruding
breasts’, with a development of *-rst- to -p0-. The -o- in Ar. is the Laconian
development of 8. Though one might expect *pro- or *pra-, the development to PGr.
*parsteno- is considered acceptable. For *steno-, cf. Skt. stdana-, Arm. stin; however,
note that the original form was probably *psteno-, as proven by YAv. fstana- ‘breast’,
araduua-fsni- ‘having firm breasts’ < *-pstn-ih,-.
Tlapvao(o)d¢ [m.] mountain chain in Phocis (Pi. Od., Hdt.). < PG(S,v)>
eVAR Epic Ion. -n0(0)6c.
*ETYM Acc. to ancient sources (St. Byz., EM. sch. A. R.), the older name of the
mountain was Aapvacodc. It clearly contains a Pre-Greek suffix; note the
interchange oo/o. Beekes JIES 37 (2009): 191-197 explains the phoneme oo/tt from
Pre-Greek *k’.
mapvow [m.] ‘grasshopper’ (Ar.). <PG(V)>
eVAR Aecol. Boeot. (Str. 13, 1, 64) Mépvoyw, also Kdpvoy (Str. l.c.), gen. -oTtog. We also
find the variants mpavw- axpidoc eidoc ‘kind of grasshopper’, and Kdpvoc: peya\n
axpic ‘big grasshopper’ (both H., see Fur.: 344, 388).
*DER Ilapvomtoc (-miwv) Ané\dwv (Paus., Str.), who protects against grasshoppers;
Kopvoriwv, gen. -wvoc, epithet of Heracles in Oitaia (Str.); thence the Aeolic month
name Ilopvémtoc, -mtiwv (Cyme, Str:). Also kopvwmidec: k®vwites ‘gnats, mosquitos’
(H.).
1154 Tapoiia
*ETYM The formation is reminiscent of dpvoy, oxddoy, and other animal names;
-om- is a Pre-Greek suffix. Given the vacillation in the form of the word, it is unlikely
that m- and x- are due to a simple dissimilation. Probably the word had an initial
labiovelar stop in Pre-Greek, the labial element of which could have been lost before
o. The o itself may reflect a after a labiovelar.
mapoutia [f.] ‘proverb, saying’ (Att., etc.), also ‘incidental remark’ (Herod. 2, 61),
‘comparison’ (Ev. Jo.). <GR>
DER nRapotpiwMdne ‘proverbial’ (Plu.), -taxds ‘id.’, also name of a meter (Plu., Heph.);
-t.Copat, -w [v.] ‘to speak in proverbs’ (PI. Arist.).
*ETYM An abstract from mdp-oog ‘by the.road, neighbor’ or map’ oipov, olpny;
semantically unclear. Traditionally derived from otyoc ‘course, way’, e.g. by H.:
‘proverb which is spoken along the road’ (cf. mapoiog ‘neighbor’, mapoimoavtec
‘turned aside from the road’). Alternatively, one could derive it from »otun ‘song,
tale’; see Frisk s.v.
mapog [adv., prep.] ‘before, sooner, previously’; prep. (+ gen.) ‘before’ (Il.). <1E *prh,-
os ‘before, earlier’>
*DER Tdpot-8e(v) ‘in front of, beforehand’ (I1.), -tepoc ‘former, earlier’ (Il), -tatoc
(A. R.).
eETYM An adverb that can be traced back to PIE, probably deriving from an earlier
gen.sg. in *-os. Cognates: Skt. purds ‘in front of, before’ (beside pura ‘earlier’), Av.
paro ‘in front, earlier’. The forms in mapot- have a locatival origin. See » mapa, » népt,
> T1p0, » T1pdc, etc.
map@at [f.pl.] ‘sorrel’ (Phot., Arist.). <GR?, ?>
eVAR Tlapdav, tapovav, Tapatav [acc.sg.].
*COMP paho-napovav [adj.] ‘white and sorrel-colored’.
*DER Mapwatoc [adj.] (Call. Artemis 91, if correct).
*ETYM It is assumed that the word is an Aeolism, and was derived from the snake
name Tapeiag (s.v. » mapetai); see Hoffmann & Debrunner 1954(2): §76. However,
the variation of the vowels remains unexplained.
Tapwv, -wvoc [m.] ‘light ship’ (Plb.). <?>
eVAR -Wv LSJ.
*ETYM No etymology.
mas [adj.] ‘whole, all, every’ (Il.). <1E *ph,-ent- ‘all’>
*VAR fem. moa (Cret. Thess. Arc. mavoa, Aeol. naioa), ntr. nav (Dor. Aeol. n&v),
beside ma&v-, G-mav, etc.
eDIAL Myc. pa-te /pantes/ [nom.pl.], pa-to /pantos/ [gen.sg.], pa-sa /pansa/
[nom.sg.f.], pa-si /pansi/ [dat.pl.]; ku-su-pa /ksumpans/, to-so- pa /tosospans/.
*COMP Very often as a first member mav-, e.g. mav-fap ‘all day’ (v 31); more rarely
MAaVTO-, e.g. Mavto-ptors ‘all-hateful’ (A.), mavto-Kpatwp, -opoc [m.] ‘the Almighty’
(LXX; older may-Kpatrjc, see on » KpaTOs).
*DER mavt-otog [adj.] ‘various, manifold’ (II.), -odamdc ‘id.’ (since h. Cer.); -oce ‘in all
directions’ (Il.), -ote ‘always’ (Arist., Hell.), -ayf, -axob, -axd8ev, -aydos, etc.
TAG OW 1155
(from) everywhere, every way (IA). >» 1dayyv, mav-v ‘altogether, very’ (Att. also
Ion.).
eETYM Gr. Tac < *navt-c, with analogical nav << név (< *ndvt). Furthermore, we
find d-nac ‘the whole’ < *sm-pant-. The Myc. forms prove initial *p- (rather than
*k*-), and enable connection with ToA puk, pont-, ToB po, pont- ‘all’ (Adams 1999:
402). The -v in » mayxv and mdvv is unexplained.
maoac@at [v.aor.] ‘to acquire’. VAR maoouat [fut.]. =mémapa.
maonaaAn [f.] ‘fine flour, etc’ = maimdAn, mad (Ar. V. 91 [metaphor for a very small
measure], H., Phot., Suid.). <?>
*COMP TacmaAn-pdyos ‘eating maondn’ (Hippon.).
*DER Ndonahosg ‘millet’, naomadétng¢ ‘grinding millet’ (Gal.); PN Tlaonahac.
*ETYM Formation and origin unknown. It seems obvious to connect naman, but the
relation is unclear.
maooakos [m.] ‘plug, pin, peg’ (Il.). <PG>
eVAR Att. MatTTaAoc.
*DER Diminutive macoad-iokoc (Hp.) and -ov (H.); -etw (often with mpoo-, also
with dta-, kata-) [v.] ‘to pin, hang up’ (Hdt, Att.); instrument noun -eiov (PIb.,
EM); -dopat [v.] ‘to be provided with a peg’ (sch.), mpoo-nacoaddw [v.] ‘to pin’
(Thphr.). Gr. maooa€, -axog [m.] ‘tacoahog (Megar., Ar. Ach. 763), with derivatives
-axtov, -axilw (H.); macodpioc: otavpds ‘stake, pole’ (H.).
eETYM This word is usually derived from PIE *ph,k- ‘stiff, hard’, but this is
improbable: a pin has not become stiff (like a peg of ice); it has been fastened or fixed
to a wall or a pillar. The suffix -ah- is Pre-Greek and cannot be IE; the same goes for
the suffix -ax-; cf. mopmaé, kvwdak, etc. Hence, macooahog is probably Pre-Greek
(*pak?-al-).
mdaoow [v.] ‘to strew, sprinkle’ (I1.), also ‘to weave’ images ‘into’ a piece of cloth. <?>
eVAR Att. mattw (Ar.), aor. Mdo-al, -ac8al, naoOijva (Att.), perf. med. némacpat
(LXX, A. R.).
*COMP Frequently with prefix, e.g. kata-, é1l- (Mpo-Eml-, Map-eTl-, Mpoo-Ertt-), év-
(OVV-EV-, TAP-EV-, TIPOO-EV-).
*DER mao-tdc [adj.] ‘strewn, sprinkled’ (Hp.), xpvod-naotoc ‘gold-stitched’ (A.),
katd-maoTos ‘bestrewn, decorated (with figures)’ (Ar.); maotdc [m.] ‘knitted curtain,
blanket, bridal bed’, also “bridal chamber’ (Hell.); naotéw ‘to build a bridal chamber’
(Aq.); (kata-, émi-, dia-, obp-)maoua [n.] ‘“medicinal) powder’ (Thphr., medic.);
maotpta [f.] “embroiderer’ (sch.).
eETYM With a similar form and meaning, we find mj- in mi Kal mv eri tod
katdntacoe kal Katamdooev (H.); note especially émmijv @dpyakov (inscr. Epid.)
beside é7 ... pappaka maocev (E 900).
Under a reconstruction *k”h,t- (ignoring the *é to which the Epidauric form points),
it would be possible to connect Lat. quatid ‘to shake’ and PCI. *k’ati- ‘chaff, husks’,
which is almost identical with the glosses mtea: mitvpa ‘husks of corn’, mtitat
1156 TAGTAG, -a50¢
mutvptvot dptot. AdKwvec ‘bran-like breads (Lacon.)’ (H.). Perhaps related is Lat.
qualus ‘wicker basket’, if from ‘sieve’.
Semantically good, but phonetically very uncertain is the comparison with ToAB
kat*- ‘to strew’ (which points to a root *KeT- and is usually connected with
> oxiSvnpit).
mtaotac, -adoc [f.], often [pl.] ‘annex, porch, atrium’, also ‘inner room, bridal chamber’
(through association with » maotdc ‘bridal chamber’; Ion., Delph.). <GR>
eETYM From *nap-otdc = napa-otdc, pl. -ddec [f.] ‘door-post, pillar, atrium, etc.’,
from mapa + *sth,- ‘stand’. With a different dissimilation, we find naptadec (-adat
cod.)- dumehot “grape-vine’ (H.). A parallel,development is shown by Lat. postis
‘(door)-post’ < *pr-sth,-i- ‘standing forth’ or *po-sth,-i- ‘standing upright’.
Tats —1doow.
maoxw [v.] ‘to experience, undergo, suffer’ (II.). <1E *b'end"- ‘bind’>
eVAR fut. meiooual, aor. mabetv, perf. nénovOa (ménooxa Stesich., Epich., pap. III’).
eCOMP Also with avtt-, ovv-, mpo-, etc.
*DER 1. tévOoc [n.] ‘sorrow, grief (II.), whence mev0éw [v.] ‘to grieve, sorrow’ (II.),
méVO-NUA, -TLWV, -1]T1)p, fem. -1Tpla, etc. mévO-tpL0¢ [adj.] ‘belonging to grief (poet;
perhaps after Qavdoipoc), -xd¢ ‘id.’ (X., LXX), -npdc ‘id’ (Anaxil.); PN Ilev@etc,
reshaping of Tev@evc. 2. m480¢ [n.] ‘experience, passion, suffering’ (IA); né0-n [f.],
-ya [n.] ‘id’, -notc, -17ttKdc, -tKdc, etc; dvti-, ovu-ma8r¢ ‘feeling repulsion’ or
‘sympathy’, with derivatives -eia [f.], -éw [v.] (Ar. Hell.), to the verb avti-, ovp-
ma8etv. Denominative ma8-aivoyiat, -atvw ‘to be filled with m480c; to arouse ma80c
(Hell.). 3. nacy-1)T1dw ‘to feel an (unnatural) lust’, -1;tracpdc (Luc.).
eETYM On the semantic development of naQeiv, see Dorrie 1956, and Boreham Glotta
49 (1971): 231-244. Old ablaut: zero grade in nacyw (< *m40-oKx-w) and naQeiv < PGr.
*pnt'-, e-grade in meicopat < *névO-o-opat) and mévOoc, o-grade in né-nov0-a. The
further etymology is uncertain. LIV’ supports the old connection with Lith. kencit
‘to suffer, endure’, Olr. céss(a)im ‘id.’, but a root *k”end"- would violate the PIE root
structure contraints. Alternatively, the Greek forms could belong to the root *b'end"-
‘bind’ (see » mevOepdc), with a semantic shift in intransitive usage from “be bound’ to
‘suffer’; thus Janda 2000: 128f. after E. Leumann ZI/ 6 (1928): 10 and Pedersen REIE 1
(1938): 192 ff. See » ma.
matayoc [m.] ‘clatter, crash, rattle’ (Il.). <PG?>
*DER 1. Tatay-éw (also dvti-, brt0-, etc.) [v.] ‘to make noise, splash, roar’ (Alc.
[nmatdyeoxe]), -1) [f.] (D. P., Longos), -nya [n.] (Men.) = matayoc. 2. mataoow (aor.
mataga, also éx-, ovv-, etc.) [v.] ‘to knock, beat, hurt’ (Il; Att. mostly as an aor. and
futact. to the present timtw). 3. matd& [interj.] (Ar. Av. 1258). 4. Kanata:
katakoyelc. [latot ‘you break down (Paph.)’ (H.).
*ETYM Possibly an onomatopoeic verb. On the derivation of matay-éw, compare
Tucker 1990: 106. The suffix in -y- is found in semantically close forms, such as
ahayh, ovapayéw (Zudpayoc), oipwyrj, etc. Fur: 279 compares onatayyiletv:
Tapdooetv ‘to agitate, disturb’ (H.); the word may be Pre-Greek.
TaTTp 1157
matavny [f.] “(flat) dish’ (Sophr. 13, Poll.). <PG?>
eVAR Dor. -, ntr. -ov ‘id.’ (Poll. v.L, H.).
eCcOMP As a first member in matav-eyic, name of a (boiled) eel (Epich. 211).
DER Diminutive -tov [n.], -iwv [m.], name of a cock (com. IV’).
*ETYM Probably a Pre-Greek word, as per Fur.: 149, who connects nétayvov/mat-
‘broad flat cup’; also compare the suffix of Aexdvn ‘dish, pot’, obpavn ‘chamber-pot’,
etc.
matedAa [f.] ‘large cup’ (Poll). <Lw Lat»
eVAR BatedAa.
*ETYM A loanword from Lat. patella (see E-M s.v. patera).
matéopat [v.] ‘to dine, enjoy, eat and drink’ (Hdt.). «IE *ph.t- ‘graze, feed’>
eVAR Aor. mdo(o)ac8at and perf. med. mémao-au (Il.), fut. macopai (A.).
*DER G-ma0-tos ‘uneaten, sober’ (Il.). Backformation matoc = tpogn (sch.).
eETYM Present stem with enlargement *-t- from the PIE root *peh,- ‘to protect,
graze’. In Germanic, we find Go. fodjan ‘to feed’ < *peh,-t-, a short vowel only in
OHG ka-vat-6t ‘pastus’. See » moi and » m@pa 1 for further derivatives of the root
*peh,-.
matéw [v.] ‘to step, tread, enter, tread underfoot’, ‘to despise’ (poet. since Pi.), ‘to tread
grapes, grain’ = ‘to press, thresh’ (LXX, pap.). <?>
eVAR Aor. matioat, etc.
*COMP With prefix, especially mept-, kata-, dmto-.
*DER From the verb: mat-1oudc [m.] ‘treading’ (A.), ‘threshing’ (pap.); -rot¢ [f.]
‘treading (of grapes) (Corn.); -a ‘refuse, sweepings, waste’ (LXX); -ntijcs [m.]
‘grape-treader’ (pap.), -17t1plov ‘treading place’ (Mylasa); natnvév- menatnpévov,
kotvov ‘trodden, common’ (H.). From nept-natéw: mepimatyotc ‘walk-around’ (late),
-17ttKd¢ name of a school of philosophers (Hell.). From xata-natéw: katandatiotc
‘treading’ (LXX), ‘tour, inspection’ (pap.), -nua ‘that which is trodden underfoot’
(LXX). From dmo-natéw ‘to retire’ = ‘to do one’s needs’ (IA): anonatnpa, -notc
(com., Gal.), also -oc [m.] ‘excrement, dung’ (Hp., Ar.). From mndonatéw [v.] ‘to
tread in the mud’ (pap., sch.): mnAomat-idec [f.pl.] “mud-treaders” = kind of shoes
(Hp.). matog [m.] 1. ‘road, path’ (Hom,, A. R.), éxmdttog ‘astray, extraordinary’ (A.);
2. ‘treading, place where one treads, floor’; ‘trampling, trampled matter, threshing,
dust, dirt’ (Hell.); nepimatoc [m.] ‘walk-around, place for walking, discussion’, name
of a philosophers’ school (Att, etc.).
eETYM The meaning 2. of matoc shows that it is a back-formation from matéw. In the
meaning ‘way, path’, however, Frisk regards matoc as a possible old variant of
mOvtog; Matéw could then be its denominative. Yet it is not evident that ‘way, path’
would yield ‘to tread’, an action which focuses on the individual movement of the
legs. DELG doubts the connection with » névtoc, If the latter is rejected, matéw has
no etymology.
matip [m.] ‘father’ (II.). <1£ *ph.tér father’>
eVAR Gen. matpdc, acc. natépa (Il.).
1158 TIATOG 1
eDIAL Myc. pa-te.
*COMP Many compounds, eg. matpo-pdvog “parricidal, parricide’ (trag., Pl.), acc.
-fa (Od.); -povtne [m., f.] ‘id’, d-mdatwp fatherless’ (trag., Pl.).
*DER 1. Diminutive matp-idtov (com.), also matép-tov (Luc.), -iwv [m.] (late; from
voc. matep). 2. matpa, Ion. -n [f.] ‘paternal ancestry, tribe; native city, country,
homeland’ (Il.). 3. matptd, Ion. -t) [f] ‘paternal ancestry, lineage, family’ (Hdt., El,
Delph., LXX, NT), -twtnc¢, Dor. -twtac, [f.] -tic ‘from the same lineage, native,
fellow-countryman’ (Att, Troezen, Delphi V*), -twttkd¢ ‘belonging to fellow-
countrymen, homeland’ (Delphi IV*, Arist.). 4. mdatptoc ‘paternal, hereditary,
customary’ (Pi, IA), fem. matp-ic ‘paternal, homeland’ (Il.); younger matp-tkdc¢
‘paternal’ (Democr., Att., Hell.). 5. natpd8ev “from one’s father’ (I1.). 6. eb-natpidne,
Dor. -tdac, fem. -tc “of a noble father, noble’, usually as a name of the Old Attic
aristocrats (trag. Att.), antonym kako-natp-idac, fem. -tc (Alc, Thgn.). 7. matpwe,
gen. -woc and -w [m.] ‘male relative; father’s brother, uncle’ (Pi., Cret., IA); hence
Tatpw-toc, Matpw@oc ‘belonging to the paternal clan, paternal’ = natpwe, matpiKdc
(1l.). 8. matpwoc ‘stepfather’ (Hell; formation unclear), also matputdéc. 9. Verbs:
matepitw (Ar. V. 652) ‘to call father’ (from the voc.), -edw ‘to hold the office of natihp
TOAEws (matep-ia) (Milete VIP); matpwtw ‘to take after one’s father’ (Philostr.,
Alciphr.), -taGw ‘id’ (Poll.).
*ETYM Inherited word for ‘father’ (as the head of the family), preserved in most IE
languages, e.g. Skt. pitdr-, Lat. pater, Go. fadar. Skt. pitriya and Lat. patrius agree
with matpioc. Possible cognates of matpwe, with formation like » ,ujtpwe, include
Lat. patruus and Skt. pitrvya- ‘id’.
matoc 1 [m.] ‘road, path’. =natéw.
Mdtoc 2 ‘nourishment, tpogn’. =natéoptat.
mato 3 [n.] évSvupa tij¢”Hpac ‘garment of Hera’ (Call. Fr. 495, H.). <IE? *(s)pen-
‘spin’>
*ETYM Has been connected with PIE *(s)pen- ‘to spin’ (see on »7évopat), or
explained as a back-formation of natéw as ‘what is tread’ = ‘long garment reaching
to the feet, train’. Neither is convincing.
madvt [?] mg. uncertain (Hipp. 79 M.). <?>
eVAR Tabdw: puKpdv: of dé ptéya: f} dyaBdv ‘small’, others say ‘big’ or ‘good’; nadvic:
anoxpéwse ‘sufficient’; mabvov- ptéya (all H.).
*ETYM If the explanation as ‘small’ is correct, one might connect it with natpoc.
madpoc [adj.] ‘small, little’, plur. ‘few’ (I.). <1E? *peh.u-ro->
eVAR Fem. mavupac (Nic.).
eDER Adv. mavpaxic: dAtyakts ‘seldom’ (H.); mavpakic: thy népintnv LapoOpaKec
kahovovv ‘the pinky finger (Samothr.) (H.); diminutive navpidtoc (Hes. Op. 133).
eETYM Cognate with Lat. parvus ‘small’. With different suffixes, Lat. pau-cus ‘few’,
paul(l)us ‘small, few’ (basic form unclear). Without a suffix, we find Att. nat-c =
> matic.
TLAXUG 1159
Tavw, -opiat [v.] ‘to withhold, hold back, arrest, stop (trans.)’, med. ‘to cease, stop, run
out’ (I1.). 42>
eVAR Aor. tatoat, -acBau, etc.
«COMP Often with prefix, especially-ava-, kata-.
*DER 1. Avd-, KaTd-, did-mavpia [n.] ‘rest, ease, placation’ (Il, Hes.), avanayta also
‘fallow land’, adj. -watikdc (pap.). 2. ava-, katd-, did-mavoic [f.] ‘rest, ease,
relaxation’ (Pi., IA), rare matotc (Hp., LXX). 3. mavo-wAn (ueta-) [f.] ‘id’ (B 386, T
201), probably derived from the aor. natoat. 4. mata (ava-) [f.] ‘id’ (Hp. Att.). 5.
TMavotHp, -ipos (S.), Matotwp, -oposg (Isyll.) ‘stopper, terminator’, adj. mavotrptoc
‘ending’ (S.), with ava- ‘fit for resting’ (Hdt., X.). 6. dva-, kata-navoTikds ‘giving
rest, relaxing’ (Phld., Ptol.). 7. mavol- in governing compounds, e.g. mavoi-mtovoc
‘ending pain’ (E., Ar.), mavo-dvetog ‘calming the wind’ (A.).
eETYM Unexplained. The form would allow for a PIE reconstruction *peh,-u-, as per
LIV’ s.v., but there are no certain cognates outside Greek.
TapAdatw [v.] ‘to bubble, boil’ (N 798). <ONOM>
eVAR Aecol. -aodw (Alc.).
eCOMP Rarely with ék-, émt-, etc.
*DER tlagAdopiata [n.pl.] ‘bubbles, bombastic words’ (Ar.), éxkmagdaoptdc [m.]
‘boiling over’ (Arist.).
eETYM Onomatopoeic reduplicated formation like kayAdtw, Babpdatw, etc. With
reduplication, we find the aor. gAadeiv ‘to crush, tear up (intr.)’ (A. Ch. 28 [lyr.]);
with e-vocalism, pAedwv, -dvoc [f.] ‘babble’ (Plu.), pAédwv, -ovog ‘babbler’ (A.,
Timo); with long vowel, gAnd@vta- Anpobvta ‘talking nonsense’ (H.). A similar
onomatopoeia is Lat. blatid, -ire ‘to babble, prate’. See » phéw and > grvw.
maxvn [f.] ‘hoar-frost, rime’, also metaphorically, eg. of clotted blood (§ 476). <IE
* peh,k/g- ‘make compact, congeal’>
*DER Taxv-rets (Nonn.), -wdn¢ (Gp., Hymn. Is.) frosty’; -dopat (also with mept-) [v.]
‘to become covered with rime’, -dw ‘to cover, (make) clot’ (P 112).
eETYM From earlier *nak-ov-a or *mdy-ov-a, related to the root of »mjyvuu. A
similar semantic development is shown by mdyog ‘hill; ice, hoar-frost’ (see » mayn).
Compare vvé ... mnyvaic ‘icy-cold’ beside nay vn (& 475f.).
max vg [adj.] ‘thick, fat, well-fed, dense, stout’ (II.). <1E *b'n$"-u- ‘dense, thick’>
*COMP Ta xv-LLEpri¢ ‘consisting of thick parts, gross, massive’ (Ti. Locr., Arist.); bmép-
Tau ‘too fat’ (Hp.).
*DER 1. Compar. mdcowv, only acc. -ova (Od.), superl. max-totog (Il. Call.), -iwv
(Arat.), -btepoc, -btatos (IA). 2. mayetoc (rather -etdc [mss.]) = mayvc (8 187, y 191,
Hp.); also as a ntr. noun (Nic., Opp.); 3. mayntec: MAOvOLOL, Taxeic ‘wealthy, thick’
(H., after névyntec); PN ayn, -ntocg [m.] (Th.). 4. mayvAds ‘in large draughts’
(Arist.). 5. maxoc [n.] ‘thickness, strength, force’ (since t 324). 6. maybtTH¢ (-vTT<C?)
‘thickness’. 7. Denominative naybvw (sporadicaly with ém-, éx-, ovv-, b7tep-) [v.] ‘to
fatten, batten’ (IA), naxvvots [f.] ‘thickening’, -tixd¢ ‘fattening’ (medic.), -voptdc [m.]
(Hp.), -vopta [n.] (Aét.). 8. max@oat [aor.] ‘to fatten’ (medic., Herm. 33, 343).
1160 Ttéap
eETYM An old u-stem adjective, cognate with Skt. bahu- ‘many, much, numerous’,
OAv. bazuuaité [dat.sg.m.] ‘dense’, Arm. bazum [adj.] ‘much’, Hitt. panku- [adj.]
‘total’.
méap [n.] - TAavxiac Aimapov ‘radiant’ (H.). <GR>
*ETYM A contamination of miap and otéap ‘fat’, or the result of a phonetic
development ia > ea in some dialect.
ne8a [prev.] ‘after, with, amidst’, = peta (Aeol., Dor., Arc.). <IE *ped- ‘foot’>
*COMP IIeda-yeitviog [m.], a month name (Rhodes, etc.) = Att. Metayettwav.
*ETYM Probably from *ped- ‘foot, trace’, as attested in movc, » mé5ov; thus literally ‘on
the floor, in the tracks, vel sim.’. Compare Aim. y-et, z-het ‘after’ from het ‘trace’ (=
méSov). The rare form meta is probably a contamination with peta. For the ending
-a, compare peta, ava, did, etc.
médn [f.] ‘shackle, fetter’ (Il.). <1 *ped- ‘foot’>
*VAR Dor. -a, mostlyplur. -au.
*COMP Often as a second member, especially in poetry and in late prose, e.g. ioto-
né6n (see on & iotdc).
*DER Diminutive medioxn [f.] (Thebes III*), -tov (EM); nedrty¢ [m.] ‘fettered,
prisoner’ (com. Herod., LXX), mé5wv, -wvoc [m.] ‘id? (Ar. Fr. 837); denominative
nedaw (rarely with kata-, dugi-, ovv-) [v.] ‘to fetter, bind, shackle’ (especially poet.
since II.), to which neda-ta¢ [m.] (Dor.) ‘fetterer’ (AP).
sETYM Derivative of PIE *ped- ‘foot’; cf. » mé50v and » néla. The same semantics are
found in Lat. ped-ica ‘shackle’, im-ped-id ‘to hinder’, ON figturr [m.] ‘shackle’ (<
PGm. *fetura-).
médiAov [n.] ‘sole under the foot, sandal’, secondarily also of other footwear (IL; also
Hat. and Plu.). «18? *ped- ‘foot’>
eVAR Mostly plur. -a.
*DIAL Myc. pe-di-ro.
*COMP Often as a second member, e.g. xpvoo-néS1hoc ‘with golden sandals’ (Od.).
*ETYM Derived from *ped- ‘foot’ with a suffix -io-. The suffix might be Pre-Greek.
mé6ov [n.] ‘soil, earth, ground’ (II.). <1£ *ped-o- [n.] ‘trace, footstep’>
eVAR m150v-5e (N 796).
*COMP As a second member in 64-nedov, kpdo-medov, etc; é-medo¢ ‘standing on
the ground, firm’ (epic poet., late prose), whence éumedd6w [v.] ‘to confirm, consider
inviolable’ (Att. etc.); dmedog ‘flat’ (Hdt., Th., X.) (< *sm-pedo- ‘having one surface’);
as a first member e.g. in med0-Bdpwv ‘earth-walking’ (A.). Adverbs me6-éoe, -d0ev,
-ot (epic poet.).
*DER Ttediov [n.] ‘surface, plain, field’ (Il.); Cypr. medija ‘plain’, fem. after ywpa, yi?
Thence: 1. medidc, -ddo¢ [f.] ‘flat, level, on the plain’ (Pi., IA); 2. medtetvdc (also
medetvoc, -tvdc) ‘flat, level’ (1A); 3. mediaxd¢ ‘belonging to the plain’, plur.
‘inhabitants of the plain of Attica’ (Lys. Fr. 238 S., Arist., pap.); 4. medtetc [m.pl.] ‘id,’
(Plu., D. L.); 5. medtdotog ‘on the plain’ (Str., Dsc.); 6. medtacyaiog = campester
(gloss.); 7. nediw6n¢ ‘flat’ (sch.); 8. eS [f.] ‘goddess of the plain’ (Hera; Sicily). _
i
j
i
H
i
‘
re(Bopau Ae 1161
eETYM Derived from *ped- ‘foot’. Cognate forms from PIE *pedo-: Hitt. peda- [n.]
‘place’, Skt. padd- [n.] ‘footstep, piece of ground’, OAv. pada-, YAv. pada- [n.]
‘footstep’, Lat. oppidum ‘fort’, U pe*um ‘ground, place’, Arm. het ‘footprint’, OPr.
pedan ‘ploughshare’, Lith. pédd, (dial.) pédas ‘footprint’, Latv. péda ‘foot-sole,
footstep’ < *ped-o-; ON fet ‘step’.
méta [f.] ‘instep’, usually metaphorically ‘foot-end, lower edge, border of a garment,
coast, net, mountain range, etc.’ (O. 272, medic., Hell.). <1 *ped- ‘foot’>
*DER Independently of the simplex: adpyvpd-neCa [adj-f.] ‘with silver feet’, said of
Thetis, etc. (II.), msc. -1teGog (AP). meCic, -id0¢ [f.] ‘seam’ (Ar., Att. inscr.).
*ETYM Derived from *ped- ‘foot’ with a suffix -1a. A comparable form is found in
PGm. *fet-i [f.] > ON fit, gen. fit-jar ‘web’, and perhaps also in OHG fizza, MoHG
Fitze ‘winding, thread’. See » tpaneta.
métic [m.] ‘puffball, lycoperdacea’ (Thphr. HP 1, 6, 5). <1E *pesd- ‘break wind’>
*ETYM From *pesd-, the root of Lat. pédd, Gr. Bdéw; see Forssman MSS 29 (1971): 47-
70.
metdcg [adj.] ‘going on foot, living on the land’, said of men and animals, ‘walker,
footsoldier’, as a collective ‘infantry, land-force’ (Il.); metaphorically “common,
prosaic’ (Hell. and late). <1£ *ped- ‘foot’>
*COMP Frequently, e.g. teCo-pdyas, -o¢ ‘fighting as a footsoldier’ (Pi., IA).
DER TeCikdc ‘of a meCdc (Att., etc.), -it¢ [m.] = meld (Suid.: omAiTI]¢), -OTIAS; -NTOS
[f.] ‘being meCdq’ (comm. Arist.); meCedw [v.] ‘to go on foot, be a pedestrian’ (Att.,
Arist.), -evtuxdg ‘going on foot’ (Arist.).
eETYM Except for the accent, the word is formally identical to Skt. pdd-ya- ‘regarding
the foot’ < PIE *ped-io-. See » novc.
met [n.] name of the letter. «LW Sem.>
eVAR Later mi.
*eETYM Indeclinable; equal to Semitic pé.
meiBopcn [v.] ‘to trust, rely, obey, be persuaded’ (IL). <1E *bhid'- ‘convince, trust’>
eVAR fut. meicoucat, aor. mOéoBa, memiBEoOal, perf. rémo18a (all Il.), aor. pass.
metoOjvat, fut. -Oyoopa, perf. méneto-yot (Att.), med. neicaoBa (Hell.), aor. pte.
mOrjoas (Il.), fut. mOjow (p 369); act. meiOw, meiow, nemiBeiv with fut. memOjow,
nmetoat (all I].), mOetv (Pi., A.), mémetka (young Att.) ‘to convince, persuade’.
eCOMP Also with prefix, e.g. ava-, émt-, mapa-, ovv-. As a first member in governing
compounds, e.g. mei8apyoc ‘obedient to the authorities’ (A.), PN Iletciotpatog; as a
second member in 4-, ev-n(e)Or¢ (Thgn, A. Att.), aor. amiOnoe (I1.), fut. amOjow
(K 129, Q 300); thence mOrjoac and mOjow.
eDER A. From the root aorist: 1. miotdg ‘faithful, reliable, credible’ (Il.), mtot6-t1)¢
‘faith’ (IA), motebw (dta-, kata-, etc.) [v.] ‘to rely, trust, believe, confide’ (IA),
whence -evpa, -Eevolc, -evTiKdc; MloTdO}L1aL (KaTa-, OVV-, TpO-), -dw [v.] ‘to trust
entirely, warrant, assure; to make reliable’ (Il.), whence -wyta, -wolc, -wttc¢, -wTttkdc.
2. tiotic [f.] ‘faith, trust, authentication, assurance’ (IA), whence mtotik6c ‘faithful’
(Plu., Vett. Val; if not for metotikdc; see below). 3. mOavdc ‘trustworthy, reliable,
1162 Teivy
believable, obedient’ (IA), mOav-dt1¢, -6w (PL, Arist.). 4. micvvocg ‘relying on
somebody or something’ (mostly epic poet. Il.), probably after Qa pavvoc.
B. From the present: 1. [Te.Ow [f.] “(goddess of) persuasion, conviction, obedience’
(Hes.), thence Boeot. aor. é7iOwoe, -oav (III*)?; 2. mevOdc ‘pesuading (easily),
persuasive’ (Ep. Cor.). 3. me\Ojuwv ‘obedient, persuasive’ (late epic).
C. From the present or s-aor. (more recently): 1. metoa [f.] ‘obedience’, 2. -1teto Toc as
a second member in ev-, dvoava-, dpetd-melotoc etc. (Att.), as opposed to older
dmiotos. 3. telotKd¢ ‘fit for persuasion, convincing’ (Pl, Arist.), -r\ptoc ‘id’ (E.). 4.
metoua [n.] ‘conviction, confidence’ (Plu., Arr., S. E.), -wowr [f.] ‘id’ (Ep. Gal., pap.).
5. Melos (mapa-, katd-) [f.] “conviction, etc. (Plot., Hdn., sch.). 6. me.othp ‘who
obeys’ (Suid.) 7. Iletotiyn epithet of Aphrodité (Delos).
D. From the perfect: menoi8-1o1¢ [f.] ‘trust’ (LXX, Phld.), -iav ‘hope, expectation’,
*ETYM Present ste{Sopat < PIE pres. or aor. subj. *b'eid'-e/o-, aor. m8- < PIE aor.
*bheid"- /*b'id'-. Cognate with Lat. fido, -ere < IE *b'eid"-e/o-, fidus ‘faithful, reliable’,
fides, -é ‘trust, guarantee’, foedus, -eris [n.] ‘treaty, agreement’; Alb. bé [f.] ‘oath’, besé
[f.] ‘faith’, bindem ‘to be convinced, believe’; OCS béda ‘distress, necessity’ < *b'oid"-
eh,, béditi ‘to force, persuade’, isg. bézdo < *b'oid"-eie-. Probably also related to Go.
beidan ‘to wait’, baidjan ‘to force’, OE bédan, OHG beitten ‘to demand’.
meivn [f.] ‘hunger, famine’ (0 407, Pl.). <?>
*VAR More recent mteiva (Pl. Resp. 437d, Arist.).
*COMP yew-meiviic ‘hungry for land, without land’ (Hdt.); with transition to the o-
stems, 0€U-1tetvoc ‘very hungry’ (Arist.), mpdo-metvoc ‘hungry’ (medic., Act. Ap. 10,
10).
DER 7tetv-aA£éog ‘hungry’ (com., Plu., AP; after Stwadéoc et al.), -wdn¢ ‘id’ (Gal.).
Verbal forms: ptc. mtetvawv (II.), inf. netviyevat (v 137), Tetv-FV, -tc, -f] (Ar. PL), fut.
-1}ow, aor. -ijoat, perf. me-nelvyka (Hdt., Att.) [v.] ‘to hunger, be hungry’; later
Treva, -&, -ow, -doat (LXX); rarely with 61a-, bito-, bitep-, dva-. Gr. meivr could be
a back-formation to metvijy, like diya to dui.
eETYM Fur.: 339, 378 compares 1)-7tav-4, -et ‘flows off, which is rather doubtful.
According to De Lamberterie RPh. 74 (2000): 280, ttetva may be the older form; in
that case, short -a may be the Pre-Greek ending.
meipa [f.] ‘test, research, experience’ (Alcm., Thgn., Pi, IA). <IE *per- ‘cross, pass’>
*COMP étl-7telpoc ‘experienced’; imto-meipty¢ [m.] ‘horse specialist’ (Anacr. 75, 6),
Hovo-meipat (AUKot) ‘hunting alone’ (Arist. Men.); ameipwv ‘unexperienced’ (S.).
Backformations such as dvad-, am6-, did-meipa (Pi. IA) from dva-rteipdopat, etc;
tadameiptoc ‘who has suffered much’.
*DER Three denominatives: 1. meipdopat (more rarely -dw, often with prefix like ava-,
dta-, cuto-, éx-) [v.] ‘to tempt, put to the test, try’ (Il.). Thence steipatrj¢ [m.] ‘pirate’
(Hell.), -ttxdc “belonging to pirates’ (Str., Ph.), -tevw [v.] ‘to act like a pirate’ (LXX);
meipatrptov (Ion. -nt-) [n.] “(juridical) trial’ (Hp., E.). ‘gang of pirates, pirates’ nest’
(LXX, Str.), 1tetipytiplos ‘exploring, trying’ (Hp.); meipactc [f.] ‘temptation, assault’
(Th., D. C; may also belong to 2.). 2. meipaCw, aor. -doat, -ac8ijvat (also with kata-,
ék-, Gto-, etc.) [v.] ‘to tempt, put to the test, assault’ (Od., Arist., Hell.), fut. neipabw
Tte(pw 1163
(Cret.), kata-1teipdow (Lys.). Thence meip-acydc [m.] ‘temptation’ (LXX, NT),
-aotij¢ [m.] ‘tempter’ (Ammon. Gramm.), -aotikdc ‘belonging to, fit for tempting,
trying (Arist.), dmeipactoc ‘unexperienced, untempted’ (Hell.). 3. neiprytiCw (only
present) [v.] ‘to tempt, explore, assault’ (I].).
*ETYM From PGr. *per-ia (Aeol. méppa acc. to Choerob. An. Ox. 2, 252), from the
root *per- ‘to cross, pass’. See further > teipw and » nepdw.
meipap, -atog [n.] ‘end, boundary, outcome, goal, decision’ (Il.); epic also ‘rope, cable’.
<IE *per-ur / * per-u(e)n- ‘ford, crossing’>
eVAR mostly plur. -ata (mep(p)atwv Alc.), younger meipac (Pi.), mépac (Att.).
*COMP As a second member in d-rteipwv (Il.), remade into an o-stem d-rtelpoc (Pi.,
Ion., trag., Pl., Arist.) ‘endless, unlimited’, also a-me(i)patog ‘id.’ (Pi, Ph.); here also
ameipéoioc, dameipitoc; amépova: 1tépac ut Exovta ‘without boundary’ (H.); mtoAv-
me(pwv ‘with many (wide) boundaries’ (h. Cer. 296, Orph.).
*DER 1. tetipaivw (Hom.), mtepaivw (Att.), aor. eipijvai, mepavat (also with dia-, ovv-,
etc.) [v.] ‘to bring to an end, finish, conclude’, a-mépavtog (-ei-) ‘unlimited’ (Pi.
Att.), mepavtikdc ‘conclusive’ (Ar., Arist.), ovprtépacua [n.] ‘end, conclusion’
(Arist.), -uatikdc (Arist.). 2. mepatdoua, -dw (also with amo-, ovv-) [v.] ‘to end,
bring to an end, limit’ (Arist.), drtomepdt-wotcg (medic.). 3. dito-mepatiCw ‘to end’
(sch.). 4. nepatevet opitet ‘delimits’ (H.). Also nepatn [f.] ‘extremity of the heavens’
(yw 243, Arat., Call.), after the superlatives; mepdt-nev ‘from the boundary, from
beyond’ (A. R.).
*ETYM From a basic form *iépfap with PIE r/n-inflexion, from the root *per- ‘to
cross, pass through’. From the n-stem, Greek derived a-neipwv; mteipac, »mépac are
remakes as well. Compare Skt. pdrur [nom.acc.sg.n.], pdrvanas [gen.abl.] ‘knot, joint,
section’. The mg. ‘rope, cable’ may derive from the use of ropes for measuring or
delimiting a space. See further > meipw and > népa.
neiptvOa [acc.sg.f.] ‘basket on a cart’ (0 131, 0 190). <PG(S)>
eVAR Gen.sg. -tvOoc (A. R. 3, 873), nom.sg. meiptvc (gramm.).
*ETYM Like many words in -v0-, this word is probably Pre-Greek. Several TNs have
been connected with it: Ileiprjvn, Metpateve, etc.
meipw [v.] ‘to perforate, pierce, pervade’ (Il.); as a simplex epic poet., with prefix also
in (late) prose. <IE *per- ‘cross, pass’>
eVAR Aor. mteipat, perf. midd. mértappat, aor. pass. mapryvat (Hdt.).
«COMP Often with prefix, e.g. dla-, dva-, KaTa-, Tlept-.
*DER A. With e-grade: 1. dtaymtep-éc [adv.] ‘right through, continuously’ (I1.). 2. mep-
évn [f] “brooch, buckle’ (II.), also -ovic, -dviov, -ovidtov, -ovdw, -dvinpa, -ovnttp,
-ovytpic.
B. With o-grade: 1a. 116poc [m.] ‘passage, ford, narrowing, journey, road, way; means,
way out’, plur. ‘earnings’ (Il.), whence mop-evc, -tW0c; b. 1topevouat, -ebw [v.] ‘to
carry, provide’ (IA), whence -eia, -eiov, -evpa, -evotc, -evtiKdg c. topilw, -iGopar ‘to
bring about, provide oneself (IA), whence -topdc, -toua, -tott\¢, -loTtiKdc. As a
second member in 4-1topoc ‘without escape, impassable, destitute’ (Pi, IA), whence
1164 TLELO LA
amopéw, -ia. 2. mopO8pdc [m.] ‘erry, strait, sound, etc.” (1A), whence -Opic, -O8p10¢,
-Ouixds, -Bpete, -Buevu, -Bpeia, -Ouetov, -Buevpa et al.
*ETYM Gr. Tteipw < *per-ie/o-, mdp0G < *por-o-, Mop-Budc¢ < *por-d'mo-. The old
meaning ‘to carry over, ferry over’ is still found in Greek in mdpoc, topOh1dc.
Cognates are Skt. piparti [3sg.act.pres.], aor. pdrs- ‘to bring across’, Av. (fra)fra
[usg.subj.aor.act.] ‘to cross’, YAv. paraiia- ‘to bring, lead’; Go. faran ‘to wander’,
farjan ‘to ferry over’; Lat. portdre ‘to carry, transport’ (denominative). See also
> mopetv and » mépvijt.
nmeiopa [n.] ‘rope, cable’ (II.). <1£ *b"end"- ‘bind’>
eDER Telopldt-lov ‘navel-string’ (sch.), -to¢ “eoncerning cables’ (Orph.); also -tkdc¢
‘cable-like’ = ‘persistent, unaccommodating’ (pap., Eust.)?
*ETYM From *név0-oua, derived from the PIE verb ‘to bind’, which Greek may have
retained in » ndoxw, albeit in a totally different meaning. An isolated derivative is
> mevOepdc; > patvn is unrelated. The zero grade *b'nd'-sm- might be preserved in
TAOLA: @ OvvIpTIta Mpdcg TO PuTOV TO @UAAOv ‘by which the leaf is joined to the
plant’ (H.); a mixed form is néopa: i} mteiopa, 7) pioxog ‘stalk, husk, shell’. got: dé &&
ob 10 bAAOv iptitat ‘by means of which the leaf is attached’ (H.).
néxw [v.]. ‘to comb (oneself), card, shear’ (II.). <1E *pek- ‘pluck, card’>
eVAR mleike te (6 316) and meiketv (Hes. Op. 775) are metri causa; aor. néEat, -ac8at.
eDIAL Myc. po-ka /poka/ ‘shorn wool’.
eCOMP Also with amo-. Furthermore 16x-v@ocg [m.] ‘wool weaver’ (pap. II*); eipo-
mdékocg ‘wool-fleeced’, et)-moxocg ‘with fair wool’ (A.); vedmoxocg ‘newly shorn’
(MaAAdsg, S.).
*DER 1. 16Koc [m.] ‘sheep’s wool, fleece’ (M 451, Hell.), nox-dptov (Sammelb. III--
IVP), -ddec [f.pl.] ‘lock or tuft of wool or hair’ (Ar.), []éktoc [m.] “shearing month”,
Locr. month name (inscr.); verbs: toxiCopat ‘to shear wool’ (Theoc.), whence -topdc,
-toti (pap.); -aCw ‘id’ (sch., Suid.); -dopat ‘to be covered, as if with a fleece’ (AP). 2.
mK tos [m.] = méKoc (Lyr. Adesp. 73, Hdn.). 3. mékoc [n.] ‘id.’ (An. Ox. 3, 358), Teikoc:
Eptov, Edupia (carded) wool’ (H.). 4. mextrp (Suid.), moxtrp (pap. II’; after moxoc)
[m.] ‘shearer’. Enlarged verb mex-téw ‘to shear wool’ (Ar.).
sETYM Gr. ékw < PIE *pek-e/o-; cf. Lith. pest, pésti ‘to pluck, pull out’; for mext-éw <
*pek-t-, cf. Lat. pectd ‘to comb, card’, OHG fehtan ‘to battle’ (if originally ‘to pluck
each other’). Gr. 1ékoc phonetically agrees with Lat. pecus [n.] ‘(small) cattle, sheep’
< PIE *pek-e/os- [n.]; néKo¢ is probably an innovation. Latin has a present * pekte/o-
and a noun pecten, with unknown quantity of the final vowel in the nom.sg.
(Sommer in De Vaan 2008). Traditionally, a present with a suffix *-t-e/o- is
reconstructed on the basis of Lat. pecté and Gr. 1textéw, but this formation is very
rare in IE. The alternative reconstruction proposed by Pinault MSS 62 (2006) is
therefore quite attractive: reduplicated *pe-pk- with dissimilation to *petk-, whence
the n-stem *petk-n-, *ptk-én- ‘comb’. A reduplicated present fits the repetitive
meaning of ‘to comb, pluck’ very well. See also » xteic.
méAayos [n.] ‘high seas, sea’ (Il.). <PG?>
TtEAAC 1165
eCOMP Late: nehayo-dpdpos ‘sailing on, flying over the sea’ (Orph., PMag. Par.), ev-
meAayre ‘lying by a fair sea’ (Orph.).
DER eA y-tog ‘belonging to the sea’ (trag.,, Th., X., Arist; after GA-toc, 8aAdoo-10c),
-1Kd¢ ‘id’ (Plu.), -tttc [f.] ‘id’ (AP); -aiog epithet of Poseidon (Paus.). Verbs:
mehayitw (also with év-) [v.] ‘to form a sea, be flooded, be out in the open sea, sail
the sea’ (Hdt., X., Str.), spot [pl.] “experiences at sea’ vel sim. (Alciphr.); -dopat ‘to
form a sea, overflow’ (Ach. Tat.).
*ETYM Frisk connects méAayoc with » mAdE, -axdc [f.] ‘plain, plain of the sea, etc.’,
mAdy-toc ‘athwart, transverse, sloping, curved’, and » né\avoc. However, nothing
confirms a connection of mé\ayoc with the root *pelh,- ‘to spread out’, and the
connection with m\ay/«- is phonetically impossible. Thus, the word rather seems to
be Pre-Greek.
méXavog [m.] ‘liquid flour dough, flour pulp, honey and oil’, often presented as a
sacrifice, ‘sacificial cake’ (A., E., Pl., Att. inscr., Herod.); name of a weight or coin
(Delph., Arg. V--III*), = oBoAdc (Nic. Al. 488). <PG?>
eVAR Also -6c (Hdn. Gr. 1, 178).
*DER Cf. méAavop: TO tetpdxadkov ‘a coin’, méAatva: Tdmava, pEetdiypata ‘round
cakes, propitiations’ (H.). On mehayvv- tpbBAtov éxmétadov ‘outspread cup or bow!’
(H.) see métaX Vov (S.V. » TETAVVULL).
eETYM The original meaning and etymology are uncertain. If the original mg. was
‘flat cake, flat dough’, which the coin name méAavog in particular seems to evidence,
méXavoc could be derived from PIE *pelh,- ‘to be flat, level’ as *pelh,-no-. Fur. 338
compares méAatva, and concludes that it is a Pre-Greek word. The argument is
uncertain, but the conclusion may well be correct.
meapyds [m.] ‘stork’ (Ar. Pl. Alc. 1, 135d, Arist.); also = Gyyog ti kepdpeov ‘kind of
earthen vessel’ (H.), after the form? <?>
eVAR The length ofthe a is mentioned by Phrynichos 88.
DER mteAapy-tdevc [m.] ‘young stork’ (Ar., Plu.), -txdc ‘ofa stork’ (H., Suid.), -wdn¢
‘stork-like’ (Str.), -itic [f.] ‘kind of dvayadXic ‘pimpernel’ and yepavov ‘crane’ (Ps.-
Dsc.). Denominative avti-nehapy-éw ‘to show love in return (like storks doy
(Aristaenet, Iamb.); dvtimekdpy-wotc, -noic, -ia (Com. Adesp. 939, 1570). On
TleAapyikdv (tetxoc), see > IleAacyoi.
eETYM Uncertain. EM 659, 7 already connected the name with the black and white
feathers of a stork; Kretschmer Glotta 3 (1910-1912): 294f. therefore analyses the word
as *medaf-apydc, from dpydc ‘white’ and *medafdc ‘blackish’ (connected to Lith.
palvas ‘sallow’, mehtdc, etc.). This seems improbable.
méXag [adv.] ‘near, nearby’ (Od.). <IE *pelh,- ‘approach’>
VAR 0 11€Aac ‘next, nearest, neighbour’ (IA).
DER 1. mehd-t1)¢, Dor. -tac [m.] ‘one who comes near, serf, jobber’ (trag., Pl.), [f.]
-ti¢ (Plu.), with -tikdg (D. H.); gumeAdteipa [f.] = mehdtic (Call, Euph.); 2. 1éAaotc
[f.] (€u-, mpoo-) ‘approach’ (S. E., Procl.); 3. d-mAnto¢ (epic), d-1tAatos (Dor., trag.)
‘unapproachable, appalling’; 4. matic, -t50¢ [f.] ‘wife’ (Ar. Lyc.); 5. Tetxeot-71A ATO
[voc.] epithet of Ares (E 31, 455); 6. mAT|TIG: WANotaotts ‘neighbour’ (H.).
1166 TtéAeB0c
Adverb mAnoiov (IL), Aeol. mAd-clov, Dor. mAatiov ‘near’, adjective mnoloc
‘standing nearby, neighbouring’ (Il. epic Ion.); mAnowd-xwpog ‘neighbouring’ (IA),
mAnot-otn¢ [f.] ‘neighbourhood’ (A. D.); mAnot-a€w (Dor. mAGti-) ‘to approach,
accompany, associate with’ (Att.), whence -ao.dc, -aojta, -acic (Arist.).
*ETYM Clearly related to the verbs meaning ‘to approach’ (see below), but the
morphological analysis is unclear. Gr. né\acg has been explained as an old nom.sg.
‘who is near’; the forms in mAn-, mAG- reflect the zero grade *plh,-. See » daomAfjtIc,
> TiAVaLLa, & TACO, > tAry, and » TAnoow.
méAe8o¢ [m.] ‘ordure’. =oméde8oc.
méAeOpov [n.]=1AEBpov. j
méAeta [f.] ‘wild pigeon’ (II.). <1E *pel- ‘gray’>
VAR TleAeldc, gen. -adoc, mostly plur. -ddec [f.].
ecoMP As a first member in meAeto-Opétywwv “feeding pigeons’ (A.); also
metaphorically as a name of the priestesses of the sanctuary at Dodona (Hdt, S.,
Paus.).
DER TteAgiouc: KWot kal oi Hreip@tat tov yépovtac kal Tac mpeoBUtidac ‘old men
and women in Cos and Epirus’ (H.).
eETYM The msc. medgioug is a secondary innovation. The bird was clearly named
after its color, like e.g. Lat. palumbés ‘dove’, palle6 ‘to be pale’. It could reflect a u-
stem *meAQvc ‘grey’, cognate with metdc, moAtdc, meditvdc. The priestesses in Dodona
(like the aged people in Cos and Epirus) were called “doves” because of the color of
their hair. Cf. » medt6vdc.
meAeKkdy, -dvosg [m.] ‘pelican’ (Anaxandr. Com., Arist.). <PG(V)>
VAR Cf. mehexavos “fulica’ (gloss.).
*DER TleAeKkac, -avtog [m.] ‘green woodpecker’ (Ar. Av.); meAekivoc [m.] ‘pelican’
(Ar. Av, Dionys. Av.); more usually as the name of several plants, “axeweed”,
especially ‘Securigera Coronilla’ (Hp. Thphr. Dsc.), and in the architectural
technical expression ‘dovetail’ (Ph. Bel., Hero Bel.).
*ETYM Derived from mé\ekucg ‘axe’ because of the functional and/or formal similarity
with an axe. For meAekdv, compare especially the ethnonyms in -4v (Axapvav, etc.).
Fur. 320 compares oméAektoc: meAeKkav (H.).
méAexug [m.] ‘axe, double axe, hatchet’ (II.). <PG(s,v)>
VAR Gen. -ews, Ion. -e0c; also BéAexkog, see below.
*DIAL Myc. pe-re-ku-wa-na-ka (?, Puhvel KZ 73, 221f.).
eCOMP éba-méhexug = Lat. sexfascalis (Plb.), opupo-méAexuc ‘hammer-axe’ (Att:
inscr.); fu-mtéAekkov [n.] “half-axe”, ‘axe with one edge’ ('¥ 851) (< adj. *1y,u-méAeKF-
og ‘consisting of half an axe’).
*DER Diminutive meAéx-ov (Att. inscr.), méXekkov (-0¢) ‘axe-handle’ (N 612, Poll.
H.; from -Kf-ov), meAeku-vaptov “id.” (Theo Sm.); tedekac, -ato¢ ‘axe-smith’ (Ostr.
I*). Denominatives: 1. mehek-dw (-exkdw € 244 < *-ekF-dw; rarely with dva-, dmo-,
ék-, KaTa-) ‘to cut with an axe’ (€ 244), whence -11a, -1NOl¢, -17TH¢, -TwP, -17Tpis,
-nt6c (Hell.); 2. meAeKiCw (amo- AB) ‘to chop off with an axe’, especially ‘to behead’
|
i
i
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i
TEAAA I 1167
(Plb., Str.), whence -toptdc (D. S.). The gloss nékexpa: a&ivry ‘axe’ is obscure and may
be late. Gr. néAv§ ‘id? (LXX, pap.) on the model of instrument names in -v&, whence
meAvK-10v (Peri pl. M. Rubr., pap.).
*ETYM Compare Skt. parast- [m.] ‘axe, battle-axe’, Oss. fret ‘axe’ (from Iranian
into Tocharian: ToA porat, ToB peret ‘axe’) < QPIE *peleku-. These words have long
been identified with Akk. pilakku, which however never means ‘axe’, but rather
‘spindle’. Thus, this comparison must be given up. Fur.: 150f. points to BéAekkoc:
Sonpidv Tt eupepéc AaOtpw péyeBoc épeBivOov Exov ‘pulse resembling a A. with the
size of a chick-pea’ (H.). Further, compare his notes 39 and 4o. He also assumes that
the -Kk- represents Pre-Greek gemination. méAexpa, too, may be a Pre-Greek
formation, like méAvé.
meAgitw [v.] ‘to vibrate, shake’, pass. ‘to tremble’ (IL). <PG?>
eVAR Aor. -iEat, -1x OFvau.
*ETYM Denominative formation in -i(w, from an unknown noun, *méAgjia vel sim.
Possible cognates are identified in Germanic, e.g. in the compounds Go. us-film-a
‘frightened, appalled’ (usfilmei ‘fright, horror’), ON felms-fullr full of frightening’,
which would presuppose a noun PGm. *felma- ‘fright’. If the suffix was *-mo-, one
could connect it to maA)w ‘to sway, rock’. Another cognate may be » m6Ag{tog. Fur.:
151 calls meAeut- “entschieden ungriechisch”; the suffix -eu- would be Pre-Greek.
medtdvoc [adj.] “blue, dark color, pale, bloodshot’ (Hp., Arist., Nic; also Th. and
com.?) <IE? *peli- ‘pale, grey’>
*VAR TeAltvoc (Att. according to gramm.; perhaps to be restored in Th. 2, 49, Alex.
110, 17 et al.).
*DER TteALdv-retc (Marc. Sid.), -aitog (Nonn.), whence -dt1¢ [f.] ‘blue stain’ (Aret.,
Gal.), -dopicu [v.] ‘to turn blue, etc.’ (Hp., Arist.), whence -wya, -wotg (medic.). Also
mteALg “blue, dark’ (Hp., D., Thphr., Nic., etc.), meAt-w61¢ (sch.), -6t19¢ [f.] (medic.),
-dopiat (Hellanic., Hp. LXX), whence -wotc, -wiia (medic., sch.), -aivopiat (Hp.);
ttehddc (méhAOc?) ‘dark-colored’ (S. Fr.?, Arist, Theoc.), -d¢ [m.] ‘old person, very
old man’ (Hdn., H.). With y-enlargement: meAtyévec [m.pl.] = yépovtec (Lac.,
Massal.), = oi &v tytaic (Macedonian acc. to Str. 7 Fr. 2); meAtyavec: oi EvSoEou. Tapa
dé Lbpotc oi BovAevtai “esteemed ones, in Syrian councillors’ (H.).
*ETYM Traditionally explained as an enlargement of meAtdc, or a transformation of
older meXt-tv-6c¢, which would have the same combination of suffixes as Skt. palikni
[f£.] < *pali-t-n-i ‘grey’ beside msc. pali-t-d- (would be Gr. *meAttdc; thence perhaps
TeAlt-voc after the fem.?). An i-stem has been assumed as the basic form, which may
be retained in mtehtdc (probably for *meAt-F6-¢), and perhaps also in medAdcg (if from
*meX1dc). See on > 7é)e1a for a different formation. » See also » moAtdc.
méAAa 1 [f.] ‘milk pail’, also ‘drinking bowl, goblet’ (II 642, Hippon., Theoc., Nic.).
<PG? (S, V)>
VAR Also -1 acc. to Arc. 108, 1.
*DER mteAXic, -i5oc¢ [f.] ‘id’ (Hippon., Hell. poetry); méd&, -txog [f] = «bAE or
mpoxotdiov (Cratin.); -ixn, Aeol. -ika [f.] = yodc, Aexavn ‘a liquid measure = 12
kotvaAal; dish, pot or pan’ (Poll.); meAAiyvy [f.] = méAAa (Alcm., Hell. poetry; after
1168 mTtéANA 2
KvvA-E, -ixvn; cf. further éAik-n from gk). meAAT Hp, -f\pos [m.] ‘milk pail, drinking
bowl (Hell. authors in Ath. u, 495e), meAAavtijpa: duoAyéa ‘milk pail’ (H.) (to
*nehhaivw).
eETYM The comparison with Lat. péluis [f.] ‘bowl, dish’ or Skt. palavi [f.] ‘kind of
barrel, vessel’, pari [f.] ‘milk-pail’ is unconvincing, and does not lead to a PIE
reconstruction. Fur.: 134 posits a Pre-Greek word because of the vacillation -ix-, -vk-
(and -)-, -AA-).
méAAa 2 [f.] - AiBoc ‘stone’ (H.). <PG(V)>
VAR Cf. gedXevc below.
*ETYM Assuming PGr. *mehoa, it has been connected with OHG felis ‘rock’, MIr. all
‘crag’ (< PCI. *palso-), Skt. pasdnd- [m.] ‘stone, rock’, Psht. parga ‘id? (< Ilr. *pars-,
IE *pels-); however, the variation *pelso- / peliso- does not seem IE (cf. Fur. 16277).
The noun could be identical to the Macedonian town ITéAAa. Fur. 161f. further
compares geAAetc ‘stony ground’, which shows a different anlauting consonant, and
therefore points to Pre-Greek origin.
mehXopa@osg [comp.] an artisan who sews together hides (gloss.). <Lw Lat.>
eETYM Hybrid form containing Lat. pellis ‘hide’and pantw.
mé\Adtpa [n.pl.] ‘foot-wrapper, foot bandage’ (A. Fr. 259 = 435 M.., S. Fr.1080; H., who
also gives the suspicious forms meAAaotai, mehdbta and mehAUTEpa). <IE? *ped-
‘foot’>
eETYM Analyzed as *me6-FA0-tpa, a compound of re6- ‘foot (see » movc) and the root
eiAbw ‘to wrap’, with a suffix -tpo-. Nevertheless, monosyllabic FAv- and its length
are surprising.
méApa [n.] ‘sole of the foot or shoe’ (Hippon., Hp., LXX, Hell.). IE? *pel- ‘hide’>
eCOMP As a second member in BaOv-, di-, povd-medpoc (AP, Edict. Diocl.).
*DER KaTa-meALatoopat ‘to be soled’ (LXX), meApatitw ‘to sole’ (pap. VIP), ‘to sleek
the soles’ (Anon. on EM 659, 43).
*ETYM For the formation PIE *pel-mn ‘skin, hide’, compare OS filmen, OFris.
filmene, OS ceger-felma ‘pellicle of an egg’. With n-suffix: Lat. pellis < *pel-n-i- ‘skin,
hide’, Lith. pléné ‘membrane’, OPr. pleynis ‘cerebral membrane’, Ru. plend
‘membrane’ < *pl-én-(i)a-; OCS pelena ‘band for swathing children’, Ru. pelend
‘shroud, (dial.) nappy’, Sln. pléna ‘bandage’ < *pel-en-h,-, OHG fel, -lles, OE fell, ON
fjall [n.] ‘hide’ < PGm. *fel-n-. Perhaps » épvoinehac [n.] name of a skin-disease
belongs here as well. There is no corresponding primary verb. See also »7é\tn,
> EmimAOOV, and » omoAdc.
méhopat [v.] ‘to stir’ (in compounds), ‘to become, take place, be’ (Il.). <1E *k”lh,- ‘go
round’>
eVAR More rarely néhw, aor.med. asg. EmA€0, 38g. -TO, act. EAE (M 13; vil. tev).
*COMP Also with prefix (especially in aor.ptc. mept-, 7-1 dpe voc).
*DER 1. 160g [m.] ‘axis, world axis, pole, vault of heaven, disc of the sundial, etc.
(IA); denominative ptc. 6 moAetwv (Cod. Astr. PMag. et al.). 2. -16A0¢ in
compounds like ai-mdéhoc, »dtkacmdA0¢, innondd\oc ‘horse-breeding’ (ll.),
TEAWP 1169
vuktutoAog ‘travelling by night’ (E. [lyr.]); tpimoAoc ‘ploughed thrice’ (Hom., Hes.);
from the prefixed verbs are derived duginodocg (see s.v.), mepimodoc, etc. 3.
deverbatives: a. tohéw, -€opat (often with prefix, e.g. dugt-, dva-, Mept-, Tpo00-) [v.]
‘to go about, wander around, take care of, etc.’ (Pi., Att., etc.); also with nominal first
member, e.g. mup-mtohéw ‘to watch a fire’ (Od., X.), ‘to ravage with fire, destroy’ (IA);
here belong, partly as back-formations: mepi-, mpdo-modoc, Mup-mMdA0c, MUp-TOAOG,
etc.; trans. ‘to turn (said of the earth), root up, plough’ (Hes. Op. 462, Nik. Al. 245). b.
mtohebw (x 223, trans. S. [lyr.]) ‘id’, from duqi-toAebw (epic Od., Hdt.), metri causa
for -éw; c. mwéopat (also with ém-) [v.] ‘to come or go frequently’ (Il.) émnwAnatc
[f.] ‘muster, review of the army’ (name of II. 4, 25off. in gramm., Str., Plu.).
eETYM Greek has a thematic present méopat, -w < PIE *k”elh,-e/o-, like Lat. col6, -ere
(< *k”el-e/o-) ‘to build upon, inhabit, attend, honor’, Skt. cdrati ‘to move around,
wander, drive (on the meadow), graze’, Alb. siell ‘to turn around, turn, bring’. The
zero grade them. aor. -mA-eto has no counterpart. Because of 1- before e, méhopat
must be an Aeolic form; the expected t- of Ionic-Attic is seen in »té\opat,
> téANOnal, TeA€Ow, » TéAOG. The PIE connotation of cattle-breeding and agriculture
is preserved in compounds such as maimd)oc, » BovKdAos, tpi-mohoc. The formal
similarity of mwAgopat and the Skt. causative cardyati is secondary. Whereas m6\0¢
may be a productive o-derivative from the verb, » du@imodoc (= Lat. anculus) and
several words for ‘car, wagon’ (see » KUKAoc) may be inherited nominals. Note also
mtepimtonog ‘patrolling guardian’ (Epich., Att.) = Skt. (Wed.) paricard- [m.] ‘servant’.
See > TdALy, > Tie, > guTtoAn, and » emma.
méAtn [f.] ‘small light shield without an edge, mostly made of wattle-work, with a
cover of leather’ (Hdt., Tab. Heracl., Att.). <Lw? Thrac.>
*DIAL Dor. -a.
eCOMP As a first member in meAto-pdpog (X., Plb.), Boeot. -pdpac, also -a-pdpac =
TEATAOTHS.
*DER Diminutive me\t-iov (Men.), -i5tov (sch.), -dptov (Callix., Luc.). Denominative
medtatw [v.] ‘to bear a shield’ (X., App.), meAt-aotr¢ ‘shield-bearer, peltast, lightly-
armed man’ (Att.), -aotixdg ‘of a peltast’ (Att.). A probable back-formation is kata-
mek Taw ‘to overpower with peltasts’ (Ar. Ach. 160).
eETYM Acc. to Hdt. 7, 75 and other sources, the 111 was carried by the Thracians;
thus perhaps it is a loanword. Usually connected with »mé)ua, Lat. pellis, etc. as a
derivation in -t-. Semantically, this is quite possible, but there are no good cognates
with a t-suffix.
méAtH¢ [m.] ‘the pickled Nile fish kopaxtvoc (Diph. Siph apud Ath. 121b, H.). <?>
eETYM Unknown. See Strémberg 1943: 131 and Thompson 1947 s.v.
méA tov [n.] ‘base of an altar, tomb’ (inscr. Lycaonia). <Lw Asia Minor>
*ETYM LW from Asia Minor, belonging to Hitt. palzahha- ‘pedestal, base’ (Haas
Jahrbuch fiir kleinasiatische Forschung 3 (1953): 132); accepted by Neumann 1961: 99f.
méAVE >néekvc and méAAca 1.
méhwp [n.] ‘monster, monstrosity’ (Hom., Hes., h. Ap., Nonn.). <?>
1170 TéUTEAOG
eVAR Plur. néAwpa beside sing. 1éAwpov [n.].
*DER Adj. mé\wp-oc¢ (certainly first in Hes.), older and more usual -toc (Il.),
‘monstrous, enormous’. Diminutive medwp-ic (Xenocr. Med.), -dc¢ (Hell. and late
poetry) [f.] ‘kind of shell’.
*ETYM Old formation in -wp (to which perhaps the PN meAdpnc [Styra] belongs).
Hesychius gives the variants téAwp: meAwplov, tlakpdv, péya ‘long, big’ and
TeAWPLOG: [Léyac, TeAWpLog ‘big, monstrous’ (H., also grave inscr. Memphis I*). This
suggests an original *k”-, and Aeolic origin for mé\wp. Frisk compares tépag ‘marvel,
monster’ and suggests that méAwp arose from dissimilation of *k”er6ér; however, the
latter would not easily explain tépac (from, *kverh,-s?), so this word is better left
aside. Thus, 1éAwp remains without etymology.
méumedog [adj.] ‘old, old man’ (Lyc. 682, 826). Glossed by Gal. 6, 380 as mapa 16
exnéitteoBau eic ‘AiSov mop ‘after the sending of a procession to Hades’, ‘id.’ in
Suid; H. gives otwpvrov, AdAov, oi 5é Aiav ynpadéov ‘wordy, loquacious; very old’.
<i
eETYM Galen’s explanation is a folk etymology based on the similarity with 1éinw.
Blanc RPh. 72 (1998): 134 proposes reduplicated *meA-1e\- > mémteAoc, from the root
for ‘grey’ seen in meAtdvdc, tteAtdc (see also Blanc KZ 110 (1997): 233f.).
nénw [v.] ‘to send, dispatch, guide, accompany’, med. (mostly with prefix) also ‘to
send for someone, fetch’. <?>
eVAR Aor. métupat, fut. méppyw (Hom.), aor. pass. meipOijvai (Pi.), seit: TLETIOLLAL
(IA), med. rérte,ytcu (Att.).
eCOMP Very often with different prefixes, e.g. dmo-, ék-, é7t-, [LeTa-, 11pO-.
*DER 1. MoLM (dva-, d1to-, &k-, 11p0-, etc.) [f.] “conduct, escort, procession, pompa’
(Il.). 2. mopimdg [m.], also [f.] ‘escort, messenger’ (Il.), also adj. ‘guiding, bringing a
message’ (A., Ael.); prefixed compounds, e.g. mpoztojim-dc “escort, escortess, guide
(m./f.), guiding, escorting’ (A., X.); as a second member in compounds, e.g. yvxo-
moim-¢ “guide of souls’ (E.). From 1. or 2. (not always discernable): a. mopst-aioc
‘guiding, leading’ (Pi. trag.), dmto- (LXX, Ph.); b. -ipto¢ ‘id’ (Pi. trag.), ‘sent off (S.),
also dva-, dta-, etc. (D. S., Luc.); c. -tkdg “belonging to the procession’ (X., Hell. and
late); d. -to¢ ‘led’ (Plot.); e. -iAoc [m.] name of a fish that accompanies ships,
‘Naucrates ductor’ (Erinna, A. R.); f. nopimtetw (mpo-, ovpt-, émt-, dta-) [v.] ‘to escort,
guide, partake in a procession’ (Il.); thence mdpmev-olc, -tH>¢, -THPloc, -TIKdG; -ela
[pl.], -eia [f]; probably also, as back-formation, mojtmevc¢ ‘escort, partaker of a
procession’ (Od., Att.). 3. méuyic (mostly with ano-, ék-, ém-, petd-, etc.) [f.]
‘sending’ (IA). 4. meumtijp ‘escort’ (S. Fr. 142 II 10 [lyr.]); mpomeumtrp-toc ‘escorting’
(Philostr. VA), &mo-, 1po-meLm-T1K6G (Men. Rh.); 5. » ebiéLimteAoc.
eETYM All forms belong to productive derivational patterns. The verb has no IE
etymology, nor does it show characteristics of loanwords or Pre-Greek vocabulary.
mepnenpics [f.] a small fish mentioned by Numen. apud Ath. 300f. <?>
eETYM Unknown. Cf. Thompson s.v.
mtevOEpdc 1171
*méugrt, -tyoc [f.] poetic word of unstable mg., partly due to the artificialities of Hell.
poets: ‘bubble of air or water’ (secondarily of the soul), ‘blister on the skin, drop (of
water or blood), drizzle, spraying spark, also said of the sunlight’ (Ibyc., trag., Hell.
poetry). <PG?>
*DER tteiptywone ‘full of vesications’ (Hp.). nepigic, only attested in the gen.pl. -iSwv
(Lyc. 686; v.l. -iywv). With o-grade: 1opgdcs [m.] ‘blister on the skin’ (Hp.); more
often with A-suffix in nopppoAtlw (-boow?), only aor. 3pl. moppdAvEav ‘sprang up’
(of tears; Pi.), and moipddvk, -ibyoc [f.], also [m.], ‘bubble’ (Hp. Pl. Arist., Thphr.),
metaphorically of a female hair ornament (Ar., Att. inscr.), of an architectural
ornament (Att. inscr.), of shield-knobs (H.), of a zinc oxyde (medic.). As a first
member in nop@oAvyo-nagAdoptata [pl.] jocular formation (Ar. Ra. 249). Thence
ToLpoAvy-wtdc “provided with bosses’ (Ph. Bel.), -wdy¢ ‘like bubbles’, -npdv [n.]
‘plaster with zinc oxyde’ (medic.), -6w [v.] ‘to make bubbles’ (Arist.), -Gopot, -ifw ‘to
bubble’ (medic.).
eETYM Possibly Pre-Greek words. They might be onomatopoeic in origin; compare
similar expressions for ‘swelling, etc. in Baltic: Lith. pampti ‘to swell’, pempus ‘fat-
bodied’, pumpiulis ‘roundish, thick-bellied thing’, also bumbalas ‘knob, bladder’. Cf.
> BeBe and > BdziBoc.
Tepppyndwv, -dvos [f.] ‘kind of wasp, tree wasp’ (Nic.). <PG?>
eETYM The suffix is the same as in the synonyms > tevOpndwv, » avOpndwv. The base
was probably onomatopoeic, and possibly Pre-Greek: compare words for ‘humming,
buzzing’, such as SCr. biimbar ‘bumble-bee’, Skt. (lex.) bambhara- [m.] ‘bee’, Arm.
bor, -oy ‘bumble-bee, hornet’; also, Skt. bhramard- ‘bee’, OHG breman ‘to hum’,
Latin frem6 ‘to roar’ < *b'rm-, etc. Cf. Kuiper 1956: 222 and Fur.: 222.
mevéotat [m.pl.] name of the serf population of Thessalia; as an appellative ‘slaves,
servants, poor farm laborers’ (Att., Arist.). «LW? Illyr.>
VAR Rarely sing.
*DER Tleveot-tkdc “belonging to the penestai’ (Pl.), -eia [f.] ‘the class of penestai’
(Arist.).
*ETYM Possibly identical with the Illyrian PN Penestae (cf. also the Apenestae in
Apulia). The ancients connected mevéoto with névic¢ ‘poor’, 11évojtat ‘to toil’, which
in itself is possible (from *pen-e/os- [n.]).
mévnc, -NTO¢ [adj.] ‘poor’; as a msc. subst. ‘poor man’,
DER mtevia ‘poverty’. = mévojtat.
mtevOepdc [m.] ‘father-in-law = father of the wife’ (cf. éxupdc), also ‘brother-in-law,
son-in-law’ (Il.). <1 *b'end". ‘bind’>
*DER mtevOepd, Ion. -1 [f.] ‘mother-in-law’ (D., Call.), -.6evc ‘son-in-law’ (inscr. Asia
Minor, imper. time.), -idy¢ ‘id’ (pap. VIP; Schwyzer 510); -toc (Arat.), -1k6¢ (Man.)
‘belonging to the mevOepdc’.
*ETYM Inherited kinship term *b"end'-er-o-, formally almost completely agreeing
with Lith. beridras ‘participant, sharer’; compare Skt. bandh-u- [m.] ‘relative’.
1172 ttévO0c
Derived from ‘to bind’, hence literally “ally”. The oxytone accentuation of mevOepdc
is after » Exvpdc. See > meiopa.
mtévOo¢ [n.] ‘sorrow’. =ndoxw.
névopiat [v.] ‘to exert oneself, toil, work, prepare, provide’ (Il.), ‘to exert onself, (have
to) do hard labor, be poor, lack sth. (Sol., trag., Pl.). <IE *(s)penh,->
eVAR Only pres. and ipf.
eCOMP Often with dpt-, also ovv-.
DER 1. mevia, Ion. -in [f.] ‘poverty, lack’ (E 157); 2. mewxp-dc ‘poor, devoid of sth’ (y
348; cf. wedtxpdc s.v. » WéAL), -OtIN¢ [f] (S. E.), -aA€og ‘id’ (AP). 3. mévyg, -11to¢ [m.]
(fem. névyooa: mtwx1 ‘beggary’ [H.]) ‘who has to live from the labor of his hands,
needy, poor’, mevéo-tepoc, -tatoc (X., D.); thence mevijt-ebw ‘to be poor’ (Emp.),
-vAidac [m.] “son of poverty” (Cerc.), which presupposes a hypocoristic *Ilevit-
vAOC. 4. Mdvoc [m.] “(hard) labor, effort, struggle, sorrow, pain’ (I1.); also as a second
member, e.g. 1tavoi-1tovoc ‘ending pain’ (E., Ar. [lyr.]); but patato-7t6voc et al. to
movéouat. Thence mov-npdc ‘toilsome, useless, bad, evil’ (IA), whence -1pia,
-I7pevop.at, -rpevpia; Tovoetc ‘id.’ (Man.). 5. Iterative deverbative novéouat (also with
augi-, dta-, etc.) [v.] ‘to exert oneself, provide, suffer’ (Il, mostly in the older
language), and active movéw (also with dta-, éx-, kata-, etc.) also trans. ‘to cause
pain’ (post-Hom.). As a second member in patato-novéw [v.] ‘to labor in vain’
(Democr.), whence -movia (Str.), -m6vnua (Iamb.), -m6vog (Plu., Gal.). Deverbal
mdv-rypa (Sia-) [n.] ‘labor, work’ (PL, E.), -notc (dta-, kata-) ‘labor, effort’ (Plu., D.
L.); as a back-formation e.g. diamov-oc ‘working hard, weary’ (Plu.) from d1a-71ovéw.
6. Tovaw only in énovd8n (Pi.) and éndévacav (Theoc.).
eETYM A primary formation is the present mévopal; iterative 7tovéopat, -éw and the
noun 1t6voc may be productive derivatives. The only viable cognates are words for
‘to stretch, twist, weave’ in PIE *(s)penh,-, e.g. Lith. pinti ‘twist’, OCS peti ‘stretch’,
Arm. hanum and henum ‘weave’, Go. spinnan, etc. Greek would then have
undergone a semantic shift from ‘to stretch’ > ‘tense, strain’ > ‘exert oneself.
mévte [num.] ‘five’ (Il.). <1E *penk”e ‘five’>
eVAR Aeol. méume, Pamph. 1é(v) de.
*COMP As a first member, beside mevte- and meume-, we mostly find nevta- (I]l.), after
énta-, deka-, Tetpa-, etc.
*DER Ordinal néuntog ‘fifth’, Arc. méumotocg (after déxotoc), Gortyn mévtoc, whence
meumttaiog ‘belonging to the fifth (day), happening on the fifth (day) (— 257);
mevtaxic [adv.] (Pi.) beside mtevndxi (Sparta), meumttanic (D. S.) “five times’; collective
neumtac [f.] ‘quintet’ (Pl, X.) besides meuntac (Pl. Phd. 104a), mevtdc (Arist.).,
whence ztevtad-tov [n.] ‘quintet’ (pap. TJ-III?), meumad-txdc¢ ‘fivefold’ (Dam.).
Adverb mévta-xa (M 87), -xod, -xf); -x@c; adjective nevtakdc ‘fivefold’ (Arist.); noun
mevtaxya: 1} xeip ‘the hand’ (H.), cf. MoGr. Lac. mevt6xtn ‘hand’ (Kovxovdéc Apy. 27,
61 ff.). A denominative verb, probably from mepmdc, is meumaCopa, -w [v.] ‘to count
(by the five, with the five fingers)’ (6 412, A.), with ava- ‘to estimate, calculate, think
over’ (Pl. Plu.) with meunaotdc [m.] (Dor.) ‘the counting one’ (A. [lyr.]). From
mevtjkovta ‘fifty’: nevtnKoo-tuc [f.] ‘body of fifty’, part of a Spartan Adxoc (Th. X.),
TIETLEPL 1173
MEVTNKOOTHp, sec. -Kovtrp [m.] ‘commander of a mevtnkoottc (Cos, Th., X., Att.
inscr.).
*ETYM Non-Aeolic névte, whence Pamph. 7té(v)de, Aeol. méprte and the other IE
words for ‘five’, e.g. Skt. pdfica, Lat. quinque, Lith. penki, Go. fimf, all go back to IE
*pénk”e. Similarly, Gr. méumtoc < *penk”-to-, like Lat. quintus, Lith. pefiktas, Go.
fimfta. The lengthening in mevtn-xovta (PGr. *é) not only appears in Skt. parica-sat-
[f.], but also in Arm. yi-sun (i < *é); the lengthening was caused by the glottal feature
which resulted from the loss of *d in *dkomt- (see Ȏxatov; Kortlandt MSS 42
(1983): 97-104). A parallel development is found in Lat. quinqud-ginta ‘fifty’ (after
quadra-ginta ‘forty’?).
méog [n.] ‘penis’ (Ar. Ach.). 4IE *pes-os- n. ‘penis’ >
DER meoid1¢ ‘with a swollen member’ (Com. Adesp.), also mtew61¢ ‘id.’ (Luc. Lex.).
*ETYM Identical with Skt. pdsas- [n.] ‘id’, cognate with Hitt. *pesan- / pesn- / piSen-
‘man, male’ [c.] < *pés-on, *pes-(e)n-, Lat. pénis ‘tail, penis’ < *pes-n-is. See » 1608.
nénaiat [v.] ‘to possess, acquire’ (Argos V*). <1E *kueh,- (?)>
eVAR Aor. ttacacGa, fut. TG OPLAL (Dor., Arc., poet. since Pi., Sol.); pres. éu-
TUMdoKOpat ‘to acquire’.
*DER 1. mapa [n.] (Arc, Arg. Cret.), émmaya (< géu-n-; Boeot.) ‘possession’.
Derivations: moAv-mdpwv ‘wealthy’ (A 433), éxé-mapov (yévoc) ‘having possessions,
inheritor’ (Locr.), &k-tayov: dkArpwtov ‘without lot’ (H.); with transition to the o-
stems: éu-1dm (cod. gumtayu@) matpwxw ‘heiress’; émt-<na>pat-ida: tiv énikAnpov
‘heiress’ (H.); mapw@yxoc: 6 Kvptog ‘lord’ (H.), whence napwyéw ‘to possess’ (Tab.
Heracl.). 2. {unaoic (Corc., Meg.), tvnaoig (Arc.), Enmaoig (Boeot.) [f.] ‘acquisition’,
MAot¢: KTHolc ‘possession’ (H.). 3. map-7noia [f.] ‘full possession’ (A., E., Ar.). 4.
Matopec: KTItopec ‘possessors’ (Phot.), mati\p ‘possessor’ (Critias). 5. With
analogical -o-: maotac [m.] ‘possessor, lord’ (Gort.); also PN Et-naotoc (Argiv.),
T'vvo-, ©16-mmaotoc (Boeot.), probably also ménaotat (Thgn. 663).
*ETYM The forms ta mitdpata (Boeot.), Puvé-nnaotos, etc., with geminate mm, show
a trace of the original cluster *ky (cf. immoc). Thus, né-1tG-pai, na-cacGat, m4-copar
continue a monosyllabic full grade. A connection with PIE ‘to swell’ *kyeh,- is
impossible because of the different laryngeal. There is no exact correspondence
outside Greek. The zero grade *kuh,-, which correponds with IE *kyeh,-, is found in
a-Kd-p-oc, » KUptos ‘lord, possessor’.
menapeiv [v.aor.inf] ‘to demonstrate, show’, acc. to H. = évdeiEat, onijvau (Pi. P. 2, 573
v.l. nenopeiv). <1E *prh,- ‘give, provide’>
°VAR ilemtapevomov: evppactov, Cagés ‘easy to make intelligible, wise’ (H.).
*ETYM Floyd AmJPh. 92 (1971): 676-9 demonstrated that the word contains the root
*prh,- of nopeiv, with -map- < *-prh,-V-; for the development, we may compare
adioxopo with fad- < *ulh,V- (see Beekes, in: Bammesberger 1988: 75). Cf.
> TOpEtv.
mémept [n.] ‘pepper’ (Eub., Antiph,, Arist.). <Lw Orient.>
eVAR Gen. -10¢, -ews; also -ic, -\60¢ [m.]. Rarely ni-.
1174 méTtAOG
*COMP Tmepd-yapov [n.] ‘peppered fish broth’, paxpo-nénept [n.] ‘long pepper’
(medic.).
*DER -tc, -t6oc [f.] ‘pepper tree’ (Philostr. VA). Thence mimepitic [f] plant name
‘siliquastrum’ (Plin., etc.); nemepitw [v.] ‘to taste like pepper’ (Dsc.).
*ETYM Oriental LW, first from MInd. pippari (Skt. [epic cl.] -l2), further of unknown
origin.
mémthog [m.] ‘woven cloth, blanket’ (Hom., trag.), usually ‘female or male garment,
women’s skirt’ (II.). <1E? *pel- ‘fold’>
*COMP e.g. eb-memhoc (éb- epic) ‘having a beautiful garment’ (IL).
*DER métwpa [n.] ‘robe, garment’ (trag.).
*ETYM In theory, it could be a reduplicated formation mé-1\-oc¢ of the root PIE
*pl(H)- ‘to fold’, found e.g. in Gr. &-mh-dc, » amAdog ‘single, simple’, dttAdoc,
dtmhotc ‘double, twofold’, Olr. diabul ‘double’. Alternatively, the root might be *pl-
‘skin, hide’; see » mé\ua. Neither solution is compelling.
nénvopat [v.perf.] ‘to be prudent, clever, clear-minded’, very often in ptc. me7tvdpEvoc
‘to be prudent, clever, clear-minded’ (Il, also late prose); also aor. pass. opt. 2sg.
mvoGeins (Nic.). <IE? *pneuH->
eCOMP du-mvdTo ‘regained consciousness’.
eETYM The verb is generally derived from the root *pneu- of » mvéw ‘to blow’, but
LIV? posits a separate root *pneuH- to explain the length of mvv-. The appurtenance
of Hitt. punuszi, punussanzi ‘to ask’ < *pnuH-s-, however, is difficult for reasons of
both phonetics and semantics (see Kloekhorst 2008 s.v.).
ménpwrat ‘it is destined by fate’. >mopeiv.
menpiros >népdopat.
menpwiwv [gen.pl.] perhaps the name of a phratry or deme (Erythrae, IV*). <?>
*ETYM Unknown.
MEMWV, -ovos [adj.] ‘ripe’, metaphorically ‘soft, mild’ (IA). <IE *pek”- “cook’>
eVAR Hom. only voc. némov. némwv is used for msc. and fem., but fem. also németpa
(Anacr., Hp., S., Ar.), new msc. mémetpoc (Hp., Thphr., LXX); compar. memai-tepoc,
superl. -tatoc (after mettaivw?), also memte1pd-TEpos, -TATOS.
DER mettaivw (aor. nmenav-at, -Ofjvat with -Orjoopa, perf. inf. memdvOat (Arist.), also
with éx-, kata-, ttep-) [v.] ‘to make ripe, ripen’, metaphorically ‘to mollify, mellow,
soothe’ (IA), whence ménav-otc [f.] ‘ripening’ (Arist.), -tixd¢ ‘making ripe’ (Hp.,
Dsc.); back-formation mémav-oc (-6¢) ‘ripe’ (Paus., Artem.); mémavac: mhaKkovvtia
‘flat cakes’ (H.) (© mémava, see » mécow).
eETYM A derivative PIE *pek”-on- from the root *pek’- ‘to cook, ripen’. The verb
Tettaivw < *pe-pan-ie/o- continues * pek”-n-ie/o- with the zero grade of the suffix.
mep [pcl.] enclitic pcl. of emphasis (II.). «IE *per ‘going through?’>
eETYM Identical in form and function with Lat. -per in nu-per, parum-per, etc, see
> MEPL.
TépSopat 1175 -
mépa [adv.], also [prep.] + gen. ‘beyond, further, longer, more, past’ (Att.). <IE *per
‘beyond, across’>
«COMP compar. Mepat-tépw (Att.), -tepov; adj. -tepog (Pi.).
eDER mépav, Ion. -1yv [adv., prep.] + gen. ‘over, across, beyond, opposite to’ (Il.). adj.
mtepatog ‘ulterior’, especially 1) mepaia (xwpa, yt) ‘the country on the other side’, also
PN (Hdt, A. R, Plb., Str.). Thence 1. [lepaitnys [m.] ‘inhabitant of the Iepaia’ (J.); 2.
mepao8ev ‘from the other side’ (A. R., Arat.); 3. mepardopai, -dw (also with d1a-, etc.)
‘to cross over, bring over’ (since w 437), ‘to accomplish’ (Gort.), ‘to end’ (medic.),
mepaiwots [f.] ‘crossing’ (Str. Plu.). Denominative verb mepdw (aor. -doat, Ion.
-fjoat, also with prefix, especially Sia- and éx-) [v.] ‘to pass through, go beyond,
reach the end’ (Il.), (6ta-)mép-apia [n.] ‘crossing’ (Str.), éxmépapa ‘coming out’ (A.),
mép-aotc [f.] ‘stepping through’ (S.), -dowtog ‘crossable, passable’ (E., Str.); -atdc,
Ion. -1t6¢ ‘id’ (Pi. Hdt.); -atij¢ “ferryman’ (Suid., Procl.), also ‘stranger, emigrant’
(LXX; probably from mépa); mepa-tikdc ‘foreign’, and -téc ‘id.’ (pap. III*). Often with
intensifying avti-: dvtimépata [n.pl.] ‘the stretches of coast on the opposite side’ (B
635), -ata [f.sg.] (A. R, Nonn.); avtinépac ‘opposite’ (Th. X.), -mépav, -nv (Hell.),
-mépa (Ev. Luc.) ‘id.’; -tépr8e(v) ‘from the opposite coast’ (A. R., AP).
eETYM Gr. mépa and mépav are petrified case forms of a noun ‘other side’: the latter
continues the acc.sg. of a noun *per-h,- [f.], while the former allows for several
interpretations (instr.sg.fem. or nom.pl.ntr.?). See » mépt and » mdpoc.
mépac, -atos [n.] ‘end, boundary’. =reipap.
mépyovAos =omnopyihoc.
népéuk, -tkoc [m., f.] ‘partridge’ (Archil, Epich, S. Ar. X.). <PG>
VAR Cret. mpi (H.), with -np- < -epd-.
*COMP e.g. mepdixo-8rpac [m.] “partridge-hunter”, kind of hawk, ovpo-mépdie =
Lbpoc mépSE (Ael.).
*DER Diminutive mepdix-tov (com.), -t6evc [m.] ‘young partridge’ (Eust.), adjective
-elog ‘of the partridge’ (Poll.), -tdc, -1ddoc [f.] (Gal.), -itn¢ [m.] name of a stone
(Alex. Trall.).
*ETYM Frisk explains the word as a derivative in -x- from » mépdopat ‘to fart’, due to
the droning sound when partridges take the air.
mépdSomat [v.] ‘to fart’ (Ar.). <1E *perd- ‘fart’>
eVAR Perf. némopda (with resultative mg.), aor. -mapdetv, fut. -mapdroouau.
eCOMP Also with amo-, kata-, mpoo-, di0-.
*DER 1. mopdr [f.] ‘fart’ (Ar.), whence népdwv, -wvoc [m.] nickname of the cynics
(Arr.); 2. mpadnotc [f.] ‘farting’ (Hp.); 3. mpadirn [f] ‘id’ (Theognost.); reduplicated
menpadtrat [pl.] ‘id.’; also name of a fish (H., Phot.), equally mempidoc: ix8dc¢ mor
‘kind of fish’ (H., after the sound it produces). 4. with additional suffix mpatov-
apddevoov ‘they shitted’ (H.), Cret. for *mépdatov as if from *mepd-dCopat;
furthermore dnomapdaka (-Ka?): Toto eiprytat mapa TO dnomapdetv (H.).
1176 mépOw
eETYM A thematic present *perd-e/o- from the root *perd- ‘to fart’ of Skt. pardate,
OHG ferzan, Lith. pérsti, sg. pérdZiu, Ru. perdét’, Alb. pjerdh. See » o.Annopdéw and
> mépduk.
mtépOw [v.] ‘to destroy, devastate’ (Il.). <1E? *b'erd’->
eVAR Aor. népoat, mpadetv, fut. mépow (Il.). Inf. pass. mépOat (II 708; aor. *mep0-o-,
or with haplology from *nép@eo@8at); unclear is mép8eto (M 15, etc.), semantically
aoristic.
°COMP Also with dta-, éx-, ovv-. As a first member in governing compounds mepoé-
m(T)oAtc ‘destroying cities’ (A. [lyr.]); second member in sttrohi-10p80¢ ‘id.’ (II.), also
-tog (1.504), -19¢ (A. [lyr.]). népotc [f.] ‘destruction’, title of several poems (Arist.,
Paus.).
*DER Deverbative mop8éw (aor. mopOijoat, also dta-, ék-, etc.) [v.] ‘to destroy,
devastate, pillage’ (Il.), whence (&k-)-m6p@notc (D.), -nta (PL), (ék-)-1ytwp (A. E.),
VTS (E.), *-11tHplos (Tz.), -7ttKdc (H.).
eETYM Without a convincing etymology. Janda 2000: 240-242 and LIV’ propose a
PIE root *b'erd'- < *b*er- + *d"h, “Beute machen” = ‘capture’.
mépt [adv.] ‘around, round; excessively, quite; by, at, concerning’ (II.). <IE *per- ‘cross,
pass >
eVAR Prep. mepi (dial. also nép), + gen., dat., acc.
eDIAL Myc. pe-ri-, as a first element in compounds.
DER Adv. népié (suffix -k-), also prep. ‘around, round’ (mostly Ion. poet.), + *-to- in
Tlepl-o0dc, -TTdc ‘excessive, extraordinary, superfluous’, whence -ooevu, -tTevu, etc.
(Hes.).
eETYM From a PIE loc.sg. *per-i ‘in crossing, in passing’ > Skt. pari, Av. pairi ‘around,
about, among, etc.’ Lat. per ‘through, across’, per- ‘very’, -per ‘through, during’, Ven.
per ‘for’ < *peri, Lith. per [prep.] ‘over, around, through’, OCS pré-, Ru. pére- ‘over,
through, very, exceedingly’ < *per; OCS prédo ‘in front’, Ru. péred(o) ‘before, in front
of [prep.] < *per-d"h,-om; Go. fairra ‘far’. See » mEp.
Tepiayvutat [v.] Meaning uncertain. Used of dy ‘voice’ (II 78), thence of 1x ‘echo’
(Hes. Sc. 279). <GR>
eETYM The allegedly late occurrence in II 78 is about a voice which is broken. Thus is
it derived from &yvuiu ‘to break’ as “is broken on all sides”? Or is it cognate with Skt.
vagnu- [m.] ‘sound, call, invocation’, Lat. vagio ‘to lament’?
meptBapides [f.pl.] ‘kind of women’s shoes’ (com.). <?>
VAR Also mepiBapa [n.pl.] ‘id’ (Poll., H., Phot.).
eETYM Formation like meptoxedtdec ‘foot-clasps, -rings’, but further unclear. Jocular
derivation of Bapic, Egyptian name of a ship?
TepupeKtéw [v.] ‘to be very reluctant, be upset’ (Hdt.). <?>
eVAR Thence rex tei: Svo@opei ‘is angry’ (H.).
*ETYM The formation is reminiscent of synonymous >» dyavaxtéw and of bAaKtéw,
but the origin is unclear. Frisk hesitatingly suggests *mept-eéw ‘to vomit’, with
compositional lengthening as in eb-1péTN<.
TLEPLWOLOV, -La 1177
mepivatog (-e0¢) [m.] ‘perinaeum, the space between the anus and the scrotum’
(medic. Arist.), plur. ‘male genitals’ (Arist.). <?>
eVAR Also -ov [n.]. Doubtful by-forms are: meptv@- meptvéw Gal.; mepiva (for
Tmpiva?)- mtepivatov. TO aidoiov ‘pudenda’ and mepivoc: 16 aidoiov ... i TO THV
dtSvptwv Séppia, tyyovv 6 tabpos ‘pudenda; the skin of the testicles or male pudenda’
eETYM Body part derived from mepi and ivaw, -éw ‘to empty’, with a suffix -to- (-eo-),
thus literally “empty region”. See > m1)pa.
mepivews, -w [adj.] “exceeding the ship (the equipment of the ship, its crew)”, so
‘surplus’; as a msc. subst. ‘fellow passenger, passenger’ (Att. inscr., Th.). <GR>
eETYM A hypostasis from rept *vafdc, with mepi ‘over, in excess’.
meptppn dis [adj.] Uncertain. Usually explained as ‘falling over, tumbling away’ (x 84,
A. R.1, 431), ‘bent, misplaced’ (Hp. Art. 16, Mul. 2, 158). <2>
DER Teptpproiqv (A. R. 4, 1581).
eETYM Formation like mept-KaAArc ‘very beautiful’, thus probably from a noun
*prdoc. The root etymology is unknown. It has been connected with » padtvdc
‘flexible’, » p4Saytvoc ‘branch’; hence, *yreh,d- has been proposed.
TeptoKeAr 1 [adj.] ‘very rough, very hard, inflexible’ (S., Hp., Thphr.). <GR>
DER Tteptoxéd-ela, -ia [f.] ‘harshness, roughness’ (Arist., Porph.), -aoia ‘id.’ (Orib.);
same extension as in Oepjtacia, pAeypaoia, etc.
*ETYM Probably literally ‘completely dried’ (cf. »oKAnpdc; from *oKxédoc
‘barrenness’) > ‘dry all around’. The same is also supposed for »doxeArc¢. See
> okéhhw.
TeptoxeArs 2 [adj.] 1. ‘going around the legs’, in ta meptoxeAf ‘trousers’, sing. TO -é¢
(LXX). 2. ‘with the legs around’, i.e. ‘with the legs put apart’ (sch.). <GR>
*DER From 1. is derived meptoxedic [f.] ‘leg-band, -ring’ (Hell.), with -iétov (Delos
II’).
eETYM From > oxélozg ‘leg’.
TEploads, -TTdc —TEpL.
meptotepa [f.] ‘pigeon’ (IA). <?>
VAR Secondary -dc¢ [m.] “cock pigeon’ (com.).
*COMP Tleplotepo-MWAr)¢ ‘pigeon-vendor’ (Hell. pap.).
*DER Diminutive nepiotep-ic [f.] and -tov [n.] (also used as decoration of women),
-idtov (com., pap.), -t6evc (Hell. pap.); -(e)wv [m.] ‘pigeonry’ (Pl, pap.). Gr.
Tleptotep-Lov, -ewv also occur as a plant-name for “Verbena officinalis, supina’ (Dsc,
Ps.-Dsc.), which are visited by pigeons.
eETYM Not certainly explained. Perhaps from medtdc ‘dark, blue’, méAaa ‘wild
pigeon’, by a wrong restitution of earlier *meAtotepd (cf. MoGr. mehotépt).
Meptwotov, -ta [adv.] “excessive, immoderate’, also + gen. (II, Pi.). <GR>
*DER Adj. -toc ‘id.’, also ‘extraordinary’ (Sol. and Emp.); mepwotov: péya ‘big’ (H.).
1178 TepK VOG
*ETYM From répt, with the same suffix as €twotoc ‘fruitless’, perhaps created after the
latter. An intermediate form *mept-o- can hardly be justified. Hence tmepwotog ‘id,
(EM 665, 29).
mepkvoc [adj.] ‘spotted, having dark spots’, also the name of a kind of eagle (O 316,
Hp., Arist.). <1E *perk- ‘variegated, motley’>
DER émti-mepKvoc ‘somewhat spotted’ (X.). mépxoc [m.] ‘kind of eagle’ (Arist.), mépxn
[f.] ‘redfin perch, Perca fluviatilis’ (Emp., com., Arist.), -ic, -iov, -idtov (com., pap.,
Dsc.); mepkdc [adj. f.], attribute of KixAn, probably as a fish name (Eratosth.).
Denominatives: a. mepKatw, -optat (also with bm0-, é7tt-, év-) [v.] ‘to get dark spots,
start ripening’, act. also ‘to darken’ (n 126, Thphr., LXX); b. mepxaive, -opou (&1-) [v.]
‘id’ (E,, H.); c. dmto-mepkdoptat [v.] ‘to become dark’, of ripening grapes (S. Fr. 255, 6).
Here mepkwpata ta émi tod mMpoowrov motkihuata ‘spots on the face’ (H.).
Furthermore: 1. with zero grade: mpaxvov- ,téhava ‘black’ (H.); 2. with different full
grade, probably secondary: mpexvov: ttouctAdxpoov éhagov ‘deer with various colors’
(H.), to which belongs 3. with o-ablaut » mpd, -Kdc [f.] and mtpoKdc [f.] ‘deer- or roe-
like animal’, TIpéxvn PN ‘Nightingale’ or ‘Swallow; 4. with lengthened grade > mpwe,
-kc [f.] ‘dewdrop’.
eETYM An adj. *7tepKdc lies at the basis of the nouns 1tépkoc, mepKdc, the adj. mepK-
voc, and the verbs mepk-dw, -aivw, -douat. Compare MIr. erc (W erch) ‘spotted,
dark-red’, ‘salmon, trout’, also ‘cow, lizard’. The form mpaxvov is from a zero grade
*prk-n-; cf. Skt. pfsni- ‘spotted, variegated’, OHG forhana ‘trout’, OE forn(e) [f.];
further cognate forms are MoSw. fdrna fish name < *perk-n-; OHG faro, farawa
‘variegated’ < IE *pork-ud-. Perhaps Lat. pulc(h)er ‘beautiful’ < *pelk-ro- for *perk-ro-
belongs here too?
mépva, -nN¢ [f.] ‘ham’ (Str. pap. II, Ath.). <Lw Lat»
*VAR By epic influence, or as an error of transmission, also ntépva (Batr., Poll. 2,
193)-
*ETYM Loanword from Lat. perna ‘id’. See also » ntépvn.
mépvat =Opidak.
mépvnt [v.] ‘to sell’ (II). <IE * perh,- ‘sell’>
eVAR mépvaytat (Il.), aor. tepao(o)at (Il., also Aeol. and Ion. inscr.), fut. inf. nepdav
(® 454), pass. mpaOjvau, Ion. mpnO-, with fut. -jooptat, perf. med. némpayau, -npat
(IA), fut. rtempdooptat (Ar., X.); recent Att. innovations are act. ménpdaxa and pres.
mumtpaoKopat, later -w (Thphr. [?], Luc. Plu.), -joxw (Call.). Further forms: éprjoa
(Samos VI*; to émprOnv), mépvncov. mwAnoov ‘sell! (H., from the present);
TeTtepnpévoc (M 58; for renpntévoc after rrepaoat).
*COMP Also with ano-, mapa-, ovv-, etc.
*DER 1. Tipaonc, Ion. mprotcg (dia-, cmd, etc.) ‘sale’ (IA), 1t1pdotos ‘for sale’ (Pl. X.). 2.
anémtpatia [n.] ‘subletting’ (Hell. pap.). 3. mpatip, Ion. ttpn- ‘salesman’ (IA), -1/ptov
[n.] ‘selling point, market’ (Hdt,; Hell.); also 11patwp, -opoc ‘salesman’ (Hell. inscr.
and pap; also with npo-, Din. and Is. in Poll.), tpatopetvw [v.] ‘to act as a salesman’
(Tenos III*). 4. 1patng¢, -ov ‘salesman’ (also ovtt-, 11p0-; Att. orators in Poll., pap.); in
Tlepoepovn 1179
late papyri, often in compounds like éhato-, oivo-mpda-ty¢. 5. adj. mpatixds in -1
‘sales tax’, -dv ‘sale on commission’ (pap.).
*ETYM The system rrepaoai, 1émpaiat, 71paOFjvat points to a root *prh,-, with a root
aorist and a nasal present *pr-n(e)-h,- (cf. LIV). The forms mépvnu, tepvapat must
have analogical e for the original zero grade, which is preserved in nopvdaiev: mwheiv
‘to sell’, mopvdéptevat- trwAovpevat ‘selling’ (H.), which are probably Aeolic. There are
no certain cognates of *perh,- outside Greek, since Olr. renaid, -ren ‘to sell’ may
belong to a root *h,reiH- ‘to count’ (Schumacher 2004: 551f.). See » 16pvn.
TEepovy —Teipw.
mépreposg [m.] ‘dandy, boaster’; as an adj. ‘vain, boastful (PIb., Arr., S. E.). <LW Lat>
*DER mepmep-dtn [f.] ‘boasting’ (Chrysost.), -evopat [v.] ‘to be a windbag, boast’ (1
Ep. Cor. 13, 4, M. Ant.); also ét- (Arr.); -eia [f.] (Clem. Al.); bwro-mepnep-r8pa [f.]
‘empty boasting’ (Com. Adesp.).
eETYM A loanword from Lat. perperus ‘perverse, wrong-headed’, attested since
Hellenistic times.
mepoéa (-aia, -ia, -ein) [f.] name of an Egyptian tree, ‘Cordia myxa’, which originated
from Persia (Hp., Hell.). <GR>
*DER Tepogivoc ‘belonging to the persea tree’ (pap.), mépo(e)ov [n.] ‘its fruit’
(Thphr.); diminutive -iStov (pap.).
eETYM Named after its Persian origin; suffix like in ,tn\éa, etc.
mepoevc [m.] name of an unknown fish from the Red Sea (Ael. NA 3, 28). <?>
eVAR Also mtépoos ‘id.’ (H.).
*ETYM Unknown.
Ilepoegoévn [f.] spouse of Hades (Pluto), queen of the underworld; as a daughter of
Demeter, identified as Képn (Ion. since h. Cer. and Hes.) <IE *perso-g”"n-t-ih,
‘threshing>
eVAR Also [lepoe-goveta (Il, Od.). Several by-forms are found: Depoe-pova
(Simon., Pi., Thess.), -pdveia (H.), Inptpdva (Locr.), [Inpepoveta (Lac. acc. to H.);
with a different ending: Tlepoé-gaooa (A.), Pepo€é-qacoa (S., E.), Peppé-gatta (Pl.
Ar., Att. inscr.) etc., mepo6-gatta (Att. inscr.), name of the sanctuary Dep(p)epatt-
tov [n.] (D., AB).
DER Plant name Ilepoepoviov, Dep- (Ps.-Dsc.), see Strémberg 1940: 100.
*ETYM It was long thought that the original form of the first member was Depoe-,
whence the various other forms would have arisen by dissimilation of aspiration,
compositional lengthening, etc. The name was always considered obscure until
Wachter Kratylos 51 (2006): 139-144: the original form is nepodgatta, as found in
eight attestations, seven of which are on 5" c. BC Attic vases (by seven different
painters). Note that the form mepodgatta was not even mentioned by Frisk. It
should be analyzed as containing a first member *perso-, cognate with Skt. parsda-
[m.] ‘sheaf of corn’ (following a suggestion by Weiss, Wachter l.c. also mentions the
possibility that Lat. porrum ‘leek’ and mpdoov ‘id.’ are related, perhaps implying a
meaning ‘ear of corn’ for Ilepoo- and Skt. parsd-). The second member is derived
1180 TEPVOL(V)
from *-g"n-t-ih, (to *g”"en- ‘to hit, strike’). Thus, the name refers to a female thresher
of corn.
The forms in -gdveia beside -pdvn (cf. IInvehometa beside -n) may be folk-
etymological; Ilepoe-, etc. too, after népOw.
mépvot(v) [adv.] ‘last year’ (IA). <IE *per, *uet- ‘year’>
eVAR Dor. mépvti(c).
eDIAL Myc. pe-ru-si-nu-wo.
*DER Tlepvotvoe ‘from last year’ (Att.).
sETYM PIE adverb of time *per-ut-i, literally ‘on the other side of a year’, a loc.sg. of a
compound of *per and *uet- ‘year’. Cognate forms: Arm. heru, ON i fjord, MHG vert
‘“id?, Olr. énn-urid ‘ab anno priore’ < *peruti. Without final *-i in Skt. pardt ‘last
year’. See » étoc.
méoxog [n.] ‘skin, rind’ (Nic. Th. 549); meoxéwv- Sepudtwv ‘hides’ (H.); d-meoxrc
‘without a cover’ (of td&a; S. Fr. 626; not quite certain). <?>
eETYM The word rhymes with » péoxKog ‘skin, fleece’. Perhaps from *méx-ox-o-, from
* pek- ‘to comb’ (cf. mxos ‘fleece’? Rejected by Frisk.
£0066 [m.] ‘the oval stone in board games’, mostly plur. ‘gaming piece, board game,
checkers’, often metaphorically in several mgs. (a 107). <PG?>
eVAR Att. mMETTOc.
ecomP As a first member in meoco-vopéw ‘to arrange the gaming pieces’, also
metaphorically (A., com.). :
*DER Ttecoapiov [n.] ‘pessary’ (medic.); meoo-1Kdc, -tt- “belonging to board games
(Apion); -evw (rarely with dia-, peta-) [v.] ‘to play on a board with pieces’ (IA),
whence -eia, -evTI¢, -EUTIKOG, -evtiptov (Pl, pap.).
*ETYM Loanword of unknown origin. A Semitic etymology (belonging to Aramaic
pis(s)a ‘stone, small table”) has been proposed. Fur. 270 cites Hitt. pissu [n.] ‘rock,
block of stone’ (without conclusion). The word may well be Pre-Greek (perhaps
* pek’-).
méoow [v.] ‘to ripen, bake, cook, digest’ (Il.). <IE *pek”- ‘cook’>
eVAR Att. métTw, aor. mé au (I1.), fut. méyw (Ar.), pass. perf. mémep-pat, aor. mepOrvat
with mepOrjoouc (Hp., Att.). The pres. némtw (Arist.) is an innovation.
*COMP Also with kata-, mept-, ovv-. Nominal: apto-xémocg (Hdt.), Myc. a-to-po-qo
/artopok“os/ ‘baker’, dpu-met-1< ‘ripening on the tree’ (com., AP).
DER 1. 7étiua [n.] ‘pastry, cake’ (IA), whence -atiov (Ath.); 2. méyie [f.] “digestion,
cooking, ripening’ (Hp., Arist.). 3. memtéc (E. Fr. 467, 4, pap., Plu.), more usually in
compounds, e.g. d-, dvo-mentos ‘indigested, hard to digest’ (Hp., Arist.), whence 4-,
dvo-new-ia [f.] (Arist, Hell.); 4. ment-1xdc ‘fit for digestion’ (Arist.), -rptoc ‘id.’
(Aret.). 5. mémtpta [f.] ‘bakeress’ (H.). With o-grade: 6. mémavov [n.] ‘pastry’ (Att.,
Hell.), whence -W6n¢ ‘like pastry’ (H.), -evya [n.] ‘id.’ -elov- panificium (gloss.). 7.
ttonac, -aoc [f.] ‘id. (AP).
eETYM Gr. méoow is from PIE *pek"-io/e-, like Skt. pacyate [3sg.med.] ‘ripens’. Other
cognate forms: thematic root present *pek”-o/e- > Skt. pdcati, Lat. coqud, W pob-,
TIETOMAL 1181
OCS peko, Lith. kepi (with metathesis), Alb. pjek ‘to cook, bake’. Nominal
formations: méupa < *pek”-mn, apto-Kdmocg < *-pok”-o- with metathesis; néntpia
presupposes a msc. *pek’-tr- ‘baker’. See » némwyv.
TMETAVVULLL, -¥w [v.] ‘to spread out, unfold, open’ (Att.). <IE *peth,- ‘spread out’>
eVAR TiTVIL, -dw (IL; émtvov Hes. Sc. 291), met-GCw (LXX), -dw (Luc.), aor. meta-
o(o)a. Pass. -o8fjvat, perf. med. néntapan (all Il.), menétaopot (Orac. apud Hdt., D.
S.), act. memétaka (D. S.), fut. tet-cow CE. [lyr.]), -460w (Nonn.), -@ (Men.).
eCOMP Often with prefix, especially éx-, dva-, kata-.
DER 1. métadov [n.] ‘leaf (Il.), ‘metal or gold plating’ (Att. inscr.); also -nda [pl.]
(Hes. Sc.; metri causa); metad-tov, -ta, -ic, -eLov, -ittc, -wdn¢, -dw, -worc, -iCw, -toLd¢;
hypostasis éunetah-ic: Eeopa da tupod oxevaldopevov ‘a dish prepared from cheese’
(H.). 2. métacoc [m., f.] ‘broad-brimmed hat’, also metaphorically (Hell.), whence
Tetao-tov, -WdnG, -Wv, -itic. 3. Nétaopa (also with kata-, mapa-, dmto-, etc.) [n.]
‘blanket, curtain, etc.’ (IA). 4. éxmétaotc [f.] ‘spreading out’ (Plu.). 5. metaopdc [m.]
‘id. (LXX). 6. métaxvov [n.] ‘drinking bowl (Alex.), -axvov (H.). 7. métnAog (-Adc)
‘grown onto’ (udcxos, Bodc; Ath., H.), “avanentapéva ta képata éywv”, ‘having the
horns spread out’. 8 dvamet-r¢ ‘spread out’, whence -e1a [f.] ‘spreading out’
(medic.). 9. éxméta-Aocg ‘open, flat’ (Mosch., ayyeiov). With unclear semantics:
TetHAac: Tod<s pLKpods Kal Bapvwderg Poivkag ‘small and shrubby date-palms’;
metnAlc: axpic ‘top, peak’ (H.); metrAiag Kapkivoc (Ael.).
*ETYM The forms metd-oal, mit-vy-l, mé-1Td-Wat point to a root *p(e)th.-; the
present metd-vvupu was formed analogically after the aor. metd-cat, etc. The old
nasal present mitvnpt has a secondary -t- introduced in earlier zero grade *pt-neh,-.
Cognate verbal forms are found in Lat. patére ‘to be open’ < *pt-é-, with patulus
‘spread out broadly’, and the nasal present Lat. pando ‘spread out’, Osc. patensins
[3plipfsubj.] ‘to open’ < *patn- < *pt-n-h,-. With an I-suffix like nétadov, we find
OHG fedel-gold [n.] ‘leaf-gold’.
métevpov [n.] ‘hen-roost, acrobat’s bar or framework, high platform, public
noticeboard’ (Ar. Fr. 839, inscr. IV’, Hell.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Also -avpov, névtevpov, see below
eDER metevp-tov [n.] ‘small noticeboard’ (Erythrae IV*), -iCopat [v.] ‘to act as an
acrobat’ (Phld.), whence -toudg, -totH¢, -totHp (Plu., Man.).
eETYM Technical expression with vacillation between ev and av, and between met-
and mevt-. No good IE etymology is available. Thus, it is probably a Pre-Greek word;
cf. Fur.: 291, 353.
métopiat [v.] ‘to fly’ (11.). <IE *pet- ‘fall’>
eVAR Aor. mtdo08al, ntéoBat (all Il.), with pres. métapat (poet. since Sapph., Arist.),
aor. metaoOjvat (Arist., LXX), intapat (late; s.v.); aor. act. mtijvai, ptc. mde, etc.
(poet. Hes., also Hell. prose); fut. mtrjoouat (IA), metHooua (Ar.), perf. kat-éntyKka
(Men.).
*COMP Very often with prefix, eg. dva-, dmo-, dta-, elo-, éx-, Kata-, d7Ep-.
Compounds: a. -métn¢, Dor. -métacg [m.], e.g. byt-métN¢, -ac ‘flying high’ (Hom., Pi.),
enlarged -ret¢ (Hom.); b. -metr¢, e.g. Depmetijc ‘flying over’ (Hell.); c. éxmet-rHouytoc
1182 mE TPA, -1]
‘ready to fly’ (Ar.); d. depot-m6t¢ and -nd6t17-Tos ‘flying high’ (Hes., AP, Norm.),
from motdoptat.
DER 1. not? [f.] ‘flying, flight’ (e 337, h. Merc. 544 [v.l. mtepvyeoot]); 2. mtijotc [f.] ‘id?
(A,, Arist.), whence mtHoutoc (Jul.); nthpa [n.] ‘id’ (Suid.). 3. Adj. in -no-: a. mt1yvdc,
Dor. mtavodc ‘winged’ (Pi. trag., Pl.); b. ttetetvdc, -1yvdc ‘id’ (Thgn [etry Att.
ship’s name [inscr.]; from métojta); c. mete-nvdc, -etvdc ‘id.’ (Il.), with diectasis; d.
motavoc ‘id’ (Pi, Epich., trag. [lyr.]; -1voc epic poetry in Pl. Phdr. 252b), probably
modelled on motdopat. 4. Deverbative: motdopal, -€opat (also with dipi-, tEept-, Ek-,
etc.) ‘to fly, flap’ (11); nwtdopa (also with éx-, émt-, bmep-) ‘id.’ (M 287, h. Ap. 442,
etc.); thence mwtretc ‘flapping’ (Nonn.), also pompore [pl.] ‘flight’ (A. Eu. 250;
usually corrected to moT-).
eETYM The Greek root aorist mtd-o8ai, é-mta-to, mtd-jlevoc, with full grade in mti-
vat, &-1Td-v, MTH-coplal, seems to require a root *peth,-, whereas most of the
cognates in the other IE languages (Lat. pet6 ‘to make for, reach’, MW ehedec ‘to fly’
< PCL. *-fet-e/o-, Olr. én, W edn ‘bird’ < *fetno- [m.]; Hitt. pattai'- / patti- ‘to run, fly,
flee’, “patteiant- ‘fugitive’, Skt. patati ‘to fly, fall’, Av. auuapasti- ‘falling’, pata- ‘to
fly’, hgm.pata- ‘to fall down’, OP ud-pata- ‘to fall down, become unfaithful’) can or
should be explained on the basis of *pet-. Hackstein 2002b: 140-143 argues that the
root was originally *pet- in Greek as well. The pres. méta-at may be analogical to
mtd-o8u, after ntéoOa next to métopat. Gr. motéopicat and Skt. patdyati ‘fly, hurry’
agree in their formation, but mwtdoptat is independent. See » 1tepdv and » mtépvé.
métpa, -y [f.] ‘rock, rocky mountain range, cliff, ridge; rock cavern, cave’ (Il.),
‘boulder, stone’ (Hell.). <PG>
*COMP TleTp-npegrs ‘covered with rocks’ (A, E.), metpo-Bddoc ‘throwing rocks’,
whence -ia (X., Plb.); b16-1te tpo¢ ‘rocky’ (Hdt., Thphr.).
*DER métpoc [m., f.] ‘boulder, stone’ (Il.). Several adjectives in the meaning ‘rocky,
stony’: Metp-alog (poet. since [t 231), also as an epithet of Poseidon (Pi.), -retc (IL.),
-tvog (Ion. poet.), -wd61y¢ (IA), -Nprs (S.), -wel¢ (Marc. Sid.). Diminutive -idtov
(Arist.); adverb -nddv (Luc.). metpwv, -@vocg [m.] ‘rocky place’ (Priene II*).
Denominative metpdoptat, -dw (also with kata-, bmo-) [v.] ‘to be stoned to death,
turn / be turned into stone’ (E., X., Lyc.), métpwpa [n.] ‘stoning’ (E.), also ‘heap of
stones’ (Paus.). Several plant names: metp-ivn, -aia, -aiov, -dwov, -ic, éni-netpov,
etc.
eETYM We find nétpog ‘stone’ and its collective, nétpa. There is no etymology. The
suggestion by Meier-Briigger KZ 94 (1980): 122ff. that métpoc derives from *per-tro-
‘Instrument zum Hindurchkommen’ is improbable. The word is probably Pre-
Greek; see Fur.: 272 etc.
mevOouat =T1vvOdvoptat.
nev [f.] ‘pine’, especially “Pinus Laricio’ (Il.), metaphorically ‘torch’ (trag.). <IE
* peuk- ‘sting’>
eDER mevK-relc, Dor. -detc ‘made of pine, belonging to the torch, stinging, sharp’
(trag. [lyr.], D. P., Opp.); -tvog ‘made of pine’ (S, E, Plb.); -wv, -@voc [m.] ‘pine
forest’ (Hdn. Gr.); -ia [f.] ‘taste of pitch’ (Tz.). mevkdAuioc, epithet of ppéves (Il.),
myn 1183
also of npanidec, undea (Orac. apud D. L., inscr.); nevKedavoc, epithet of mdAELL0c (K
8), of BéAgttva, donic (Orph.), of 64Aacca (Opp.); with oppositional accent, we find
mevkédavov, the name of a bitter umbelliferous plant, ‘sulphur weed’ (Thphr.).
*ETYM Similar names of pine and fir-trees are found in Baltic, Germanic, and Celtic:
OPr. peuse [f.] (< PIE * peuk-), Lith. pusis (< *puk-), OHG fiuhta, MIr. ochtach [f.] (<
*peuk-t-, *puk-t-). A by-form is found in » muy}. If tebKn has the same origin as the
second member of éxe-mevxrj¢, Tlept-mevKrs ‘stinging, sharp’, it can be derived from
an adj. *1tevKdc ‘sharp, stinging’. Gr. éxe-mevkrj¢ may contain an s-stem *mebdxKog [n.]
‘stinging, point’. From the same basis, we find the adjectives mevkddyiocg and
mevkedavoc, for which a meaning ‘sharp, intrusive, stinging, bitter’ must be posited.
The A-suffix also occurs in mevkadéov- Enpov ‘dry’, wevkadeitar- Enpaivetat ‘dries up’
(H.). For Indo-Iranian cognates, see Morgenstierne NTS 13 (1942): 229 and Turner
1966 No. 8407 *posi.
Tepveiv =Oeivu.
mryavov [n.] ‘rue, Ruta graveolens’ (Diocl. Gr., com., Thphr.). <PG(v)>
eVAR gaikavov: myyavov ‘id.’ (H.).
*COMP aypto-nryavov ‘Syrian rue’ (H., Aét.), myyav-éAaov ‘rue oil’ (medic.).
eDER mnydv-tov [n.] ‘rue’ (Thphr., Nic.); adj. -tvoc, -etog (Gal.), -deig (Nic.)
‘belonging to the rue’, -W6n¢ ‘rue-like’ (Thphr.); -itn¢ ofvocg (Gp.), -iti¢ xoAH
(Sopat.); -pa [f.], -rpdov [n.] ‘rue plaster’ (medic.); -i@w [v.] ‘to be like a rue’ (Dsc.,
Gal.).
*ETYM Probably a Pre-Greek word; note the formal variation in paikavov (Fur.: 162).
The suffix recalls other plant names, such as Adyavov, BaKavov, mAdTavoc, and
pagavoc.
Ilijyacog [m.] name of the mythical horse, that Poseidon conceived with Medusa
(Hes.). <LW Anat>
eVAR Dor. ITdy-.
DER ITijydo-etoc, fem. -ic “belonging to Pegasus’ (Ar., Mosch., AP).
*ETYM It is now v agreed upon that Pegasus derives from the first element of
adjective pibasiast is to be regarded as a Luwian ‘geiiitival ce of. a stem
*pihass-, which is attested in HLuw. pihas-. Acc. to Kloekhorst 2008 s.v. piha-, the
meaning of this onomastic element in Anatolian is ‘strong’ vel sim, and not
‘lightning’. Based on the latter translation, which has been current for some time,
scholars have proposed a formation *b'éh,-o- to *bleh,- ‘shine’, but Kloekhorst
argues that this unappealing reconstruction (unmotivated lengthened grade) should
be abandoned.
mnyn [f.] ‘well, hot spring’, also plur. ‘waters, stream’ (Il.). <GR?, PG?>
eVAR Dor. naya.
*DER Diminutive mny-iov (pap. II*), -iétov (Suid.); adj. -aiog ‘belonging to a well’
(IA), -tpatog ‘id” (Hdn. Epim.); -4€w (also with ava-, xata-) [v.] ‘to spring up’ (Ph.,
AP), mayaoao8a [aor.inf.] ‘to bathe in a well’ (Dodona; late.).
1184 TU YVUILL
*ETYM Since ‘wells’ are often denominated as being ‘cold’ (eg. OCS studenvco :
studene, Lith. Saltinis : Saltas, Gr. viba [= vi~a]- xtdva, kadetta dé obtws Kai Kpr{vy
év ©paxy ‘snow, also the word for “source” in Thracia’ [Phot.]), a derivation from
the root of mmyvupta ‘to get stiff has been proposed; cf. mnyvaAic ‘ice-cold’,
Tayetwdng ‘ice-cold’, nmayetdg ‘ice’. While theoretically possible, we have no further
evidence for this suggestion. Alternatively, we could be dealing with a Pre-Greek
word.
Tayyvupt [v.] ‘to fix, stick, join, congeal or coagulate’ (II.). <IE *peh.g- ‘coagulate, fix’>
VAR Dor. Aeol. néy-, also -bw (X., Arist.), moow, -ttw (Hell.), aor. mfEat (Emkto A
378), pass. Tayijvat, mXOf-var, fut. mmEw, pewf, act. intr. wémyzya (all IL), trans. plpf.
énentixeoav (D. C.), med. mémrypot (D. H., Arr.).
eCOMP Often with prefix, e.g. év-, ovv-, KaTa-, Mapa-. Compounds: mijzyeci-yahhoc
‘having dense wool’ (I 197); -7n& e.g. in avti-7né, -yos [f.] ‘kind of chest’ (E.); vav-
mny-o¢ [m.] ‘shipbuilder’ (Att., etc.); -mmy-r¢ and -nay-r¢, eg. edmnyrc, ebmayri¢
‘well built’ (@ 334, Pl.), meptnnyis ‘frozen around’ (Nic.); ovpnayrc¢ ‘put together’
(P1.).
eDER A. From the full grade: 1. myy/d¢ ‘solid, dense, strong’, originally ‘attaching’; in
late poetry ‘white’, also ‘black’. 2. myydc, -d5o¢ [f.] ‘hoar-frost, rime’ (Hes.); 3.
miyyvric [f.] ‘frosty, icecold’ (& 476, A. R.), ‘hoar-frost, rime’ (AP et al.). 3. mijyya
(did-, Tapa-, ovpl-, Mpdc-, etc.) [n.] ‘joint together, stage, scaffold, etc.’ (Hp., Hell;
conjecture apud A. Ag. 1198), -wdatiov (Ph., Procl.); 4. miEic (obp-, éx-, et-, etc.)
‘fixing, fastening, coagulation’ (Hp., Arist.); myyvvotc ‘id.’ (Ps.-Thales). 5. myKkt6c,
Dor. mak- (katd-, ovjt-, eb-, etc.) ‘solid, etc.” (in Att.); mtr [f] ‘net, framework’
(Ar, Arist.), maxta [f.] ‘fresh cheese’ (Theoc.); gumKt1¢ [m.] ‘who posts up’ (Arist.);
mryxtic (Dor. Aeol. max-), -idoc [f.] name of a Lydian harp (IA); myxttkdéc (ék-)
‘coagulating’ (Thphr., Dsc.). 6. myetdc [m.] = nay- (D. P.).
B. From the zero grade: mdyoc, -etdc, -epdc, > Md), PTGE, m ndxvn; also mdytoc
‘stout, solid’ (Pl, Arist.), mayevc [m.] ‘pedestal’ (Hero). Further also ma&x-td¢ in
katamak-tdc¢, (Hdt.) and maxté-w (émt-, éu-) ‘to fix’ (IA; maxtdc for traditional
TKT6c¢ in Hom.?).
eETYM From PIE *peh,g- ‘to coagulate, become fixed’ > myy-, zero grade *ph,g- >
may-. Cognate verbal forms in other IE languages: Lat. pango, -ere ‘to insert firmly,
fix’ < *ph,-n-g-, Skt. pajrd- ‘solid, firm’ with loss of the laryngeal by Lubotsky’s Law
(Lubotsky MSS 40 (1981): 133-138), pajas- [n.] ‘side, surface?’, Khot. paysa- ‘surface’,
Lat. compdagés ‘joint’ (etc.), pagus ‘district’, pagina ‘column’.
m5aw [v.] ‘to leap, jump; to beat’ (of the heart or pulse) (l.). «IE *ped- ‘foot’>
eVAR Hyperdoric na6-; aor. mm dijoat.
eCOMP Very often with prefix, e.g. dva-, kata-, &k-, d7O-.
*DER (dva-, éx-)m5-rnua [n.] ‘leap’ (trag.), -noig (ava-, éx-, dmo-, etc.) ‘jumping,
leaping’ (IA), -18,16¢ [m.] ‘pulse beat’ (Hp.), -1tr\¢ (én-eto-) [m.] ‘leaper’ (Ptol.,
gloss.), -1)tixK6¢ (&k-) ‘fit for jumping’ (Arist.). Backformation tpi-mdo¢ or -ov
» ¢
“three-jump”, ‘trot’ (Hippiatr.).
TINAiKog 1185
eETYM Deverbative or denominative formation on the basis of a form *péd-, which
could be the lengthened grade of the root *ped- ‘to tread, fall’, whence *ped- ‘foot’
and several verbal forms derive, such as Skt. pdd-ya-te falls, treads’, OE fetan ‘to fall’.
The Greek verbal stem suggests a denominal formation, thus from a noun *péd-o-;
see > 11)56v ‘blade of an oar’.
mndov [n.] ‘blade of an oar’ (Od., Hell. epic). <IE * ped- ‘foot’>
eDER m164Atov [n.] ‘rudder, fin-rudder’ (Od.), mSadt-w6519¢ ‘like a fin-rudder’, -wtd¢
“equipped with a rudder’ (Arist.), -Gopau [v.] ‘to be equipped with a rudder’ (Simp.).
eETYM From a preform *péd-o- ‘sole’ or ‘footstep’. Often compared with Lith. péda,
dial. also pédas, ‘sole of the foot’, but these have acute long é from *e before *d,
according to Winter’s Law. Thus, the long vowel in Greek was taken from the root
noun *ped-, *péd-. Semantically, the use of ‘foot’ for ‘rudder’ can be explained by the
flat form and low position of a ship’s rudder. The verb mndaw must have been
formed before *péd-o- ‘sole’ or ‘footstep’ acquired its nautical meaning.
mnddc [m.] name of an unknown tree (Thphr. HP 5, 7, 6, EM 669, 40). <?>
eVAR Also mijdoc.
*DER m1Stvoc, old v.l. for @rytvoc (E 838, acc. to Eust., EM, H.); perhaps also
mndneooa (v.l. A 183 for m15-); ma4d0¢ tree name (Thphr. HP 4,1, 3).
*ETYM Etymology unknown. Pliny HN 3, 16 mentions padus as a Gaulish word for
‘pine’.
tmioxos [m.] ‘offspring, son’ (Crete V’). <?>
*ETYM Unexplained.
TENKTIC > TIYVULU.
mmAapve, -bdo¢ [f.] ‘(young) tuna’ (S. Fr. 503, Phryn. Com., Arist.). <PG(V)>
eVAR Also madaptic (Cyran.).
*DER -vdeia [f.] ‘catching tuna’, -vdeiov [n.] ‘site for catching tuna’ (Str.).
*ETYM Strémberg 1943: 7off. (also 128ff.) extensively argues for derivation from
TINAdc ‘mud’, after the habitat of the fish. Nevertheless, this is improbable; the word
is no doubt Pre-Greek.
THANE, -11KO¢ [f.] ‘helmet’ (Il). <PG(s)>
*ETYM Like so many other expressions for weapons and armor, it is probably a
loanword or a Pre-Greek word; note the suffix -n§ < -a&, which often occurs in Pre-
Greek words.
mnAikog [pron.adj.] ‘how big?, how old? (IA). <IE *k”o- ‘how’>
eETYM An interrogative adjective *k”eh,-I-i-, derived from the interrogative pronoun
*k”o- ‘which’. Compare demonstrative » tnAixoc (Dor. tad-) ‘this big, this old’, and
relative > Aixoc ‘how great, how old’. An identical formation (without a suffix *-ko-)
is found in Lat. qudlis ‘what kind of, talis ‘such’ and, with short initial vowel, OCS
koliko ‘how much’. The element *k”eh,- ‘to what extent’ may continue the PIE
nom.acc.pl.ntr. of the pronoun. See » 1d8ev.
1186 moc
mnAd¢ [m.] ‘loam, clay, mud, dung, bog’ (IA). <PG?>
eVAR Dor. mahd6¢ (Sophr., inscr.).
*COMP e.g. mtAo-@opéw [v.] ‘to carry clay’ (Ar.), a«kpd-mAo0¢ ‘with mud on top’
(Plb.).
*DER m)\-Lvoc ‘made of clay’ (D., Arist.), -atog ‘made of clay; living in mud’ (Man.,
Paus.), -ddn¢ ‘loamy, muddy’ (IA), -wetg ‘id.’ (Opp.); -dopal, -6w (rarely with nept-,
etc.) [v.] ‘to be covered with loam, burden with clay’ (late), -wotc [f.] ‘besmearing’,
-wpa [n.] ‘mud’ (Charis.). Denominative npo-maxitw [v.], literally “to tread in the
mud in front of oneself” = ‘to taunt, insult’ (Att.), probably formed directly from
myc after other verbs in -ax-iCw; thence -to6¢ [m.] “dishonor, reproach’ (IA), -totc
[f.] ‘insulting’ (Po.). *
*ETYM Without a convincing etymology. Pre-Greek?
mijAvé [?] - payde ‘fissure in the soil, crevice’ (H.). <PG(V)>
eETYM See > omtr}Aatov.
mijua [n.] “disaster, sorrow, distress’ (Il.). <IE? *peh,->
*COMP Often as a second member, e.g. &-nr,Lwv ‘without disaster, undamaged’ (I1.);
thence mrpwv ‘baleful (Orph.). Denominative mpaivw [v.] ‘to do harm, damage’
CIl.).
*DER MHov-H [f.] ‘id, (trag., treaty in Th. 5, 18), mpo-obvn [f.] ‘id? (A. E., Orph.),
amo-ovvn [f.] ‘freedom from worries’ (Thgn.) = &mpov-in [f.] (Call.).
*ETYM Primary verbal noun in *pé-, as suggested by the vocalism of mfjpa in Pi. and
S. [lyr.]. Within Greek, it could be related to » tahainwpoc ‘enduring hardship’; see
s.v. In Indo-Iranian, Av. paman- [n.] name of a skin disease, Skt. pamdan- {m.] ‘kind
of skin disease, scratch’ could reflect *peh,-mn-. Formally, these forms could be
connected with the root *peh,-i- ‘to taunt’, as reconstructed by LIV? for Skt. piyati ‘to
taunt, scold’.
Ti, Niyv ‘to sprinkle’. >1d00w.
mvédow, -otog [m.] ‘duck or wild goose with colored neck’ (Alc, Ibyc., Ar., Arist.).
<PG(S)>
eVAR Aeol., Dor. mav-.
eETYM Formation like other animal names in -oy, such as dptvoy, képkoy, mdapvow et
al. The bird may have served as the base for the PN > IInwveAdmeia. The stem is also
found in IInvéA-ews [m.], name of a Boeotian leader (Il.). Because of its suffix, the
word may be Pre-Greek in origin.
myvn [f.] ‘the thread of the woof, wound around the bobbin; woof (E., AP). <?>
eVAR Ttfvoc: paca ‘woven robe, web’ (H.).
*DER mviov, Dor. mav- [n.] ‘spool with thread’ (¥ 762, Thphr., AP), also
metaphorically of a kind of puppet (Ar. Fr. 377, Arist.); Tyvitic (av-), -ittd0¢ [f.]
“weaveress”, epithet of Athena (Ael., AP), Tavitnc [m.], PN of a Messenian (Hdt.).
myviGopar (Dor. mtavi-cdojtat (Theoc.); also with dva-, ano-, éx-) [v.] ‘to reel (offy
(com., Arist., Thphr.), whence 7wopa [n.] ‘reeled wool’ (Ar. Ra. 1315 [parody of A.],
AP).
TIN POS aa 1187
*ETYM Has been connected with the verb >» mévoytat ‘to spin’, but this is impossible
because of Doric -a-. Lat. pannus ‘piece of cloth, rag’, Go. fana [m.] ‘cloth, towel’,
OHG fano ‘cloth’; MoHG Fahne, OE fana ‘banner’ < *fan-6n have a different
meaning and short *-a- (and no PIE etymology).
mnvyKn [f.] ‘false hair, wig’ (Luc. Dial. Mer. 5, 3, etc., Phot., Poll.). <GR>
eDER myvinkilerv- anatav ‘deceive’ (H., Cratin. 319), also with dta- (Cratin. 282);
THVIKLOLATWV: PEvaKlopLatwv ‘cheatings’ (H.).
eETYM As a wig may seem a bobbin of threads, the word has probably been derived
from mrvn on the model of pevaxn ‘wig’.
myvika [adv.] ‘when? (Att.). <IE *k”o- ‘who?’>
*ETYM Formed from the interrogative pronoun, on the model of tvika ‘when’.
mndc [m.] ‘kinsman by alliance’ (II.). <?>
eVAR Dor. Aeol. 1106c.
*DER Ta@tal: ovyyeveic, oikeiot. Adkwvec ‘kinsmen, relatives (Lac.) (H.), perhaps
after matpi@tat. Also in the patronym HoAv-naidny¢ (Thgn.). Denominative madoptat
[v.] ‘to become a kinsman’ in mawOetc (Alc.). Abstract 1moobvn [f.] (A. R.).
*ETYM Kinship term without certain connection. As PGr. *pdso- it has often been
connected with Lat. pdr, paris ‘equal, matching’ (perhaps from *parVs, * pds-i-), but
this is formally not compelling; also, the etymology of the Latin word is disputed.
Unrelated to » m)toKog ‘son, offspring’.
mijpa [f.] ‘leather bag, knapsack’ (Od., Ar.). <PG?>
eVAR Ion. -1).
*COMP m1p6-Setoc (ipdc) ‘binding a knapsack’ or ‘bound around the knapsack’ (AP).
*DER Diminutive mpidtov [n.] (Ar., Men.); mp-ic or -iv, gen. -ivoc [f.] ‘scrotum’
(Nic.); enlarged -iva [f.] (Gal.) = rtepi-vatov.
eETYM Unexplained; cf. on » @0AaKog and »odKKoc. Fur: 152 compares Bnpidec:
drodhpiata, & reic epBadec Aéyopev ‘sandals, which we call éupddec’ (H.) and mept-
Bapides ‘womens shoes’; he further mentions Lat. per6 ‘soldiers shoes’ and pre-
Romance *barr- ‘small vase’.
mnpia [f.] - A<o>rtévd.ot tiv xwpav tod aypod ‘region of the field (Aspendos)’ (H.).
<2
*ETYM The connection with Go. fera, OHG fiara [f.] ‘side, region’ is very doubtful. It
is unknown whether the Thess. PN IInpein (B 766) belongs here.
mnpdc [adj.] ‘infirm, invalid’, of the eyes ‘blind’, of the limbs ‘lame’, etc. (B 599,
Semon., Hp., Luc.). <?>
VAR Att. mipoc acc. to Hdn. Gr. 1, 190.
*COMP mnpo-[eArc ‘crippled’ (AP), G-m)poc ‘unmaimed’ (Hdt.), &t-mmpoc ‘maimed,
crippled’ (Hdt., Hp.), &tmapoc: éumAnktos ‘stunned’ (H.); s-stem dammpric (A. R.),
amnapéc: Dyléc, ampwtov ‘healthy, unimpaired’ (H.).
eDER mmpwone (H. s.v. yuidc), beside voowdnc. Denominative mnpdojiat, -6w (Dor.
map-) [v.] ‘to be maimed, maim’ (IA, Gortyn), whence m1p-wotc [f.] ‘maiming’ (IA),
1188 TE XUSG
-wua [n.] ‘id’, also ‘maimed animal’ (Arist., Gal.). Backformation néapoc [n.]
‘infirmity’ (Alc; uncertain).
*ETYM Isolated. Cannot be connected with mijpa ‘sorrow’ because of the *4, as shown
by Doric map-.
Tijxvc [m.] “forearm, arm’, as a measure ‘cubit’, and other metaphorical mgs. (II.). <IE
*b'ch,g"-u- ‘lower arm, elbow’>
eVAR Dor. Aeol. maxuc, gen. -e0c, -ews.
*COMP 6i-m1jxu¢ ‘two cubits long’ (IA).
*DER 1. diminutive mnxioxoc [m.] (Anon. apud Suid.); 2. adjectives mmyxv-atog (1A,
maxv- Epich.), 0g (Mimn., A. R.) ‘one cubitlon g’; 3. verbs: mmxiCw [v.] ‘to measure
by the cubit’ (LXX), whence mx-topdc [m.] ‘tneasuring by the cubit’ (LXX, pap.),
-toua [n.] ‘cubit-measure’ (Sm.); mxbvw (mept-) [v.] ‘to embrace’ (Hell. and late
epic).
eETYM PIE word for ‘arm’. Cognates: Skt. baht-, Av. bazu- [m.] ‘lower arm, arm,
foreleg of an animal’, ON bégr, OHG buog [m.] ‘the upper part of the foreleg, bow’,
ToA poke, ToB pokai [obl.] ‘arm’.
miap [n.] ‘fat, tallow’ (epic Ion. Il). <1£ *piH-uer- ‘fat’>
DIAL Myc. PN pi-we-ri-di, -si (?)
*DER Adjective miwv [m.], miov [n.], mieipa [f.] ‘fat, fertile, rich’ (IL), whence mepdc,
muapdc ‘id.’ (Hp., Arist.); grades of comparison m16-tatoc, -tepog (Hom.), new
positive itiog (Epich., Nic.); mdétn¢ [f.] ‘fatness’ (Hp., Arist.). Poetic murjetc ‘id.’ (AP).
Denominative verb maivw (aor. mdvat, also with déia-, kata-, etc.) ‘to make fat,
fatten, enrich’ (Pi, IA), mia-opa [n.] ‘fattening food’ (A.), nott-niauya [n.]
‘remaining fat (on the altar)’ (Cyrene), -opdc [m.] ‘fattening’ (Ael.); -vtrjptog (Hp.),
-vtiKdc (Apoll. Lex.) ‘making fat, fattening’. With A-suffix: mad éog ‘fat’ (Ion. poet.),
rarely miaAozg ‘id.’ (probably reshaped after oiadoc [Hp.]).
Isolated: mieA-n [f.] ‘fat, lard’ (IA), whence -wéng ‘fatty’ (Hp., Arist.), -"\¢ ‘id.’ (Aq.,
Luc.).
*ETYM Gr. mtiap derives from PIE *piH-ur [n.] ‘fat’; the adjective miwv, mieipa
presupposes *mifwv, *mifep-ta from PIE *piH-uon, fem. -uer-ih, ‘fat’, which
corresponds precisely to Skt. pivan-, fem. pivari- ‘fat, swelling’. Further cognate
forms: Skt. pivas-, Av. piuuah- [n.] ‘fat’. Gr. nied presupposes an earlier m(o)-stem
*piH-m(o)- ‘fat’; a cognate formation may be Av. paéman- ‘mother’s milk’ [n.] <
* pe/oiH-mn-.
miyyarog [adj.] - catbpocg 6 kaAobpevoc xaAkic ‘horse-mackerel’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Has been compared with Skt. pingald- ‘reddish, brown-yellow’, with a variant
pinjara-. Also in the gloss miyyavedootov. Auepiacg yAavKov (which one corrects into
miyyav: vedootov)? Uncompelling.
mtda&, -aKxoc [m.] ‘eruption, geyser’ (epic Ion. poet. IT 825). <PG?>
*COMP TtoAv-midak ‘having many springs’ (II.).
*DER mL6ax-itic [f.] ‘belonging to a spring’ (Hp. Ep.), -detc ‘rich in springs’ (E.),
-w519¢ ‘id’ (Plu.). Also méijeooa [f.] ‘id’ (of “I5n, A 183); mdvAic (cod. m5-)- tétpa,
mti8oc _» 4189,
gE ti¢ BSwp péet “a rock from which water flows’ (H.). Verbs: méaw (also with dta-)
[v.] ‘to spring, spout up’ (Arist.); m16bw (also with ava-, dmto-, dta-) ‘id. (Hp., Arist.,
Thphr.); midvote [f.] ‘trickling through’ (Hp.).
sETYM For nidak, mddw, and -re000a, one might assume a noun *7i5-a-, but m5-bw
and -vAic point to an v-stem *7iduc. No certain cognates outside Greek. The word
could well be Pre-Greek (Fur.: 259). See > micea and » mituc.
métw [v.] ‘to press, push, beset’ (I].). <?>
eVAR -€w (vl. in Hom.; Hp., Herod., Plb.), aor. méoat (IA), pass. mecOfjvou (8 336),
also m-€Eau, -ex8fvor (Hp., Epidaur.); fut. méow, perf. med. merieouat (Arist; -ieypou
Hp.), act. nertiexa; also maw (Alcm., Alc., Hell.), mdoat (-a&or Theoc.), miacbFjvai,
Ttetiacpat (Hell.).
COMP Often with ovv-, éx-, dmo-, etc.
*DER 1. Tie-olg (ovv-, amo-; also (-)nia-) [f.] ‘pressing, pressure’ (Pl. Arist.); 2. -opdc¢
(éx-, ovv-, etc.) [m.] ‘id’ (Hp., Arist.); 3. -opa (dmo-, éx-, etc.) [n.] ‘pressure,
compressed mass’ (Hp., Eub.); 4. -otrp [m.] ‘presser, press’ (Att. inscr., medic.),
whence -otrploc ‘pressing’, ntr. ‘press’ (Dsc.); 5. -otpov [n.] ‘id’ (Hp., Gal.).
eETYM The variant mw is an innovation after the verbs in -4(w, or by phonetic
development from mé(w. The etymology is uncertain. Skt. piddyati ‘to squeeze,
press, hurt’ < *pisd- is very similar both in phonetics and semantics. If from *pisd-,
miétw might be connected with Gr. mticow ‘to bruise, to husk’, Latin pins6 ‘to crush’,
Skt. pindsti ‘id’? < PIE *pis-. However, *pis-d- would be a unique kind of enlargement
in PIE. Also, the passage of alleged *mi€w to méw would remain unexplained. Katz
Glotta 72 (1994): 151-168 assumes a compound *h,pi-sd- with loss of the laryngeal in
composition, which is an improbable rule.
mi@nxog [m.] ‘monkey’ (IA since Archil.). <PG?>
eVAR Dor. -Gkog (Ar. Ach., Eg. inscr.).
*COMP mOnxo-payéw [v.] ‘to eat monkey(-meat) (Hdt.), yotpo-ni8ryKo¢ [m.] “pig-
monkey”, ‘monkey with a pig’s nose’ (Arist.).
*DER 1. Diminutives: m61)k-tov [n.] (Plaut.), also as a plant name (Ps.-Apul.), and as a
designation of a weight hung between two warships (Ath. Mech.); -devc [m.] (Ael.).
2. Adjectives: -w65n¢ ‘monkey-like’ (Arist. Ael.), -etog ‘belonging to monkeys,
monkey- (Gal.); -detc, fem. -decoa in T@nkotooa vijcot [fpl.] ‘the Monkey
Islands’, off the coast of Campania (Arist., Str.). 3. Verb -iCw (also with bro-, dta-) ‘to
play the ape’, whence -toudc [m.] ‘monkey-trick’ (Ar.). Metaphorically m6yxn [f.] =
woAAa, ‘flea’ (Ael.); consonant stem 71i6nf, -Koc (Aesop.). Isolated is mi8wv, -wvocg
[m.] ‘small monkey’ (Pi., Babr.), probably a hypocoristic.
eETYM The same suffix can be found eg. in igpaé, uwvpyné, thematicized also in
yittaKkdc. A loanword from an unknown language.
mti®ocg [m.] ‘large, mostly earthen vessel for storing wine, which is open at the top’ (Il.).
<PG(V)>
eDIAL Myc. ge-to. :
*COMP 71198-ofy-ta [n.] ‘ceremony for the opening of vessels’ (Plu.).
1190 TULKEPLOV
*DER MOK vn (Thasos V*), also in Att. mss., beside gidaxvn (A., D., Thphr., Moer.),
Dor. miodxva [f.] (H.); m8dxwov [n.] (Eub., Hyp., Luc.), -vic [f.], pt6- (Poll.). Other
derivations: 1. diminutives m0-ioxoc [m.] (Plu. Cam. 20), -dpiov [n.] (H., EM); 2.
m19-(€)wv, -W@vog [m.] ‘cellar’ (com., inscr. IV--III*); 3. -iac [m.] ‘jar-shaped comet’
(Seneca); 4. -ittc, -t60¢ [f.] ‘kind of poppy’ (Dsc.); 5. -wdng¢ ‘like a jar’ (Arist.).
*ETYM The word displays vowel variation e : i (see the Myc. form), and consonant
variation in m0- vs. pid-. Thus, probably Pre-Greek.
muxéptov [n.] = Bodtupov ‘butter’ (Hp.). <2>
*ETYM Phrygian, according to Erotian. 73,13.
mxpdc [adj.] ‘sharp, pointed, piercing, bitter, painful (II.), on the meaning see Treu
1955: 78 and 273. 4IE * pik-ro- ‘motley, painted’>
eCOMP mIKp6-xoAog ‘full of bitter gall’ (Hp.), yAuKb-mKpos ‘bittersweet’ (Sapph.), see
Risch IF 59 (1949): 32.
*DER 1. Abstract: mixp-dtng [f.] ‘sharpness, bitterness, etc.’ (IA), -ia [f.] ‘id’ (D.,
Arist. Hell.). 2. plant name: mixp-dc, -ic, -idtov (Arist, Thphr. Ps.-Dsc.), see
Stromberg 1940: 63; -dc¢ [f.] also of the soil ‘acid’ (pap. III*); -iétoc as an adjective
‘somewhat bitter’ (Ath.). 3. Verbs: mxp-aivopat ‘to become bitter, embitter’, -aivw
‘to make bitter’ (IA), also with ék-, év-, mapa-, etc. thence -aoudc (napa-) [m.]
‘embitterment’ (LXX, Ep. Hebr.), -avtix@c [adv.] ‘in an embittering way’ (S. E.);
mixkp-dopat ‘id.’ (Hp., Arist, Thphr.), almost only with éx-, with -wotc [f.] (Gal.);
back-formation éxmixpoc ‘very bitter’ (Arist.), see Strémberg 1946: 73; cf. mKkp-
aCopicu, -aCw ‘id’ (S. E.), also with éx-. 4. Substantivization mixpa [f.] name of an
antidote (Alex. Trall.). 5. PN IIpixwv [m.] (Eretria, Tanagra) with metathesis as in
MoGr. mpikdc (Kretschmer Glotta 6 (1915): 304).
*ETYM Formally identical to a Slavic word for ‘motley’, e.g. CS postre < IE *pikro-,
derived from a verb ‘to sting, cut, embroider, paint’; cf. Skt. pinzsdti ‘to carve, cut to
measure, ornament’, OCS posati ‘to write’; further cognates under > motkidoc. The
adjective mixpdc has also been compared to Skt. silpd- ‘motley’ (if metathesized from
* pisla-).
miXa [f.] ‘mortar’ (POxy. 1890, 12). <LW Lat.>
*DER TlAdptov (medic.) ‘eye-salve’.
eETYM Loanword from Lat. pila.
TiAvaytat =Téhac.
mtidog [m.] - KoyAtdc ‘screw’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM Unknown.
midog [m.] ‘felt, felt hat’, also felt shoe, felt blanket, etc.” (K 265); as a plant name
‘touchwood, Polyporus igniarius’, also ‘lotus bud’ (Thphr.). <?>
*COMP Kpatai-mAoc ‘with hard felt’ (A. Fr. 430 = 624 M.).
*DER 1. Diminutives: mA-iov (Arist., Hell.), -idtov (Att.), -dptov (medic.), -ioxoc
(Dsc.). 2. Adj. -tvog ‘made of felt’ (Andania I’, Poll.) -wtdéc ‘id.’ (Str.), -w5ng¢ ‘felt-like,
pressed together’ (Ptol.). 3. Verbs: mAéw ‘to felt, press together, make dense, knead’
THUTATLL, - Cou 1191
(Att., Hell.), also with prefix, especially ovv-; thence 7tiA-notc [f.] ‘felting, densening,
concentration by cold’ (Pl. Thphr.), -nua [n.] ‘felting, felted fabric’ (Arist.), -rtiKdc,
-) (téxvn) ‘belonging to felting, the art of felting’ (Pl, Arist.); mA-doptcu ‘to
concentrate, contract (oneself) (Thphr.), trans. -dw, also with ovv-, mpoo-; thence
-wotc (v.l. of -noic, Thphr.).
*ETYM Formally similar words for ‘felt’ are found in Latin, Germanic and Slavic: Lat.
pilleus, -eum ‘feltcap’, OHG filz [m.], OE felt [m., n.], ORu. polste [f.] ‘feltcover’, Ru.
polst’ [f.] ‘cover, carpet, felt’. The Germanic words go back to a PGm. s-stem “*filtiz-,
*feltaz-, ostensibly from IE *peld-os- / *pildos- [n.]. If, however, the Germanic words
were derived from OHG and MoHG falzen [v.] ‘to connect, put on, in’ (etc.), they
can be dismissed. The Slavic. words are ambiguous because the -ti- suffix may have
been preceded by either d or s. Lat. pilleus, too, is ambiguous: it can be linked with
Gr. miAog on the one hand, or with Lat. pilus ‘hair’ on the other. Schmidt KZ 32
(1893): 387f. reconstructed *pil-s-, which could be a zero grade of the IE s-stem *pilos-
[n.] beside *pilo- [m.] ‘hair’. This solution seems no longer convincing. More
probably, we here have an old culture word of unknown origin (cf. Ernout BSL 30
(1930): 115). On the phonetic developments, see Forbes Glotta 36 (1958): 243.
TUpLEAH =riap.
TULA UL, -ayrat [v.] ‘to fill, make full’, intr. ‘to fill oneself, become or be full’ (Il.). <1E
*pleh,- ‘fill’>
eVAR -dvetat [3sg.] (I 679), rare -dw, -éw (Hp.), also 7tAnOw (intr. late also tr. IL,
epic poet.). Aor. mAtj-oat, -cac8al, -oOrjvau, (Il.), intr. mAf-TOo, -vto (epic), év-€1tA1]To,
etc. (Att.), fut. mAn-ow, -copat (Od.), -cOrjoopa (Att.), perf. med. mémAnopat (IA),
act. métAnka (Att.), intr. 1étAnOa (poet.).
eCOMP Often with prefix, e.g. dva- (ovv-ava-, 11p00-ava-, etc.), Ev- (AvT-Ev-, Tap-
ev-, etc.). As a first member in some governing compounds, e.g. mAnoiottog ‘filling
the sail’ (Od., E.), ‘with full sails’ (Ph., Plu.).
*DER 1. 1tAéwe, Ion. mAéoc, epic mthetog (for *tAfjoc), ntr. wAgov ‘full (IL), also with
év-, dva-, €x-, etc. from the compounded verbs. For the comparison of » m\giwv with
the superl. m\eiotoc. 2. mAr-un [f.] ‘high tide, flood’ (Plb., Str.), -optn [f.] ‘id?’ (Hes. Fr.
217), TAR: mANpwpa ‘complement’ (H.), -opta [n.] ‘fertilization’ (Arist.); -optoc
‘saturating, causing tedium’ (Epicur., medic.); -opovi [f.] ‘fullness, congestion,
(over)saturation’ (IA), see Chantraine 1933: 207, with -opovmdn¢ (Hp., Gal.),
-ojlovikoc (Pythag. Ep.) ‘(over)saturating’. On » mArjtvn, see s.v. 3. TA-png ‘full
(IA); as a first member in e.g. 1tAnpo-popéw [v.] ‘to fulfill? (Ctes., LXX, NT, pap.);
mAnpo-tn¢ [f.] ‘fullness’ (Plu.), mAnp-dw ‘to make full, (ful)fill, finish, pay entirely’
(IA), often with prefix, e.g. dva-, &k-, dito-, ovv-; thence -wyta (dva-, ovv-, etc.) [n.]
‘filling, filling piece, full number, full payment, (full) crew’ (IA), also -wotc (ava-, éx-
etc.) [f.] ‘accomplishment, complement, satisfaction’ (IA), -wttj¢ (ék-, dto-) [m.]
‘finisher, executor, collector’ (Att.), -wtikd¢ (ava-, ovv-, etc.) ‘fulfilling, completing’
(Epicur., medic. et al.). 4. mAfj-80¢ [n.] ‘fullness, mass (of people), herd’ (Il, Dor.,
Arc.); often as a second member, e.g. stayt-7tAnOrj¢ ‘consisting of a whole mass, very
numerous’ (Att.); -64 [f.] ‘id.’ (Locr., Boeot.); -8dc, -Ovo¢ [f] ‘id.’ (Ion. Cret., Locr.,
1192 TUTEPT] UL
Hell.); see Ruijgh 1957: 110; thence mAn-Ovw [v.] ‘to be full, become full, increase’,
-B8vvopat, -B0vw ‘to belong to the mass, agree with it, augment oneself; to make full,
augment’ (A. Arist, LXX, NT); hence -Ovojidc¢ [m.] ‘increase’ (Procl. Simp.),
-Ovvtikdc ‘plural’ (gramm.); 5. mAnO-wpa, Ion. -n [f.] ‘fullness’, medic. ‘plethora, full-
blooded’ (Ion. Hell.); on the secondary barytonesis see Wackernagel and Debrunner
Phil. 95 (1942): 181f. Thence mAn9-wpidw [v.] ‘to suffer from 7.’, -wptxdc ‘plethoric
(Gal.), -wpéw ‘to be full’ (Suid.).
eETYM The conjugation has parallels in e.g. Indo-Iranian, viz. 3sg. aor. é-mAno-e =
Skt. d-pras < *é-pleh,-s-t; 3sg.pres. mip-nAn-ot = Av. ham-pa-frai-ti fills up’ < *pe/i-
pleh,-ti, but the zero grade 1pl.pres. mipt-mtAa-pLev cannot regularly be from IE *pi-plh,-
mé, because this should have become **riyin&nev (the ablaut was restored). Some
nominal suffixations can be dated back to the parent language: e.g. mAr)-prjc, Arm. lir
‘fullness’, Lat. plérus ‘for the greater part’, pléri-que ‘most’ < *pleh,-r-; mAfjua < *pleh,-
mn is echoed by the Lat. gloss plémindbantur: replébantur. The theta as a suffix
occurs in a number of presumably young formations, viz. mAf-80¢, mAN-8-w, mé-TAN-
Ba (cf. Bpi-Boc : Bpi-Aw : Bé-Bpi-Oa), but mANBdc is comparable with Lat. plébés <
*pleh,-d'uh,- (on the original inflection, see Pok. 799f., Schrijver 1991: 38of.,
Kortlandt 1997b: 160, and De Vaan 2008: 471). See » move.
miu tepryut [v.] ‘to blow (up), fan, kindle, burn up’ (II.). <1£ *prh, ‘blow, blaze’>
eVAR Inf. -dvat (IA), also -4w (X., Plb.), ipf. év-émpnBov (I 589), fut. mprjow, aor.
mpfioat (Il.), pass. aor. mpnoGijva, perf. némprnopat, -nwat (IA, also Epid.), perf. act.
ménpyka (Hp.).
«COMP Often with prefix, especially év-.
eDER 1. mpnotnp, -fpoc [m.] ‘heavy gale, hurricane accompanied by a stroke of
lightning’ (Hes.), also ‘bellows, jugular’ and name of a snake that causes
inflammation (Arist., Ds.), with mpnotnpidcw [v.] ‘to ignite as if by lightning’ (Hdn.
Epim.); gunpnotis [m.] ‘incendiary’ (Aq., Ptol.). 2. mpfjotc (mostly éu-) [f] ‘blowing
up, ignition, inflammation’ (IA, Aret.); 3. umpnotidc [m.] ‘ignition, inflammation’
(Hell.); 4. mpijopa [n.], -yov) [f] ‘id’ (Gal. Hippiatr.); mapanpry(opata [n.pl.]
‘inflammations on the legs of horses’ (pap.). 5. mpnotikdéc ‘blowing up’ (Hp. apud
Gal.). Also 6. mp1jSwv, -dvog [f.] ‘inflammatory swelling’ (Nic. Aret.) and, with a
suffix -u-, mpryaivew [v.] ‘to blow intensively’ (Ar. Nu. 336 [lyr.], Herod.), mpnuovaw
‘to snore, roar’ vel sim. (Herod.), as if from *npfpa, *mpnuoviy. As a second member
in Bov-npnotie, gen. -i60c or -ews [f.] “inflammatress of cows”, name of a poisonous
insect (Hp.); for the formation cf. on Bov-Bpwotic.
eETYM The verb mipunpnyl, miumpaval, Mprow, mMpioat, mpro8ijvat, also mpy8w forms
a sub-class with > nimAnpu, myLmAGval, etc. It seems to have been heavily influenced
by it. Directly related is Hitt. parai-' ‘to blow, inflate, ignite’ < *prh,-(0)i- (Kloekhorst
2008: 631), but it is hardly related to Skt. préthati ‘to cough, sneeze’, prusndti ‘to
sprinkle’, ON friisa, frysa, etc. (see Pok. 809).
mivaé, -axoc [m.] ‘wooden plank, dish, writing table, public statement, chart, painting’
(IL). < PG(S)>
ee 4
TUVUTOG 1193
*COMP Some compounds, e.g. mtvako-8rjkn [f.] ‘collection of paintings’ (Str.), Aeryo-
mivak [m.] “dish-licker’ as a jocular name (Batr.).
eDER Diminutives: mivdk-ov (Att.), -i¢ (com.), -iStov (Hp. Arist.), -iokog (com.),
-ioxiov (Antiph.). Other derivatives: mvax--Kdc “belonging to the board’ (Vett.
Val.), -taiog ‘as thick (large) as a mivat (Hippiatr.), -wotc [f.] ‘timber-, tablework’
(Plu.); -t6-ac¢ [m.] ‘salesman: of mivakidec (Hdn. Gr.); -1S6v ‘like planks’ (Ar.).
eETYM The word belongs in technical contexts, like other formations with the
productive -ax- suffix; cf. kayak, mripiak, orbpak, mbvdak (Chantraine 1933: 377f.). It
may perhaps be akin to the Slavic group of CS ponv, Ru. pen’ [m.] ‘tree-stump,
bobbin, stem’ (but doubts in Derksen 2008: 427). The parallel suffixation of Skt.
pinaka- [n.] ‘staff, stick’ is coincidental in any case. The word is probably Pre-Greek,
in view of the suffix.
mivn [f.] ‘pen shell’, late also ‘pearl shell, pearl’ (com., Arist., pap.). <PG(V)>
*VAR Younger miva (codd. predominantly have -vv- instead of -v- in pap. and inscr.).
*COMP Few compounds, e.g. mtvo-tHpn¢ [m.] “pen shell guard”, name of a kind of
crayfish (S., Ar., Arist.), dAn®tv6-mvoc ‘consisting of real pearls’ (pap. IP).
*DER mv-Gptov “pear! shell, pearl’ (pap.), -txdv ‘pearl’ with -ixtocg ‘of pearls’ (Peripl.
M. Rubr.), -tvoc ‘belonging to the ivr with Ai®oc = ‘pearlshell (LXX), -wtiov
‘earring made of pearls’ (pap. III); probably haplological for *mv-[ev] @tLov.
*ETYM Perhaps from Hebr. pénin ‘coral’ (Lewy KZ 55 (1928): 28), but in view of the
variation v/vv, it is more probably Pre-Greek (not in Fur.). :
mivov [n.] ‘beer’ (Arist.). <PG?>
*ETYM Probably a foreign word, perhaps adapted to mivw (cf. Schwyzer: 693°).
tivo [m.] ‘dirt’, on clothes, on the body, in the hair, ‘grease in wool’ (trag., Paul.
Aeg.), ‘coating, patina on bronze or metals’, metaph. of archaic style (D. H., Plu.).
<IE? *k"in- ‘dirt’, PG?2>
*COMP As a second member (with transition to the s-stems) in a-mvij¢ ‘without dirt,
clean’ (Ath.), dvo-, kako-mivij¢ ‘badly begrimed’ (S., Ar.); opposite eb-mivijc ‘neat,
beautiful, plain’ (Cratin., E., Cic.).
*DER mivapdc ‘dirty’ (com., E., inscr. Delos), mvap-dtn¢ [f.] (Eust.), -dopat in
meTuvapwpéva (Suid.); mv-npdc (Hp. apud Erot.), -deic (Hp., A. R., AP), -w6ng (Hp.,
E., Lyc.) with -wéia- dka8apoia ‘uncleanness’ (H.). Denominative: miv-dopat in
Temtivw-yévog ‘dirty, etc. (Hell. poet, D. H., Cic., Plu.), da<mo>mtvodtat
anoputovrtat ‘is cleaned’ (H.); -dw in miv@v (Ar. Lys. 279), after put@v.
*ETYM The connection with Lat. caenum ‘mud’ is phonetically impossible (De Vaan
2008: 81), but the linkage with Lat. inquindre ‘to soil’ and Latv. svinit ‘id’ < *k”ein-
(?) seems tenable. Further, hardly related to MoSw. dial. hven [f.] ‘swamp’ <
*hwaino- (cf. Nw. dial. kvein ‘blade of grass’).
TUVVOK, TLVUTH =TLVUTOS.
muvutdc [adj.] ‘intelligent, sensible, reasonable, prudent, rational’ (Od.). <PG(v)>
1194 Ttivw
eVAR Variant forms are mvutdc: ~ugpwv, ow@ppwv ‘sensible, reasonable’ (H.),
frequent in Cypr. PN, e.g. IIvut-aydpac (O. Masson Beitr. z. Namenforsch. 7 (1956):
238ff.).
*DER mv-Voow (late epic) from *pinut-y-, aor. ind. énivvooev (E 249), ptc. pass.
muvuo8eic (Pythag.) ‘to make deliberate, warn to be clear-minded’ with mvv-ty [f,]
‘prudence’ (H 289, v 71 and 228, Hp. Ep.), -tot¢ [f.] (Eust.); further -tdc, -tatos [f.]
(Dor., AP), after taxu-tij¢ etc. (Schwyzer: 529"); mivvotc: ovvecic ‘comprehension’,
TLVULEVIV: ovvEetiy ‘wise’ (H.). Also amvicow ‘to be thoughtless, rash’ (O 10, € 342 =
¢ 258), = amtvutéw (Apollon. Lex.), from *d-nivutoc adverb amvitwo (H.), see
> amivicowyv. Also pres. mvboKxw, -ouat (Simon., A., Call. Orph.); probably from
*TULVUT-OK-. *
*ETYM The relation between the relevant forms has not been satisfactorily explained
thus far. Older explanations take mtvutdc¢ to have somehow developed out of a full
grade form *penu- with e raised to t (Schulze 1892: 3233, Frisk Eranos 43 (1945): 215ff.,
Nehring Class. Phil. 42 (1947): 108ff.), so as to connect the word with Lat. putdre ‘to
prune, estimate, consider’, OCS pytati ‘to examine, scrutinize’ < *p(e)ut-. These
attempts must be rejected for a number of reasons. First, a form penu- is not attested.
Secondly, the change € to tis not systematic. Third, the alternation mvutdc ~ mvvtdc
is unexpected. The last variation is, however, known from Pre-Greek, and must
reflect the varying rendering of a palatalized cluster, viz. *p’nut- (cf. Beekes 2008: 51).
The etymon has nothing to do with nvéw.
mivw [v.] ‘to drink’ (Il.). <1£ *peh;-, ph,-i- ‘drink’>
eVAR Pres. Aeol. and Dor. (Call. Cer. 95) mavw, fut. miouat, aor. Emtov, metv (all
Hom; later meiv), ipv. mi®@. (com. et al.), Aeol. m@Ot, pass. éndO0v with fut.
noOrjooua, perf. act. ménwxa (all Att.), med. mémopat (Od.); also causat. mimioKw, fut.
mtiow, aor. Toa, MoOrval, also with mpo-, év-, ovv- et al. ‘to give to drink, water’ (Pi.,
Hp., Nic.).
eCOMP Very often with prefix, e.g. xata-, éx-, mpo-, bm0-, év-.
*DER A. From the zero grade no-, mostly with suffix -t-: 1. totév [n.] ‘beverage’ (II.),
motdg ‘drinkable’ (trag., Th.), é:motoc ‘id.’ (Aret.), méto¢ [m.] “drinking, beverage’
(Att, Theoc.); from this mét-twoc ‘drinkable, fresh, pleasant’ (IA), -tkdc¢ ‘inclined
towards drinking, etc.” (Alc. com., Plu.), most with ovp- ‘belonging to the
bacchanalia, pot companion’ (Att.), see on » ovpndtn,, -ctov; 1toT-iCw, Dor. -iodw ‘to
make drink, drench’ (IA, Theoc.), also with mpo- et al., with -topdc, -topa, -Lotéc,
-LOTHPLOV, -toTpic, -iotpa.
2. motn [f.] ‘drink, draught’ (pap.), gen. and acc. -ijtoc, -fjta (Hom.), metrically
enlarged, originally at verse end (Schwyzer: 529), not haplological from *noto-t1-
To<, -TI]-ta (as per Fraenkel Gnomon 21 (1949): 40 et al.); m6t-1YHWa [n.] “(medical)
drink’ (medic.), on the enlargement see Chantraine 1933: 178. 3. mdotc [f.] (also with
mpo-, Kata- etc. in different senses) ‘drinking, drink, bacchanalia’ (Il.), moog
‘drinkable’ (pap. IV?, Ps.-Callisth.), cf. médtyo¢ above; on » mdéua see s.v. 4. MOTH
[m.] ‘drinking cup’ (E.), -ptov [n.] ‘id.’ (Aeol., IA); m6t19¢ [m.] ‘drinker’ (only in
mt1]¢ Abyvocg Ar. Nu. 57), fem. md6tt¢ (com.); did both arise by decomposition from
frequent compounds like ovundtig (Pi.), oivondtr¢, -tic (Anacr., etc.), as supposed
i
i
|
t
|
{
|
Tintw 1195
by Leumann Mus. Helv. 2 (1945): 12? Superl. motiotatoc (Ar. et al.); to this
derivatives like cvupmdo-tov ‘bacchanalia’ (Pi. Alc.), katasdét-1ov ‘pill’ (medic.),
Katan6tn¢ ‘throat’ (H., Suid.); oivonot-dCw ‘to drink wine’ (Hom.). 5. katand-8pa
[f.] ‘(region of the) throat’ (Paul. Aeg.).
B. From the full grade: m@ua [n.] ‘draught, drink, beverage’ (Att.), Ekmw-pa [n.]
‘drinking ware’ (IA), beside méua (also mpé-, katd-, &x-) [n.] ‘id.’ (Pi., Ion. Hell.);
ékmMwtic = dumwtic (Cat. Cod. Astr.); ebnwvoc duBpoc: ebmotos ‘easy to drink’ (H.),
yakov-nwvij¢: Hdundti¢ ‘fond of drinking’ (H.).
C. From the zero grade m1-: 1. miotpa [f.], miotpa [n.pl.] ‘drinks’ (E. Cyc., Str.), also
MUOUdG, TOTP, TotHptlov (H.); the -o- is analogical, like in 2. miotdc ‘drinkable,
fluid’ (A.), after yptotdc acc. to Leumann Mus. Helv.14 (1957): 79, and in motikdg
‘id’ (Ev. Marc. Ev. Io.); 3. Boeot. mttetw [v.] ‘to drench, give water’ with a-nitevtoc
‘unwatered’ (Thespiae III*), from a noun *ntt(o)-; cf. below. Cf. Benveniste BSL 51
(1955): 29f. with litt.
eETYM The n-presents mivw and mwvw have no counterparts in other IE languages,
and therefore seem to be innovations within Greek. An archaic formation is the
reduplicated present *pi-ph,-eti; cf. Skt. pibdti, Lat. bib6, Olr. ibid (with the change of
initial *b- to *p- or medial *-ph,- to *-b-), but it is absent from Greek. The root also
had an aorist; cf. Skt. 1sg. d-pd-m < *h,e-peh,-m, and especially the imperative mw-61
(beside mi-61; see below) = Skt. pa-hi < *peh,-d'i. This aorist may have served as a
basis for the n-present mwvw. The perf. act. m€-mw-ka corresponds to Skt. pa-pdu <
*pe-poh;-, but may also have been created within Greek on the basis of mwvw (if not
the other way around).
In addition, the widespread variation between * p(e)h,- and *p(e)h,i- presupposes the
existence of an old i-present *ph,-(e)i-; cf. OCS piti < *ph,-i-, Skt. pitda- ‘drunk’ <
*ph,i-to-, and further the Skt. causative pdydyati < *poh,i-éie/o-. In Greek, this
secondary root gave rise to the n-present mivw (< *ph,i-n-(i)e/o-), the factitive é-ni-
oa ‘I gave to drink’ (modeled after -ot1-v : €-oT17-oa, &-pbv : é-~b-ca, etc.) and the
reduplicated present m-ni-oxw, while the primary *p(e)h,- is still found in novw and
in nominal formations such as motdcg ‘drinkable’, m@ua ‘drink’, etc. (cf. Skt. pa-tdar
‘drinker’ < *peh,-ter-, pd-na- [n.] ‘drink’ < *peh,-no-, Lat. poculum ‘cup’ < *peh,-tlo-,
etc.). It is mostly assumed that Hitt. pas-' / pas- ‘to swallow’ derives from *poh,-s-ei
[3sg.]; see Kloekhorst 2008 s.v. See » dumtwtic and > mItvov.
mmahic [f.] - | mapa tio xaAxic, nap évioig 5é catpa ‘a migratory fish, horse-
mackerel’ (H.). <?> :
eETYM Unknown. :
meurt(7)iGw [v.] ‘to beep’ (Ar. Av. 306). <ONOM>
eETYM An onomatopoeia, like MoE beep. See » minw.
TUTPAGKOMAL, -w =TEPVITLL.
mintw [v.] ‘to fall (off), drop down, fall out’ (IL). <1E *petH- ‘fly, fall’>
1196 Ttm1w, -o0G
eVAR Fut. meoéoptat (epic Ion.), -obpat (Att.), aor. meteiv, Enetov (Dor. Aeol.), neceiv,
éneoov (IA), perf. ptc. acc. memt-eWT, -eWtac (epic), nom. -1W¢ (Ion.), which may
also be from mtroou, memtt-W¢ (trag.); ind. mémtwKa, ptc. -wKwe (Att.).
*COMP Very often with prefix, e.g. eio-, &k-, épl-, EMl-, KATA-, HETA-, TMEPl-, MPO-, OUII-,
bm0-.
*DER 1. NOT-L10¢ [m.] ‘fate, destiny, (fate of) death’ (Il. epic poet.). 2. nt@-pa [n.],
often prefixed (otj-, etc.) in different senses, ‘fall, which has fallen, corpse’ (Att. A.,
Hell.), whence diminutive -j1atiov (inscr. Asia Minor), -watic [f.] ‘tumbling cup’
(Mosch. apud Ath.), -patiKkds ‘inclined towards falling, etc.’ (Hell.), -trati@w ‘to bring
down’ (Hell.) with -watiotdc [m.] “falling sickness’ (Ptol.). 3. nt@-o1¢ (ov, etc.) [f.]
‘fall (Hp., Att.), ia. ‘throw of the die’, whencé as a grammatical term ‘(in)flectional
form, case form’ (Arist.), with -outoc ‘brought down’ (A.), perhaps after aAwoutoc;
-TLKG ([1ETa-, etc.) ‘inflectable’ (gramm.). 4. mé0-o¢ [n.] ‘corpse’ (E. [lyr.]), -nua [n.]
‘fall, which has fallen down, corpse’ (trag.), see Chantraine 1933: 184; -wua [n.]
‘plunge’ (vase inscr.), after mt@pa. 5. -meti¢ ia. in mepl-metr¢ ‘falling down,
blundering into something’, mpo-metijc¢ ‘ready, rash’, with mepi-, mpo-mét-e1a [f.]
(1A); also in compounds like ed-metij¢ ‘turning out well, convenient, fortunate’, with
-e.a [f.] (IA); > du-metr\¢ s.v. 6. -1Tw> in d-mTwc, -WTOG ‘not falling’ (Pi. Pl.); also
-mtn¢ in antn¢ (inscr. Olympia)? On > motatdg, see s.v.
eETYM The derivational history of the different formations poses many problems.
The formation nintw represents PIE *pi-pt-e/o- or *pi-pth,e/o- (latter form in LIV?
s.v. *peth,-), but the origin of the vowel length (noted by Hdn. Gr. 2, 377) is unclear.
Influence from pintw is usually assumed. The Schwebeablaut of met- with the roots
Mtw-, Mt- in mé-MTwW-ka, MT@-[la, -olc, Me-ntn-wWc (*peth, : *pte/oh,-?) is
problematic, but does not have to be old; it may be a secondary innovation within
Greek. The same is probably true for the n-present mit-vw (also -v@), which has an
anaptyctic 1, like other n-presents (e.g. » mitvnju). The -o- in the IA aorist and future
is unexpected, and its origin is unclear.
The whole system seems to be a specific Greek development of the old IE verb also
found in rtétopat ‘to fly’, Skt. patati ‘to fly, fall’. Further details s.v. » nétopat; cf. also
> mTI}Oow and > mitvAos (the latter hardly belongs here).
Min@, -ovc [f.] ‘woodpecker, Picus maior and minor’ (Arist. [v.ll. mimoc, minpa, etc.],
Lyc.). <PG?>
*ETYM Formation like dando, tutd, etc. (Chantraine 1933: 1sf.), probably
onomatopoeic like » mumnilw, Skt. pippaka [f.] name of a bird. A similar bird name
mimmoc or mimoc is supposed by Ath. 9, 368f. for immouc. The name may well be Pre-
Greek; cf. > migryé.
modkiov [n.] - 7teptotSpLov ‘mouth of a vessel’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM See Schmidt’s edition of Hesychius.
muayic, -id0¢ [f.] ~ = mbt ‘box, of box-wood’ (IG 11(2), 287: B 50; 54 [Delos III*]). <?>
*ETYM The word is phonetically incompatible with m0&c¢ within the Indo-European
framework. The variation of *pisg- with *puks- (*pugs-?) could point to a Pre-Greek
substrate word.
miovyyoc 1197
mioea [n.pl.] “humid prairies’ (Il.). <?>
DER Tloev¢ ‘inhabitant of low terrains’ (Theocr. 25, 201).
eETYM Has been compared with Steph. Byz. IItoa- méAtc kai Kpryvn thc Odvpriac.
Chadwick Minos 9 (1968): 64 reconstructs *ITtofa on the basis of Mycenaean facts.
mtioosg [m.] ‘pea, Pisum arvense’ (com., Thphr.). <Lw?>
eVAR Also -ov [n.].
DER Ttiotvoc ‘made out of peas’ (Ar.).
eETYM LW from an unknown source. Lat. pisum is identical, probably as a loan from
Greek (cf. WH s.v.).
mioos [n.] ‘meadows, pastures’ (Y 9 = ¢ 124, Call. Fr. anon. 57, A. R. 1, 1266). <PG?>
eVAR Only plur. > nicea.
*ETYM No certain etymology. Traditionally analyzed as *ni5-co«, related to > nidak,
> mid0w, etc; this is rejected by Fur.: 2604 and 254”’, who takes the alternation 5/o to
point to Pre-Greek origin.
mtiooa [f.] ‘pitch’ (IL). <1E? * pik- ‘pitch, resin’>
eVAR Att. mitta.
*COMP E.g. mioo0-, mtto-Koméw “to besmear, depilate with pitch’ (Att. inscr., com.,
Thphr.), knpd-mto00¢ [f.] ‘mix of wax and pitch’ (Hp.).
*DER 1. Diminutive mioodpiov [n.] (medic.); 2. Several adj. (Att. forms are not
separately indicated): mioo-npdcs (Hp.), -pns (A.), -lvog (Att.), -fetc (Nic.) ‘pitchy’;
-Wdn¢ ‘pitch-like’ (Arist, Thphr.); -itn¢ (oivoc) ‘tasting like pitch’ (Str.); 3. Verbs
TULGO-OW, TLTT-6w, -doptat ‘to besmear, depilate (oneself) with pitch’ (since IV*),
whence -wotc, -wtr¢, -wtdc¢ (Hell.); also -ifw [v.] ‘to taste like pitch’ (sch.); *-dw in
mioodots [f.] ‘a pitching over’ (Epid. IV*).
*ETYM Old designation of pitch and resin, an inherited word also retained in Lat. and
in Slav. The oldest form is Lat. pix, pic-is [f.] < IE * pik-; thence, Greek derived ttiooa
with a suffix 1a, like in vijooa, jwia, etc. Slavic shows a suffix -I-, e.g. CS pokole, OCS
pocole [m.]. As a loan, the word has spread further: from Lat. pix to Germanic, e.g.
OHG peh, from Gm. to Lith. pikis, Ru. pek, etc. (Pok. 794). Another option is to
connect > mituc.
muotaxn [f.] ‘pistachio tree’ (Alciphr.). <Lw Iran. >
*DER TIO TAKLOV (also Biot-, WITT-, PiTT-) [n.] ‘pistachio’ (Nic., Posidon., Dsc.).
*ETYM Foreign word of Oriental origin; cf. MoP pista ‘pistachio (nut)’. On the suffix
-(a)k-, see Chantraine 1933: 376.
THOTIC, TLOTOG > TELBoLLAL.
miovyyoc [m.] ‘shoemaker’ (Sapph., Alex. Aet., Herod., com. apud Poll.). <PG(s)>
VAR Also -oo-. See below on meco-/tt-.
*DER -byyiov [n.] ‘shoemaking’ (com. apud Poll., Hdn. Gr.). Besides néooupimtov:
oxutetov ‘shoemaker’s workshop’ and necovmtn: oxuted<t>pta ‘female shoemaker
(H.). Cf. mettbxta [n. pl.] “small pieces of leather’ (Moer.).
eETYM A Pre-Greek word (Fur.: 357), as revealed by the suffix -vyy-.
1198 TiGVVOG
Ttiovvoc =Tei8opa.
Ttioupes =técoapEc.
iA ¢ - >? e
mtevw ‘to drench, give water’. >rivw.
mattaktov [n.] ‘writing table, leaflet, note, letter, label, etc.’, also ‘list of members,
society’ (Dinol., Plb., Hell., pap. and inscr.). <Lw Thrac.?>
eCOMP mITTAaKL-dpx1)¢ [m.] ‘chairman of the society’.
DER Diminutive -idtov [n.] and -i@w ‘to label’ (pap.).
eETYM Origin unknown; Friedmann 1937: 5iff. assumes that the word came from
Thracia via Lesbos (cf. Ilittaxoc). Both nicoa (Bq) and mettbxia (s.v. ) are
unrelated. Borrowed as Lat. pittacium.
mitvAog [m.] ‘stroke of an oar’, metaph. ‘rhythmical, heavy beat, attack, etc.’ (trag.).
<>
eDER 7utvAevw [v.] ‘to make a stroke with an oar’, also metaph. (Ar. V. 678, Com.
Adesp. 3 D.), -iGw ‘id, (Gal.).
*ETYM No etymology. The connection with nintw, nétopat (favored by DELG) does
not convince. Cf. on » nitipa.
mitbdpa [n.pl.] ‘husks of corn, bran’, also metaph. = “‘bran-like rash, sediment’ (Hp., D.,
Thphr.). «PG? (S, V)>
eVAR Rarely -ov [sg.].
*DER mut bp-ic (also -tc) [f.] “bran-colored olive’ (Call.), -iac [m.] ‘bread baked of bran’
(Gal. Poll.), -itng (Gptoc) ‘id. (Philem. gloss. apud Ath., Gal.), -wdn¢ ‘bran-like’
(Hp. Thphr.), -dopat [v.] ‘to suffer from pituriasis’ (Hp.), -iw [v.] ‘to have bran on
oneself’ (pap.), with -topia [n.] ‘scab’ (Hdn. Gr.); -iaotc [f.] “bran, scab’ (medic.), from
*-1dw, cf. ywpiaoctcs etc. On the PN Ilitupetc see BoShardt 1942: 119.
*ETYM Formation like Aénipov, but without a certain explanation. Dissimilation
from *ntbpov has been assumed (cf. Schwyzer: 258, Specht KZ 61 (1934): 277 ff.),
with a root etymology connecting Lat. putus ‘clean’, putare ‘to purify, etc.’, Skt.
pavate ‘to purify’, of grain and other things, pavana- [n.] ‘winnow, sieve’? this is
highly unlikely. In favor of connection with titvAoc, Thumb KZ 36 (1900): 180
adduced semantic parallels. Note the synonymous glosses mrjtea: mitvpa, mntital
mtUpl<v>ot dptot (H.), which are connected with itv, » macow. Because of its -1-,
mitvpa cannot be combined with these, unless we assume substrate origin. The same
is suggested by the suffix -bp- (Fur.: 262). Cf. » mtUov.
mitvc, -vog [f.] ‘pine, fir, spruce’ (Hom., Hdt., Thphr.). <PG?>
eVAR Epic dat.pl. -vootv.
*COMP Some compounds, e.g. mtvo-Kdtm [f.] ‘pine caterpillar’ (Dsc.), yapai-mituc
[f.] plant name (Nic., Dsc.), see Strémberg 1940: 61f., 109.
*DER Diminutive mtv-dtov [n.] (Plin., Theognost.), mtv-ic, -idoc¢ [f.] ‘pine seed’
(Dsc.), -tvoc ‘made of pinewood’ (Hp. Thphr.), -w6ng ‘rich in pines’ (Alcm,, Str.);
-ovoa (v.l. -odooa) [f.] ‘kind of milkweed, Euphorbia’ (Dsc.), on the formation see
Stromberg 1940: 43; -odcoat [f-pl.] name of a group of islands on the Spanish coast;
TAAyY@Ov 1199
-00¢, -odvtos [m.] name of a town on the Black Sea (Str.), -eta [f.] town in Mysia (B
829), -aococ [f.] town in Pisidia (Str.); cf. von Blumenthal ZONF 13 (1937): 155 and
158.
*ETYM mituc resembles Lat. pinus [f.] ‘fir, pine’ and Alb. pishé ‘fir, pine’, both with an
unclear basis and, on the other hand, Skt. pitudaru-, putidru- [m.] tree name
(extensive treatment in Mayrhofer EWAia 2: 137f.). Benveniste BSL 51 (1955): 2o0ff.
argued against the procedure of collecting all kinds of phonetically similar forms that
should be kept separate semantically (e.g. > mtiwv, »1tivw, »titvG, etc.). Fur: 260
compares the toponyms ITtovn = Tittbn (St. Byz.) and concludes that the word is
Pre-Greek; not very certain.
TupavoKkw > doc.
migry§ [?] name of an unknown bird (Arist., Ant. Lib., EM), acc. to H. = kopvdahhdc
‘lark’; also mupadnic (after kopv-Sahiic?) (H.). <PG(S,V)>
VAR Also -gik, -gné.
*ETYM Probably an onomatopoeia, and as such comparable to »mum(1)iCw, > mimw;
the suffixation is reminiscent of instances such as odAmty&, mépdi&, etc., and the
morphological variation between -& and -ty& strongly points to Pre-Greek origin.
For further details, cf. Chantraine 1933: 397ff., 382 and Thompson 1895 sv.
Pm mTL@aANic.
migprpu [v.] ‘to let in, bring in, out, or through’, intr. ‘to intrude, come in, etc.’ (com.,
E., also Th., D., Arist., PIb.). <GR>
eVAR Only inf. éo-mppdvat (Arist.), beside -ppéw in eio-é—povv (D.), -eppovynv
(E.). Otherwise only future and aorist forms, always with prefix, especially eio- (én-
elo-, etc.) and éx-, but also dta- and amo-: eio-, éx-, dta-pprjow; amo-, eio-, &&-
é~proa, €k-epnoOivat; also (é7t-)eto-, €€-Egpynka with subj. én-eo-~pa, ptc. é1t-e10-
gpeic, inf. eio-ppijvat (for -ppeiva? H.), ipv. éx-ppec (Ar. V. 162 with Buttmann;
codd. éx@epe); to this ipf. &-e@piopev (Ar. V. 125), for -eppienev?
*ETYM The verb primarily occurs in the future and aorist, presentic formations being
scant and secondary. Thus, eio-éppovv, -empovpynv is modeled after the type
égidovv, the hapax éo-mppavar after iotavat, m(U)tAdvau, etc. This infinitive, then,
can hardly be based on a conjectured ipl. *mi-ppa-piev corresponding to Skt.
bibhymds (pace e.g. Pok. 128). Most probably, the verb is to be analyzed as from
*mpo-inuu, the aspiration being taken on by the initial 1 after the loss of o (cf. on
> mpotpoc). This process probably took place in the aorist forms: -pprow, -é-ppnKka
continuing -11p(0)-ijow, -1p(0)-}ka. Hence, the reduplicated present developed.
Ttiwv eVAR Fem. mieipa. > miap.
mAayyos [m.] name ofa kind of eagle (Arist v.l. mAdvoc), plancus (Plin.). <PG?>
*ETYM Frisk assumes derivation from mAdCopa ‘to wander about’, which is not
evident. The word may well be Pre-Greek (Fur.: 122).
mayyov [f.] ‘wax figure, wax doll’ (Call. Cer. 91). <2>
1200 TAGYtoc
*DER 7tkayydviov [n.] ‘kind of ointment’ (Polem. Hist. apud Ath. 15, 690e, Sosib.,
Poll.).
eETYM Etymology unknown. According to Polem., 1tAayyéviov was named after the
discoverer ITkayywv; Frisk wonders whether the noun 1Aayywv has the same origin,
but on the whole, the semantic gap between ‘wax figure’ and ‘salve’ is hardly big
enough to justify etymological separation of the two words.
TAdytos [adj.] ‘oblique, athwart, sloping; crooked’, ta mAdyia ‘the sides, flanks’ (Pi.,
IA). The sense ‘horizontal’, misleadingly given as the first mg. by Frisk, must derive
from ‘transverse’. < PG?>
*COMP E.g. tthay.d-Kavdog ‘with side stalks’, (Thphr.), see Stromberg 1937: 108f,,
Tapa-mthaytog ‘sideways, oblique’ (Thphr.).
DER 7tAayt-aCw [v.] ‘to turn amiss, sideward; to lead astray’ (LXX, Ph, Plu.) with
-aopds [m.] ‘lateral direction, aberrance’ (Epicur.); -6w ‘id.’ (X.), with -wotc (H.) as
an explanation of AdEwotc; further also 1Adyog [n.] ‘side’ (Tab. Heracl.).
*ETYM Ostensibly from QIE “*plg-iHo-, but the non-laryngeal root of this
reconstruction is incompatible with supposed cognates like » méAayog ‘sea’ < *pelh.g-
o- (should this word be related). In view of Gm. correspondences such as OHG flah
‘flat’, OS flaka [f.] ‘sole of the foot’ (further cf. ON fléki [m]., OE fléc [n.] flounder’),
presupposing *plog- or *plag-, it may be proposed to reconstruct mAdyloc as *plag-.
Since PIE did not have a phoneme *a, the word may be from a European substrate.
The variant »7m\d&, -axdc [f.], too, can be understood from this perspective.
However, unlike for » 1A dE, the semantic side of this connection is not evident.
As Van Beek suggests (p.c.), a semantically better connection would be that with
> mAdCw ‘to lead astray’ and perhaps > dprthaxkioKw ‘id.’, in which case the group may
be from Pre-Greek *(a)"pla"k-. Cf. on » mArjoow and > TAGCw.
mAadapdc [adj.] ‘damp, watery, spongy, soft, flaccid, tasteless’ (Hp., A. R., Dsc.).
<PG?> ,
*DER mthadap-otr¢ [f.] ‘flaccidity’ (Epicur.), -dopat [v.] ‘to become soft’ (Aq.), -wotc
[f.] (medic.), -wpa [n.] (Suid.). Further stAaddw [v.] ‘to be watery, soft’ (Hp., Arist.,
Ph.) with -nots [f.] (Sor.); also -wotg [f.] (Aét., as if from *-dw; mAddoc¢ [m.]
‘dampness, sponginess’ with -wdr¢ (Hp.), -det¢ (sch.); mAddr [f.] ‘id’? (Emp.),
perhaps a back-formation from mAaddw.
eETYM Unclear word, found especially in medical literature; an apparent derivational
pattern emerges from mAad-apdc : -dw : -oc and the semantically close rhyming
words khad-apdc : -dw : -oc, pad-apdc : -dw : -oc; also puTt-apdc : -dw : -o¢ (see
Chantraine 1933: 227). Clearly, several words that were originally more dissimilar
influenced each other formally, semantically, or both. As a result, it is risky to
reconstruct the original form of mthad-apdc. Lith. peldéti ‘to swim’ (cf. Fraenkel 1955:
565) < IE *peld- comes into consideration, but hardly Lith. pilti ‘to pour’ < *plh-,
> TAEW, or even » MoAvc. Alternatively, we may consider a Pre-Greek origin for the
word.
mAaddtdw [v.] ‘to babble’ vel sim. (Lacon.); cf. mhad<d>uj: pataiter, coBapevetat ‘to
speak folly, act pompous’ (H.). <?>
TAAVAOLAL, -dw 1201
eVAR Only inf. mAadétiv and ipv. tAaddin (Ar. Lys. 171 and 990).
*ETYM Perhaps modeled after verbs in -iaw designating diseases (Schwyzer: 732), but
at any rate onomatopoeic; cf. MLG pladderen ‘to babble’.
mAAdCw, -opat [v.] ‘to make devious, repel, dissuade from the right path, bewilder’,
med.pass. ‘to become devious, go astray, wander about’ (Il.). <PG?>
eVAR Aor. TAA Eau, pass. thayyxOijvat, fut. wAdyEopat.
eCOMP Also with napa-, dito-, etc.
*DER 7tkayKtdc ‘devious, mad, bewildered’ (@ 363, epic poet.), TAayxtat [f-pl.] (scil.
TETPaL) (| 61, etc.), meaning not quite clear; 1Aaykto-otvn [f.] ‘wandering about’ (o
343, Nonn.); mAayx-tvc, -vog [f.] ‘id.’ (Call.); -tp [m.] epithet of Dionysus (AP),
‘confuser’ or ‘wanderer’, -telpa datpamitdc ‘zodiac’ (Hymn. Is.). Appurtenance of
> tAdyyos is uncertain.
*ETYM Usually connected as *plang-ie/o- with Lat. plango ‘to hit’, Go. faiflokun
“exéntovto’ (cf. Pok. 832-833) < IE *pleh.g-. The shortness of the a is unexpected,
however, as *plh,g- should have given **7tAny-; in principle, it is conceivable that it
spread from forms with a nasal infix by Osthoff’s law, i.e. *tAayy- > *nAdyy-. Frisk
points at the formal agreement between mAdy§at, mAayKtdc, and Lat. planxi,
planctus.
However, the semantics of the Latin verb are different, ‘to beat (the breast)’ > ‘to
bewail’, and it is probably rather related to » mArjoow. It is not evident at all that the
meaning ‘to drive off course’ derives from ‘to beat’; rather, mAjoow and midlw
influenced each other both semantically and formally. Van Beek (p.c.) suggests that
mAdCw is related to GuimAakioxw as a Pre-Greek word *(a)"pla"k-, to which mthdytoc
may perhaps also be connected.
mtAaBavov [n.] ‘cake mold or form’ (Theoc., Nic.). <PG>
eCOMP Synthetic compounds like kopo-ihd80c¢ [m.] ‘one who forms feminine
figures, doll modeller’ (Pl. Isoc.).
*DER 7tAaBavitacg duvAog ‘cake baked in a mold’ (Philox. 3, 17; not quite certain);
mAa04 [f.] ‘image, eixwv (Dor. in Plu.).
eETYM See » TtAdoow.
mAGOw ‘to approach’ (Dor.).
eETYM See P 1téAac.
TAaiovov [n.] ‘long quadrangle, rectangle, rectangular frame’ (Att.). <LW Lyd.>
DER TAatoidouat [v.] ‘to be put into a mthaictov’ (Delos).
*ETYM No relation with the synonymous mAtv-Oiov (pace Frisk), but a direct loan
from Lyd. bAaso /pl’as’o/ ‘socle’. This word is related to Hitt. palzah(h)a-, palzasha-
‘pedestal, a flat base for statues’, which Kloekhorst 2008: 623 reconstructs as *pith,-
sh,o- (cf. Gr. mAatwc). Fur.: 260 also appropriately adduces mtAdtac “basis of a tomb’
(inscr. Patara), which is very likely to be of Anatolian origin.
TAavaoptat, -dw [v.] ‘to go astray, wander, go about, sway’; ‘to lead astray, lead around,
deceive’ (‘Y 321). <?>
eVAR Fut. mAavroopat, -Orjoopat, aor. -17Orvat, perf. memAAVINLLAL.
1202 TAGE, -aKdc
eCOMP Also with mept-, dmto-, etc.
*DER 1. TtAdv-rNWa [n.] ‘straying, going astray’ (A., S.), -notc [f.] ‘leading astray,
suggesting’ (Th.), amo- ‘wandering’ (Pl., LXX); a very common back-formation is 2.
mAavn [f.] ‘extravagating, (pointless) wandering about, odyssey, mistake’ (IA); 3.
mTAavig, -1yto¢ [m.] ‘who wanders around, wanderer’, also ‘wandering star, planet’
(Scherer 1953: 4of.), medic. ‘unstable temperature’, [adj.] ‘wandering’ (IA); thence
enlarged mAav-itnj¢, Dor. -atac [m.] ‘id’ (trag., etc.), -At1¢ [f.] (Lyc.) with -rntuxd¢
‘infiltrating, misleading’ (Str., sch.), -ntebw [v.] ‘to wander about’ (AB).
From 1Aavaw probably also the back-formation 4. mAdvoc [m.] = mAdvn, also
‘tramp, vagabond, deceiver’, as an adjective ‘errant, misleading’ (trag., Pl.), with
mtAav-w5n¢ ‘inconstant, irregular, sliding away’ (medic.), -to¢ ‘wandering about’
(AP); also andrAav-og, -lac; 1teptMtAdv-toc, -in (AP et al.).
5. Opaque formation mAa-vittw ‘to wander about’ (Ar. Av. 3); 6. As a second
member very often -mAavijc and -mAavos, -mAdvos, e.g. d-tAaviic (aoTNp) ‘fixed star’
(PL, Arist.), GAi-mtAavoc ‘wandering the sea’ (Opp.), Aao-1Advog ‘leading the people
astray’ (J.).
eETYM Uncertain etymology. Perhaps a thematization of a nasal present *pl-néh,-ti,
*pl-nh,-énti > **navaot, **mAavavot, corresponding to the IE root *pleh,- ‘broad,
flat’ (cf. Lat. planus), but the semantics are highly problematic. Borrowed as Lat.
planus [m.] ‘tramp’, planétae [f.pl.] ‘planets, etc.’, impland, -dre ‘to seduce’ (=
mtAavaw). The meaning strongly recalls » 1Ad¢w, but it is hard to think of a formal
connection. ;
MAGE, -axdc [f.] ‘plane, plain, surface of a sea, a mountain’ (Pi, trag.), ‘flat stone,
board, table’ (Hell.). <?>
*COMP As a second member probably in » dimdak (see s.v. and Fraenkel 1910: 37%),
and tpi-nAak,
*DER 1. Diminutive st\ax-iov [n.] (Troezen IV), -ic: kAtvidtov ‘small couch’ (H.). 2.
-ac¢ [f.] ‘floor of a wine cellar’ (pap. II”). 3. -itac dptog ‘flat cake’ (Sophr.), -itic [f.]
‘kind of calamine or alum’ (Gal.). 4. Adjective -epdc ‘flat’ (Theoc.), -deic ‘id.’ (D. P.),
-.voc ‘made of marble slabs’ (inscr.), -wd1j¢ ‘overdrawn with panes, a crust’ (Arist.).
5. TAAK-006, -obvtos (from -detc) [m.] ‘(flat) cake’ (com.,, etc.), with -obvt-tov, -1Kdc.
-tvoc, -Cic, etc. 6. TAaK-dw [v.] ‘to cover with slabs of marble’ (Syria), with -wotc [f.]
(Asia Minor), -wt1 [f.] ‘kind of calamine’ (Dsc.). 7. TN: I1Adxog [m.] part of Mount
Ida (Il.), with bnomdax-tog (Z 397), -o¢ (Str.); WAaxin [f.] name of a Pelasgian colony
on the Propontis (Hdt.), with 1Aaxiavov [n.] a kind of eyesalve (Aét.).
*ETYM Apparently from a root noun *plk-s; cf. (with different vocalism) Latv. plakt
‘to become flat’, plaka [f.] ‘low lying place, plain’, ON flaga [f.] ‘thin layer, flatness’ <
* plok-eh,-; possibly directly related to a Germanic root noun with lengthened grade:
ON fd, pl. fleer [f.] ‘layer, stratum’< *plok-s, *plok-es; perhaps also OHG fluoh,
MoHG Filiiche, Swi. Fluh [f.] ‘rockwall’. From mAakodsc, -obvtoc came Lat. placenta ‘a
kind of flat cake’ (phonetic details unclear). Beside *plk-, we also find *plg- in
> 1Adytoc, *pld'- in » mAdoow, and *plh,- in » nan. It is uncertain whether any of
these is related. The connection with » méAayoc is doubtful.
mAGotLyé, -Lyyos 1203
-TAGOLOG eVAR in St-, Tpl-, TOAAA-7tAdoLos etc., late Att. Hell. -tAaciwv. =dimAdotoc.
TAdoow [v.] ‘to knead, form, mold, shape (a soft mass); to think up, imagine, pretend’
(Hes.). < PG?>
eVAR Att. -ttu, fut. tAdow, aor. TAdO(o)at (Hes.), pass. TAaoOijvau, perf. mémAacuat
(IA), act. mémAaKka (Hell.).
*COMP Very often with prefix in different senses, e.g. kata-mAdoow ‘to spread,
besmear’, éu-71Adoow ‘to smear, stop up’ (cf. below).
*DER Action nouns: 1. mAdopa [n.] ‘forming, formation, fiction’ (IA) with -patiac
[m.] ‘fictional’, -uatwdng ‘id’ (Arist.), -watikds ‘id’ (S. E.); gu-, éni-, Kata-mtAaopLa
[n.] ‘plaster’ (medic.). 2. mAdoig (dva-, katd-, etc.) [f.] ‘forming, formation,
figuration’ (Hp., Arist.). 3. dva-1tAaopdc [m.] ‘figuration’ (Plu.), peta-mAao-pd¢ [m.]
‘transformation’ (gramm.), etc. 4. kata-mAaoTuc [f.] “besmearing’ (Hdt. 4, 175).
Agent and instrument nouns: 5. mAdotn¢ [m.] ‘former, molder, maker’ (Pl.), often in
synthetic compounds, e.g. Knpo-mtAdot¢ [m.] ‘modeller in wax’ (Pl.), with -éw
(Hp.), etc. mAdo-tic (Ael.), -teipa (Orph., API.), -tpia (Theol.Ar.). 6. tAdotpov [n.]
‘earring’ (Att. inscr., etc.), {umtAao-tpov [n.], -tpoc [f.] ‘ointment’ or ‘plaster’ (Dsc.,
Gal., pap.).
Adjectives: 7. tAaotdc ‘formed, shaped, thought up’ (Hes.), éuAao-tov [n.], -tos [f.]
‘ointment, plaster’ (Hp.); mAaoth [f.] ‘clay wall’ (pap.) with mept-, ovpt-tAaotebw [v.]
‘to surround, construct with 1.’, mAaotevtr¢ [m.] “builder of a 1.’ (pap.). 8.
TAAOTIKGS (TPOO-, Ev-, dva-) ‘suitable for forming, plastic’ (PI.).
Directly from the verbal root 9. mAd0-avov [n.] ‘cake mold or form’ (Theoc., Nic.),
TMAGBavitas cuvdAosg ‘cake baked in a mold’ (Philox. 3, 17; not quite certain); mhaOa
[f.] ‘image, eix@v’ (Dor. in Plu.); synthetic compounds like kopo-1Ad8o¢g [m.] ‘one
who forms feminine figures, doll modeller’ (Pl. Isoc.).
eETYM From *7Aa0-1w < QIE * pld'-ie/o-. The stem *pld'- cannot be Indo-European,
however, because roots with both plain stops and voiced aspirates were not allowed.
It has been considered an inner-Greek innovation, comparable to formations such as
TtAr-8, Bpi-Ow, etc. (Schwyzer: 703). However, since the verb shows no traces of a
laryngeal, it cannot be (directly) related to the group of *pelh.- ‘broad’, eg. madaun,
OHG folma ‘palm of the hand’ < *pélh,-m, *plh,-m-6s, * plh,-ém-m, Lat. planus ‘flat’ <
*plh.-no-, etc. (pace e.g. Pok. 805ff.). Perhaps, however, this root became conflated
with that of Gr. mAattc, Skt. prthi- ‘flat’ < *plth,-u-. From égumAaotpov was
borrowed Lat. emplastrum, whence MoFr. emplatre, etc. also, MLat. plastrum
‘plaster’, MoFr. platre, OHG pflastar, etc.
The word may well be Pre-Greek, both due to the lack of etymology and in view of
the anomalous root structure.
mAdotty&, -tyyoc [f.] ‘scales’ (Att.), also ‘disk of the kottabos-standard’ (Critias,
Hermipp.), metaph. ‘oyster shell’ (Opp.), ‘horse-collar’, which hangs from the wood
of the yoke, like the scales from the weigh-bridge (E. Rh. 303), also (plur.) ‘surgical
splints’ (Hippiatr.). <PG(s)> .
eVAR TAnotiyyes [pl.] ‘id’ (Hp. apud Gal. 19, 131).
1204 TAatTayéw, -foat
*ETYM From a stem mAaot- (the hapax mAnotty-yec points to a root variant *nAGort-
with a long vowel, but the evidentiality of this form is limited) plus the suffix -lyy-
(Chantraine 1933: 398ff., Schwyzer: 498). The etymological base of the word is not
clear. Formally there is no reason to disconnect the word from > Thacow to knead,
mold’ < *pld'-ie/o-, but this linkage is not evident on the semantic side. The same
holds true for the connection with IE *plth.- as in matte ‘flat’. In view of the suffix
-lyy-, it therefore seems better to assume a Pre-Greek origin (not in Furnée).
mAaTAyEW, -ioat [v.] ‘to rattle, crash, clap (one’s hands) (¥ 102 ovumAatayrjoev [vl
-mtat-], Hell. poet.). <PG?>
*CcOMP Also with ovv-, b710-, etc. %, ;
eDER TAatdy-rpa [n.] ‘bang’ (Theoc.). Also thatay-1 [f.] ‘rattle, steed’ (Hellanic.,
Pherecyd.,, Arist., A. R.), -wv ‘id’ (sch. Theoc.), -wviov [n.] ‘broad petal of the Poppy
or anemone’ (Theoc.), -wvioac: anoAnkvBicas Kai yo~roas ‘having declaimed in a
hollow voice, made a noise’ (H.). Cf. thatdcow = -ayéw (Suid.).
*ETYM It has been suggested that the verb (onomatopoeia?) is a conflation of
> matayéw and mArjoow (Giintert 1914: 120f.), but this is questionable. The word may
well be Pre-Greek (not in Fur.). See » mAatvyiCw.
mA&tavos [f.] ‘plane tree’ (Ar., Pl., Thphr.). <PG?>
eVAR Lat. platanista [m.] name of a great dolphin in the Ganges (Plin.); cf.
Thompson 1947 s.v. tAaTavLoti<c.
*DER Eee ce -@vog [m.] ac. grove’ (Dsc.), -tov [n.] ‘kind of apple, like the
plane’s fruit’ (Diph. Siph.). Also early mhatdwotog [f.] ‘id’ (B 307 and 310, Hdt.,
Theoc.) with -tototc, -obvtoc [m.] ‘plane grove’ (Thgn.), Lacon. -totd¢ (-totac?),
dat. -0TG ‘id, (Paus.), -iotivoc attribute of an apple (Gal.).
eETYM The word has been derived from »7hatb¢ (etc.), under the assumption that
the tree was named after its broad leaves or flat patches of bark (Strémberg 1940: 39,
Chantraine 1933: 199f.). This etymology must be rejected in view of the opaque
derivation of the oldest attested form mAatdviotoc. Instead, we may assume that the
name of this Asiatic and South-East European tree was borrowed from Pre-Greek,
and only secondarily became associated with > mhatuc.
mAdtak, -aKxoc [m.] Alexandrian name of the fish kopaxivoc, ‘Sciaena nigra, brown
meagre’ (Ath. 7, 309a). <PG>
*DER tAaTtAaxtov [n.] ‘id.’ (pap. II-III).
*ETYM Frisk refers to Athenaeus’s comment that the fish was named after its
considerable size, i.e. “amd tod meptéxovtoc”, and therefore connects it to » mAaTuc.
Since, however, -ax- is one of the most common Pre-Greek suffixes, the word is
probably Pre-Greek as well. Furthermore, there is mAatiotakocg (-Kd6c) [m.],
according to Dorio apud Ath. 3, 118c the greatest kind of the fish called pvAAOs;
however, according to Parmeno ibd. 7: 308f., it is synonymous with oamépdn¢ and
Kopaxivoc; metaph. = 16 yuvatkeiov aidotov (H., Phot.).
mAaTIG, -L50¢ [f.] ‘wife’ (Ar., Lyc.). =méhac, mehdalw.
mTtAEBpov 1205
mAatvyitw [v.] ‘to slosh the water with one’s wings; to splash’, also metaphorically of
idle noise (A., Eub.). <PpG>
*ETYM Distortion of mAatayéw (*-yiGw) under the influence of mat or otherwise
mtepvyiw.
TAatUG 1 [adj.] ‘wide, broad, flat, level’ (IL). <1£ *pleth,- ‘broad’>
*COMP Often as a first member, e.g. Thatb-pvdXog ‘broad-leaved’ (Arist., Thphr.).
*DER mAatwtr¢ [f.] ‘width, breadth’ (Hp., X.); mhatbvw [v.] ‘to widen, make broad’
(X, Arist.), also with éta-, év- etc. with TAAT-vopa (-vpua) [n.] ‘dish, brick, etc’
(Herod., Hero, pap.), -voudc [m.] ‘broadening’ (Arist, LXX). Also mAatelov [n.]
‘board, table’ (Plb.), after the instrument nouns in -elov; from mhatela (xelp, pwr}
etc.): mhateatw [v.] ‘to blow with the flat of the hand’ (Pherecr.), ‘to pronounce
broadly’ (Theoc.).
Several additional formations: mAto¢ [n.] ‘width, breadth, size’ (Simon., Emp., Hdt.,
Ar.) with d-nAatii¢ ‘without breadth’ (Arist.); that-1kdc (v.l. -vKdc) ‘concerning the
width, breadth, exhaustive, extensive’ (Vett. Val, comm. Arist.); cf. yev-Kéc to
yévoc.
TAaTALWV, -@voc [m.] ‘flat stone, ledge of rock, flat beach, etc.’ (h. Merc. 128, Hell.),
with -apwdng ‘flat’ (Arist.). mAatn [f] ‘blade of an oar, oar’, metonymic ‘ship’, also
‘shoulder blade’ (trag., Arist.), usually @po-mAaty (Hp.); mhatr¢, Dor. -ac [m.]
‘pedestal of a gravestone’ (inscr. Asia Minor, cf. yons, NopKrg); MAaTLYE: TH KdTMS
TO Gxpov ‘the end of a handle’ (H.). TN ITAétata (B 504 et al.), usually plur. -ai [f.]
(IA) town in Boeotia, with -atic, -ateic, etc; change of accent like in » dyuia : -ai.
*ETYM Identical to Skt. prthi-, Av. paraOu- ‘wide, broad’ < PIE *plth,-u- (for mato,
cf. Bapos vs. » Baptc); mAatapdv corresponds to Skt. prathi-mdn- [m.] ‘extension,
breadth’ < *pl(e)th,-mon-; notably, the TN IT\dtata matches Skt. prthivi- [f.] ‘earth’,
W Llydau ‘Brittany’ < *plth,u-ih,. Other relevant formations outside Greek are Arm.
lain, Olr. lethan, MW Ilydan ‘broad’ < *plth,-no-, and the verb Skt. prathati ‘to
extend’ < *pléth,-eti.
mAatuG 2 [adj.] ‘salty’ (Hdt. 2, 108 [nopata], Arist. Mete. 358f. [bowp, béata]). <GR>
*ETYM No doubt due to erroneous interpretation of matdc EAAhonovtos (Hom; cf.
A. Pers. 875) the ‘broad Hellespont’ as the ‘salty Hellespont’, because the epithet
‘broad’ was perceived as inapproprate. In Hdt. 7, 35, the Hellespont is characterized
as Bohepdc te Kai dduvpds motaydc ‘muddy and salty river’ (Heubeck Glotta 37
(1958): 258ff.).
TAEOpov [n.] measure of length of 100 feet, square measure of 10000 square feet (IA);
later (Plu.) = Lat. iugerum; also ‘race-track’ (Syrac.). <PG>
*VAR méhe8pov (Hom., also Delph. and Corc.).
COMP As a second member in e.g. a-1é\eOpoc ‘immeasurable’ (Hom., Nonn.), 6-
Ae Opog ‘measuring two m.’, -ov [n_] ‘length or area of a mA.’ (Hell.). -a [f] ‘id?
(Corc.).
*DER TtheOp-taiog ‘measuring one TA.’ (X.,, PL). tov [n.] designation of part of the
Gymnasia in Olympia (Paus., Luc.), -iCw [v.] ‘to measure, spread oneself over sth.
vel sim. (Thphr. Char. 23, 2), also &k- (Gal.), with -topa = Spdunpa (H,, Phot.).
1206 TtAciwv
eETYM Etymology unclear, in spite of attempts to derive the word from miumAnut ‘to
fill or m€Aoptau ‘to turn’. On the variation méAeOpov : mA€8pov, cf. Schwyzer: 259 and
Szemerényi 1964: 214f., who takes mA€Opov as a Greek syncope of 11éAeOpov. Fur.: 152
adduces BAgOpov (inscr. Thespiae, LSJ 1414), a form that further complicates the
issue. In all likelihood, a foreign word (Hermann IF 34: 340).
mtAgiwv [adj.] compar. ‘more, longer, larger’ (Hom.). <1 *pleh,- ‘full’>
eVAR Also mAéwv, ntr. mAtov, mA€ov (Il.), epic. Aeol. plur. also mA€ec, Cret. Alec, etc.
(additional forms in Seiler 1950: 113, Schwyzer: 537%; cf. also below); superl. meio toc
(IL) ‘most, the longest, the greatest’.
*COMP As a first member in eg. the compounds mAeov-ek-ia [f.] “greed, benefit’,
mAeov-extéw, with -éxtrypa, -Extys, -extixdc (IA), from mAgov éyetv, cf. evetia etc.
(> yw 1); 1AEloT6-LLBpotos ‘very rich in people’ (Pi.).
DER From mAe(()wv, mAgov: met [f.] ‘plurality’ (Theol. Ar.), mheLovotng [f.] ‘the
superior length of the chord’ (Nicom. Harm.); mheov-dxic ‘more often’ (IA), -axéc,
-ax@¢ ‘multiple, in multiple ways’ (Arist.), -ayfj ‘in more respects’ (PI.); -a¢w [v.] ‘to
have an abundance, be excessive, grow in number, increase’ (IA), with -aopdc,
-aoua, -actc (Arist., Hell.).
From mAgiotoc: mAeiot-axic ‘most often, very often’ (IA), -axd8ev ‘from the most
(or: very many) places’ (Ar.), -1\pij¢ ‘the most (xpdvoc), the longest’ (A. Eu. 763),
-1)piGop.at [v.] ‘to appoint someone as the highest authority’, vel sim. (A. Ch. 1029),
-nptacw [v.] ‘to bid the highest price (in auctions), outbid’ (Lys., Pl. Com., Them.),
with -1ptaopdc: brepOettatiopdc ‘overbidding’ (H.).
*ETYM The comparative 7Aéwv and superlative mAgiotoc are to be reconstructed as
PGr. *pleihén, *pleisto- from PIE *pleh,-is-on-, * pleh,-is-to-; cf. ON fleiri ‘more’, fleistr
‘most’, Av. fraéstam ‘mostly’ (also Skt. prayah, Av. frdiiah- ‘more, much, many <
*pleh,-io-); theiwv is analogical to 1Aeiotos (cf. also peiwv).
The seemingly archaic forms mAéec, 1thieg (see Schwyzer: 537°) are best taken as
innovations from 7Aéov, plur. mAéa (see Leumann Mus. Helv. 2 (1945): 1f.). Att. meiv
= mAéov and Arc. moc (tAw¢?) ‘more’ is unclear; see Schwyzer: 537 and Leumann l.c.
The sporadic attestations with n, e.g. tAfov (Milete, etc.), TArjot-apxoc (Tegea) can
hardly be interpreted as testimonies of an older situation (see Seiler 1950: 113).
From the same root as » moAbc < *polh,-u- and > nipmAnu < *pi- pleh,-mi.
TAEiwv, -Wvoc [m.] used by hellenistic poets in the sense of ‘year’ (cf. H.: mAgiwv- 6
Eviavtdc. dtd TOD MavTag TOS KapitOds Tig yiic CvpTANpodoBal ‘year, from its
getting full with all the fruits of the earth’); the meaning in Hes. is unclear, cf.
Troxler 1964: 186f. (Hes. Op. 617, Call. Jov. 89, Lyc. 201, AP 6, 93, IG 9(1), 880: 16
verse inscr.). 4GR>
eETYM Most probably with an original meaning “full period”, thence to be connected
with mAéwe, epic mXetog ‘full’. The suffix -wv- is reminiscent of the formation aiwv
(cf. Schwyzer: 488).
MAEKw [v.] ‘to braid, knit, wind, twine’ (II.). <IE * plek- ‘twine’ >
eVAR pres.ptc. mAeyvipevoc (Opp.), aor. mA€Ear (Il), pass. mAex8Avar (Od.),
mAakfvat (IA), innovation mAeKfvor (Tim. Pers.), fut. mAéEw, pass. mAexOr}oopau,
TAEbLWV, -OVOG 1207
mhaxnoopa, perf. nétAoxa (Hp., Att.), also ném\exa (Hp.), -exa (Call.), med.-pass.
mémtde ypat (1A).
*COMP Often with prefix, especially mept-, év(i)-, ovv-.
*DER A. With e-grade: 1. mhextdc (obp-, e0-, etc.) ‘braided, knit’ IL). 2. mAektiy [f.]
‘winding, knitwear, rope, fish trap’ (A, E., Pl.). 3. mAektavn [f.] ‘wattling, sling,
winding’ (IA); enlargement of mexty after dpendvn, etc, like Botavn to Botdv
(Schwyzer: 490), with -4viov (Eub.), denominative verbs -avaopiat (A.), -avdopat
(Hp.) ‘to be twined around’. 4. mhéypa (&p-, ovp-, etc.) [n.] ‘plait, wattling, etc” (IA)
with -ydtiov (Arist.), -wateveoOat- gumréxeoPat (H.). 5. mAéxog [n.] ‘wattling,
basketwork’ (Ar.). 6. mAé&c (sepi-, Ep-, ovp-) [f] “braiding, twining around, etc. (PL,
Arist.) with -efdtov (Suid.), (mepi-, ovp-)mAeKtiKdc ‘belonging to braiding, etc.’ (Pl.).
7. TAéxtpa [n.pl.] ‘wattling’ (Samos IV®). 8. MAEKwpa = Spadypa (sch.). 9. suTAEK-TNG,
[f.] -tpia ‘braider [m./f.] of hair’ (gloss., EM). 10. (mept-, &u-)mAéy6rv ‘entwined,
interwoven’ (Hell.). 11. augt-, mept-, ovp-mtAeK-rc ‘id.’ (Nonn., Orph.), a verbal adj.
Fe 7. s-stems, with mepimAéx-ela [f.] (Jamb.). 12. Desiderative meteiw (Hdn.
pim.).
B. With o-grade: 1. mAdkog [m.] ‘twine, lock, wreath, collar’ (Pi., trag.); adjectives
d1d-, ovp- (AP, Nonn.) from éta-, ovp-mAékw; 7AdKOV [n.] ‘necklace’ (Hell. inscr. et
al.), &u- ‘hair-slide, etc” (Hell), also plur. = éopth napa A€nvaioic ‘festival
(Athenian)’ (H.); mAdK-tWog ‘suited for braiding’ (Thphr.), see Strémberg 1937: 171,
diamtA6K-tvog ‘braided’ (Str.), neputAoK-d6nv ‘in a close embrace’ (AP); mAoK-iGopat
[v.] ‘to let one’s hair be braided’ (Hp.). 2. tAoxr [f.] (Epich., Arist.) ‘plait, fabric,
intertwining, complication, etc.’, very frequently from prefixed compounds (nept-,
EH-, KATa-, OVH-, etc.) in different senses (IA). From nox) or TAGKOC : 1tOKAC [f.]
‘hair plait, lock’ (Pherecr.), after yeveids, etc; mAoKeve [m.] ‘hair braider’ (Epich.,
Hp.). 3. mAdKapog [m.] ‘lock of hair’ (epic poet. since £176) with -ic, -iSo¢ [f.] ‘id’
(Hell.), perhaps by decomposition from evmtdoxapideg Axatai (Od.) after Evxvrd_ec
Axatoi beside kvnuic (Leumann 1950: 122f.); mAdKapa- Ta mepidotea vetpa ‘the
sinews around the bones’ (H.), -®5ea: tov obAOV Béotpvxov ‘the curling lock of hair’
(H.). 4. mAdKavov [n.] ‘braiding, knitwear, etc’ (PL, X.); after Edavov, Spyavoy, etc.
5. TAOXLc, mostly plur. -oi [m.] ‘locks of hair’ (P 52, A. R, AP), with a suffix -smo-
(Schwyzer: 493).
*ETYM The thematic root present mhéxw < *plek-e/o- has no parallels in other IE
languages, where we usually find the extended root *plek-t-; cf. Lat. plecté = OHG
flehtan ‘to braid’, OCS plesti ‘ovppantetv’, Ru. plesti ‘to twine’. The original root is
still found in isolated formations, e.g. Skt. prasna- [m.] ‘turban, headband’ < *plok-
no-, OHG flahs, OE fleax [n.] ‘flax’ < *plok-so- (parallelism with the rare s-stem
mAé€Kog is probably coincidental).
TAeoveKktéw, TAcovetia, etc. >TAciwv.
TAEbpwv, -ovos [m.] ‘lung(s) (il.), metaph. ‘jellyfish’ (Pl, Arist.). <1£ *pleu-mon-
‘lung’> :
eVAR Mostly plur. Secondarily nvetuwv after nvéw, mvetua.
1208 TAevpa
*COmMpP Isolated compounds, e.g. mAevpto-ppwyri¢ ‘with a rupture in the lung’ (Hp.),
aAt-rtAevpwv [m.] ‘jellyfish’ (Marcell. Sid.).
DER TtAevpov-w51)¢ (also mv-) ‘lung-like’ (Arist.), -ia [f.] ‘inflammation of the lungs,
pneumonia’ (Com. Adesp., medic.), much more common is the hypostasis mept-
mAevpov-ia, -in ‘id. (IA), mAevjpov-ic [f.] ‘id’ (Hp.). Professional short-form mAebjL0¢
[m.] ‘lung-sickness’, with mAevpt-dw, v.l. -6w ‘to suffer from lung-sickness’ (Hp.,
Gal.).
eETYM Gr. mAevpwv is closely related to Skt. klomdn- [m., n.] ‘the right lung’, [pl.]
‘the lungs’ < *k™leu-mon-, Lat. pulm6 ‘lung’ < *pul-mon- (with metathesis), but the
correspondences all contain minor irregularities. The root *pleu- must be the
starting point, as it reappears in OCS pljusta, Lith. plaadiai [pl.] lungs’ < *pleu-t-ieh.,
and seems to be old. Perhaps related to » mAéw.
mAevpa [f.] ‘rib(s), side of the body’, metaph. ‘side of an area, of a geometrical figure,
flank of an army’ (IL.). <?>
eVAR Usually plur. -ai; also -dv [n.], usually plur. -&.
eCOMP Very often as a second member, e.g. mepi-mAevpoc ‘going around the ribs,
covering the sides’ (E. [lyr.]).
eDER Diminutive mAevp-ia [pl.] (Hp., Delph. inscr.), -tdc¢ [f] ‘side of an area’ (Tab.
Heracl.), after medt-dc, etc. cf. Chantraine 1933: 354; -tdloc ‘situated at the sides’
(Boeot. inscr.), -1x6¢ ‘belonging to the ribs’ (sch.); -itn¢ [m.] ‘connected to the ribs’,
designation of a bone of the spine (Poll.), -itic (vdcoc) [f.] “pleurisy’ (Hp., Ar.), also
as a plant name = oxdpdtov (Ps.-Dsc.), because of its effects, cf. Redard 1949: 75;
-@pata [n.pl.] = mAevpa (A.), a poetic enlargement, see Chantraine 1933: 186; -toptdc
[m.] meaning unclear, ‘dam’? (pap.); mAevp-wv, -@voc [m.] Aetol. TN (B.639, etc.),
see Krahe ZNF 8 (1932): 159. Hypostasis mapa-mAevp-idia [n.pl.] ‘side armors’ (X.,
Arr.).
eETYM No clear etymology. Hardly related to mAGE < *plk- (pace Benveniste 1935:
12f.) or madd < *plh,-em-eh,- via *mAf-Fap (pace Frisk 2, 559).
mAéw [v.] ‘to travel by sea, sail, navigate’, with prefix also ‘to swim, flow’ (II.). <IE
*pleu- ‘sail, flow’>
eVAR Aor. mtAedoat (Att.), fut. mAeb-copar (IL), -codpic (Att.), -ow (Hell.), perf.
ménAevKa (S.), pass. mémtAevopat (later Att.), mAev-cOFvat, -o8roopat (Arr.).
eCOMP Very often with prefix, e.g. dva-, Kata-, ém1-.
*DER mAdoc, contracted mAotc (ava-, éni-, mepi-, etc.) [m.] ‘navigation, seafaring’,
also ‘traveling time, traveling wind’ (IA); compounds, e.g. eb-mA00¢ ‘good for sailing,
having a fair voyage’ (Erinn., Theoc.) with -in, -a [f.] (IL, epic poet.), mepi-mAouc
[adj.] ‘possible to sail around’ (Th.), ‘sailing around’ (AP), also ‘encasing’ (Hp,; cf.
émtitA0Ov).
From mA6o¢: 1. the old inherited jo-derivative mioiov [n.] ‘craft, ship’ (IA), with mAot-
aptov (Ar., X.), -apidtov (pap.); 2. tAdiLog ‘navigable’ (Att.), often written mAWwipLoc
after tA@w, etc. (cf. Arbenz 48f.); 3. mAowdnj¢ ‘swimming, flowing’, i.e. ‘not fixed,
mobile’ (Hp.), see Str6mberg 1944: 25. 4. MAoikdc ‘id? (Suid.); but 5. mAoifw [v.] ‘to
commit navigation’ (Hell.) rather for older deverbative mAwi@w (see > TA@w).
TAN pNS 1209
From mAێw stems the rare form mAgdoic (simplex only in H. s.v. vevdoic), ia. in
émimAevote [f.] ‘attack at sea’ (Th. 7, 36 beside avakpovoic; otherwise éninovc) One
> MAODTOC s.v.
vETYM The primary thematic root present mA€(F)w is a PIE formation; cf. Skt. plavate
to swim, flow’, OCS pluti ‘to flow, sail’, Lat. pluit ‘it rains’, etc. < *pleu-e/o-. The
future TAebooptan also has parallels outside Greek, such as Skt. plosyati and Olr. luid
a to drink’ < *pleu-s-; further, moiov (< *mAdftov) matches ON fley [n.] ‘ship’ <
‘flauja- < *plou-io-, and mdéoc, mAod< corresponds to Ru. plov ‘ship, barge’, ToB
plewe [m.] ‘ship’ < *plouo-. See also » nADWW.
TAEwV ‘more’. =melwv.
TAéwes ‘full. -VAR tAA80c ‘multitude’. =nipmAn Lu.
TAHYH =TArjoow.
TANMMEA Ts [adj.] ‘out of tune, faulty’ (Democr.,, Att.). <GR>
yeaa [v.] ‘to fail, commit an offense’, -e1a [f.] ‘fault, offense, mistake
tt.).
*ETYM Compound of mArv ‘without’ and uédoc ‘tune’, th i 3 '
Sivan Dee HEAoG tune, the opposite of eyteArjc. Cf.
mAiuvny [f.] ‘nave, drum’ (IIL. Hes. Sc., Hp., A. R.). 4GR2>
sa TANtLVvd-detov [n.] ‘hoop with which the spokes are attached to the nave’
oll.).
sETYM Traditionally associated with mipmAnwt (cf. H. “and tod TANpodvobat dnd tod
dovog”), but this is popular etymology. Preferably derived from *k'lh,-mneh, ‘part
that turns about the axle’ (Waanders 1992: 594), Le. from the root of > méA opal.
TAnwopic, -iS0¢ [f.] ‘rise of the sea, flood’ ( 486, Ion. poet., Hell.). «PG? (S, VP
*VAR Acc. also -tv (cf. below); -t- (mss.).
*DER TAn0p-w [v.] ‘to overflow, make flow’ (Archil., B., C i Lo
\ ; » B., Call.) with mAnpopa [f.] =
mAnpwpic (Hell.); byform TAnpop-éw ‘id. (Hp., Plu.), like kbp-w beside -éw, etc
(Schwyzer: 721); thence -in, -ia [f.] (Aret., sch.). )
*ETYM TIAntt-bpic may have been derived from mr ‘flood-tide’, like GA-dpic from
Gun, whence the yod-present TANLvpw with additional derivatives; the vowel length
of this verb could have spread back to the primary noun TANLVpic. Note, however,
that the forms with double -H- are problematic. This, in combination with
occurrence of the suffix -vp-, may point to Pre-Greek origin.
mA [prep.] with gen. ‘except’, adv. and conj. ‘except, aside from, save that, however’
(8 207). <IE *pelh,- ‘near’>
VAR Dor. Aeol. mAdv.
EDM Like the antonym > diy, the frozen accus. from a root noun *nArj¢ < *plh,-s
plh.-m, related to » méhac and cognates. Probably originally ‘close, near’, then ‘aside
except’ (see Schwyzer 1950: 542f.).
mAnpns ‘full’. =riprAnpu.
1210 TAnotov
TAnoiov ‘near’. =néAac.
TAnoow [v.] ‘to strike, slap, thrust, hit’, pass. ‘to be beaten, thrust, hit, struck’ (éx- ‘to
startle’, é1- usually ‘to criticize, scold’, mapa- in pass. ‘to become crazy’, etc.). <IE
* plehk/g- ‘beat’>
eVAR In the older language, the pres. is always prefixed. Att. -ttw (éx-mAnyvupat
Th.), aor. wAmFar (IL), Dor. mAaEau, redupl. (€-)étAnyov (Hom.), pass. mwAnyijvat
(IL), Dor. Aeol. mAGyfvat, with prefix -1Adyfvat (IA), mAnyOijvat (E., late), fut.
mMAEw (IL), pass. TANyoopat, -tAGyroopat (Att.), perf. mémAnya (IL: metAnyws),
mémAnya (Hell.), pass. wémAnyptat (LA).
*COMP Often prefixed in various senses, e.g.*with éx-, ém-, kata-, mapa-. As a first
member in governing compounds, e.g. mArj§-ttito¢ ‘flogging horses’ (Il. epic poet.).
eDER Action nouns: 1. Anyr, Dor. mAaya [f.] ‘hit, wound, etc.’ (IL). 2. mAtyavov:
Baxtnpia ‘staff, mAnyac: Spémavov ‘curved sword’ (H.). 3. wAijy-pa [n.] = wAnyy (S.,
E., Arist.), -ud¢ [m.] ‘id’ (medic.), kata- (LXX). 4. art6-, &k-, &u-, émi-, Kata-WAnetc
[f.] ‘apoplexy, concussion, etc.’ (IA); 1A f&tc, Dor. mAGEtc [f.] ‘striking’ (Ti. Locr.).
Agent and instrument nouns: 5. mAjKtpov, Dor. mAGKtpov [n.] ‘instrument for
striking, mallet’ (h. Hom., Pi.). 6. mAnkthp [m.] ‘id” (Hdn. Gr.); mAaktip: tO Tod
aAextpvdvoc iAfKtTpov ‘cock’s spur’ (H.); mAdktwp [m.] (Dor.) ‘striker’ (AP),
mAnKts [m.] ‘id’ (Hp. Arist.), émt- ‘blamer, castigator’ (gloss.), -tAnKtetpa [f.] ‘id’
(AP).
Adjectives, mostly as a second member: 7. -71Anf, eg. mapadré -yoc ‘stricken
sideways’ (€ 418), ‘crazy’ (IA), ‘paralyzed’ (Hp.) with -nyia, -nyudcg (Hp.), oiotpo-
MANE ‘stung by a gadfly’ (trag.); mANE as a simplex only as a designation of a bandage
(Sor.); 8. -1Anktos, eg. amd7AnKtos ‘stirred by strikes’ with -nf&in, -ia (IA); 9. ék-,
Kata-mAayr ‘startled’ (Plb., Luc.). 10. mAnktikde ‘striking, hitting’ (Pl.), éxmAnkti-
Kdc (Th.), etc.
Verb: 1. mAnktiGouat ‘to fight’ (® 499 et al.), mostly ‘to dally’ (Ar., Herod.), with
-toudc¢ [m.] (AP), probably an enlargement of the primary verb (cf. Aakti{w and
Schwyzer: 706) rather than from a nominal t-derivative.
*ETYM The verb mAroow ostensibly continues *plak-ie/o-, but the kappa probably
arose secondarily in the verb; cf. mAnyr. Therefore rather PIE *plh,g-ie/o- than
*plh.k-ie/o-, although both variants have correspondences in other Indo-European
languages; cf. *pleh,k-ie/o- in OCS placo ‘to lament’ (if from “to beat one’s chest”),
with which agrees Lith. plokis [m.] ‘blow, stroke’, as opposed to *pleh,g- in Lat.
plango ‘to beat, bewail’ < *pl(e)h.ng- with a nasal infix, and the Gm. group of Go. fai-
flokun ‘éxéntovto’, OE flécan ‘to slap’. Lith. plakti ‘to beat, chastise’ (would be IE
*plok-) can only be indirectly related, via secondary ablaut.
As Van Beek suggests (p.c.), it is doubtful that » mAdfw is related. Semantically, it
may have influenced mArjoow, but the formal connection is problematic, and mhdlw
seems to be semantically closer to » dumAakioxa, etc.
mAixtov [n.] ‘kind of tart, pie’ (Chrysipp. Tyan. apud Ath. 647e). <PG?>
*ETYM No etymology; maybe Pre-Greek.
TAODTOG it
ttAivOog [f.] ‘brick, air-brick’, metaph. ‘square building-stone, metal ingot, abacus’
(IA). <PG>
*COMP E.g. 1tAtvOo0-@dpog ‘bearing bricks, brick-bearer’ (Ar.), fut-mAiv0-tov [n.]
‘ingot in the shape of a half-brick’ (Hdt., Att. inscr.).
*DER 1. Diminutive: nAtvO-iov (Att.), -ic¢ [f-] (Hell.), both predominantly in metaph.
use; -dptov (LXX), -idtov (Iamb.). 2. Adjectives: mAiv@-tvoc ‘made of bricks, of brick’
(IA), -1Kdc ‘id’ (pap.), -takdc “busy with bricks’ (D. L.), after BiBAt-akdc, Onpt-akdc,
etc.; -wtdc ‘brick-shaped’ (Paul. Aeg.). 3. Substantive: mAtvO-itic [f.] ‘kind of
otuntnpia’ (Gal.). 4. Adverb: -nddv ‘shaped like a roofing tile’ (Hdt.). 5. Verbs:
mAtvO-etw [v.] ‘to cut out bricks, make bricks’ (IA) with -eia, -eiov, -evoic, -evpa,
-evttj¢ (Hell.); -Gopat ‘to cover with bricks’ (AP).
*ETYM The semantic field (architecture), as well as the presence of the notoriously
foreign element -tv0-, suggest that the word is a loan from Pre-Greek; see Chantraine
1933: 371.
mAiooopat [v.] ‘to cross the legs’ (¢ 318). <?>
*VAR Aor. dremAkato ‘trotted off (Ar.), miEavta: Stavabavea (H.), perf. d1a-
memtypévos ‘with legs spread out’ (Archil.), ttept- ‘with legs laid around’ (Stratt.),
mepinenhix8ar- SinhAaxévat TA oKEAN AoyNLOVUIC ‘interchange the legs indecorously’
(HL), act. dta-mendxdg (otSua) ‘standing open’ (Hp.), fut. pass. katamAtyroet (Ar.
Fr. 198, 3), according to H. = kataxpatnOrjon.
*COMP ék-itAiooopa ‘to gape’, of a wound, etc. (Hp.); augtthicow (Poll.),
dtanAicoovtes (v.l. ¥ 120).
*DER WA = Bra (sch; Dor.), mdtx-d¢, -dSo¢ [f.] ‘perineum, inside of the thighs’
(medic.), mAiypa [n.] ‘sprawling, perineum’ (Hp., H., EM); au@-nhit [adv.] ‘with
sprawled legs’ (S. Fr. 596), sepi-mAik- meptetknpa@s ‘holding embraced’ (H.),
nepintAtyonv: 1teptBadnvy ‘astride’ (H.).
*ETYM Uncertain etymology. Perhaps related to Olr. sliassait [f.] ‘shank’ < * splei g'-s-
ont-ih,- or (without s) Skt. plehate ‘to go’ < *pleig'-e/o- (Pok. 1000). Not related to
OCS plesati, Ru. pljasdt’ ‘to dance’ < (?)*plenk-e/o- (pace Pisani 1938: 181ff.).
TAOIOV, TAGOG, TAODS = 711AEw.
TAOKALOG > TAEKW.
mAobdtos [m.] ‘riches, wealth’ (Il.), also personified (Hes.), cf. TAoutwv below. <IE
*pleu- ‘run, flow, swim’>
eVAR Late also [n.], see Schwyzer 512.
*DIAL Myc. po-ro-u-te-u /Plouteus/.
*COMP E.g. mAovto-d6tN¢ [m.] ‘who spends riches’ (Hes.), KaAAi-1thovtoc ‘with
beautiful riches’ (Pi.).
*DER 1. mtAoUo-10¢, Lac. mhovtiog (EM) ‘rich’ (Hes., h. M erc.), with -1axéc ‘belonging
to the rich’ (Alex. Com.), dw = mAovtéw (Alex. Aphr.). 2. mhovt-npdc ‘bringing
riches’ (X.); -G@&, -Gxoc [m.] ‘a rich fool’ (com.). 3. mAout-ivénv [adv.] ‘acc. to
property’ (Arist.). 4. mAovt-gw [v.] ‘to be rich’ (Hes.); -i(w ‘to make rich, enrich’
(trag. X53 with kata- Hdt.), with -totr¢, -lOTHpLOG, Lopds (late). 5. TAovbtwv, -wvoc
1212 TADVW
[m.] god of riches, ie. of the corn provisions buried in the earth (trag.); on the
motive of designation see Nilsson 1941(1): 471ff.; according to H. ebmAovtov Kavodv:
MAObTOV yap éXeyov Ti &k TMV KPLO@V Kai TOV 7tUPwv TEpLovotay, “TA. was called
the surplus of barley and wheat’. 6. TTAovtets ‘id.’ (Mosch., AP).
*ETYM Derivative from mAéw, i.e. *plou-to- ‘flow, multitude’, with the suffix -to- as in
e.g. Biotoc, vdoTos, etc.
TADvw [v.] ‘to wash, clean’ (cf. »Aovw, » viCw). <IE *pleu- ‘flow, swim’>
eVAR Iter. mAUveoKov (X 155), aor. TAdvat (Od.), fut. mAbv-éw (epic Ion.), -@ (Att.),
pass. perf. 1é7t\vpau (1A), aor. tAvOFvat (Hell.), fut. -Or}oop1a (Com. Adesp.).
eCOMP Also with ano-, éx-, kaTa-, etc. &,
*DER Adjectives: 1. ved-, &k-mAv-toc ‘newly washed, washed out’ (¢ 64, A, Pl.),
mtAvtdc ‘washed’ (Hp.); 2. €0-1Avv-tic ‘washed well’ (Od.); 3. tAvv-tiKkdc ‘belonging to
washing’ (PL, Arist.), A v-tuKdc ‘id.’ (Alex. Aphr.).
Substantives: 4. 1Avvoi [m. pl.] ‘washing pits, troughs or sites’ (Hom., Hell.), with the
diminutive mAbviov [n.] (inscr. Sicily); with barytonesis 5. mAbvoc [m.] ‘laundry’
(pap., ostr.), see Mayser 1906-1938, I: 3, 3; unclear in Ar. Pl. 1061; with nAvvetc [m.]
‘washer’ (Att. inscr., Poll.).
Action nouns: 6. mAvotc (itepi-, Kata-, dit6-) [f.] ‘washing’ (IA), late amémtAvv-o1g
(Sophon.); mAvouytoc “belonging to laundry’ (pap. III*); 7. mAvpta (ait6-, stepi-; also
mAvopa Phot. also mss.) [n.] ‘washing water, swilling water, swill’ (Hp., Pl. Com.,
Arist., pap.); 8. tmAvoptdc: mAUTHp (washing) trough’ (H.).
Agent and instrument nouns: 9. mAbv-tpta [f.] ‘washer’ (Att. inscr., Poll.), -tpic¢ [f.]
‘id’ (Ar.), also ‘fuller’s earth’ (botanics in Thphr., see Capelle RAM 104 (1961): 58);
msc. mtAbv-t1¢ (Poll.), mAv-tN¢ (EM, Choerob.); also stAvtip (H.; see above) and
*Sthvv-tHp in TAvv-trp-ta [n.pl.] name of a purification festival (Att. inscr., X.) with
-~Wv, -L@voc [m.] month name (Thasos), if not rather analogical after other nouns in
-THpla, -tTHptov (see Chantraine 1933: 63f.); likewise kata-nAvvtnp-ilw ‘to shower
with abusive words’, properly perhaps ‘to immerse in swilling water, to drench with
swilling water’? 10. tA¥v-tpov [n.] = Ava (Arist.) [pl.] ‘payment for washing’ (pap.
III’, Poll.). :
*ETYM The vowel length of 7tAvvw points to a thematicized nasal present *7AU-v-1w
(cf. kpivw from *Kpi-v-1w). The formation must be an inner-Greek creation from the
IE root *plu- (which gave 1Aéw < *pleu-e/o-), but a nasal present with the same
meaning is also found in Armenian, viz. Jua-na-m ‘to wash, bathe’. See » mAéw and
> TAw@w.
tAwooetv [v.] - pP8ElpecBa ‘to be destroyed’ (H.). <?>
eETYM DELG suggests a connection with 7A@w, but the gloss may be corrupt.
TA@w [v.] ‘to swim’ (IL, epic Ion.), aor. also ‘to sail, go by sea’, beside mAéw as a pres.;
on 1tA@w beside 1A éw see Bechtel 1921(3): 196ff., 208. <IE *pleu- or *pleh,->
eVAR Aor. 11A@-vau (én-EMA wv, etc., Hom., Hes.), tA@oat (T 47 pte. émt-71A@oac; Hdt.,
Arr.), fut. tAw@o-optat (Hdt.), -w (Lyc.), perf. mémAwka (Hdt., Lyc.; also E. Hel. 532 and
Ar. Th. 878 [parody]).
*COMP Also with prefix, e.g. é7tt-, €x-, KaTa-, Tapa-.
TVEW 1213
*DER Probably, all derivatives are Ionic (cf. Fraenkel 1912: 3f.).
Adjectives: 1. thw-16g (1pd0-, x-) ‘swimming, navigable’ (x 3, Hp., Hdt., Arist.)
with -tic [f'] ‘raft’ vel sim. (Demetr. Astrol.), -tevouat [v.] ‘to be navigated, cruised’
(Plb.); 2. mAw-tiKd¢ ‘seafaring’ (Hell.); 3. -oipog ‘navigable, seaworthy’ (S.,
Diogenian.), rather from 1tA@oa than from *Ad@atc; likewise TAWtLoG alongside
TIAOILOG.
Substantives: 4. katanAwotc [f,] ‘home-coming by sea’ (Herod.); 5. mtAwthp [m.]
‘sailor’ (rare in E, Ar. PL, often in Arist. etc.), ‘swimmer’ (Opp., Nonn.); 6. tAw-
ddec, -iade¢ (Thphr.), -ideg (A. R.) [fpl.] ‘swimming, flowing’; also 7. mic, pl.
mA@tec name of a fish, = Keotpev¢ (but cf. Thompson 1947 s.v. mA@Ta); but
SaxpumtAwetv (T 122) is not a denominative from *Saxpu-mtAwc, but modeled after
daxpv xéwv, xéovea and built as a univerbation; cf. Leamann 1950: 36.
Verb: 8. thw-iCw (-wtw) ‘to go by sea’ (Hes., Th.), with -iotc [f.] ‘seafaring’ (Just.).
eETYM Within Greek, the derivation of mA@w, with its -w-, is not clear, but
etymological separation from 7théw < *pleu-e/o- seems unattractive. The formation
has a close parallel in Germanic, e.g. ON fléa, OE flowan ‘to flow < PGm. *floan- <
PIE *plou- (with *-du- > *-6- like in Go. sauil [sdil] ‘sun’ < *seh,u-el-), whence Go.
flodus [m.] ‘river’ (etc.). The apparent lengthened grade is also found in Slavic, e.g.
OCS plavati, Ru. plavat ‘to swim (toand fro)’. See » Aéw and » mAUWw.
mtvetuwv ‘lung’. >71AevpLwv.
mvéw [v.] ‘to blow, breathe, respire, smell’ (Il.). «18? *pneu- ‘breathe, cough, smell’>
*VAR Epic itveiw, aor. mvedoat (Il.), ipv. Gustvve, med. -dto, -b(v)6n (Hom.), fut.
mveb-copnat (IA), -cobpat (Ar. Arist.), -ow (Hell.), perf. mémvevka (Att.), pass.
mvevo-Bivat (Thphr.), -6rjoopat (Aret.).
*COMP Very often with prefix, e.g. dva-, dmto-, eio-, &x-, &v-, értt-, TTp00-.
*DER 1. 1tvor}, Dor. mvo(t)a, epic mvou} [f.] ‘wind, breeze, breath’ (II.), also ava-, dia-,
ék-~, etc., etc. Epic -ot- metrically conditioned after stvetw, see Wyatt 1969: 166-168.
Very often as a second member, e.g. 1]5v- (450-)1tvoos, -1tvous ‘with a pleasant wind,
breath’ (Pi, S., E.), érti-mvooe, -1tvouc ‘inspired’ with éntzvoia [f.] ‘inspiration’ (A,
Pl.); -mvota also beside -rtvor} in ava-, an6-, did- etc; also avanvoiKoc ‘concerning
breathing’ (Ptol.).
2. nvedpa (Gy-, mpd0-) [n.] ‘wind, breeze, breath, ghost’ (Pi., IA) with vevpid-tiov
(Hell.), -tuxd¢ ‘concerning the wind, etc.’ (Arist.), -ttoc ‘bringing wind’ (Arat.),
-twdn¢ ‘like wind or breath, windy’ (Hp., Arist.), -tiag [m.] ‘asthmatic’ (Hp.) with
-ttdw [v.] ‘to gasp’ (sch.); 1tvevpia-t6w, -tdouat [v.] ‘to blow up, (cause to) vaporize’
(Anaxipp., Arist.) with -twotc, -twtixdg; mtvevpia-tilw (a0-) [v.] ‘to fan by blowing’
(Antig,, H.) with -troptdc.
3. mvevoic [f.] ‘blowing’, more usual in compounds, e.g. dvarvev-oic ‘inhalation,
respite’ (I.). 4. With secondary -o-, and a suffix -t- like in &-nvevo-toc, -ti, -Tia:
Tvevo-t1Kd¢ ‘belonging to breathing’ (Gal.), more generally ava- (Arist.) etc; -tidw
‘to gasp’ (Hp. Arist.). 5. eloiv-nAog, -Hac ‘loving, lover’ (Call. Theoc. EM), from
eio-1tvéw ‘to inspire (love)’, with analogical -1A0¢; cf. Chantraine 1933: 242.
1214 mviyw
eETYM The verb and its derivatives appear to have been regularized to a large extent.
The only isolated forms are epic Gytmvve, etc. ‘take breath’ = ‘recover from’. The
appurtenance of the perfect mértvuiat, -eévoc ‘to be mentally active, animated, be
sedate’ is doubtful, and » mivutdc and cognates are certainly unrelated. Schulze 1892:
322ff. also separated cyimtvve and méstvyptat from mvéw.
From other languages, only some Germanic formations can be compared: ON fnysa
‘to sniff, OE fnéosan ‘to sneeze’, which may go back on IE *-eu-; however, beside
them stand several variants, e.g. ON fnasa, OHG fnehan, and the whole group may
be onomatopoeic in origin.
Cf. also » routvbw and > nvtyw.
mviyw [v.] ‘to limit one’s breath, asphyxiate by squeezing, water or vapor, to choke,
drown, be drowned’, also ‘to muffle, smother’ (Epich., Sophr., IA); on the meaning
‘to drown, be drowned’ see Schulze Berl. Ak.Sb. 1918: 320ff. <PG?>
eVAR Aor. mtvigat, intr. and pass. mvty-ijvat with fut. -roopat, late mvy8ijvat, perf.
med. 71émwypta.
eCOMP Also with prefix, especially amo- and kata-.
*DER Action nouns: 1. mviyog [n.] ‘stifling heat’ (IA), opposite piyoc; 2. mviy-tia [n.]
‘suffocating’ (Hp.), -,16¢ [m.] ‘id.’ (Hp., X., Arist.) with -j1a@dn¢ ‘suffocating’ (Hp.),
-wovr] [f.] ‘id’ (Hdn. Epim.), cf. pAeypovi, movi; 3. mviEic (kata-) [f.] ‘choking,
asphyxiation’ (Arist., Thphr.), ‘drowning’ (PMag.Par.); 4. mvt, -ydéc¢ [f.] ‘choking,
asphyxiation’ (Hp., Dsc.), like ppi§ (Chantraine 1933: 2f.); 5. mvtyetdc [m.] = mviyoc
(Ptol; H. s.v. ayxovn), like mupetdc, mtayetdc; 6. ttepimtwyr [f.] ‘suffocation’ (Vett.
Val.).
Agent nouns: 6. 1viyevc [m.] “suffocator”, ‘cover for extinguishing coals’ (Ar.,
Arist.), ‘air chamber’ (Hero, Ph. Bel.), ‘muzzle’ (com.), probably by analogy of mviyw,
mviyfvat with tpiBw, tpiB-Fvat, -1, -evc, etc. (BoShardt 1942: 48); 7. mviKtHp [m.]
‘choker, choking’ (Nonn.). 8. mvty-ittc (scil. yi) ‘kind of clay’ (Dsc., Plin.); 9. -aAiwv,
-wvoc [m.] ‘nightmare, incubus’ (medic.), like aifaA-iwv beside ai9-dAn, ai8w; 10.
mvi-ynpdcg ‘choking’, especially ‘stifling hot’ (Hp., Att.), from mtvtyocg or mviyu; 11.
meviydets ‘id.’ (Nic. AP), t metrically conditioned; 12. mept-, ovji-mvty-1(¢ ‘suffocated’
(Nic., J. D. 8, after mviy-fvat); 13. mvuxtdg ‘steamed, smothered’ (com.), ‘airtight’
(Hero), ‘suffocated, choked’ (Act. Ap.); 14. enlarged mvty-iGw [v.] ‘to choke, strangle’
(AP), influenced by nvy-ifw.
eETYM No clear etymology. Earlier attempts to analyze the formation as a conflation
of several different verbs are unconvincing. Rather onomatopoeic or, given its onset
in 7tv-, sound-symbolic. A Pre-Greek origin cannot be excluded.
moa [f.] ‘grass, herb, grass plot’, late also ‘(time of the) hay harvest, summer’ (II. Att.).
<IE * poiH-ueh, ‘grass, meadow’>
eVAR Epic Ion. ztoin (Il.), Dor. (Pi.) ttoia.
*COMP Some compounds, eg. moto-vdpoc ‘feeding on grass’, mo.d-vopoc ‘having
grassy pastures’ (A. [lyr.]), Aexe-moing (see » A€xoc).
*DER 1. Diminutive 1to-dptov (sot-) [n.] (Thphr.); 2. mot-fetc, Dor. -detc ‘rich in grass’
(Hom., Pi, S. [lyr.]); -npd¢ ‘id’ CE. [lyr.]); 3. stot-4Gw [v.] ‘to be rich in grass, bear
mroBEw 1215
grass’ (Str.); 4. -aojidc [m.] ‘weeding, clearing of weeds’ (Thphr.), -aotpia [f.]
‘weeder (fem.) (Archipp.), -dotpiov [n.] ‘weeding tool’ (Poll.), from stod{w = ‘to
weed, clear of weeds’ (only as a conj. in Philem. Com. 116, 4). On supposed Boeot.
*mbac ‘meadow’, see Finley Glotta 33 (1954): 311.
eETYM PGr. * poiwa- is formally identical to Lith. pieva [f.] ‘meadow’ < *poiH-ueh,- or
*poHi-ueh,-. Connection with the root of 7toyujv cannot be shown. The deviating
Ttoiva- mola. Adkwvec (H.) may be due to conflation with kotva- yéptog (H.).
nodamdc [adj.] ‘native of where?, whence?’ (Hdt., Att.); also ‘of what sort? (D.); in this
meaning Hell. notandg (with t from métepos, 16Te, etc.). <IE *k”o- ‘who?’>
*ETYM Formation like » d\Aodartéc, etc. The first member is from TE *k”od = Lat.
quod (see on »n60ev and > tic), if not analogical after fyted-andc, etc. (Schwyzer:
604"). The form (6)noSanéc in Hdt. as opposed to (6)k6tepog is unclear; cf.
Wackernagel 1916: 357.
nodapxKng [adj.] epithet of Achilles, in moddpxnc Siog AytAAeve (II.), also of Hermes
(B.), of Spdpot and hugpa (Pi.); also epithet of a remedy against gout (Gal.). <GR>
eETYM A compound from movc and dpxKéw ‘to keep off, aid, suffice’; cf. modaxnc
‘quick-footed’, also ‘helping the feet’ (Gal.). On stoddapxng beside nodwxng and 1ddac¢
wkvc, see Treu 1955: 6.
modnvexis ‘stretching to the feet’ (IL., epic, Hdt.). .
*ETYM Compound from movc and éveyxeiv; see > Sinvekrc and péveykeiv with
references.
nodoxaxkn [f.] ‘foot block’. =KdKkaha.
m68ev [interr.adv.] ‘whence, from where?’ (IL). <1 *k’o- ‘who?>
*DER Indefinite mo8év ‘from somewhere’ (IL), Ion. x68ev (Hdt.). Also 1661, s106i
‘where?’, ‘somewhere’ (IL, epic); nod, mov (Att.), Ion. Kod, Kov ‘id’; moi, mot
‘whither?’, ‘to somewhere’ (Att.), néce ‘whither? (Hom.).
*ETYM Formations from the pronominal stem mo-, Ion. ko-, from IE *ko- with
representatives in most IE languages, e.g. Skt. kds ‘who?, Go. las ‘id’, Lat. quod
what?’. Cf. » noioc, » mé00c, » néte, and > MOTEpOG; see also » tic. On the adverbial
endings -Qev, -O1, -oe, see Schwyzer: 628f; on the petrified case forms nod (gen.) and
not (loc.), op.cit. 62:f.
noBéw [v.] ‘to desire, long for, miss’ (IL). <1E *g’*ed"- ‘long for, desire, pray’>
*VAR Inf. -pevat (Od.), ind. -yw (Sapph.), aor. 1108-éoat (IL), -fjoat (IA), fut. -Eoopat
(Att.), -}ow (TA), perf. e68-yKa, -npau (late).
COMP Rarely with prefix, especially ém-.
*DER (émt-)n60-norc, -nta (Aq., Ep. Cor., et al.), énimo8-ia (Ep. Rom.) ‘longing’; also
mo8-ntW¢ [f.] ‘id.’ (Opp.), -1;twp [m.] ‘desirous person’ (Man.).
Furthermore m80oc [m.] ‘desire, longing, love’ (IL), also a plant name (Thphr.), cf.
Str6mberg 1940: 107, 1061 [f.] ‘id? (Hom., late prose), moBetvdc ‘longed for’ (Lyr.,
trag., also Att. prose), after ddyeivdc etc, 10Pvdc ‘id? (AP).
1216 TOL
*ETYM Formally, mo8éw directly corresponds to Olr. guidid ‘to pray’= PIE *g’"od"-
éie-, which is an iterative formation. Additionally, Balto-Slavic has a nasal present in
Lith. pa-si-gendut, -gésti ‘to long for, miss’, OCS Zedati ‘to desire, long for’ < *g’"end'..
The related aorist » 8ocac8at can be compared to the Olr. s-subj. ipl. -gessam <
*g"ed'-s-. In Indo-Iranian, the root is found in YAv. jaidiiemi ‘to ask for’. The
development *g""- > b-, needed to account for the Gm. group of Go. bidjan ‘to pray’,
is controversial. On the concept of m680c, see now Weiss HSPh. 98 (1998): 31-61.
mot [prep.]
DIAL Arg., Phoc., Locr.
eETYM See > ToT. ty
mow [v.] ‘to do, make, produce (also of poetry), act’, med. also ‘to choose, deem,
appraise’ (Il.). <I *k”i-eu-, *k”ei-u- ‘gather, deem’>
eVAR Aor. Totjoat, fut. toujow, perf. med. mertoinuat (all IL.), act. temoinka, aor. pass.
mouOfvat (IA), fut. rou78rjoopat (D.), mertoujoop.at (Hp.).
*COMP Often prefixed in different senses, e.g. with avti-, éx-, év-, Tepl-, Tpoo-. As a
second member -moidc¢ in productive compounds, eg. Aoyomotds [m.] ‘historian,
fabulist, newsmonger’ (IA) with Aoyorol-éu, -ia, -tKdc, -NLA.
*DER 1. Toitpa (mtpoo-, mept-) [n.] ‘production, work, poem’ (IA) with -rydtiov
(Plu.), -npatixds ‘poetic’ (Plu.); 2. moinoicg (mpoo-, mept-, éx- etc.) [f.] ‘creation,
production, poetry’ (IA); on the meaning of moi-nua, -notc see Ardizzoni Riv. fil.
class. 90 (1962): 225ff., Chantraine 1933: 287. 3. momtdc (mpoo-, éx-, etc.) ‘made,
produced’ (Il.), also ‘made artificially, not by nature’ = ‘adopted’ (Pl., Arist.). 4.
moujti¢ [m.] (1A), fem. -1tpta (Hell.) ‘creator, producer, poet’, especially of Homer,
with -1t1K6c ‘creating, poetic’, 1) -1ytiKr (téxvn) ‘the art of poetry’ (Pl, Arist.),
-1ytiKevopat ‘to speak poetically, etc.’ (Eust., sch.). 5. desiderative moujceiw ‘to wish to
do’ (Hdn.).
eETYM The verbal root must have contained a Ff; cf. Arg. moifécave, émotféhe,
émolfe0é, Boeot. émoipéce, pres. opt. El. [mo]ipéou (beside repeated movéot), which
derive from *rotfejw. Usually derived from a stem *k”ei-u-, akin to Skt. cindti ‘to
pile, arrange, erect’, Av. cinuuaiti ‘to select’ < *k”i-n(e)u-ti (Pok. 637-638), but the
exact derivation is unclear. It has often been argued that the verb is derived from a
noun *mowfog (Schwyzer: 450, 726”), but this only occurs in compounds from the V®
c. onwards. The alternative view that it continues a root *k”eiu-, abstracted from the
nu-present *k”ineuti > Skt. cindti (Frisk, DELG), is rejected by LIV”. On the meaning
of movgw and other verba faciendi, see Braun Stud. ital. fil. class.N. S. 15 (1938): 243ff.;
also, Valesio Quaderni dell’Istituto di Glottologia (Bologna) 5 (1960): 97ff.
motkidog [adj.] ‘varicolored, wrought in many colors (stitched, knitted, woven),
manifold, versatile, cunning’ (Il.). <1E * peik- ‘stitch, paint’>
eDIAL Myc. po-ki-ro-nu-ka /poikil-onuk*a/ [n.pl.].
*COMP E.g. moixtAd-Opovog (see Opdva and Bolling AmJPh. 79 (1958): 275ff.), toAv-
mtoikthog ‘much variegated’ (E.).
DER 1. motktA-ia [f.] ‘variegation, diversity, embroidering’ (IA); 2. -iac [m.] fish name
(Paus.), see Stromberg 1943: 25, Thompson 1947 s.v., -ic [f.] name of a bird that eats
TOUT] 1217
the lark’s eggs (Arist.), Thompson 1895 s.v.; 3. -evc¢ [m.] ‘embroiderer, stitcher’ (Alex.
Com.).
4. Denominative verb motk-iAAw ‘to make varicolored, work artfully, etc.’, also with
dta-, kata- etc., whence -tAua [n.] ‘varicolored work, stitching, etc.’ (I].), -tApdg [m.]
‘elaboration, decoration’ (Epicur. Plu.), -wWoi [f.] ‘id.’ (PL); -tAti¢ [m.]
‘embroiderer, stitcher’ (Aeschin., Arist.), fem. -iAtpta (Str.), -tAtiKdég “belonging to
stitching’ (LXX, etc.); motx-tAdw [v.] ‘to stitch’ (A. Fr. 304 = 609 Mette); -tAevouat
[v.] ‘to be artful, versatile’ (Vett. Val.).
*ETYM The suffixation -idoc (cf. KdiAoc, vavtiAoc, dpyidoc, etc.) implies a root
*moux-, which is directly comparable to Skt. pésa- [m.] ‘ornament’, Av. paésa- [m.]
‘leprosy’, Lith. paigas [m.] ‘smut, dust-spot’ < PIE * poik-o-; the same formation (also
as an adjective) occurs in Skt. puru-pésa-, Av. paésa- ‘leprous, Go. filu-faihs
‘TOAUTOIKLAOG.
These derive from the verbal root *pik-, seen in OCS pvsati ‘to write’, n-present Skt.
pimsdti ‘to carve, cut, ornament’, Lat. pingo ‘to stitch with a needle, paint’ (through
nasalized coda *pi"g"- from *pik-n-). Cf. » mixpdc ‘cutting in, stitching’. The forms
TELKOV- TUKPOV, TevKEdavov (H.) and » miyyadog are uncertain.
moun, -Evoc [m.] ‘herdsman, shepherd’, metaph. ‘guardian, leader, master’ (Il.). <IE
*peh,-(i-) ‘protect’>
eDIAL Myc. po-me /poimén/.
*COMP Some compounds, e.g. Toit-dvwp = not avépav with mowavdp-tov [n.]
‘herd, troop of men’ (A. Pers. 241 and 74); gitv-moiunv ‘guardian of plants’ (A. Eu.
911).
*DER moiév-toc (AP, API.), earlier and more often attested is -1xdc (Pl., Hell. poet.)
‘belonging to herdsmen’; -tooa [f.] ‘shepherdess’ (pap. III*); noiuv-n [f.] ‘herd, flock
of sheep’ (1122) with -tov [n.] ‘id.’ (IA); -éviov (Opp.), -tog ‘belonging to herds’ (E.),
-1/loc (B 470, Hes.), -uxdc (pap. III’), -itng (E., Poll.), -wwtn¢ (sch.) ‘id’; -r8ev [adv.]
‘of the herd’ (A. R.).
Denominative verb motpaivw ‘to be a herdsman, to herd, pasture’, med. ‘to graze’, of
the herd (il.), rarely with dia-, ovv-; thence momav-tip = moun (S.), -tixd¢g =
TolwewKkds (Gal., H.), momacia [f.] ‘the grazing’ (Ph.). Also mv, -eog [n.] ‘flock of
sheep’ (epic, II.).
eETYM Formally, moinv has an exact correspondence with Lith. piemud, gen.
piemeris ‘herdsman’ = PIE *poh.i-mon, *poh,i-mén-s; the neuter m@v < *poh.i-u,
*poh,i-eu-(o)s is formally close to Skt. payu-, Av. pdiiu- [m.] ‘herdsman, protector’ <
nom. *poh,i-u-s, gen. *poh.i-u-os; all are from the primary verb *peh.-ti > Skt. pati ‘to
keep, protect’, whence also go-pa- [m.] ‘cowherd’. The frequent i-extension seems to
imply the pre-existence of an i-present, 3sg. *ph,-éi-ti, 3pl. *ph,-i-énti; from this verb
probably derives Skt. nr-pay-(i)ya- ‘protecting men’, nf-pi-ti- [f.] ‘protection of men’.
Cf. > m@pa 1.
motvi, [f.] ‘ransom, fine, penalty, vengeance’ (Il. epic poet.). <IE k”oi-neh,
‘punishment, vengeance’>
1218 TOLOG
*COMP E.g. motv-nAatéw ‘to pursue with vengeance’ (see »éAavvw), vij-motvoc
‘unpunished, unavenged’ (Od.); on »dmotvas.v.
*DER 1. tot[v]iov [n.] = motvy (Delph. IV*), like me6-iov, ywp-iov, etc. 2. adjectives
Toiv-tylog ‘avenging’ (S.), -aiog ‘punishing, avenging’ (late); 3. verbs motv-dopat ‘to
avenge oneself (E.) with -atwp (A., E.), -"jtwp (Nonn.), -1)tI\p (Opp.) ‘avenger’; fem.
-fitlc ‘avengeress’ (AP); -iGopat in aor. -ifac8at ‘to exact a penalty’ (Arc. VI"). 4.
TOLVMPATA- Tywwpr|ata ‘vengeances’ (H.), after picdwya, kepadwua, unXavenua, etc.
(cf. Chantraine 1933: 187).
*ETYM Identical with Av. kaéna- [f.] ‘punishment, vengeance’, Lith. kdina [f.] ‘price,
utility’, OCS céna [f.] ‘tyu1/; Ru. cena [f.] ‘price, value’ < *k”oi-neh,-, from the verbal
root *k”ei- seen in Skt. cdyate ‘to avenge, pustish’ (cf. andtiotc, tiotc beside dpa-citi-
[f.] ‘revenge’), Av. kaii- ‘to atone, make pay’. Within Greek, this root is continued in
> tivw, etc. Borrowed as Lat. poena >> MoE pain.
moiog [interrog. pron.] ‘of what kind?’ (Il.). <IE *k”o- ‘who?’>
eVAR Ion. Koioc.
*ETYM From interrogative *k”o- ‘who?’ (see » 168ev) with suffixal -oioc; see » Totoc.
motnvbw [v.] ‘to snort, pant, bustle about panting, be bustling’ (epic since Il.). <GR>
eVAR Thence aor. moitvioat.
DER Dat.pl. [m]outvutp[o]tot (Antim. in PMilan. 17, 43 in unknown meaning, cf. ed.
ad loc.); explained by H. as omovdaiotc ‘earnest’. In moinvudc: Sepamwv ‘attendant’
(H.), the ending is corrupt.
*ETYM Reduplicated intensive formation mot-mvbw (Schwyzer: 647) from »1véw,
> mémvopal. Cf. » torptoow.
motptoow [v.] ‘to snort, hiss, puff, blow (Hell. poet. title in Sophr.), morpt&at-
éx@oPijoat ‘to alarm’ (H.). <GR>
VAR Dor. fut. -pvew.
*DER Toiguypa [n.] ‘the blowing’ (A. Th. 280), noipbydryv [adv.] ‘hissing’ (Nic.); the
sch. on Nic. has a pres. morpvCetv.
*ETYM Reduplicated intensive formation of onomatopoeic character; see on » ptoa.
MOKOG >TEKW.
mOAEMo¢ [m.] ‘battle, war’ (Il.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Epic also mtéAepLoc.
*DIAL Myc. e-u-ru-po-to-re-mo-jo /Euru-ptolemoio/.
*COMP E.g. moAgéu-apyoc [m.] “warlord”, name of an official (IA, Dor.), @tAo-
T(T)6AEL0¢ ‘friend of battles, warlike’ (II.).
*DER A. Adjectives: 1. toAéu-toc ‘militant, hostile’, as a substantive ‘enemy’ (Pi., IA);
2. -Hiog ‘belonging to battle, war’ (II. epic); metrically conditioned, probably after
Apritoc (Triimpy 1950: 134); 3. -uxdc “belonging to war, militant, hostile’ (Hdt. 3, 4 as a
v.L, Att.); 4. -wdn¢ ‘id.’ (Olymp. in Grg.).
B. Verbs: 1. moAep-éw ‘to battle, fight a war’ (IA), often with prefix, e.g. dta-, kata-,
éx-; thence -rjtwp (Antioch. Astr.), -17t1\¢ (Gytheion III?) [m.] ‘warrior’, -1tHptov [n.]
‘military base, operation base, headquarters’ (Plb.); dtattoAgunoic [f.] “ending of the
TOG 1219
war (Th.). 2. modepitw (also mtoA-) ‘to fight (IL, epic), metrical for -éw, see
Chantraine 1942: 95; thence -totr¢ [m.] ‘fighter, warrior’ (Il, epic), fem. -iotpia
(Heraclit. Ep.), -totpic (Tz.), -totiptoc ‘belonging to warriors’ (IA). 3. moAey-dopat
‘to become enemies’ (Hdt., Th., X.), also with éx-, etc., whence éxmoAéu-wote [f.]
‘becoming of enemies’ (Plu.). 4. Desiderative moAeunoeiw ‘to wish for war’ (Th., D.
C.).
PNs, e.g. [loAguwv, whence the plantname toAeu@viov (Dsc.), see Str6mberg 1940:
135; IItoAepatoc.
*ETYM The alternation between initial mt- and m- (see Schwyzer: 325 with literature,
as well as Triimpy 1950: 131 ff., Ruijgh 1957: 75f., and Merlingen 1956: 5sf.), although
echoed by » m06Aic < PIE *tpolh,-i-, must have been adopted from Pre-Greek (Fur.:
317). Formally, the word has been linked with meAepiCw ‘to shake, tremble’, and more
distantly to m4AAw, but this is semantically unattractive.
moXtdc [adj.] ‘whitish-grey’, especially of hair, also of foaming seas (Il, epic, also
Hell.). <1E? *pol-io- ‘grey’>
*COMP Eg. moAdto-Kpdétagoc ‘with grey temples’ (© 518 et al.), bmo-, émt-mdALog
‘grizzled, mixed with grey’ (Anacr., D.), probably back-formations (cf. émtmoAtdopat
below), see Strémberg 1946: 101ff.; on pecat-mdALog see » LEGO.
*DER 1. Fem. moAtdc¢ (Luc. Lex.); 2. méAtov [n.] “Teucrium polium or creticum’
(Thphr., Nic., Dsc.), named after the color of the flower (Dsc. 3, 110); 3. moAtdtn¢ [f.]
‘greyness’ (Arist.), moda (from moAt-td) [f.] ‘id’, also as a disease (Arist.); 4.
denominative moAt-aivopat ‘to become whitish’, of the sea (A. Pers. 109 [lyr.]);
-douat ‘to become grey’, -dw ‘to make grey’ (Arist.), also with ém-, mpo-, whence
-wotc [f.] ‘becoming grey’ (Arist.), -wya [n.] ‘greyness’ (Eust.); -G¢w ‘to become grey’
(sch.).
*ETYM The formation moAtdc has been reconstructed as from *moAtfo- on the basis of
Myc. po-ri-wa and the link with Skt. palitd- ‘grey’, but the appurtenance of the Myc.
word is quite uncertain, and the Sanskrit word may contain a suffix -ita-. Since,
furthermore, the reconstruction *pol-i-uo- with its double suffixation is a priori
improbable, the original form must rather be set to *pol-io-; cf. Arm. alik‘ [pl.]
‘wave’s crests, white tuft, beard’ < *pl-io-es. With the suffix -uo- for color
designations, we find the related formations Lith. palvas ‘light yellow, straw- yeolorcess
OCS plave ‘white’, ON folr ‘pale’ < *pol-uo-. Cf. » medtdc.
méXtc [f.] ‘citadel, fort, city, city community, state’ (Il.), on the meaning in Hom.
Hoffmann 1956: 153ff. <1E *tpelH- ‘fortification’ from *pelH- ‘pout’?>
eVAR Ion. -L0¢, -1}0¢, also MTOAIc, -Ews (epic, Cypr., Thess., Arc.).
*DIAL Myc. po-to-ri-jo has been interpreted as *IIto\iwv.
eCOMP As a first member e.g. in mtoAi-nop8oc¢ (-mdpGloc, -mdpON7¢) ‘sacking cities,
destroyer of cities’ (Il. epic); enlarged in IA noAtodyo¢ (from -to-ovx.); Dor. moAt-a-
OXOG, -LaXOG, epic TOAL-1}-0XO¢ ‘ruling a city, city protector’; unexplained is toAtcoo-
in MoALGGODXOG, TOALGGO-vopEw (A.). Very frequent as a second member, e.g. axpo-
TOAtc = TOAtc GKpr ‘upper town, citadel’ (Od.); on this and related compounds, see
Risch IF 59 (1949): 261ff.
1220 TOAOG
*DER 1. With a secondary suffix mtoAi-e8pov [n.] (epic IL); cf. péAaGpov, Géue6Aa,
éde8Aov (Schwyzer: 533). 2. Diminutive 1toAiyvn [f.], often as a TN (IA), with -iyviov
(Att.); wodidtov (1) [n.] (Str.). 3. HoAtevs (-1b¢) [m.] ‘city guardian’ (Thera before V*,
Arist. Hell.); fem. ToAtac (IA, Arg.). 4. moAttng (epic, Sapph. Att.) ‘citizen,
townsman’, 1oAt--tag, -1|-tTI¢ [m.] (Dor. Aeol., B 806, Ion.), after oiKid-tac, -u}-t1s,
etc. fem. -ittc (S, E, PL); hence moAit-txég ‘civic, political’ (Hdt. 7, 103, Att.);
-evouat, -evw [v.] ‘to be a citizen, take part in state affairs’ (Att. etc.), moAtatebw
(Gortyn), whence -eia, Ion. -1in, -evua (Hdt., Att.); also 1oAttioudc ‘administration’
(D. L.), see Chantraine 1933: 143. 5. Denominative noAiCw ‘to found (a city), cultivate
a place by founding a city’ (epic Ion., X.), aor. -io(o)at, also prefixed (rare and late)
with év-, ovv-, etc. Thence m6A-toua ‘fouridation (of a city)’ (Ion. poet., Th.),
-toudtiov (Hell.), -topdc “foundation of a city’ (D. H., Lyd.), -toti\¢ ‘founder of a city’
(rejected in Poll. 9, 6).
eETYM Together with the variant mtdAic (= Arc. IIt6Atc, name of the castle in
Mantinea; Thess. oi trodiapyo. with assimilation) from PIE *tpolH-, to which
correspond the zero-grades Skt. pir, gen. purah [f.], Lith. pilis [f.] < *plH-. The two
forms suggest that PIE had an ablauting root noun (cf. Pok. 798-801). Original
meaning ‘hill top’; cf. the s-stem *pélH-s, *plH-és-os supported by Olr. all [n.] ‘cliff,
ON fjall [n.] ‘mountain’,
TtOAOg [m.]=7éAOpAL.
mMOAtOg [m.] ‘flour porridge’ (Alcm., Epich., Plu.). <?>
eCOMP 1oATo-1t01gw ‘to make into m.’ (Orib.).
*DER Diminutive 7toAtdptov [n.] (Dsc.), adjective moAtwd1¢ ‘porridge-like’ (Erot.).
eETYM The form *pol-to- is reminiscent of »mdAn ‘fine flour’ < *plH-eh,- and
> néavog ‘liquid substance (of flour) < *pelh.-no-. Outside Greek, it has been
compared with Lat. puls, -tis [f.], which is reconstructed as *pol(H)-t- with the
Saussure Effect, and sometimes with pollen [n.] ‘flour, powder’ < *polH-n- (cf. De
Vaan 2008: 474). The Saussure Effect would need to be invoked in order to connect
the Greek as *pol(h,)-to-. The situation is obscured, however, because the nominal
formations may have been derived relatively recently from the verb » naAdw. A final
alternative would be that m6Atog is a substrate word, related to e.g. mahdOn ‘cake of
conserved fruits’ and mAd@avov ‘cake mold’ (suggested by Van Beek 2009).
moAve [adj.] ‘much, many, often’ (II.). <1 *p(e)lh,-u- ‘many’>
eVAR 710AA}, 10AV, Ion. poet. alo 10AAGc, 710AX Ov.
*COMP Highly productive as a first member, e.g. moAv-tpomog ‘much-wandering,
much-turned, wily’, of Odysseus, Hermes and others (Od., h. Merc.), ‘many-shaped’
(Th.). On the Homeric compounds in moAv- see Stanford Class. Phil. 45 (1950): 108ff.
Beside this, we rarely find moAAa-, e.g. TloAAA-tAdOLOG, -MAT\oOLog ‘manifold’ (IA), like
deka-mAdotoc, 10AAd-Kic etc; see also dt-11Adotoc. Compar. and superl. » 1Aeiwv,
TAEWV, MAEtotos (from *pleh,-is-to-), s.v; innovation 16Atotosg (Tab. Heracl.), see
Seiler 1950: 61.
TronvGw 1221
*DER moAAOtI¢ [f.] ‘plurality’ (Damasc.), 1oAA-ootdc “the manieth”, ‘one of many,
small’ (Att.), after cikootdc etc.; -dxtc ‘often’ (II.), epic and lyr. also -K1; after dexa-Ktc
etc.; explanation uncertain.
eETYM The o-grade in moAvg, -v < *polh,-u- is flanked by a zero grade in Skt. purti-
‘many’ < JE *plh,-u- and an e-grade in e.g. Olr. il, Go. filu ‘many’ < *pelh,-u-. The
geminated stem 7toAAo- is not certainly explained; it is mostly assumed that it
contains the same suffix as in peyad-. The adjective is an old derivative of the verbal
root ‘to fill’ as in » 7tipAnu.
moAgoi [m.pl.] farinaceous food, ‘wire noodles’ (com.). <?>
VAR Also sg. -dc.
*COMP moAgo-Paxn [f.] ‘dish of wire noodles and lentils’ (Poll. 6, 61).
eETYM Of unknown origin. Perhaps somehow connected with nAegic: onoauic (H.).
TOM A7TEUTIW.
TMOUPOA VE, TONGS >TELGLE.
TLOVEOMAL, TOVOG >TEVOLLAL.
mévtog [m.] ‘sea’ (Il, epic), often in names, e.g. 6 EvEeivoc 16vtos ‘the Black Sea’, for
which also (6) Ilévtog (IA), also as a name of the southern coast of the Black Sea
and a state in that area (App. et al.). <1E *pont-eh,-, *pyt-h,- ‘path’>
COMP Eg. 1tovto-mpoc ‘crossing the sea’ (II., epic), with novtortop-ew, -ebw [v.] ‘to
cross the sea’ (Od.), on the formation see Chantraine 1942: 62, 95 and 368); on
> EAAnoztovtos see s.v.
*DER 1. 6vt-t0¢ ‘belonging to the sea’ (h. Hom., Pi.), fem. -ta¢ (Pi.); 2. -1K6g ‘from
Pontos’ (IA); 3. -(Aog [m.] name of a mollusc (Arist.), cf. vavt-itoc; 4. -evc [m.] name
of a Phaeacian (0 113); 5. movt-i(w [v.] (A., S.), elsewhere with kata- (Att. NT) ‘to
sink into the sea’, whence novtiouata [n.pl.] ‘oblations sunk into the sea’ (E.),
Katamovt-topdc [m.] ‘the drowning’ (Isoc., LXX), -totr}¢ [m.] ‘one who throws into
the sea, who lets drown’ (Att.); 6. kata-movt-dw ‘id.’ (IA); tovt-dopat ‘to form a sea’
(Q. S.), -6w = -itw (Nic. Dam.), with -wotc [f.] (Tz.).
*ETYM Together with » mdtoc, névtos represents an old IE *h,-stem with ablaut of
the root, viz. *pont-éh,-s, gen. *pnt-h,-és; cf. Skt. panthah, gen. pathah, Av. panta,
gen. pao, Lat. pons, gen. pontis [m.] ‘bridge, passage’, Arm. hun ‘ford’, OCS pote
[m.] ‘road’, OPr. pintis ‘id’, etc. In Germanic, the root is mainly verbal; cf. Go.
finan ‘to find’, etc. < *pent-e/o-. See » natéw. 7
NOTAVOV —TECOW.
m6mot interjection of surprise, disagreement, etc. (Il, epic). <PG>
VAR Epic @ 116701. Also momak (A. Eu. 143).
*ETYM Creation like > nanai, » BaBai, -4—. On the reinterpretation of @ 716701 (also
@) as ‘oh gods!’ in Lycophr. and Euph., see Leumann 1950: 33 and Ruijgh 1957: 101.
tonvtw [v.] ‘to click with the tongue’, as a calling signal, etc. (com., Thphr., Theoc.).
<PG>
1222 Ttopetv
eVAR Dor. -todw.
*DER Tortit-voptdg [m.] (X., Plu.), -vopta [n.], (Dexipp. in Cat., Juv.) ‘the clicking’;
enlarged in momnv-\taodw ‘id. (Theoc.), cf. BopBvdtatw (see BdttBos).
*ETYM Onomatopoeia with reduplication.
mopetv [aor.] ‘to provide, donate, offer, grant’ (IL, epic). <IE *perh,- ‘give’>
eVAR méntpwtat [perf.] ‘it is given or decided (by fate)’, ptc. mempwpévos (Il, epic);
ptc. mpwtdc (Hdn. Gr.).
eETYM Morphologically similar to e.g. ploAeiv : péptBAwKka < *melh,-. The verb is
derived from the root *perh,-, which is also found in Skt. pur-dhi [ipv.] ‘give! <
*prh,-d'i. Because of the color of the laryngeal, the verb cannot be related to nepdu,
Tteipw ‘to penetrate’ < *perh.-(1)e/o-, nor to nép vit ‘to sell’ < * pr-neh.-mi.
Top8éw —TépOw.
TopOudcs >Teipw.
mOptc, -t0¢ [f.] ‘calf, heifer’, metaph. ‘young girl’ (epic since x 410); also noptak [f.] ‘id’
(P 4) modeled after 5éA pak, oxbrAak, etc. <?>
eVAR More common is 716ptic, -tog (epic since E 162).
*DIAL Myc. po-ti-pi /portip*i/ [instr.pl.].
*DER Topti-tpd@og ‘feeding calves’ (h. Ap. B.); glosses moptaxivov (or -tov?):
tooxiov ‘young calf, noptatet (or -aKilet?)- dapadiCetau ‘is subdued’ (H.).
*ETYM Presupposes JE *por-i-, an i-stem beside e.g. ON farri, OHG far(ro) ‘bull <
*por-sd(n)- / *por-no(n)-, MHG verse, MoHG Farse [f.] ‘young cow’ < *por-s-ih,-.
Perhaps from a verb *prH-e/o- as in Lat. pari6 ‘to mate’ (Lith. peréti ‘to brood, sit on
eggs’, however, has no laryngeal in the root, and therefore cannot be related).
mépkng [m.] ‘ring around the shaft of a spear, holding the metal spearhead’ (Z 320 = ©
495). <>
DER ttopKwdr¢ ‘like a mt.’ (Eust.).
*ETYM Suffixation like in ybng, etc. (Chantraine 1933: 30, Schwyzer: 461), but no
further etymology. Cf. »16pkoc and » dpm.
mépKos [m.] ‘kind of fishing-net’ (Pl, com.) <?>
*DER TtopxKevc [m.] ‘net-fisher’ (Lyc.).
eETYM Etymology uncertain: if connected with Arm. ors ‘hunting, hunting-booty’ it
derives from PIE *pork-o- (Patrubany KZ 37 (1904): 428). Doubts on the meaning of
the Arm. word in Clackson 1994:164. Cf. » mdpxjc.
mépvn [f.] ‘prostitute, whore’ (IA). <IE *perh.- ‘sell’>
*COMP E.g. nmopvo-Booxdc [m.] ‘procurer’, with -éa, -ia, -etov (Herod., Att.); 1topvo-
AbTac [m.] (inscr. Tarentum), see Parlangéli Glotta 40 (1962): 50.
*DER 1. Diminutive mopv-idiov [n.] (com.); 2. -tkdc¢ ‘belonging to harlots’ (Aesch.,
LXX); 3. -eiov [n.] ‘brothel’ (Ar. Antipho), 4. -oobvn [f.] ‘prostitution’ (Man.); 5.
-evopiat, -evw [v.] ‘to live like a harlot; to prostitute’, also metaph. ‘to practise
idolatry’ (NT), with -eia, -evotc, -evpia, -edtpta (IA). From mépvn also mépvocg [m.]
‘lover-boy, lover’ (Att., LXX, NT). .
Troppvpa 1223
*eETYM Linked to » népvnjtut ‘to sell’, and hence derived from *porh,-neh,-. The loss of
laryngeal is mostly ascribed to Saussure’s Law (loss of laryngeal after o-grade); for a
different interpretation (loss between liquid and nasal), see Van Beek 2009.
Topos [m.]=7Eeipw.
mopmn [f.] ‘clasp’ (Il.). <PG(v)>
*DER Toprtiov, -dw, -rla, -dopat, -wpa; with a suffix -aK-: 1dpTak, -aKog [m.] ‘ring
or loop on the inner (bulging) side of a shield’ (B., S., E. Ar.), ‘part of the headgear of
a horse’ (E. Rh. 385) with -axCouat (Ar.); originally a Doric expression, see
Chantraine 1933: 381, Bjorck 1950: 296f.
eETYM Neither a reduplicated formation from meipw, nor a creation * pork-ueh,- from
mdépKij¢ makes sense (pace e.g. WP 2, 39). Fur.: 163 connects mopgitw- mepdovy
‘buckle’ (H.), and concludes that the word is Pre-Greek on account of the variation
Tt/@.
mépow [adv.] ‘forward, beyond, far away from something, away’ (Pi, trag. [lyr.]). <IE
* per, or *preti, proti forward’>
eVAR mOppw (Att.). Compar. and superl. mépo-tov, -tota (Pi.), see Seiler 1950: 106f.;
TOppw-Tépw, -tatw (Att.). Adverb mépow-Bev (Archyt.), 16ppw-Gev (Att.) ‘from far’.
*DER Denominatives 1. mopo-bvw [v.] ‘to accomplish, provide’ (epic Ion., also X.),
also with ém-, ovv-, originally ‘to bring forth’ (cf. Lat. producere, MoHG
hervorbringen); 2. nopoatvw ‘id.’ (Hom. v.L, h. Cer., Pi.), rejected by Forbes Glotta 36
(1958): 261.
*ETYM May be identical to Lat. porré, Praen. porod ‘forward’ if < *p(o)rs6(d), with an
ending like in dvw, katw, etc. DELG, however, prefers to derive 116pow from mpdow
(< *mpott + -w) with metathesis (comparing »mpdtt beside mdptt), because both
words share the same sense. See » mpd0w.
mop@upa [f.] ‘purple dye, purple snail, purple clothes’ (Sapph., Hdt., A.). <PG?>
VAR Ion. -p1).
*COMP E.g. moppupd-Cwvoc ‘with a purple girdle’ (B.), itapt-ndp@upoc “consisting
only of purple, all-purple’ (Pi.), ém-, bmo0-méppupoc “something purple’ (Thphr.,
Arist.), see Strémberg 1946: 104f., 138; also aht-16p@upoc ‘of sea purple, dyed with
real purple, purple-red’ (Od.); different Marzullo Maia 3 (1950): 132ff., Marzullo
1970: 255.
*DER 1. Mop@up-eos (Att. -odc, Aeol. -to¢) ‘purple, purple dye’, of cloth(e)s, also of
blood, etc. (IL), cf. on >» nopptpw. 2. moppup-evc [m.] ‘purple snail fisher’ (Hdt.,
Arist.), with -evtixdc ‘belonging to the moppupevs (-evtijc?)’ (E., Poll.), probably
after GAtev-tikdc, cf. Fraenkel 1912: 63', Chantraine 1956a: 119; 1toppup-evw [v.] ‘to
fish for purple snails’ (Philostr.), -evti¢ [m.] = -evc¢ (Poll.). 3. nop@up-ic [f.] ‘purple
garment’ (X.), also name of a bird (Ibyc.), see Thompson 1895 s.v. 4. diminutive
mop@vp-tov [n.] (Arist.), also ‘purpur cloth’ (pap.). 5. -eiov [n.] ‘purple dye house’
(Str.). 6. -itry¢ (AiBoc), fem. -ittc ‘like porphyry, containing porphyry’ (Plin., inscr.,
ostr.), -\tiK6¢ ‘containing porphyry’ (pap.). 7. mop@up-iwv [m.] ‘purple coot, Fulica
porphyrion’ (Ar., Arist.), see Thompson 1895 s.v., Chantraine 1933: 165. 8. -tx1) [f.]
1224 Troppvpw
‘purple taxes (pap. II*). 9. moppupmpata: TWVv Taic Deaic TUBEVTWV Xoipwv Ta KpEa
‘the meat of pigs offered to the gods’ (H.). 10. mop@up-itw ‘to make purple’ (Arist.
Thphr.), also with ém-, bmo-. 11. TNs like Top@up- ic, -ewv.
eETYM There are no Indo-European connections; probably a loanword from a
Mediterranean language. On nop@upa, -tpeos, -bpw, see Vieillefond REGr. 51 (1938):
403ff.; further, Castrignano Maia 5 (1952): 18ff., Gipper Glotta 42 (1964): 39ff., and
Tichy 1983: 280ff. Borrowed as Lat. purpura, whence MoE purple, etc.
Top@tpw [v.] 1. ‘to surge, boil’, of the sea (E 16, Arat., A. R.), metaph. of the heart
(Od., A. R,, Q. S.); 2. ‘to dye purple, redden’ (Hell.), ‘to paint red’ (Nonn.). < ?>
VAR Only pres. and ipf. ‘s
eCOMP With mept- (Man.).
*DER Ttop@vpeog (Aecol. -t0¢) ‘boiling, whirly’, of the sea (Hom., Alc.); to be kept
apart from mop@vpeog ‘purple’.
*ETYM Reduplicated formation like » popptpw (s.v. with lit; for moppupeos, cf.
tlappiapeos from »uapptaipw. Traditionally compared to Skt. jdr-bhuriti ‘to have
convulsions, sprawl’ from the primary verb bhurdti ‘id. (see further on » pipw). In
the sense ‘to dye purple’, mopptpw was adapted to mopptpa. Discussion in Tichy
1983: 280ff.
%
6c [prep.] = » moti, » mpdc. <IE *pos ‘near, after’, *poti>
VAR Before vowel also mo- (Arc. Cypr., Phr., Pisid.).
*ETYM Traditionally thought to be identical in origin with Lith. pds ‘by, near’, OCS
po ‘behind, after’ < *pos, which would also be present in Lat. post < *posti, Alb. pas
‘behind, after’, etc. However, DELG is quite explicit in its rejection of this
comparison, arguing that all Greek variants m6t-, m6c, mo- must be expained from
*poti > Myc. po-si.
1608p [f.] ‘penis’ (Ar. Nu. 1014), also ‘foreskin’ (medic.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Cf. axpoBvotia below.
*DER Diminutive méo®tov [n.] (Hp., Ar.); -ia [f.] ‘foreskin’ (Ph.), metaph. ‘stye on the
eyelid’ (medic.); perhaps shortened from dxpo-moo0-ia (Scheller 1951: 437); -wv,
-wvog [m.] ‘provided with a m.’, vulgar designation of a boy (Ar. Pax 1300; meaning
unclear in Luc. Lex. 12); also PNs like -iwv, -bAoc; perhaps also Boo8wv (Halicarn.),
O. Masson Beitr. z. Namenforsch. 10 (1975): 162.
Furthermore noo8-aAiwv (Dor. inscr. around 200°), with a familiar enlargement -)-;
see Taillardat RPh. 87 (1961): 249f5 -adioxog = -wv (Ar. Th. 291; conj. Dindorf,
accepted by Taillardat l.c.).
Compound dxpo-noo8-ia [f.] (Hp., Arist.) -tov [n.] (Poll, Ruf.) ‘foreskin’; for this
axpoBvotia [f.] ‘id’, coll. ‘the uncircumcized people’ = ‘heathendom’ (LXX, NT),
formerly assumed to contain a folk-etymological euphemism after BUw (EM 53, 47,
Blass & Debrunner 1959 $120, 4).
eETYM Traditionally connected with »néoc¢ < *peso-, but the required derivation
*pos-d'h,-o- is rather articifial. If d4xpo-Bvotia is not analogical, the word must be
Pre-Greek in view of the variation. This explanation is increasingly attractive in view
of the semantic field. Note that the derivation from *g’"osd"-eh,- (Szemerényi Archiv.
TLOTALOG 1225
Linguist. 5 (1953): 13ff.) is wrong, because root was *9”osd-; cf. OSw. kvaster [m.]
‘twig, brush’, Olr. bot [m.] ‘tail, penis’ < *g”osd-o-.
m6at¢ 1, -tog [m.] ‘husband, spouse, consort’ (IL, epic poet.), cf. Chantraine REGr. 59-
60 (1946-1947): 219ff.). <IE *poti- ‘lord (of the house), husband’>
*ETYM Old and widespread designation of the lord of the house and the husband:
Skt. pati-, Av. paiti- ‘lord, ruler, husband’, Lith. pats ‘husband’ (for older patis), ToA
pats, ToB petso [obl.] ‘husband’, Lat. potis ‘capable, powerful’, all from IE * poti-. The
word is often used as a second member of a compound or with a gen, eg.
> deondtng, Skt. vis-pati- ‘lord of the house’, Lith. vies-pats “‘Lord-(god)’ (cf. on
Poikoc), Lat. hos-pes ‘guest, host’, Ru. gos-pdd’ ‘Lord, god’, Go. brup-faps
‘bridegroom’.
The meaning ‘lord, husband’ is usually explained (see Benveniste Word 10 (1954):
256, following Pedersen) from an older meaning ‘self in Lith. pats (and in Av. *x’aé-
paiti-) and in the particle Lith. pat ‘self, even’, Hitt. =pat ‘the same, also, even, etc.’;
however, the Hittite particle probably derives from *-b'od (see Kloekhorst 2008 s.v.).
This interpretation is extensively criticized and rejected by Szemerényi 1964: 337ff.
See > nétvia and » Ilocedv.
modotc 2 ‘drink, beverage’. =rivw.
m600¢ [interr. pron.] ‘how great?, how much?, how many?’ (Att.). <IE *k”oti- ‘how
much’>
VAR Ion. (Hdt.) kdcoc.
*COMP Epic mooo-fLap ‘in how many days?’ (Q 657).
*DER noo6-tn¢ [f.] ‘quantity’ (Arist.), too-wdn¢ ‘quantitative’ (comm. Arist.), -ivSa
[adv.] (X.), see Schwyzer: 627, -ak1(¢) ‘how often?’ (Pl., Call.), -dw [v.] ‘to calculate
the quantity, to count up’ (Thphr.); also méotoc “the how-manieth?” (w 288, Att.),
dissimilated from *moo(o)o-otdc, and accented after méo0c; hence moot-aiog ‘on
what day?’ (X.), after devtep-atiog, etc. Indefinite mood (Att., Hell.), tootdc (late).
eETYM From *m6tt-o¢, an adjective formed from IE *k”6ti, found in Skt. kati, Lat.
quot ‘how many?’. See further on » 168ev and » téc0¢.
motaivos [adj.] ‘new, fresh, unexpected, unheard of (Pi. B., trag., also Hp.), acc. to
Eust. and Phot., Doric for tpd0@atoc. <GR>
eVAR ToTalwl = MpocPatwe (Zonar.).
*ETYM Can hardly be separated from mpotaivov- mp6 uKov, madaiv (H.) and
> mpotatvi ‘in front’ (E. Rh. 523), Boeot. mpotnvi ‘earlier’. As this stands for mp tatvi
(scil. hpépat), totatvi, -viog must go back to an adverbial *moti tai with haplology.
Totapds [m.] ‘river’ (II.). <?>
COMP Eg. notato-evAaé [m.] ‘river-guard’ (pap.), KaAAt-m6Tatog “with fair rivers
CE. [lyr.]).
*DER 1. Diminutives motéi-lov [n.] (com, Str.), -ioxog [m.] (Str.). Further
substantives: 2. motai-evc [m.] designation of the east wind in Tripolis (Arist.), 3.
tng [m.] ‘river-worker’ (pap.). Adjectives: 4. -toc ‘belonging to the river’ (Pi., Hdt.,
trag., etc.), -taiog ‘id, (Arist. [v.l. -t0¢], Ruf.); -tio¢ (Nonn.), fem. -nic (A. R., Nic.)
1226 TMOTAVOG, MOTAOPAL, TOTEOLAL
‘id’, both metrically conditioned. 5 -wé1@ ‘river-like’ (Eun.); 6. -1vq [f.] epithet of
Mtn, the river goddess (inscr. Pisidia), cf. Schwyzer: 490. 7. Adverb -156v ‘like a
river, in streams’ (Luc., Aret.); 8. Verb -dopat ‘to form a river’ (Aq.). 9. nickname
THotdutAAa [m.] (Sophr.), see Schwyzer: 561.
*ETYM Formation like ovAapdc, tAdKapO«g, etc. Combined with nintw, étetov ‘to fall
in previous centuries, thus originally “waterfall” vel sim., referring to a river
sweeping away things in a mountainous area. Etymological comparison with the
epithet Sumetic¢ (II 174, 6 477) is difficult. The analysis faces the problem that the
root-final laryngeal was *h,, and thus cannot explain the suffix vocalism -ap-.
Others have connected motaydc to metavvvut in the sense of “extension”, and
supposed identity with the Germanic group of OS fathmos, OE fadém ‘extension (of
the arms), embrace, fathom’ (OE flédes fedm). A final option, formally more
attractive and semantically possible, is a relation with *peth,- ‘to fly’, as evidenced by
Gr. éntato. Connection with Lith. teku ‘run’, assuming metathesis from *tomapdc
(Pisani RILomb. 73 (1939-40): 502f.), should be rejected.
In sum, the etymology remains uncertain. In principle, the word could be Pre-Greek.
TOTAVOG, TOTAOPAL, TOTEOLLAL = TETOLAL.
mote [interr. adv.] ‘when ?’, indefinite note, moté ‘at some time’ (II, Att., Arc., Cypr.).
<IE *k”o- ‘which?’>
eVAR Ion. K6te, Aeol. m6ta, Dor. méxka.
*ETYM From the pronominal stem mo- with various particles added; see » 168ev and
> ote. Formerly, » tinte was also assumed to contain m6te, but this is now unlikely.
mdétepos [pron. adj.] ‘who or which of either?’ (II.). <1E *k”o- ‘which?’>
eVAR Ion. KOtEpos.
*ETYM Old pronoun, identical with Skt. katard-, Go. hvabar, Lith. katrds, etc., IE
*k”o-tero- (cf. on » m68ev); on the varying accentuation, see Schwyzer: 381.
moti [prev., prep.] ‘towards, by’ (II. epic poet., Dor.). <IE *poti ‘against’>
eVAR mot’ before vowel.
eDIAL Myc. po-si-.
*ETYM Identical with Av. paiti, OP patiy ‘against, by’. Beside it stand » mpdtl, » mpdc,
and > 16c.
TNOTHOG —TiTTW.
notwa [f.] ‘lady, mistress’, especially of goddesses (Il, epic poet.). <IE *pot-n-ih,
‘lady’>
eVAR On disyllabic nmétva for older nmétvia (Od. et al.), originally only in the voc.
métva 8ed, which may have been an Aeolic syntagm, see Peters 1980a: 213ff.
*DIAL Myc. po-ti-ni-ja. On the Myc. adjective po-ti-ni-ja-we-jo see Lejeune Par. del
pass. 17 (1962): 4orff.
*DER motwiddes [pl.] ‘id’ (E.), after patvadec etc. see Chantraine 1933: 355 and 357;
motvi-couat [v.] ‘to beseech (a goddess); to wail, lament’, especially of women (late
prose), on the mg. see Mras Glotta 12 (1923): 67f. Thence -acpot [pl.] (Str.), -aotc [f.]
Tove, TO56C 1227
(Poll.) ‘wail’, -aotr¢ [m.] ‘amenter’ (Phld.); also -aCopat in nmotudlov- etixov,
napakddet ‘pray, call’ (H.). TN Hotwat [f.pl.] Boeotian town name (Paus.), called
after the IIétwict (Demeter and Kore); hence the adjective Totv-tdc (A. et al.) and
the PN -evc (Paus.). Ls
eETYM Identical with Skt. pdtni [f.] ‘mistress, goddess’, Av. padni- [f.] mistress,
OLith. vies-patni [f.] ‘lady, mistress’: IE *pétnih,. This is the old feminine of IE * poti-
Jord, husband’ in néotc ‘husband’; nétvia ‘mistress, goddess’ became isolated from
it.
Tod =10Ev.
mov«pic [f.] ‘river perch, Perca fluviatilis’ (inscr. Acraiphia before 224-210 BC). <IE
* perk- ‘motley’>
*ETYM Acc. to Taillardat (see DELG Supp.), the same word as nepxic [f.] ‘small perch’
(Dsc.). The word would be a metathesized form of *npux-id- < *prk-, with pv from r,
written movxpt6- in Boeotian. It would then be cognate with mpaxvov, mpeKkvos, etc.;
see on » 1pd§ and » mepKvdc.
Tovtog [m.] ‘hoopoe’ (Cyran. 20). <ONOM>
eETYM The word is onomatopoeic; cf. » Enoy ‘id.’
movptov [n.] ‘kind of tart’ (Chrysipp. Tyan. apud Ath. 14, 647d). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
TLOVPOG = TMpoOc.
novc, 056c [m.] ‘foot’, also metaph. in several mgs. (IL.). IE * pod- ‘foot’>
eVAR Dor. mc, 1t6c; see below.
eDIAL Myc. po-da-ko /podargos/ [n.] name of an ox (Chantraine RPh. 89 (1963): 13),
ti-ri-po /tripod-/, etc.
*COMP Very frequent in compounds, eg. 1165-apyoc [m.] name of a horse (IL), also
as an appellative ‘swift- or white-footed’ (Lyc.), cf. apyi-mous s.v. » dpyoc; tpi-mouG
(-to¢) ‘three-footed’, msc. ‘tripod’ (IL), cf. Myc. ti-ri-po. Extensive discussion on
705- as a second member in Sommer 1948: 28ff. Hypostases with a suffix -10-, e.g. EH-
7166-106 ‘at one’s feet, in the way, obstuctive’ (IA), bo-765-t0v [n.] ‘footstool (LXX,
Hell. inscr. and pap.).
DER 1. Diminutives 165-tov [n.] (Epich., Hp.), -dptov [n.] (com.), -ioKos [m.]
(Herod.), cf. Myc. ti-ri-po-di-ko. —_
Further substantives: 2. 706-eia [n.pl.] designation of a foot covering, ‘leggings vel
sim. (Critias, com.); 3. -eWv, -€@Vvoc [m.] ‘foot-end of an animal skin, strip or sheet’
(Ion., Theoc.); 4. -ia [f.] ‘sail sheet’ (gloss., Serv. ad Verg.); 5. -iSec [f-pl.] designation
of a foot covering (Poll.); 6. -6tn¢ [f.] ‘the property of being provided with feet
(Arist.); 7. -wpa [n.] “floor, base’ (pap.).
Adjectives: 8. t05-taioc ‘measuring one foot’ (IA); -iKOc ‘concerning a metrical foot
(Aristid. Quint.). . sh
Verbs 9. 106-iCopat ‘to be bound by the feet’ (S., X.), also (metrical) ‘to divide ih feet,
scan’ (Eust.), with -.oudc [m.] ‘measuring by feet’ (late), -iotpa [f.] ‘foot-trap’ (AP);
1228 Tpa-yopitiys
also with prefix, e.g. é1-7106-i(w ‘to bind the feet’ (Hdt., A.), but usually ‘to hinder,
obstruct’ (Att.), from » gumo0dwv, eddt0¢ (see above); dva-m05-iCw ‘to make to step
back, to call back, go back’ (IA); 10. 105-6w, -dopat ‘to tighten the sail sheet, be
provided with feet’ (Lyc. et al.), whence -wtdc.
*ETYM The old word for ‘foot’ was a consonant stem *pod-. In most languages, it was
either preserved as such, or enlarged: e.g. Arm. ot-k‘ [pl.] = 16dec, otn [nom.acc.sg.]
= acc. 165a < IE* pdd-m. The o-grade appears also in Hitt. pat- / pat-, CLuw. pata/i-
‘foot’. A lengthened grade is found in Gm., e.g. ON fotr, OE fet [pl.] < PGm. *fot-iz <
IE *péd-es. An innovation after the u-stems is Go. fotus, acc. fotu < IE *péd-m. An e-
grade is attested in Lat. pés, ped-is, while the. cee color of Skt. pat, acc. pad-am,
gen. pad-ds cannot be deduced.
ToA pe, ToB paiyye ‘foot’ contain an Sirreene but are difficult to analyze
precisely (see Adams 1999 s.v. paiyye). The appurtenance of Lith. pddas ‘sole of the
foot, threshing-floor, etc.’, Ru. pod ‘bottom, ground, plank-bed’ is hardly possible in
view of Winter’s Law (see Derksen 2008 s.v. podo).
All this seems to point to old static ablaut IE *ped- : pod-. In Greek, the e-grade is
retained in a series of derivations: » 1é5n, » 1éa, » 1eCdc, » TéSOV, > TESIAOV, > TES;
further, an old zero grade is found in » émpda.
The originally lengthened grade of the nom.sg. is found in Greek only in mw (Dor.
apud H.). It was replaced by Dor. 6c, Hom. tpi-moc after the oblique forms; Att.
ttovs recalls Sous, etc., but has no certain explanation.
mpayopitys [m.] ‘kind of wine’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
mpapos [adj.] = mpdpoc (Ar. Th. 50). < 2>
*ETYM If the tradition is correct, it could contain a zero grade form of » mpduoc, but a
form *pr- beside po is improbable. The form is most often corrected to mpépioc.
mpapvetos [adj.] ‘qualification of wine’ (Hom.). <?>
eVAR -loc (Hp.).
*ETYM Cf. the note of J. André ad Plin. 14, §54. H. has mpduvry: dixeAAa dumtedog; also,
Poll. 7, 150 mpdpvna = vine branch of Pramnos.
Tpavijs =TpryvNs.
mpavw [?] - axpidoc eidog ‘kind of locust’ (H.). <PG>
eETYM Gil Fernandez 1959 adduces napvow. This means that the word is Pre-Greek;
see Fur.: 344, 392.
Tpaoc, -ov [adj.] ‘soft, gentle, mild’ (Pi., Att.). < 2>
*VAR ttpaic, mprjic (epic Ion., lyr., Hell.). Grades of comp. mpad-tepos (also npai-,
TIprjb-), Mpad-tatog (mpdavotoc Phrygia); adverb mpdwe, rarely -€wc; also Tpa-dvwe
(Ar., Lys.), acc. to Frisk after eddayidvwc, but acc. to DELG adverb to a compar.
TIPawy.
eDIAL Att. fem. -eta, plur. -éwv, -éot.
TIpacow 1229
eCOMP Also as a first member (mostly late), e.g. mpaii-tjtic ‘mild-tempered’ (Pi.); on
> TIPEVjlevijc see S.v.
*DER Mpa-6t1}¢ (Att.), -btI¢ (LXX) [f.] ‘mild temper’; npabva, Ion. mprjivw ‘to make
mild, soothe’ (Hes., h. Merc. 417), also with xata- (rarely dmo-, dia-, etc.); thence
mpa-vvotig [f.] (mpr\-), mpa-vopdc [m.] ‘the soothing’, -vvtikdc ‘soothing’ (Arist.,
medic.), -vvtrj¢ [m.] (EM).
*ETYM The o-stem mpdocg may have developed from the older v-stem mpatic, probably
through the adv. mpdwe, which was contracted from mpagéwe, belonging to mpaic;
extensive treatment in Egli 1954: 100ff. The subscript 1 in mpaoc is secondary,
probably from pdwv. The form mpaiic is regularly derived form *pr(e)h.-i-u- by
Hamp MSS 43 (1984): 52f5 see Pok. 844.
mpanides [f.pl.] ‘midriff, mostly as a seat of intelligence and of emotions, ‘sense, mind’
(IL, epic poet.). <IE? *prep- ‘appear’, *k”rp- “body, shape’>
eVAR Rarely sg. -ic.
eCOMP No compounds or derivatives.
*ETYM Formation in -ic (like maprjic, oavic, €Amic, ppovtic), probably from the root
*k*rp- which may also be seen in » mpémw ‘to be conspicuous’ (but see the comments
there). From this root derive words for ‘body, shape’, like OHG (h)réf, OE hrif ‘body,
abdomen, belly’, Lat. corpus, Skt. krp-d [instr.] ‘shape, beauty’. In the OE compound
mid-hrif ‘midriff, the meaning (which agrees with mpamidec) may depend on the
first member mid-.
mpdaoov [n.] ‘leek, Allium porrum’, also of a kind of seaweed, like leek (com., Thphr.).
<PG?, IE? *prs-o- ‘leek’>
*COMP E.g. mpaco-eidrj¢ ‘leek-like’, from the color (Hp., Arist.), 0akacod-npacov
[n.] of a seaweed (Ath. Mech.).
*DER 1. Mpdo-10¢ (Pl.), -tvog (Arist, LXX), -tavdg (M. Ant.), -@5r¢ (Thphr.) ‘leek-
color, blue-green’; 2. -ittc [f.] name of a stone, after the color (Thphr.); 3. -tov [n.]
plant name ‘horehound, Marrubium, etc.’ (Hp., Arist., Thphr.); 4. mpaotd, Ion. -uj
[f.] ‘garden-bed’ (Od., Hell.), mostly plur. -ai, also Att. deme name and a town in
Laconia (Th.). Thence mpao-tdfopat, -tdopat ‘to be divided into beds’ (Aq.); see
Scheller 1951: 67; 5. mpaoiw [v.] ‘to be leek-colored’ (Dsc.); 6. IIpacoaiog [m.]
nickname of a frog (Batr.).
eETYM The traditional identification with Lat. porrum leads to a reconstruction IE
*prso-. The maintenance of -o- between resonant and vowel recalls » Sactc beside
Lat. densus < *dns-u-. It could be argued that the meaning points to substrate origin
for this word. If the word is Pre-Greek, this would explain the -o-.
mpacow [v.] ‘to pass through, travel’ (only epic), ‘to finish, accomplish, do, exact’, intr.
‘to come to an end, siicceed, act’ (IA, etc.). IE *per(h.)- ‘go through, cross’>
eVAR Att. -ttw, Cret. -55w; epic Ion. mprjoow, fut. mpd—w, Ion. -A&w, aor. mpakau,
-fEau (all since I1.), pass. npax@ijvat (S., Th.), perf. némpaya, -1yya (Pi. Hdt.), -aya,
-nxa (Att., Hdt.), pass. mémpaypou (A).
*COMP Often with prefix, eg. dia-, eio-, Kata-, ovv-. Compounds: eg. ed-mpay-ia [f.]
‘prosperity, success’, kako-mpay-ia “accident, misfortune’ (Pi, Att.), whence ev-,
1230 TIPATT|VLOV
Kako-mpay-éw (Att.); analogical Svo-, kako-mpayr¢ (Vett. Val, H.), not from
mpayog; also ev-mpak-ia, Ion. -npné-in [f.], after mpakic, mpakar.
eDER Action nouns: 1. mpakic, mpijetc (also with dta-, kata-, etc.) [f.] ‘realization,
accomplishment, advancement, act, exaction’ (Il.), with mpak-eidéiov [n.] diminutive
(EM), -\wog ‘realizable’ (Cyprus II-III”), ‘recoverable’ (Delos I-II?), also mpaxtytoc
(from Dor. *npaxtic or after mpakti-Kdc?) ‘liable to a monetary penalty’ (Delphi II’).
Further compounds npo-mpaé-ia [f.] ‘precedence in negotiation’ (Acarnan. inscr. V-
IV), btep-mpaE-tov [n.] ‘over-exaction, blackmailing’ (Mylasa V°), cf. also 10. below.
2. Mpayua (post-Hom.), Ion. mpijxpa (< -Kopt-; inscr.), mpryyywa (Hdt.) [n.] ‘performed
act, fact, business’, plur. ‘facts, affairs of state, etc.’; as a second member in 4-, moAv-
TIpaypwv, etc; hence mpayta-tlov, -tiK6c, -tidic, -Tac, -tTwSN¢, -Tevoual, with -TevjLA,
-teid, -TELWSNG, -TEVTIG, -TEV-TLKOS,
3. mpayos [n.] poetic replacement for the worn-out word npaypa (Pi., trag.). 4.
mpaxtuc (Dor.) = mpagic (EM).
Agent nouns: 5. mpaxktrp, mpnktnp, -fpos [m.] ‘executor, tradesman’ (Hom.),
‘exactor’ (Hell.) with -t1pioc ‘effective, decisive’ (A.). 6. mpaxtwp, -opoc [m.]
‘executor, avenger’ (A., S., Antiph.), ‘exactor, tax official’ (Att., pap.) with -top-ik6c,
-eloc, -ebw with -elov, -eia (-ia?). 7. elo-, éx-mpdKtn¢ [m.] ‘collector, tax official’
(Aq.). 8& mpnEwv = ayopaiosg, i.e. ‘notary’ (Sicil.; Theognost.); probably from mpijétc
(Schwyzer: 517). 9. Adjective mpaxtikéc ‘concerning action, skilled, practical’ (Att.).
eETYM All forms go back to a common stem mpak- or mpay-, which is a k-
enlargement of a zero grade mpa- (DELG compares épv-k-w). Frisk connected this
with the root *perh,- ‘to sell’ in némpapait, mumpaoKkopat (see »népvnut), but
semantically, connection with > népa, > meipw (root *per-) is much more likely, given
the oldest meaning ‘to travel, fare’, etc. Further details are obscure.
For the function of the velar, mAjoow : mAnyt, TUyw : Téuvw, etc. have been
adduced. It is designated as terminative by Schwyzer: 702°.
TMpativiov [n.] designation of goats of a certain age (Ar. Byz., H., Phot.). <?>
eVAR Also mpo-, and npntry, éntmpntryy -Fvoc [m.].
eETYM Unknown. Anatolian, acc. to Solmsen 1909: 140f.
mpéuvov [n.] ‘tree-stump, trunk, stub’, also ‘bole’, metaph. of a column, etc. (h. Merc.).
On the mg. see Strémberg 1937: 98f. <PG?(V)>
eVAR Also -oc [m.].
eCOMP As a second member ia. in avt6-mpettvoc ‘together with the trunk, root and
branch, entirely’ (A,, S.).
*DER Tpéuvia: Ta MAaXoG ~xovta EvAa ‘wood having thickness’ (H.); mpeptv-wdn¢
‘stump-like’ (Thphr.), -i(w [v.] ‘to pull up, remove the stump’ (Test. apud D. et al.),
éx- (D. et al.), -tdoar éxpiC@oat ‘to root out’ (H.).
eETYM Unexplained. Fur.: 65 assumes that it is a variant of » mpupvoc, and considers
the words to be Pre-Greek.
mpénw [v.] ‘to draw attention, be comspicuous, distinguish oneself, excel’, also (mostly
impersonal mpémet) ‘it is fitting, appropriate’ (Il.+). <IE *prep- “be conspicuous,
appear’ or *k”rep->
TipeoBusc 1231
eVAR Rare fut. and aor. mpéy-w, -at (A., Pl.).
*COMP Often with prefix, e.g. dta-, pteta-, év-, émt-.
*DER mtpett-wdn¢ (Att.), -dvtwe (Pi. Att.) ‘fitting, appropriate’, mpen-tdc (also ev-)
‘drawing attention’ (A. et al.); often from the prefixed compounds, e.g. teta-, dta-,
ék-mpem-1¢; also ev-, apl-mpEm-1j¢ ‘striking, excelling, pre-eminent, etc.’ (Il.), whence
evrpért-ela (Att.), -éw, -iCw (Aq.), etc. Further npémwv, -ovtog [m.] name of a fish
(Opp., Ael.), properly “fit (for eating)’ (Strémberg 1943: 33)? On » Qeompdrtoc, see
S.V.
eETYM Identical with Arm. erewim ‘become visible, appear’, traditionally
reconstructed as *prep-. An old independent formation is Arm. eres, plur. eres-k‘
‘face, appearance’ < IE *prep-s-. Celtic too seems to have maintained a derivation
from this verb in Olr. richt ‘form, shape’, W rhith ‘species’ < IE *prp-tu-. The
connection of OHG furben ‘to purify, clean’ is quite uncertain.
For Armenian erewim etc. a reconstruction *k”rep- is just as possible as *prep-
(Clackson 1994: 165f.), and it has been argued that there was in fact one root *k”rep-,
not two roots *krp- and *prep- (cf. Schindler BSL 67 (1972): 67, DELG Supp.). This
would mean that the group of Skt. kypa [ins.] ‘beauty’, Lat. corpus ‘body’, etc. is
related to Gr. mpémw.
mpéopuc [m.] ‘old man, elder’ (poet. Pi. trag.), ‘president’ (Sparta); plur. mpéoBetc
mostly ‘ambassador, messenger’ (Att., Dor. inscr.); further mpeo-ije¢ (Hes. Sc. 245),
-edoiv (Lyc.), dual -i (Att.); cf. below on mpeoBevw. <IE *pres-g’eu-, *preis-g”eu-
‘who goes in front’>
VAR Gen. (rare) -€Ws, -£06, acc. -Vv, VOC. -v.
*DIAL Myc. pe-re-ku-ta (PY An 172.2) /presgu-/ or /prei(s)gu-/, pe-re-ku-wa-na-ka
(PY Va 15.2) /preigu-wanaks/ (cf. Hackstein 2002: 109).
eCOMP Asa first member in npeoBu-yeviig ‘first-born’ (II.), etc.
*DER 1. Grades of comparison: mpeoft-tepos ‘old, venerable’, -tatog ‘the oldest, most
venerable’ (Il.), also -tépiov ‘council of elders’ (NT); also mpéoftotocg “most
venerable’ (h. Hom., A., S., etc.) after kpatiotoc, Kbdtotoc, with a cross mpeoPiot-
atoc (Nic.). 2. Feminines: npéoBa (Ged) ‘the venerable’, of Hera and others (Il, epic),
reminding of métva (82d); mpéoBea prtnp (poetic inscr. Caria II-I*), metrically
conditioned; mpéoBeipa, of ewv, etc. (h. Ven., etc.), after mieipa, -dveipa, etc.
mpeoBnic, of tyr] (h. Hom.), after BactAnic, etc., cf. npeoBijec above.
3. nmpeoB-riov [n.] ‘gift of honor’ (© 289), -eiov ‘privilege (of agey (Att., Hell.). 4. -eia
[f.] ‘right, privilege (of age) (A., Pl.), usually ‘embassy’ (Att.), to mpeoBetw. 5.
mpeoBodtng [m.] ‘the old, aged one’ (IA), enlargement of nmpéoBuc after noXitn«, etc.,
with fem. -dtic, -vtiKdc [adj.] ‘senile’ (Att., etc.). 6. mpeoBbtn¢, -ntos [f.], Dor. -tac.
-tatoc ‘(higher) age’ (inscr. Messene I’, etc.), after vedtn. 7. mpéofic [f.] ‘age, rank’,
only in kata mpéofiv (h. Merc., Pl, etc.); after kata ta&tv, etc. 8. mpéoBoc [n.]
‘(object of) veneration’, after kd5oc, patos, etc. 9. mpecf-ebw [v.] ‘to be the eldest,
have precedence, be ambassador’, trans. ‘to attend, venerate like a npéoBuc’, med. ‘to
send ambassadors’, also with mapa-, ovv-, amo-, etc. Thence -evtic¢ [m.]
‘ambassador, messenger’ (Att.), singulative to mpéoBetc. Also mpeoB-evtikdc,
-eUTELpa, -EVTEDW, -EvJla, -EvoiG; partly also mpeoPeia (see 4. above) and, as a back-
1232 TIPEVHEVT|G
formation, mpeoBedotv [dat.pl.] (Lyc.). 10. Shortened names like IIpéoBwv (to
mpéoBetpa, perhaps after némeipa : némwv), IpéoBos, etc., see Bechtel 1917b: 385. On
the different spellings and formations see Lejeune 1955-1996: 230ff.
eETYM Beside the above forms, Doric (especially Cretan) and NWGr. have several
by-forms with y instead of B and with a different initial syllable: Cret. mpeiyvuc,
mpeiylotog with compar. mpeiywv, also mpety-ebw, whence -evtdc, -ria, -eia; also,
Locr. mpetya [f.] ‘council of elders’; mpecyevtdc, mpeyy-; later mpryyiotocg with
-totevw (Cos); mpecyéa = mpeoBeia (Argos); mpicye(t)ec (Boeot.) is perhaps itacistic
for mpeto-; also onépyuc: mpéoBuc and népyovv- mpéoBetc (H.). See Garcia Ramon
Emerita 53 (1985): 51-80 for a discussion of all dialectal forms.
The common basis is probably mpecy- (with Voiced o; cf. Delph. mpeCPevtdc); thence
the other forms arose, but the phonetic developments are uncertain in detail. The
interchange B : y may point to an original IE labiovelar *g”. The preceding syllable,
which should probably be taken as the first member of a compound, is generally
assumed to contain a frozen adverb mpéc ‘in front’ (see » 1pdc). The origin of the
final syllable is debated. It has been compared with Skt. puro-gava- ‘leader’, of which
the second member is derived from a root *g”eu- ‘go’ (a variant of *g”em-), so it
originally means “who goes in front”. Some recognize this root variant in Lith.
Zmogus ‘man’ < “going on the earth” (Fraenkel). The connection with the Arm. u-
stem eréc’, gen. eric‘-u ‘elder, priest’ is tempting. It may derive from *preisg”u-, and is
usually connected with Lat. priscus ‘ancient, of old’. It may also be assumed that
mpeto- is an old element, identical in origin with Lat. *pris, in primus < *pris-mo- and
in pris-tinus.
De Lamberterie 1990: 909ff. comments extensively on the formation, meaning, and
use of the Greek term. Clackson 1994: 165 is critical about the formal side of the
Greco-Armenian comparison (claiming that *-sg’- would have to give Arm. -c-
instead of -c’-). See »tteo(o Ny0(c).
Tpevuevis [adj.] ‘gentle, merciful, pleasing, welcome’ (A., E.). <GR>
DER mpevpléveta [f.] ‘gentleness’ (A, E.).
eETYM Probably from *npni-pevijs, with diphthongization and shortening of the
long diphthong. Thus, it would be an Ionism in the language of the tragedians. On
this ground, DELG criticizes the etymology, and instead posits *tpo-evpevic; this
poses other formal problems, however. The form mpoeyteviig (SEG 18, 592, Soloi
[Cyprus]) may support the latter view, but may also be a reinterpretation of the
opaque word mpevpevrc, acc. to Brixhe and Hodot 1988: 147f.
Tpnyopewy, -Wvog [m.] ‘crop of a bird’ (Ar. H., Poll.). <GR>
*ETYM Originally means “body part where the food is collected”, v8a mpoa®poifetat
1] tpogr (Poll.), is a formation in -ewv like dvOepewv, kevewv, and other designations
of places and parts of the body (Chantraine 1933: 164f., Schwyzer: 488): thus from
*mpo-dyopocg (on the compositional vowel, see Schwyzer: 398 and 402), or directly
from mpo-ayeipetv.
TpHS@OV eVAR TpTOw (év-ErpnBov), mprotip etc. =7itTpntLUt.
Ttpiv 1233
mpi8ua [n.] - toAbMOSOG KeqaAn Eviot TAEKTaVI) ‘tentacled head of an octopus’ (H.).
<e>
eETYM Unknown.
mpnpadin [f.] name of a kind of olive (Nic. Al. 87). <?>
*ETYM Formation in -ddtog, as if from *mprnds (cf. épivdc, Kotivac, ioxdc, etc.). For
further connection with *rpia, mprpatve, mipimpru, there is no indication. Cf. also
> TpI]LLAc.
TIpy dc, Tprpvas [f.] name of a (young) tunny-fish (Pl. Com., Nicoch., Opp.). <PG?>
eVAR Also mpmddec, -adtat (Arist.), mprpivat (H.) [pl.].
eETYM Stromberg 1943: 126ff. discusses the many names for ‘tunny’; see also
Thompson 1947 s.v. Fur. 245 considers the variation v/zero to be a Pre-Greek
phenomenon.
mpryvis [adj.] ‘leaning forward, headlong, inclined, steep’ (Il. epic Ion. poet., Arist.).
<IE? *h,en-os- “face’>
eVAR Tpavis (X. et al.).
*COMP Also kata-, mpo-, ém- (cf. Leumann 1950: 77ff.).
DER m1p1yv-iCw ‘to throw head over heels, throw down, destroy’ (Hell.), aor. -i€at, also
with dano-, xata-; rarely mpryv-6w ‘id’ (AP, H.), also with kata-; to this belongs
(back-formation?) mpavév- tO katw@epéc, mpavéc ‘leaning down, face-down or
head-first’ (H.).
eETYM Cannot be seprated from am-, mpoo-ivijc, so it may contain a substantive
*énos- or *anos- [n.] ‘face’; see » amyvij¢ for the etymology, which is rather doubtful.
TPHTHVY =1patr}viov.
TIPNWV =T1pwv.
mtpiac@at [v.] ‘to buy’ (Od.). <1E *k”reih,- ‘buy’>
VAR Ptc. mpidpevos, finite forms énpraunv, Tpiwpat, tptaituyy, ipv. mpiaco (-iw, -ia).
eCOMP Rarely with prefix, e.g. ék-, ovv-.
eDER Negative verbal adj. a-mpia-tog in ampiatnv [acc.sg.f.] ‘unbought, without
ransom’ (A 99, h. Cer.132), as an adv. ‘gratuitous’ (€ 317, Agath. 4, 22), plur. anpratac
(Pi. Fr. 169, 8); PN Anpiatn; cf. Leumann 1950: 167f.
*ETYM An old aorist, exclusively attested in Greek. A comparable formation is Olr.
ni-cria [subj.] ‘emat’ < PIE *k”rieh,-t. Greek does not have the nasal present that is
found in Sanskrit, Celtic, and Slavic, viz. Skt. krindti (for older *krinati), Olr. ni
[subj.], ORu. kronuti ‘to buy’. It is possible that the expected Greek reflex *npiviju
had become awkward because of its resemblance to the antonym népvru, Aeol.
mopvapev ‘to sell’ (Meillet BSL 26 (1925): a4): ‘The verbal adj. &-mpiatos is close to
Skt. krita- ‘bought’ < *k"rih,-to-, but Greek may also continue *n-k"rih,-eto-.
Numerous post-Indo-European formations are found in the various branches, e.g.
Skt. krayd- [m.] ‘purchase (pricey < *k”roih,-o-, Olr. crith ‘payment, purchase’,
OLith. krienas ‘price’, ToB karyor, ToA kuryar ‘purchase, trade’.
mpiv [adv., conj.] ‘before, previously’ (Il.). <IE *prei ‘earlier, before’>
1234 Tiptvoc
VAR Rarely as a prep. with gen. Hom. also nptv, Gort. mpetv (once beside frequent
mptv), Locr. pptv.
eETYM With final -v like in viv, viv, 14Aty, etc. Clearly related to » mp6 < *pr-o-, with
tas in Lat. prior, priscus, etc. The base form may have been the old locative *pr-i. The
e-vocalism in Cret. mpetv and perhaps in Hom. npiv (if itacistic) could be mirrored
by Lith. prié < *prei.
mpivos [f., m.] ‘holm-oak, kermes oak, Quercus ilex, coccifera’ (Hes.). <EUR?>
VAR Tpivn [f.] ‘id.’ (Eup.).
*DER Diminutive mptv-idtov [n.] (Ar, Ael.), -eb¢ [m.] ‘oak grove’ (Erythrae IV"),
voc ‘made of 1, hard, tough’ (Hes.), -d6y¢ ‘n.-like, hard’ (Ar.); Iptvdeooa [f.]
name of an island (Epirus).
*ETYM No Indo-European etymology. The Carian TN IIptvacodc points to an
Anatolian origin (Carnoy Beitr. z. Namenforsch. N.F. 10 (1975): 222). Machek Ling.
Posn. 2 (1950): 155 compares Slav. brino ‘larch’, assuming a loan from a common
source. Fur: 165 assumes a Pre-Roman(ce) *brin ‘Pinus mugus’ (Machek), which
would make the Greek dendronym a European loanword.
mpiw [v.] ‘to saw’, medic. ‘to trephine’, 656vtac mpietv ‘to gnash one’s teeth’, (66aE)
Tpietv ‘to bite (with one’s teeth), grasp’, pass. metaph. ‘to experience a biting pain’
(IA). <2
eVAR Rare and late -iCw, aor. mpioal, pass. mptoOfval, perf. med. mémptopat (all TA),
act. mémptka (D. S.).
DIAL Perhaps Myc. pi-ri-(je-)te-(re), see Aura Jorro 2, 124.
«COMP Also with d1a-, év-, dmo-, etc.
*DER 1. mpiwv, -ovoc [m.] ‘saw’ (IA) with mptdv-tov [n.] (Ph. Bel.), -itic [f] plant
name (Aret. et al.), Redard 1949: 76; -wtdc (Ar., Arist.), -@6r¢ (Thphr.) ‘saw-shaped,
jagged’. 2. mpioua (mapa-, éx-) [n.] ‘anything sawn, sawdust’ (Hp., Thphr.), ‘trilateral
column, prism’ (Euc.), with -pdatiov (Procl.); mpiopoic: taic Biaioig Katoyaic ‘in
forced detention’ (H.). 3. mpioicg (avd-, éx-, dmd-) [f.] ‘the sawing’ (Hp., Arist.). 4.
mpiotnc [m.] ‘sawer, saw’ (Att. and Hell. inscr. and pap., Poll.), with fem. mpiotic
‘sawfish’ (Epich., Arist.), see Strémberg 1943: 44; also an instrument (Att. and Epid.
inscr.), etc. 5. mptotyp [m.] ‘saw, sawer’ (LXX). 6. mplotdg ‘sawn’ (Od.), Ammann
1956: 16; ev-, 60o-mptotoc (Thphr.). 7. mptotixdc ‘belonging to sawing’ (Hero).
Some forms were enlarged with w: me-mpiw-uévoc, d-, Sta-mpiw-tog (Hp.),
(Sta-)mpiw-oic [f.] (Delph., Epid.), mpwuact- mpicpact ‘sawdust’ (H.), with fut.
mptwoet and subj. pres. mpi (Tab. Heracl.).
*ETYM Ttpiw seems to point to a stem *pris-, perhaps older *pri-. It may correlate with
Teipw ‘to pierce’ < *per-ie/o-, for which Frisk compared *tri- in Lat. trivi, tritum, and
perhaps tpiBw ‘to rub (down)’ < *trh,-i- beside Lat. terd and teipw ‘to rub (open) <
*terh,-ie/o-, as well as *ski- in Lat. scivi, scitum ‘to decide’ beside secé ‘to cut’. The
value of this comparison is yet unclear.
Further etymological comparison has proven fruitless; the link with Alb. prish ‘to
spoil, break, destroy’ (Meyer 1891: 353) is uncertain. WP 2, 89 assumes that mpiw is
nmpdoBata 1235
onomatopoeic. The w-forms are probably due to contamination, perhaps by
TETPWHEVOG, ATPWTOG, TPWW, TPM@nA.
mpo [adv., prefix, prep.] ‘forth, forward, before, for’ (I].). <IE *pro ‘forward’>
eVAR With gen.
eDIAL Myc. po-ro-.
eETYM Allative formation in *-o, with ending like a6, b16. A common IE adverb; cf.
Hitt. para ‘forward’, Skt. pra, Av. and OP fra-, Lat. pro-, Olr. ro-, Go. fra-, Lith. pra-,
OCS pro-, Ru. pro, from IE *pro. A lengthened grade *pro is found in mpui, etc. Cf.
also » mpdka, » Tpduoc, and » mpdtEepoc. Other old case forms of the same element
*pr are found in mpiv and mpdc < *proti. More remotely related are » mapa, » mdpoc,
> mépa(v), > mépl, etc. On Gr. mpd beside mapa and related forms in Latin, see Garcia
Ramon 1997.
MpoaArs [adj.] of a terrain (y@poc), over which the water flows down quickly,
‘sloping, sudden’ vel sim. (® 262), of water (tSwp) itself, ‘breaking forth, streaming
down’ vel sim. (A. R. 3, 73); metaph. ‘rash, heedless’ (LXX, Str. A. D.);
TIPOAAEOTATHV: TMPOTETEOTATI}V, Mpoxelpotatryy ‘most hasty, most ready or
accessible’ (H.). <GR>
eETYM From mpo-dAAopat, with a formation like mpo-metrc.
mpoapov [n.] ‘large wooden mixing bowl’ (Pamphil. apud Ath. 11, 4954). <2>
eETYM Usually explained as a compound of mp6 and dpvetv ‘to draw water’. This is
not especially illuminating for a vessel from which wine was poured into the
drinking cups. See > dptw.
mpéPata [n. pl.] ‘cattle, herd, flock’ (il.), ‘small cattle’; -ov [sg.] mostly ‘sheep’ (Att.
Gort., etc.); also name of an unknown fish (Opp. Ael.), because of the similarity of
the head, acc. to Stromberg 1943: 102. 4IE *pro-geh,- ‘go>
*COMP ttpoBato-yvmpwv [m.] “knower of herds’ (A.), moAv-mpdBatozg ‘rich of cattle,
sheep’ (Hdt., X.).
*DER 1. Diminutive mpoBat-tov [n.] (Att.). 2. Adj. mpoBat-etog (Arist.), 1xd¢ (LXX,
N.T.) ‘belonging to sheep (small cattle)’, -w6n¢ ‘sheep-like’ (late). 3. -av (-ewv Hdn.),
-@voc [m.] ‘sheepfold’ (Hell. inscr. and pap.). 4. -Huata: mpdpata ‘cattle’ (H.) (after
Ktrpata, PooKr-pata, etc; Chantraine 1933: 178). 5. -evc [m.] ‘shepherd’ (title of a
com. of Antiph.). 6. -ebw [v.] ‘to keep, tend cattle or sheep’ (D. H. App.) with
-EVTIKOG, -EVOWWOG, -EUTI<, -eia. 7. Plant names: -etov, -eloc, -aia (Ps.-Dsc.), cf.
Strémberg 1940: 137. On mpdBetoc, a rhythmical shortening of mpoBdtetog (An. Ox.,
et al.) see Palmer Class. Quart. 33 (1939): 31ff. 7
*ETYM The verbal abstract mpdBactc is found once in the same Sense as mpdBata, in B
75 Kerndtad te mpdBaciv te, where it designates movable cattle as opposed to
immovable property. For the semantic development, cf. ON ganganda fé “going
cattle” = ‘living stock’ beside liggjanda fé ‘keywnAta’, or Hitt. ijant- “the going”,
‘sheep’ ptc. of ia- ‘to go’. It is plausible, therefore, that mpdBata was derived from
mpoBaiverv. Cf. Benveniste BSL 45 (1949): 91 ff. with extensive treatment and
1236 mpoBooxic, -id0¢
criticism of diverging views. In the secondary sense of ‘sheep’, mpdfatov has
replaced older dtc.
In view of the dat.pl. mpdfaot (Hdn.) instead of mpoBatotc (Hes.), the plural
mpdBata is considered to be old (Risch 1937: 196, Benveniste BSL 45 (1949): 91ff., Egli
1954: 41ff.); Georgacas Glotta 6 (1958): 178ff. opposes this idea, and remarks that
participles in -to- do not necessarily have a passive sense in Greek (otatéc, TAWTOc).
Note, however, that the attestation of 1pdfaot is very weak.
mpoBooxic, -id5oc [f.] ‘elephant’s trunk’ (Arist. Hell.), also metaph. of the proboscis of
an insect and of the two tentacles of the ten-armed squid (Arist.). <GR>
*ETYM Formation like ayKanic, émtyouvic, xom{c, and other names of body parts and
instruments, probably directly from Béoxw rather than from the rare form Booxdéc
(cf. Chantraine 1933: 338). For the use of the prefix, compare mp6-dop10¢ ‘front room’,
etc. With a different accentuation, there is also mpoBooxdc (-oc) [m.] ‘assistant
herdsman’ (Hdt. 1, 113); cf. tpddovA0c. Borrowed as Lat. proboscis, promuscis.
mpddavic [adv.] - mpdtepov ‘before’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
Mponpdotos [adj.] name of a festival before ploughing (Att.). <GR>
VAR In IIponpooia (scil. optn, Pvoia) [f.], -ta (tepa) [n-pl.].
*DIAL Epid. IIpapdttog (inscr.), also -tptoc.
*DER Mporpootot Geoi, -ia Anurjtnp (Plu.).
*ETYM Hypostatic formation from mp6 dpdtov (with compositional lengthening).
With crasis and dissimilation: mAnpooia [f.] (Att. inscr.); see Schwyzer: 258 and 402,
Lejeune 1972: 323°.
mpotktns =mpoik.
npoik, mpotxds [f.] ‘gift, present’ (v 15, p 413, both gen., on which see below), ‘dowry’
(Att.), see Sommer 1948: 94; also late pap. as an archaizing term in juridical jargon.
<1 *seiHk- ‘stretch forth the hand’>
eVAR Used adverbially: acc. mpoixa ‘gratuitous, for free’ (Att.), probably also gen.
TIPOLKOG (Vv 15).
*COMP d-1tpolKog ‘without dowry’ (Att.); see Sommer L.c.
*DER Diminutive mpotx-idtov [n.] (Plu.); adj. -idtog ‘forming a gift’ (Ph.), -tpatog ‘id’
(pap. VIP), ‘gratuitous’ (D. C.), -tog ‘gratuitous’ (AP); verb -ifw ‘to provide with a
dowry’ (D. S., Ph. et al.). Also mpo-ixtng [m.] ‘beggar’ (p 352 and 449), -iocopau ‘to
ask, beg for a gift’ (Archil. 130). Cf. also the fut. kata-mpotGouat in ob katanpottetat
‘he will not get away unpunished’, etc. (IA com.).
*ETYM An archaic word that became extinct, but was later revived. Formation like
TIpdo-pvk, so 1p6-1E (mpdixa with dieresis is Ion., acc. to EM 495, 33), from a prefixed
verb which is also the basis of mpoiktnc. The yod-present mpo-iooopat can be either
primary or denominative from mpoi€.
Original mg.: “reaching out (of the hand), presentation”, related to Lith. siekti, 1sg.
siekiu ‘to reach out, etc.’; 11p0iK-t1)¢ originally means ‘who reaches out his hand’; cf.
TIPO LOG 1237
Tpoteivw xeipa kai mpotcoopat (Archil. 130). See further > ixw and LIV’ s.v. *seik- for
further cognates from Baltic, Tocharian, and Umbrian.
mpoxa [adv.] ‘instantly, suddenly’ (Hp, A. R.). <IE *pro-k- ‘in front’>
eVAR pote (Hdt., Call.).
eETYM Temporal formation like abtika, mhvika, toKa; clearly derived from »1pd
‘(be)fore, forward’. The velar suffix has correspondences in OCS proks ‘remaining’,
Lat. reci-procus ‘returning on the same road’ from *‘directed backward and
forward’), proc-erés ‘chiefs, nobles’, procul ‘far away’. The final -a is ambiguous:
perhaps after dua, taxa, etc. or the ntr.pl. ending? The suffixation with -te is
parallelled by émeite, abre, etc.
mpok@va [n.pl.] with or without dAgita, flour of barley (Hp., Att. inscr.); see the
TLG. <?%
eETYM Unknown.
mpopdAayyes [m. pl.] a group of flatterers and spies on Cyprus (Clearch. fr. 19
Wehrli). <?>
*ETYM Indigenous term without etymology. The association with paAdoow points to
folk etymology (DELG).
mpoun Oi [adj.] ‘forethinking, cautious’ (IA). <IE? *men(s)-d"h,- ‘direct the mind to’>
*DER 1. TpourO-eia (Att.), also -ia (trag.), Ion. -in, Dor. -yaOea [f.] ‘caution,
foresight’; 2. IIpoun®8-evc, Dor. -ua0-, [m.] “the forethinking one”, ‘Prometheus’
(Hes., Pi.), secondary appellative (A.); to this as an opposite EnyunBevc (cf. BoShardt
1942: 95f.); with -etocg ‘belonging to Pr. (Nic., AP), ta ITpounO-eta ‘festival of Pr’
(Att.), -tk@¢ ‘in a way worthy of Pr.’ (Ar.), at the same time connected with
TpoNOrjc; 3. MpounO-~opuat ‘to be forethinking, cautious’ (IA), also -evouat ‘id,
(Alex. Aphr.) with -evtixds = mpounOrjc (Eust.); on mpopr_eoat (ipv. aor.?, Archil.?)
see Maas KZ 60 (1932): 286.
eETYM From 71p6 and *pij8oc, *ua80c, which may be semantically associated with
uadeiv. Since the latter is compared with pevOipy and Go. mundon sis, etc.,
analogical ablaut must be assumed for itpounOrc, perhaps after urSopat or pijtic.
This remains a bit doubtful.
mpopvijotivor [adj.] ‘one by one, one after another’ (@ 230), -at (A 233). <GR> As
*ETYM Formation like ayytot-ivoc (from &yyxioTa), Evdiva (from EvSov); see Meid IF
62 (1956): 274%. From a noun like *mpduvnotic ‘wooing’ (from 71p0-Lvaouat ‘woo for
sbd.’), thus the original meaning is ‘belonging to wooing’, after the ancient custom to
present several women one after another. See Hoffmann RAM 56 (1901): 474f. The
hypothesis of Forssman KZ 79 (1965): 26ff. is to be rejected (cf. on » mpvpvoc).
Tpoutog [m.] ‘protagonist’ (Hom.), ‘leader, commander’ (trag.). <IE *promo- ‘first’>
*ETYM Usually connected with U promom ‘primum’, Go. and ON fram ‘forward’,
and identified as an old superlative of IE *pro in mp6, etc. The hapax » mpduos, if not
corrupt, has been compared to Go. fruma ‘first’. Since the word only means
‘champion’ in Hom., we have to consider the possibility that 1pdj10¢ was shortened
1238 TPOVWTI|
from mpduaxoc (already suggested by Aristarchus); the meaning ‘leader’ would be
due to a misunderstanding of the epic word. The hapax ayoi npdpvot (A. Supp. 904
[lyr.]) presents metrical difficulties, but may be due to an error in the tradition;
differently, Forssman KZ 79 (1965): 11ff. (see on » mpvpvdc).
mpovwmijs [adj.] ‘inclined, stooping, downcast, weak’ (A, E.), on the mg. Muller
Mnem. 55 (1927): 101ff. <?>
*DER Tpoviomtos ‘outside, in front of the house’, 14 mpovama, TO mpovamov ‘front,
facade of a house’ (E.), fipwes mpovdmot ‘Lares compitales’ (D. H.); see on
> vwréopat with vev@rntat.
*ETYM Formally, vwréopat is comparable to deverbatives such as nmwréopat, wOéw. It
may have given rise to mpovwntjc, Mpovwmtoc, but mpovwmta is also reminiscent of
the synonym évdmta; therefore, it has been suggested (Eust., Bechtel 1914 s.v. vam)
that npovioma is from *npo-evoma. At any rate, TPovwrtc and vwréopat cannot be
connected with vamn ‘woodland, glen’ (Bechtel l.c.) with ablaut as in KOT : KATY,
as suggested by Frisk.
mpok, mpoxds [f.] ‘roe- or deer-like animal (p 295, Archil, Arist. et al.). <IE *perk-
‘spotted, motley’>
eVAR Also mpoxade, -5o¢ [f.] (h. Ven. 71), like SopKdc, kepdc.
*ETYM Animal names of the same type as yAavé, yw, aif, etc; see » mepKvdc.
TPOoipLLoV =oitLN.
mpommAakivw =mr6dOc.
mpoc [adv., prep.] ‘furthermore, thereto; from, by, at, to, towards, in face of (epic IA,
Aeol.). 4IE *proti ‘against’>
eVAR With gen. (abl.), dat. (loc.), acc. Epic also mpdti, mpoti, with metathesis nopti
(Cret.), with e-vocalism mept’ (Pamph.), mpéc (Aeol. acc. to gramm.), see also on
> MpéoBuc.
*ETYM The form mpott is identical to Skt. prati ‘to, against’, except for the missing
effect of Brugmann’s Law. This points to *preti, which is perhaps found in Pamph.
ttept’. See also Lat. pretium ‘price, worth’ < *préti-o-, “the opposite equivalent”, OCS
protive ‘against’ < IE *proti-.
The usual forms mpdc (and mpéc) have arisen by assibilation of *-ti in antevocalic
position; note that final -o¢ is also found in mapog and mdc. An older form pres is
found in Messap. prespolis (Pisani Sprache 7 (1961): 103; meaning unknown; acc. to
Pisani ‘lord of the house, (house) priest’). Beside mpoti/ mpdéc, Greek has » noti,
> 16. Further connection with mp6 is conceivable; cf. on » mpd0w.
mpoodvtns [adj.] ‘ascending steeply, inclined, craggy, rough, adverse, hostile’ (Pi., IA).
<GR>
eETYM Adjectival hypostasis of the adverb mpéo-avta (Dicaearch.) ‘upwards, up the
mountain’; like év-avta from a noun ‘front’, which is also seen in the frozen case
forms » dvta, > avti, » dvtiyv. Likewise in Gv-avta ‘up a mountain’, with avavtne
‘uphill, and xatavta ‘downwards, downhill’, with katavtng ‘going down’.
Tipdow 1239
Mpooryvijs [adj.] ‘favorable, gentile, sweet’ (Emp., Anacr.). <1E? *h,en-os- ‘face’>
eDIAL Dor. mpooavie.
*DER Mpoorveta (Hp.), mpoonvevouat = caivw ‘to flatter’ (H.).
eETYM Like » amvijc¢ and » mpryvijc, derived from a word for ‘face’, which itself is of
uncertain etymology.
mpoo0e(v) [adv., prep.] ‘ahead, before, formerly, yore; in front of (Il, IA) <IE, GR>
eVAR With gen; also mpdo8a (Dor. Aeol.), which gave mp688a (Cret.); mpdota
(Delph.).
eCOMP Also combined with other adverbs or prepositions, e.g. u-mpoo8e(v) ‘in front
(of), before’ (IA), -8a (Dor., Aeol.), with éumpdo6-toc ‘in the front’, especially of
body parts (Hdt., Att., Arist.), -idtog ‘id” (A. D., pap.), émi-mpooBev “close before,
near’ Att., Hell.) with émmpoo8-éw [v.] ‘to be in the way, in front of it, to hinder, to
cover’ (Hp., Hell.), bm6-npoo8e ‘just before’ (Hp.) with branpoo8-idioc ‘older
inhabitant’ (Locr.).
*DER 1pd608-toc ‘in the front’, especially of body parts (Hdt. v.l, trag., Arist, cf.
éumpdc8tog above), -idtog ‘id.’ (Nonn.), mpoot-iliog = mpoo8-{dtoc¢ ‘earlier, the
former’ (El.).
*ETYM Formation in -8e(v), -6a, which in view of the meaning and spread can hardly
be derived from mpdc¢ (Kretschmer Glotta 1 (1909): 55), but rather from mp6 with
analogical -o- (1pd-8ev, however, only in Greg. Cor.). The example cannot have
been dmtoGev, as this stands for earlier émev itself, and probably took -o- from
mpooVev. Therefore, more probably after éxtoo-8e(v), évtoo-8e(v), or from
m1p60(o )w? Extensive discussion in Lejeune 1939: 333ff.
TpooKndis =KijSoc.
mpdo@atog [adj.] ‘undecomposed’, of a corpse (Q 757 éporjets kai m., Hdt.), ‘fresh’, of
plants, victuals, water etc. (Hp., Arist., Hell.), metaph. ‘fresh’ = ‘which happened
lately, recently; following immediately’, of actions, emotions, etc. (A. [lyr.], Lys., D.,
Arist.). <GR>
eETYM Acc. to Phot, it means vewoti dvyprpévoc ‘recently deceased’, an
interpretation which seems to give the best solution: the second member belongs to
Tepvetv, Pdvoc, > Peivw ‘to hit, kill’, with the same second member as in Aprji-, dpet-
PaTOC, LVAT-Patoc, ddvvij-gatoc. DELG observes that it may have been a hunting
or fishing term, as it is used for flesh in Hp. Acut. 49 and in Men. 397. The
development of meaning to ‘recent’ became possible after the second member had
become opaque (cf. apeipatoc, which also means ‘martial’ in trag.). The first element
cannot be a verbal prefix (as if from *tpoo-Oeivw), and has not received a good
explanation yet (Frisk’s suggestion ‘close to’ does not really make sense).
mpdow [adv.] ‘forward, onward, further’, etc (Il.). <IE *pro-ti-o- ‘against’>
eVAR Epic also mpdcow. Compar. mpoow-tépw, -tatw, adv. mpdow-ev ‘from far
away’ (Ion. poet.), mpdco008ev (‘Y 533), after other adverbs in -o8ev (epic Ion. poet.).
*ETYM Contains the same formation as émio(o)w, derived from *pro with a suffix
*-tio-, or perhaps a thematic entension of *proti > mpdtt. See also » mépow, » Ndppw.
1240 TIPOCWTOV
mpdowrov [n.] ‘face, countenance, mask, role, person’ (Il.). <IE *proti ‘against’ +
*h,ek”- ‘see’>
eVAR Epic pl. also -nata, dat. -aot, which can easily be explained as an enlargement
favoured by the metre (Schwyzer: 515?).
eCOMP Rarely as a first member, e.g. mpoowmo-Armtys¢ [m.] ‘who respects persons,
who is partial’ with -Anetéw, -Atyyia (NT). Very often as a second member, mostly
late., e.g. uKpo-mpdowmTtog ‘small-faced’ (Arist.).
*DER Diminutives mpoowm-idiov (Ar.), -etov (-tov) [n.] ‘mask’ (Thphr., LXX), the
plant name -tov, -ic¢, -tdc, -ittc (Dsc. et al; probably after the form of the flower;
Strémberg 1940: 47), -obtta [f.] ‘face-shaped yessel’, “face-urn” (Polem. Hist., Poll.).
*ETYM Similar to » uétwrov ‘forehead’, mpdcwmov is also a hypostatic form, i.e. from
*mpoti-wm-ov “what is opposite to the eyes (of the other), the sight (of the other)”.
By connection with epic mpoti-dooopat, mpoo-dyotat ‘to look at’, émwma, etc.,
TpOdowmov may have been (re)interpreted as verbal noun (cf. G Angesicht).
Formally, mpdowmov neatly corresponds with ToA pratsak, ToB pratsako ‘breast’
(containing ToA ak, B ek ‘eye’) and with Skt. pratika- [n.] ‘face, appearance’ from
prati = mpott and a zero grade *-h,k”-, so *proti-h,k”- (cf. » éninebw < *opi-h;k’-).
The Greek form may continue this old compound, assuming that *Cih,C developed
to PGr. *CidC (which is doubtful), or it may have been recreated within Greek from
mpott and by.
On the IE expressions for ‘face’, see Malten 1961: 1ff.
mpotatvi [adv.] ‘ahead, in front of (E. Rh. 523). <GR>
eVAR Boeot. inscr. mpotivi ‘earlier’; mpotaiviov- mpd pkpod and madatdv ‘for a small
[time]; old’ (H.; text uncertain)
*ETYM Acc. to Bechtel 1921, 1: 309f,, it derives from mpd tat-vi (locatival; scil. muépa),
with a suffix -vt added to the pronoun; cf. also motaiviov (Schwyzer: 612). See
> TOTALVLOG.
mp6tepos [pron. adj.] ‘front, former’, usually of time ‘earlier’ (Il.). <IE *pro-tero-
‘further’>
eVAR Adv. mpdétepov ‘earlier’ (post-Hom.), mpotépw ‘further (forward), sooner’ (epic
since Il.), -woe ‘forward’ (h. Hom., A. R.), -w6e(v) ‘from before, from earlier on’
(Theognost., EM); mpotepr-yevijc ‘born earlier, elder’ (Antim.), after apyn-yevis,
etc.
*DER 1] Mpotep-aia (scil. hpépa) ‘the preceding day’ (IA), cf. botepaia, etc., also -eia
[f.] ‘id. (Tab. Heracl.), -ixov [n.] ‘priority’ (pap.); mpotep-éw ‘to be ahead, have the
advantage, prevent’ (IA), also with kata-, ovv-. Thence -1ya [n.] (Hell.), -notc [f]
(Hld.) ‘advantage, lead’.
*ETYM Opposite of totepoc, from » mp6, identical with Av. and OP fratara- ‘the one
more in front, earlier’, Skt. pratarda- ‘further, farther, future’.
TpOTi, Tpoti —m1pdc.
TIPSXELPOG 1241
mpotunots [f.] “(region of the) navel’ (A 424, Q. S., Sinope III*, H., Poll.); in H. also
TIPOTUTL¢: O Tepi TOV OUPAOV KaTa TOV Aaydva TOTOG ‘area surrounding the navel,
waist’ and mpotttov- TOV OL@aAdv. 4GR>
eETYM Verbal noun from mportéttvw ‘to cut offin front’, originally of the severing of
the umbilical cord, then of the navel itself and the area surrounding it (Porzig 1942:
337). Often analyzed as “incision of the body”, whence ‘waist’ (e.g. LSJ, Benveniste
1948: 78), which should be rejected. The form mpotwijttc in H. (also v.l. sch. A 424;
accent uncertain) must be explained, if the accent in H. is reliable, as a fem. of
*mpottis (like mpoBArjc); cf. e.g. SaomAttic and mpoBAftic, ddtijtt¢ (but these forms
are rare and late). A proparoxytone mpdtpnttc would be strange, and can hardly be
an archaism (Wackernagel 1916: 236).
mpovuvy [f.] ‘plum tree, Prunus’ (T hphr.). <PG?, Lw Anat.?>
*DER Tpovpvov [n.] ‘plum’ (Gal. et al.).
*ETYM Probably of Anatolian origin, like the tree itself: cf. the Phryg. TN
Upvpvnoods and Schrader-Nehring 1917(2): 181f. Borrowed as Lat. prinus, -um,
perhaps from an intermediate *npov(F)vov (Fur.: 243)?
MpovvetKoc (-tkoc) [m.] ‘one who bears cargo out of the market, hired porter’ (Com.
Adesp., Hdn. Gr., Ael. Dion., H., Eust.), also a designation of a loafer or a person
from the lower classes (Herod., H.); also adj. (AP 12, 209)? 4GR?>
*DER TMpovwxia (H.), see on » oxitadol.
*ETYM A colloquial word without a certain etymology. Hardly derived from mpo-
eveika, as suggested already by Eust. and others, nor related to veikoc (AB, EM); cf.
also BopupwSetc kai mpovvelkous in D. L. 4, 6.
mpovoedéw [v.] ‘to ridicule, outrage, maltreat’ (A. Pr. 438, Ar. Ra. 730). <?>
*ETYM Without etymology. One doubtful hypothesis derives it from *mpo-eo-ehéw
(from éoc) “to dump in the swamp” (Schwyzer: 724), for the semantics of which
mpomnAaxiCerv (H., Suid.) ‘id.’ has been compared.
mpdgpwv [adj.] ‘kind, willing’ (epic poet. since II.). <GR>
VAR Fem. mpdgpacoa (Il, Od.).
*ETYM Bahuvrihi compound, literally meaning “forward-minded” (cf. Sommer 1948:
10°). The form mpdgpacoa is after synonymous ékacoa (Wackernagel Gott. Nachr.
1914: 41f.); cf. on » Ex@v and » pry.
mpoxavn [f.] ‘pretext’ (Call. Cer. 73, fr. 26). <GR>
eVAR Dor. -a.
eETYM Archaic or dialectal formation with unclear history. Acc. to Eust. 1109, 39,
derived from a verb mpoxaivw, which is further unattested and translated as
TpogaciCouat ‘to give a pretext’; unconvincing. More probably, it is derived from
Tpo-éx opal ‘to pretend’, thus from *mpo-oxavy with elision.
mpd6xetpos [adj.] ‘at hand, ready, easy, usual’ (IA). <GR>
1242 TIp6X vv
*DER 71p0xeip-tov (-ov) [n.] ‘handbag’ (pap.), -dt1\¢ [f.] ‘readiness’ (Hell.), 1tp0xe1p-
(Coptat, -ifw [v.] ‘to provide (oneself) with, put at disposal, choose’ (Att. Hell.),
whence -tot¢ [f.] ‘provision, accomplishment’, -tot16¢ [m.] “provision, choice’ (Hell.).
*ETYM Hypostasis from mp0 xetp@v, possibly also a bahuvrihi “with a forward hand”
(Sommer 1948: 108, 112, 141, Schwyzer 1950: 508).
mpoxvu [adv.] ‘kneeling, on the knees’ (1 570, with xaGeCoptévn); ‘fully, thoroughly,
entirely’ vel sim. (® 460, § 69 with (am-)oAgoBau; A. R. 1, 1118; 2, 249), mg. uncertain
(Antim. Col. 2 P.). <1E *gon-u ‘knee’>
eETYM In the meaning ‘kneeling’, mpdyvvu clearly contains the zero grade of ydévv, as
in »yvvt. The proper meaning is therefore. “with the knees forward”, a frozen
ntr.acc. which stands for *mpé-yvv = Skt. (gramm.) pra-jfiu-, of which the meaning
is not quite certain (Wackernagel 1916: 74). The origin of the aspiration is uncertain
(cf. Schwyzer: 328). The meaning ‘fully’, if at all from ‘kneeling’, probably came
about by reinterpretation of an epic expression. For a different etymology, cf.
Brugmann-Thumb 1913: 127’, who derived mpéyvv ‘fully’ from xvatw ‘to plane, gnaw
off; the originally independent *mpd6-yvv ‘kneeling’ would then have coalesced with
it (an idea accepted by Wackernagel 1916: 74).
mpoxa@vai [f.pl.] ‘buttocks, coccyx’ (Archipp. 41). <GR>
*ETYM Perhaps a nonce form or comic contamination of Kkoy@vn and mpwktdc¢
(Giintert 1914: 122); otherwise, with mp0.
mpvAéec, -éwv [m.pl.] ‘heavily armed foot-soldiers’ (Il., Hes. Sc. 193, Gortyn), metaph.
of birds (Opp.); mpovAgot: teCoic omAitats ‘hoplites on foot’ (H.). <PG(V)>
*DER Also mpvAtc [f.] (Cretan) weapon-dance’ (Call. acc. to Arist. fr. 519 Cypr. or
Cret.); mpvAevoeic: emi tic ExPopac Tv teAevTIOdvtwV Tapa TH tepet (H.). From
TIpvAtc comes *mpvAEvw ‘to perform a 7.’, whence mpvAevoetc [f.pl.] (H.).
*ETYM It is not entirely clear how mpvdéec (sg. -Atj¢ [Hdn.] or -Avc [Schwyzer: 572])
and mpvAtc are related. According to Leumann 1950: 286f., Cret. mpvAtc would have
arisen through false interpretation of epic mpvAgec; Ruijgh 1957: 96f. opposes this.
In view of the formal variant mpovAéot, the word is probably of Pre-Greek origin.
Unrelated to mpvtavic (Misteli KZ 17 (1868): 174; cf. Bechtel 1914 s.v. dtamptotoc).
mpvpivodc [adj.] ‘utmost, hindmost, undermost’, of the body part that is closest to the
torso, vel sim.; also of the undermost part of a tree, a rock, etc. (epic poet. Il.).
<PG(V)>
eVAR With shift of accent mpvpvn, secondarily -va [f.] ‘hindmost part of a ship, stern’
(1A, IL.), in Hom. mostly attributive mpbpvn viqdc.
*COMP As a first member in e.g. mpvttv-wpeta [f.] ‘lower part, foot of a mountain (E
307), from *nmpuptv-wprj¢ (Solmsen 1909: 249, Risch Mus. Helv. 2 (1945): 18). From
TIPLE e.g. TPL[LV-obxXO¢ ‘holding the stern’ (E., AP), byi-mpvpvoc ‘with high stern’
(Str.).
DER 1. Tiputtv-d8ev ‘from the lower end, from the bottom’ (A.), also (Hell. poet.) =
mpvpiv-Bev, Dor. -a8ev ‘from the stern’ (Il.); 2. -yty¢ [m.] ‘steersman’, as an adj.
‘standing on the stern’ (A,, E.) with -1t1x6¢ (Callix. pap.), -fjotog (E.) ‘id’, ta -1\o1a
TIpwNV 1243
[n. pl.] ‘stern cables’ (Hom., AP); probably analogically built to mpvuvn (Chantraine
1933: 42, Schwyzer: 466); 3. -atog ‘id.’ (A. R.); 4. -ed¢ [m.] PN (6 112, Nonn.).
*ETYM Often connected with mpd, assuming v for o by Cowgill’s Law (e.g. Forssman
KZ 79 (1965): uff.), but this is semantically unconvincing, because mpujtvdc indicates
not the most foward, but the hindmost part. For the suffix -uv-, one compares Skt.
ni-mnda- [n.] ‘depression, depth’, adj. ‘lying deep’.
The connection with OCS kroma ‘back part of a ship’ is wrong; cf. Vasmer 1953 s.v.
kormd. Cf. also mpduvoc and » mpoytvynotivot, connected with mpuytvdc by Forssman
KZ 79 (1965): 11ff.; see » Mpduoc.
The most promising etymology consists of the connection with mpétvov, the non-
Indo-European interchange e/v pointing to a Pre-Greek origin (cf. Fur.: 65’”°).
mpUtavc, -ews [m.] title of a leading official, in Athens member of the governing
committee of the council, ‘foreman, chief of affairs, prytan’ (Dor. IA); also name of a
Lycian (E 678). <PG(V)>
eVAR Acol. 11p6-.
*COMP Some compounds, e.g. vav-mpbtavic = vavapxoc (Pi.).
*DER 1. Adjecitves mputav-tkdc (IA inscr.), -etog (Aristid.) ‘belonging to the .’; 2.
substantives -eiov, Ion. -1iov [n.] ‘residence of the 1., city hall’ (IA), in Athens also
name of a court of law; ta mputaveia ‘legal costs’ (Att.); here putav-itic (Herm.
Hist.), -efa (Syros) [f.] epithet of Eotia as a protectress of the Prytaneion; 3. verb
mputav-evw ‘to be m., lead something’ (h. Ap. 68) with -eia, Ion. -in [f.] ‘(term of
the) office of a m.’ (IA, Rhodes, etc.), -eva = Lat. principatus (epigr. I*), -evc¢ [m.] =
mpvtavc (Rhodos), back-formation acc. to BofShardt 1942: 77.
eETYM In view of the close resemblance to Etruscan purOne, epr9ni ‘title of an
official’, mpvtavic probably belongs to the Anatolian-Aegaean stratum of social
designations (cf. PactAetc, dvak, tupavvoc, and Schwyzer: 62 and 462). The
variation of Aeol. mpdtavwc (Att. inscr. incidentally have mpotav-evw, -eia) and
Phoc. and Cret. Bpvtavetw, -elov is suggestive of borrowing from a Pre-Greek
source; cf. Heubeck 1961: 67f Linderski Glotta 40 (1962): 157ff. also connects Hatt.
puri ‘lord’. The association with mp6 ‘in front’ is secondary and folk-etymological;
Tpv- is not an old by-form of mpo, as has been claimed on the basis of Stampvotoc,
TIPULLVOG, TIPVAEEC.
mpwny [adv.] ‘lately, the day before yesterday’ (Il.). <1E *proH ‘early, in the morning’>
eVAR Tpwryy CIl.), mp@v (Call. fr., Herod.), Dor. mpwav, mpdav, mpav (Theoc.); on the
phonetics Schwyzer: 250.
ecoMP As a first member in mpwnpdtr [m.] ‘early plougher’ (Hes.), like ow-apdtn¢
(see »Owé); often in Thphr, eg. mpwi-kapmoc ‘with early fruit’, compar.
Tipwikapmdtepos (see Strémberg 1937: 162f.).
*DER Also mpwt (Il.), Att. mp@ (mp@, mpai) ‘early, in the morning’. Compar. forms:
mipwt- (mpd)-)tEpos, -tatos, usually -aitepoc, -aitatog (IA), after madaitepoc etc.
Other derivatives: mpwioc, mpd@oc ‘at an early time’ (O 470), mpwia [f.] ‘early time,
morning’ (Aristeas, NT), after dwia; in Attic replaced by mpw-tjtoc (X., Arist., pap.
and inscr.), to Syytoc (Arbenz 1933: 76); also mpd6-itoc after mpd; Hell. -ivdc
1244 TIPWK TOG
(Chantraine 1933: 200f.); mpwita [adv.] ‘the day before yesterday’ (B 303), to mpwnv
after xO1Ca, ‘very early’ (Theoc. 18, 9), to mpwi; mpwi8ev ‘from early in the morning’
(LXX).
*ETYM Both mpwnv and mpwt presuppose an adverb *npw, which is confirmed by
OHG fruo ‘early’, Lat. pro ‘for, before’, Av. fra ‘forward, in front’, and less directly by
Skt. pratdr ‘early, in the morning’ beside Av. fra = »mpd. It is perhaps an old
instrumental *pro-h,.
The form mpwnyv, -av may have been influenced by petrified accusatives, like dry,
Sav, TAT, TAGY, dx. Similarly, mpw-t seems to have been modelled after locatives
like tpt, mépvot, avti. This mpwi served as the. basis for the adjective mpwi-oc (= OHG
fruoji ‘early’), which, interpreted as mpw-toc, gave rise to TpW-iLLoc, -tvdc (see above).
Mpwktdc [m.] ‘rump, anus’ (Hippon., Ar.). <1 *pre/oh,kt- ‘buttock’>
DER TpwKtilw ‘paedico’ (Ar.).
*ETYM Closely related to Arm. erastan-k' [pl.] ‘buttock’, an action noun in -an-, from
IE *preh.kt-. This means that Greek derives from *proh,kt- (Beekes in Kortlandt
2003: 191). The earlier reconstruction as *p(e)rh,kt- (see the discussion in Clackson
1994: 166f.) does not abide by the rules for IE root structure. Skt. prsthd- ‘back’ and
related forms are more easily derived from *pr-sth,-o-, and are therefore unrelated.
mpwv [m.] ‘protruding rocks, mountain top’ (IL). <?>
*VAR Tp@voc or mMpwvodc, plur. mp@vec, also mpwovec (epic poet. since I].), also mprwv
(Hes. Sc. 437, Hell.), mpewv (AP), -@voc, -dvoc.
*ETYM Starting from the later attestation nmpnwv (whence npewv, mpwv), the plur.
TIpwovec, -ac could be explained as a diectasis of np@vec; this would point to original
*TpnFwv or *nparwv (Schwyzer: 377). On the other hand, if we assume a pre-form
*TIpwFwv, Tpwoves becomes regular, but nmpnwv must then either be due to false
analysis, or an old ablaut variant of mpwv. A reconstruction *mpwfwv is strongly
supported by »mp@pa ‘prow, bow of a ship’, which can hardly be dealt with
separately. This goes back to *prh,-ur-ih,, beside *prh,-uon- giving mpwv; the
adjective is probably derived from the forebear of Skt. piirva- frontmost, earlier’.
Fur.: 331 wonders whether mpovvoc: Bovvots is a variant, or a contamination of
Tipwv and Bovvéc.
Mpwt, npwxos [f.] ‘dewdrop’ (Theoc., Call.). <1£ *prok- ‘drop, sprinkle’>
VAR Only plur. mpa@kec.
*ETYM Formation like kAwy, p@mec, tpwk, etc. (see Chantraine 1933: 2, Schwyzer:
424); thus, originally an agent noun “dripper, sprinkler” from a lost verb for
‘sprinkle’, which left traces in several derived adjectives, e.g. » nepxvodc. For a parallel
of ‘sprinkle’ beside “drop’, cf. especially Skt. prsan- ‘spotted, speckled’, prsatd- [m.]
‘spotted gazelle’ (Ved.), ‘drop of water’ (epic class.).
mp@pa [f.] ‘forepart of a ship, prow, bow’ ({t 230: gen. mpwpne¢, attributive to vnc). <IE
* prh,-u(e)r-ih, ‘forepart of a ship’>
VAR Ion. mpwpn, secondary after mpvuvn.
mTaiw 1245
ecomP Often as a second member, e.g. kvavé-mpwpoc ‘dark-bowed’ (Hom., B.),
-TIpwWpEloc (y 299, verse-final enlargement), -mpwipa [f.] (Simon. 241), explanation
uncertain.
*DER pwp-a8e(v), -n8e(v) ‘from the bow, at the bow’ (Pi. Th.); -evc [m.] ‘officer in
command at the bow’ (X, D., Arist.), also PN (8 113); -atn¢ [m.] ‘id’ (S., X.), to
mpvpviytnys, KvBepvytns (Fraenkel 1912: 206) with -atikdc ‘concerning the prow
(pap., Poll.), -atebw [v.] ‘to be in command at the bow’ (Att., Hell.); -jota [n.pl.]
‘uppermost points on starboard’ (EM: mpupvijoia); ptc. aor. mpwpdoavtec:
Kpotrjoavtec, 1] 5é LETAPopa Amd TOV vewv Kai Tig cipeoiac ‘making rattle, striking;
a metaphor from [the terminology of] ships and rowers’ (H.), cf. Men. Sicyon. 421
Kassel.
eETYM Apparently contracted from *npwrap-1a or *mpwrep-ta. The expected msc.
*npwrwv (cf. miwv : mieipa) is attested as » mpwv. Discussion in Peters 1980a: 190f.,
who argues that a suffix -e1ipa is expected on the basis of nieipa, némeipa, and that it
would yield the main attestation mp@pa. Actually, *npwrep-1a would have to result
in mpd@pa instead (which is also attested, but only as a weaker variant in the mss. and
pap.). However, in this case, mp@pa can hardly be explained, as there is no basis for a
pre-form in *-apia. Therefore, Peters argues that -w- was introduced, like in the
presents in -1}oKw, -@oKw.
It is improbable that kvavo-mpwipav (Simon. 241) preserves an old uncontracted
form *npweipav (Hdn. 2, 410); see Peters l.c.
Apart from the suffix -n-, related *npw-fwv is formally comparable to Skt. purva-
‘foremost, earlier’, ToB parwe ‘first’, OCS prove ‘first’ < * prh;-uo-.
Borrowed as Lat. prora, proreta (from Ion. *tpwprtns); see WH s.v.
mp@tos [adj.] ‘foremost, first’ (IL). IE *prh,-to- (2) ‘first’>
eVAR Dor., Boeot. mpatoc.
tl Very productive in compounding, e.g. mpwtd-yovoc ‘first-born’ (epic poet.
*DER 1. Superlative npwt-1ota [adv.] ‘first of all’, -totoc (epic poet. Il.), Dor. (Thera)
Mpatiotoc ‘the very first’ (Seiler 1950: 105). 2. mpwt-elov [n.] ‘first prize, first rank’
(Att.); -etog ‘of the first rank’. 3. -ebw ‘to be first’ (Att.) with the back-formation
Mpwtev< epithet to Kadc (Tim. Pers. 248). Several short names, e.g. TIpwt-evc [m.]
Seagod (Od., etc.), -téac, -tiwv, IIpat-ivac, -bAoc, etc. (Bechtel 1917b: 387). On
Ipwteai-haog, -Aews (IL, etc.), see Risch 1937: $712.
*ETYM Related to Skt. puir-va-, Av. paur-uua- < *prh,-uo-, and Lith. pir-mas < *prh,-
mo-, but with a suffix -to- as in tpitoc, tétaptoc, etc. Dor. Tpatoc is problematic,
because it seems to continue *prh,-to- with a different laryngeal; in spite of DELG,
the two forms cannot be unified under *prH-. The postulated reconstruction *T1pd-
atoc, which similarly could explain mp@toc, but not mpatoc, cannot have developed
out of *prH- in a regular way. Cf. Beekes 1969: 214f.
mtaiw [v.] ‘to nudge, crash into, stumble, err, have bad luck’ (IA); rarely trans. ‘to
knock over’ (Pi. fr. 205, LXX). <PG?, IE? *pi(e)h,-u-ie/o- ‘strike’>
12.46 TITaKa
eVAR Aor. mtaioal, fut. mtaiow, also perf. (later Att. Hell.) étaika, pass. (late)
TTaoOFVvat, EnTALOLAL.
°COMP Also with prefix, especially mpoo-.
*DER Mtaiopia (mpd0-) [n.] ‘push, fault, misfortune, defeat’ (IA, Thgn.), mpoontatots
[f.] ‘push, stumble, collision’ (D. H.).
*ETYM Rhyming formations like naiw, paiw, and also -kvaiw may have influenced
mtaiw (and vice versa); for the onset, cf. » nticow, » nTHOOW. The word may well be
Pre-Greek. Alternatively, Hackstein Glotta 70 (1992): 154-167 (see also on » 1tr}oow)
reconstructs a present *pi(e)h,-u-ie/o- on the basis of ntaiw, Lith. pjduti ‘to cut’, and
Lat. pavid ‘to pound, strike’.
ntdxa [acc.sg.f.] ‘hare’ (A. Ag. 137 [lyr.]). <PG?, IE? *pieh,-k- ‘duck away, shy’>
eVAR The nom. is unattested.
*DER mraK-ic, -t50¢ [f.] ‘id.’ (Com. Adesp. 1127), -topdc¢ [m.] ‘shyness’ (ibd. 1128:
*ntaxitw), -adic [adv.] ‘shy’ (Theognost.); mtaxwpetv. mtyooetv, dedorkévat “be
scared, fear’ (H.), after dAtywpetv, tyrwpetv etc.
*ETYM Considered to be a root noun of the aorist mt&xelv (see > mtr}00w), from a
paradigm nom. »ntw& < *pioh.k-s, analogical gen. ntax-dc. It seems, however, that
the whole complex of mtw&, mtdka, and mtwxdc is Pre-Greek in view of the
alternating root-final stops k/ x.
mtakdva “boat mat’ used in boats called kavva (Poll. 10, 166). < PG?>
DIAL LSJ gives ntaxdaAa or mtavaKa.
*ETYM No etymology; possibly Pre-Greek.
mtapvupat [v.] ‘to sneeze’ (Hp., X.). <ONOM>
VAR Rare and late ntdpvetal, ntaipw, nteipw, mtépopat; them. aor. mtapeiv (since p
541), ptc. also mtapeic (Hp. Arist.), ntapavtec (Arist; uncertain).
*DER mtap-1d¢ [m.] ‘the sneezing’ (IA) with -puxdc ‘causing to sneeze’, -iKn [f.]
‘sneezewort’ (Dsc., Gal.), see Stromberg 1940: 85; mtdpoc ‘id.’ (Hdn. Gr. 1, 191).
*ETYM Onomatopoeic word, probably related to Lat. sternud ‘id’, Olr. sreod
‘sneezing’; however, the reconstruction of a root *pster- remains hypothetical. Arm.
pingam, p‘nc‘em ‘to sneeze’ is probably onomatopoeic; see Clackson 1994: 99. An
aspirate is found in the gloss anopBapd—ac8at: 16 toic pwKthpatv eic TO Ew hyov
TpogoVat, atopAdoal, poyxdoat. Kpitec kai Xéuot (H.), with the same meaning as
Lat. sterto ‘to snore’.
Strunk MSS 46 (1986): 221-242 assumes an ablauting n-present with the full grade
shifting between the root (Lat. sternud) and the ending (hence ntdpvupict with a
zero-grade root).
mtéAac [m.] ‘wild boar’ (Lyc. 833, verse-final). <PG?>
VAR Also mtedéa: otc b10 Aakwvwv ‘boar (Lac.) (H.).
*ETYM The ending is the same as in éAéqac. A possible cognate would be » ntedén
‘elm’, but this leaves much unexplained. The connection with Lith. kiailé ‘swine’,
kuilys ‘breeding-swine’, and with Skt. kiri- [m.] ‘boar’, suggested by Merlingen 1956:
58, should also be rejected. Holthausen’s connection with meAitvdc, meAtdc, etc.
TTEpvy 1247
(Holthausen IF 62 (1956): 152) is arbitrary. The word may well be Pre-Greek (note
initial nt-).
mteAéa [f.] “elm tree’ (Il.). <PG(v)>
VAR Ion. -én, Epid. meAéa.
eDIAL Myc. pte-re-wa.
DER mtehé-tvog ‘of an elm’ (Att. and Del. inscr., Thphr.), -wv, -@vocg [m.] ‘elm grove’
(gloss.). IIteAedc [m.] town in Thessaly, etc. (B 697 et al.).
*ETYM The suffix -éa is frequent in tree-names (cf. tndéa, itéa). The word ntéAac
‘boar’ is formally close, but the semantics are far off (Strémberg 1940: 140 adduces
MoHG Eberesche to prove that boars may live in elm-woods). Lat. populus ‘poplar’
cannot be related, since it deviates strongly in form and meaning; phonetically closer
is Lat. tilia ‘lime-tree’. For the variation mt-: 1-, cf. moAguog and mdX\ic, Arm. feti
‘elm’ may have been borrowed from mteAéa (Solta Sprache 3 (1956): 227" argued for
old etymological relationship), or both may have been borrowed from a common
source, like Lat. tilia (which was borrowed into Greek in ttAiat- alyetpot ‘black
poplars’ [H.]); see Clackson 1994: 169. Fur.: 226 assumes that it is a variant of jeAin
‘ash’; he concludes that the word is Pre-Greek.
Mtéptc, -Eews [f.] ‘fern, bracken’ (Hell.). <GR>
eVAR Also -ic, -id50c.
ecoMP As a second member in dpv(o)-ntepic [f.] ‘oak fern’ (Dsc., H.), OnAv-ntepic
[f.] ‘female fern’ (Thphr., Dsc.). With the same meaning mtéptov (also with OnAv-)
[n.] (Ps.-Dsc., Alex. Trall.); see Strémberg 1940: 4of.
eETYM The original meaning must have been “feather plant”, as it is related to
>mtepdov; it was named after the form of the leaves (cf. MoHG Federkraut ‘water
milfoil’), Likewise, MoHG Farn (OHG far(a)n, etc.) ‘fern’ can be equated with Skt.
parnd-, Av. parana- [n.] ‘wing, feather, leaf. Alb. fier ‘fern’ may be related as well,
possibly as a loanword, acc. to Mann Lang. 28 (1952): 40.
mtépvy [f.] ‘heel’, also metaphorically of the lower part of several objects, etc. (epic
Ion. poet., Arist., Hell.). <IE *tpersneh, ‘heel’>
VAR Secondarily -va (LXX).
«COMP Some compounds, e.g. mtepvo-Kortic [f.] ‘heel-pusher’, nickname (middle and
new com.; see Wackernagel 1916: 196); *b16-mtepvog ‘under the heel’ in bnontepv-ic,
-i50¢ [f.] “base, underlay’ (Ph., Hero Bel.).
*DER mtepv-ic, -ido¢ [f.] ‘foot of a bowl’ (middle com.), -itw [v.] ‘to hit with the heel,
trip one up, supplant someone out of his position, provide a shoe with a new heel’
(LXX, Com. Adesp.), to which -totr¢ [m.] (Ph.), -topdc¢ [m.] (LXX). Isolated and
semantically unclear is mtépvig, -ikoc [m.] ‘main stalk of a cactus’ (Arist.); next to it
we find » tépvaka: tij¢ KaKTOU Tod muTOb KavAdv ‘stalk of the cactus’ (H.), s.v.
*ETYM Old designation of the heel: Lat. perna ‘calf of the leg’, Gm. (e.g. Go. fairzna
‘heel’), possibly Hitt. parsina- ‘buttock (?) (= parsna-; with parsndi- ‘to squat
down’), from IE *tpersneh,. Beside these, we find Indo-Iranian forms with secondary
vowel length: Skt. parsni- [f.], Av. pasna- [n.] ‘heel’. The initial nt- must reflect an
1248 TITEPOV
original cluster, probably *tp-, ie. *tpersn- (see Lubotsky 2006). On late mtépva
‘ham’, see > 71épva.
ntepév [n.] ‘feather, wing, pinion’, also metaphorically of feather- and wing-like
objects (II.). <1E *pet- ‘fly’>
*COMP mtepo-@dpoc ‘feathered, winged’ (A, E.), ti6-mtepoc “(swift-)winged’ (Pi.,
IA); on » broneTpisdtos s.v.
*DER 1. MTep6-etc ‘provided with feathers or wings’ (epic poet. Il.); antonym G-ntepoc
(Od.), of ,t680¢ (as an opposite of nea ntepdevta); 2. mtepw-td¢ ‘id.’ (IA), -tTLKOG
‘belonging to plumage’ (V?); 3. -pa [n.] ‘plumage’ (A. fr. Pl. Phdr., etc.), rather
enlarged from mtepdv than from mtepdopcu; 4. ntepd-tn¢ [f.] ‘winged condition’
(Arist.); 5. mtép-wv [m., n.] of an unknown bird (Com. Adesp.), -wic [m., n.] ofa kind
of hawk (Arist.); 6. mtep-dopa (also with éx-ovv-) [v.] ‘to get wings, become
fledged’, -6w ‘to feather, wing’ (IA), whence -wotg [f.] ‘feathering, plumage’ (Ar,
Arist.). Next to it mtépvt, -byoc [f.] ‘wing’ (IL), often metaphorically like mtepov.
Often as a second member, e.g. tavb-ntepvé (Il.), also -mtépvy-o¢ (Simon.)
‘spreading the wings’. From ntépvt are derived: 1. diminutive mtepby-tov [n.],
designation of several wing-like objects (Hp., Arist.); 2. -w6n¢ ‘wing-like’ (Hp.,
Thphr.); 3. -wtdc ‘provided with wings’ (Arist.); 4. -wpa [n.] ‘poultry, etc.’ (late); 5.
ntepvy-itw (also with ava-, etc.) [v.] ‘to move the wings’ (Ar.); also -dopa, -6w
meaning unclear (Lesb. lyr., medic.), with d7to- ‘to lose the wings’ (Vett. Val.); ntep-
boow (also with dia-, etc.) [v.] ‘to flap with the wings’ (Archil.[?], Hell.), perhaps
from mtEepdv.
*ETYM The word for ‘feather’ or ‘wing’ is derived from the verb for ‘fly’, represented
in Greek by » nétopat, ntéoOa. A good formal correspondence to mtep-dv < *pt-er-
is not found in the other languages: Skt. patr-a- [n.] ‘wing, feather’, Lat. acci-piter,
-tris hawk’, OHG fedara, ON fj9dr [f] ‘feather’, etc. all go back to IE *petr- (which in
Greek is represented in bnonetpiSiwv oveipwv ‘winged dreams’, Alcm. 23, 49). Some
connect Arm. f‘er ‘side’ as if from *pter- (comparing tir ‘flight’ < *ptér- and t‘r-cim
[v.] ‘to fly’, aor. t'7-eay), but this is semantically dubious. A heteroclitic stem is found
in Hitt. pattar (also pittar) [n.], gen.pl. -an-as. An n-stem is seen in Lat. penna [f.]
‘feather, wing’ < *pet-n-h, et al.
As for ntépvt, no convincing parallel for the suffix -vy- can be found in Greek
(ptvE and other bird names are too far off); connection with various words in other
IE languages has been suggested (see Frisk), but these are all unconvincing. The old
connection between mtepév and Ru. peré [n.] ‘feather’, etc. cannot be substantiated;
the Slavic words have cognates in Skt. parnd- [n.] ‘wing, feather, leaf, etc. Lith.
sparnas [m] ‘wing, paddle(?), leaf, ToB paruwa [pl.] ‘feathers’, and others, from a
root *(s)per-.
Tia eVAR MINVOc, NTolc. >TETOPAL.
Tthoow [v.] ‘to duck (for fright) (1A); sigm. aor. rarely trans. ‘to frighten, drive away’
(& 40, Thgn.). <PG?, IE? *pieh.-k- ‘duck (away), shy’>
eVAR Also ntwoow (IL, epic poet.), Aeol. (Alc?) rtd, fut. mtmEw (Att), aor. mAEat
CIl.), Dor. mta&ou (Pi.), also them. aor. ptc. kata-mtakwv (A. Eu. 252), perf. éntnxa
Tttioow 1249
(Att.), ntnka (LXX with vl. -xa, late); also epic forms ptc. perf. mentrwe (B 312, §
354, etc.), 3du.aor. kata-nTI]tIVv (© 136).
eCOMP Also with prefix, especially kata- and b70-.
DER mtijEtc [f.] ‘fright’ (LXX), enlargement mtwoxdCw ‘to duck, have fear’ (A 372)
after similar dAvoKdCw (to dAvoKw, dAvoow), HAacKalw; perhaps from *1twoKw; the
vl. mtwkdCw must be after mrwé. Cf. Schwyzer: 708, Chantraine RPh. 57 (1931): 125,
Chantraine 1942: 338.
*ETYM The epic forms mentnwc, Katantiytnv show that there was a root variant
without velar. A further cognate is » ttoéw. The comparison with Arm. t‘ak‘-cim,
aor. t‘ak‘-eay ‘to hide oneself (Pedersen KZ 39 (1906): 342f.) is discussed by Clackson
1994: 169f. Photius gives mtexdc- mtd.
The root is extensively discussed by Hackstein Glotta 70 (1992): 136-165. According
to him, ToB pyak-tsi ‘to strike down’ is related, which requires a reconstruction of
the root as *pieh,(k)- (he thus rejects a root *pteh,-k-). Greek has both *pta- and
*ptak- in nentyws and mti€at, respectively (from the latter, mtr}oow was derived;
another present is 11t®o0w). Also cognate are mtoav < *pioh,-eie/o- and mtaiw ‘to hit’
< *pieh,-u- and, from other IE languages, Lith. piduti ‘to cut, mow, harvest, torment’
and perhaps Lat. pavio from *pieh,-u- (with loss of *i after initial p- or by
dissimilation against the second -i-).
There are two problems with this reconstruction: first, the semantic connection
between Tocharian ‘to strike down’ and Greek ‘to frighten’ is not evident, and
second, it neglects the evidence of mtwydc¢ ‘beggar’, which is clearly related and
shows a substrate alternation.
mtidov [n.] ‘fluff, down, insect wing’, metaphorically ‘leaf, etc.” (IA). <PG(V)>
*COMP Some compounds, e.g. mttAd-vwtog ‘with a fluffy back’ (AP), tetpd-mtiA0g
‘with four fluffy feathers’ (Ar.).
DER 1. 1tlA-wtdc ‘provided with ntida’ (Arist., Att. inscr.); 2. -dopat, -dw [v.] ‘to be
equipped with mt. to equip with mt.’ (late), whence -wotc [f.] “emergence of fluff
(Ael.), also of a disease of the eyelid and eyelashes (Gal.); mtidoc “disease of the
eyelids’ (LXX, Gal.) is a back-formation on these words, whereas mtihAoc = lippus
(gloss.) has expressive gemination; 3. -woow [v.] ‘to have a disease of the eyelids
(lashesy (Archyt.).
eETYM The word mtidov was connected with mréo8a by Frisk, with a “hypocoristic”
suffix -\Ao- (Chantraine 1933: 248f.). On Dor. yidov (Paus. 3, 19, 6), see Bechtel 1921,
2: 319f. Fur.: 263 takes the alternation mtiAov / widov as evidence for a Pre-Greek
word, and he further compares Lat. pilus. In support of this, one may note that an IE
pre-form *pth,-ilo- does not look convincing.
mticow [v.] ‘to shell, grind grains by stamping’ (IA). <IE *(t)pis- ‘stamp, smash’>
eVAR Att. also ntittTw; aor. ntioal, pass. TtLoOFval, perf. mid. Entiopa..
*COMP Rarely with prefix, like mept- and kata-.
*DER mt1o-av1 [f.] (-avov [n.] Nic.) ‘peeled barley, barley groats’ (Hp., com., pap.);
-udc [m.] ‘winnowing’ (com.), -pa [n.] ‘peeled barley’ (Str; mepin[t] iopata [pl.] sch.
Jacobsohn KZ 42 (1909): 276), -t¢ [f.] ‘skin’ (Gal.), -tixdc ‘fit for shelling’ (com.).
1250 TITOEW
eETYM The word mttioow is an old agricultural term, retained in several languages,
though exact matches of the Greek forms in mt- are not found. Note the
correspondences d-ntio-tog ‘unstamped’ (Hp.) with Skt. pis-ta-, Lat. pis-tus
‘smashed’. All other nominal and verbal forms are based on mtio- as well, except for
the present mtioow, which was formed analogically after mAdoow, mdoow, etc. Nasal
presents are found in Skt. pi-nd-sti ‘to crush’ (perf. pipésa, pipise), Lat. pi-n-sd ‘to
pound’ (with secondary perf. pins(u)i, next to pis-tor ‘pounder, miller’, etc.); Balt.
and Slav. have secondary formations, eg. Lith. paisau, -yti ‘chop off ears of corn’
(beside primary pisu, -ti ‘to copulate’), Ru. pixdt’ ‘to thrust, stamp’ (next to primary
pseno ‘millet from *posens [ptc.] ‘stamped’), On Greek mt- against p- elsewhere, cf.
on » TTépvn. *
mtoéw [v.] ‘to frighten, scare’, pass. ‘to become shy, scared, passionately excited’
(Thgn.). <>
VAR epic mtolgw (ntolmpat Thgn. 1018), fut. mtotjow (AP), aor. MTO(L)AGat (6 340);
éntoao’ (Sapph. 22, 14), émtdacev (31, 6 codd., cf. Hamm 1957: §49b3), mostly pass.
MTO(t)NBFvat (x 298); EntodOr¢ (E. IA 586 [lyr.]), perf. mto(i)at (Hes. Op. 447).
eCOMP Also with prefix, e.g. dta-, ék-.
DER 1. 1T0(i)1;-ol¢ [f.] “excitement, passion’ (Pl., Ph., NT); 2. ntoia (epic -n, rarely
mton, -a) [f.] ‘fright, passion’ (Hell.), mrot-wdr¢ (Hp.), -adkéocg (Opp.) ‘scared,
frightened’.
eETYM The verb mtoéw is a secondary formation, probably an iterative-intensive of
the primary verb retained in katantrtyv, mentiWs (see on MtTIhoow). It goes back to
older *ntw-éw (cf. rw); mtovgw and other forms are derived from it by metrical
lengthening (cf. e.g. dAoLd¢ and mvotr).
Next to mtoéw, we find the rare mtodw (see above), like for example movaw next to
mtovéw (see tévopat). The old combination with Lat. paved ‘to tremble’ (Froehde KZ
22 (1874): 259ff.) is accepted by Merlingen 1956: 56, starting from IE *tpou-.
However, see Hackstein Glotta 70 (1992): 154-167, who reconstructs *ptoh,-eie/o-; see
also on > 1TIoow.
mtoAieBpov
eETYM See > m0Aic, and further Ruijgh 1957: 77f.
mtép8oc [m.] ‘sprout, shoot, young twig, branch’ ({ 128). <PG?(V)>
eVAR Also m6p80c: ntdp8o¢ (H.).
eCOMP Rare and late as a second element, e.g. gtAd-ntop80¢ ‘loving offshoots’
(Nonn.). The assumption that mtép80¢ would have an older abstract meaning
‘sprouting’ in Hes. Op. 421 (e.g. Porzig 1942: 50) is unnecessary.
*DER mtop0-eiov [n.] ‘id’ (Nic.), -to¢ [m.] epithet of Poseidon (as promotor of
vegetation, = mutdAjuoc, Chalkis V*).
eETYM There is a variant 16p80c, and Arm. ort‘ ‘vine’ may somehow be related, as
well. Fur.: 317 attributes these matches rather to independent borrowing from a
common origin.
mtvov [n.] ‘winnowing shovel’ (N 588, A., S. in Fr. Theoc.). <PG?(v)>
TITVOOW, -OHAL 1251
eVAR Att. mtéov, acc. to Ael. Dion. etal.
*DER Diminutive mtvdpiov [n.] (Hdn., EM) and dintvov- Kinptot pétpov, oi dé TO
Tpmwedipvov ‘measure (Cypr.), halfapéduvoc’ (H.).
*ETYM Traditionally (e.g. Curtius 1858: 498) compared with Skt. pdvate, pundti ‘to
purify’, e.g. of corn, and also with OHG fowen < PGm. *fawjan- ‘to sieve, purify
corn’ (Pok. 827), which supposes a secondary nmt-. If an old full grade is accepted for
mtéov (only mentioned by grammarians, who label it Attic), mttov could be
secondary after ntbw. However, the variation v/e seems rather to point to Pre-Greek
origin (Fur.: 314).
mtbpopmat [v.] ‘to get scared, become shy’ (Hp., D. S., Ep. Phil., Plu.); a1to-ntUpw ‘to
scare’ (gloss.). <?>
eVAR Aor. mtupijvat (late).
*COMP Also with xata-.
*DER mtuptikdc ‘fearful, scared’ (Arist., Str.), mtvpydc as an explanation of ntoia (H,,
Phot.).
eETYM Unexplained. The initial agrees with mtrjoow, mronPrjval, which is also close
in meaning (this connection is mentioned in Persson 1912(1): 429' and Merlingen
1956: 56), while the ending recalls the semantic group odvpoya, wvpopat, etc.
However, mtvpopat can hardly be a contamination of the two, contrary to what Frisk
proposed.
nrvboow, -onat [v.] ‘to plead, fold (up)’, med. ‘to fold around oneself (Il.). <PG?>
eVAR Fut. mrv&w, -opat, aor. mrvEat, -ac8al, pass. mtvxOFjvot, mtvyfjvat, perf.
néntvypat, EnTvypa.
eCOMP Often with prefix, eg. dva-, Tepl-, Mpoo-.
DER 1. MtvKTO¢ ‘folded’ (Z 169 etc.), muKtH [f.] (Cod. Inst.), muxt-ic [f.] (AP, Gal.),
-iov [n.] (sch., Suid.) ‘tablet? (dissimilated from mt-, see Schwyzer: 260); 2. ttbypa
(mpdo-, tepi-, etc.) [n.] ‘fold, loop of a garment, compress’ (E 315, E., Arist., medic.),
with (1poo-)ntvypdt-tov [n.] ‘compress’ (medic.); 3. mTbklc (also ava-, dia-, etc.) [f.]
‘folding, fold’ (Hp., Arist.).
Further mtvyx-ec¢ [pl.], acc. -ac, datsg. -i (Hom.), acc. -a (E. [lyr.]}) [f]; with
enlargement mtvx-1, mostly plur. -ai [f.] (post-Hom. poet.) ‘fold, ply, layer’, metaph.
‘gorge, valley’; it also functions as verbal noun to mtboow, especially to the prefixed
compounds (eg. dvantvxt] to dva-ntboow); as a second member in Si-, ‘tpi-, toAV-
mtvxoc (Il.), see Sommer 1948: 65f.), with transfer to the s-stems in mept-nTvyXI¢
‘folding around’ (S.), dt-mtvx1¢ (Arist.), etc.
From mtvyq are derived: 1. mtvx-ic, -id0¢ (bm0-) [f.] ‘layer, joint’ (Plu.); 2. -ov [n.]
‘folded table, etc.’ (Hdn. Gr., pap.), -tog = mTvKtd¢ (EM); 3. -W519¢ ‘fold-like, ply-like’
(Arist.); 4. IItvx-ia [f.] name of an island near Corcyra (Th.). ,
*ETYM Beside nttoou, there are also relatively rare forms with -tt- (dta-ntbttw PI.
Lg. 858e, 11p00-ava- Arist.). Therefore, the -oo- is perhaps rather a Ionism than a
strategy to avoid the co-occurrence of t and tt in mtbttw (Schwyzer: 319'; cf. 755”).
As an old yod-present, nticow goes back to *ntby-lw. It can be considered a
denominative from mtby-ec.
1252 mTbW
The etymology is unclear: the connection with Skt. pytiksna- (only in the compound
pyuksna-vestita-), which stems from Brugmann-Delbriick 1897-1916 1: 277, is highly
questionable (see Mayrhofer EWAia 2: 173). Fur.: 318 considers the word Pre-Greek,
which may well be correct, although his connection with muxvdc, etc. is not
convincing.
mtbw [v.] ‘to spew, spit’ (Hom.). <IE *tspi(e)uH- ‘spew, spit’>
eVAR Aor. mt0-oat (Hom.), pass. mtv-o8ijvat, -fjvat (Hp.), fut. mtbo-w, -opat (IA),
perf. étvxa (late).
eCOMP Often with prefix, e.g. amo-, &k-, év-.
*DER 1. GI16-, KaTA-MTVOTOG ‘worth spitting upon, abominable’ (Anacr,, trag., also
Att. prose); 2. mtvotc (also &k-, &-, ava-) [f.] ‘spewing’ (Hp., Arist.); 3. mtvopids [m.]
‘id? (Hp.); 4. ntbopia (Et-, d706-, kata-) [n.] ‘spittle’ (Hp., Plb., LXX); 5. dmo-ntvotip
[m.] ‘spitter’ (Opp.); 6. mtvdc, -ddoc [f.] designation of a venomous snake (Gal. et
al.); 7. mtv-ahov, -edov [n.] (-o¢ [m.]) ‘spittle’ (Hp., Arist.); from there -akwdn¢
‘spittle-like’, -ahiCw, -eAiCw ‘to secrete spittle’ with -adtopidg (-eA-) [m.] (Hp.).
*ETYM Beside the present mtb-w with long vowel (Schwyzer: 686, Chantraine 1942:
373) we find the aorist nrdoat with short vowel, just as in égptoa, dpdoat etc. This
stem is further found in nrboic and, with analogical o, in ntbo-h1a, -[16¢, etc.
Since the onset has several variants in Indo-European cognates, it was often
concluded that no preform can be reconstructed, which was attributed to the
onomatopoeic origin of the word (e.g. E-M s.v. spud). The sequence sp- is found in
Lat. spud, Germanic (eg. Go. speiwan), Lith. spiduti, 1sg. spiduju (from *spieuH-?),
and perhaps in Skt. (nih-)sthivati, if t v is dissimilated from p v. No s- is shown by CS
plovati, isg. pljujo, Arm. t‘uk‘ ‘spittle’ with t‘k‘-anem ‘to spew, spit’; a different order
of sounds is attested in Alb. pshtyn (Mann Lang. 26 (1950): 387).
Greek mt- could agree with Arm. t‘; if for older m-, OCS pljujo and Lith. spiduti can
be compared. Others prefer to derive the deviating forms from one preform. It seems
that a heavy cluster such as *tsp- accounts best for the forms attested.
Even within Greek, several variants are attested: amo-, éx-mb-ti(w (Hp. com., Arist,
the simplex stutiCw is found only in EM), probably extended expressively, and
subsequently dissimilated (borrowed into Lat. as pytissdre; cf. Leumann 1959: 159°);
Dor. ém-pOvodw = émntbw (Theoc.); yotte mrvet and oiat- ntvoat, Tdgtot (H.),
with > cialov.
AT@Ma VAR 1tHoic, =71iTw.
mrwe, -Kdc [m.] ‘hare’ (P 676, Thphr., Theoc.), attributive to Aaywoc (X 310, Babr.), of
Orestes seeking refuge (A. Eu. 326), of a coward (Lyc. 944). <PG?, IE? *pteh,-k- ‘duck
away, shy’>
eCOMP As a second member in moAv-nTw& ‘with many hares’, 4-mtw& ‘without hares’
(Call., Hdn. Gr.).
*DER 1twKdc, -ddo¢ [f.] epithet of ai®viat (Hom. Epigr.), of kbieipog (Simm.), as a
substantive referring to birds (S. Ph. 1093).
*ETYM The original meaning must have been “who ducks away, the shy one”, an
agent noun beside ntwoow, ntij}oou; this meaning still filters through in ntwkdc and
nodyr} 1253
is also possible for mtw& in certain attestations (e.g. X 310). A broader use of mtw8 is
also suggested by the various explanations in H.: nt@xec: detAol, Aaywoi, SopKadec,
éhagot, veBpoi. The alternation «/ x evidenced by »ntwxdc ‘beggar’ points to
substrate origin; cf. also on »ntdKa and »ntHoow (where an alternative is
mentioned).
MTWOOW >TTIHOOW.
ntw xe [{m., f.] ‘beggar’, also [adj.] ‘begging, poor’ (Od.). <PG?(Vv), IE? *pteh,-(k-) ‘duck
away, shy’>
ecOoMP Some compounds, eg. mtwxo-101d¢ “drawing beggarly characters’ (Ar.),
‘making beggars’ (Plu.), b1tép-mtwyog ‘very poor’ (Arist.), see Sommer 1948: 170°.
DER TITWX-1k0¢ ‘beggarly’ (Att.), -eiov [n.] ‘almshouse’ (Cod. Iust.), -edw [v.] ‘to beg’
(Od.) with -eia, Ion. -rin [f.] ‘beggary’ (IA), -iCw ‘to make a beggar’ (LXX).
eETYM 1ttwxdc is a formation in a velar like »1twt, »1tTwWoow (see s.v. and on
> mtoéw). It seems that its aspiration cannot be explained in an IE framework (there
is no direct connection with the much later perfect étnxa). Since it is highly
probable that mrw&, mtwkdc ‘hare’ is related, we are dealing with a typical Pre-Greek
alternation k/ y.
TBAVOS =KDaLLOG.
TVAP =711Vd6.
mobyy [f.] ‘behind, rump’ (Archil.). <PG?>
*COMP Several compounds, e.g. mvyo-otddog ‘decorating the rump’ (Hes.), see
Martinazzoli Par. del pass. 15 (1960): 209ff., kata-mvyoc (H., Phot.) with -11vy6tepoc,
-1tvyotatos (Sophr., Epigr. Gr.), and -mbywv, -wvoc [m.] ‘voluptuous, lewd’ (Arist.);
[f.] kata-nbyaiva (Att. amphora), see Fraenkel Glotta 34 (1955): 42ff. with literature);
on the insect name muyo-Aaumtic (Arist.), see Stromberg 1944: 136.
*DER 1. Diminutives mvy-iov [n.] (Tab. Defix.), -idtov [n.] (Ar.); 2. substantive mvy-
aiov [n.] ‘buttocks’ (Hp., Arist.), -ewv, -@voc [m.] “buttocks, arse’ (Hippon. 92), after
Kevewv, cf. Masson ad loc.; 3. adverb -1)56v ‘with the tail foremost, rump to rump’
(Arist.), -toti *?? (Hippon. 92), cf. Masson ad loc.; 4. -i€w [v.] ‘to inculate, sodomize’
(Ar.) with -topa (Theoc.). Hypostasis é-710by-1a [n.pl.] ‘buttocks, region of the
buttocks’ (pap. I*).
eETYM A slang word, completely avoided in epic poetry and higher literature
(Wackernagel 1916: 225f.). It has no convincing etymology. Connection with Skt.
puga- ‘multitude, mass’, etc. is phonetically fine, but the semantics are not
compelling (see Mayrhofer EWAia s.v. and below on mtvvoc). Holthausen IF 20
(1906-1907): 329 connects 10, > mvyu}, like MoHG Steif ‘rump’ beside stofen ‘to
bump’, which in turn is formally difficult because of the long vowel of moby.
Differently, Bezzenberger BB 27 (1902): 176f. (to » mbptatos, etc. s.v.). Connections
with Germanic by Holthausen KZ 74 (1956): 244 are to be rejected. The word nvyy
could well be Pre-Greek, due to the variation 0 / }, but it is not mentioned by Fur.
1254 TVYUN
muy [f.] ‘fist, fist-fight’ (Il.); as measure of length, ‘the distance from the elbow to the
knuckles’, equivalent to 18 64xtvAot (Thphr,, Poll.). <1E? *puk-, pug- ‘sting’>
*DER mtvyttatoc ‘as large as a m., dwarf-like’ (Hdt., Arist.), nom.pl. “the fistlings”,
name of legendary people of dwarves (I 6, Hecat., etc.); mvyp-txdc ‘belonging to a
fist-fight’ (An. Ox.); name IIvyptac¢ [m.] (Chantraine 1956a: 18). On Ivyptadiwv,
probably a popular adaptation of a foreign word, see Ruijgh 1957: 136.
muvywv, -dvoc [m.] measure of length, ‘the distance from the elbow to the first finger-
joint’, equivalent to 20 daxtvAot (Hdt., X.); from this tvyovotos ‘one m. long’ (k 517 =
X 25, Arat.), probably analogical (Risch 1937: 125), since *1tvyovt- (cf. Schwyzer: 526)
is not probable; regular mvyov-taiog ‘id.’ (Hp., Thphr.); mbxtn¢ [m.] ‘fist-fighter’
(Xenoph., Pi., Att.) with muxt-txdc ‘belonging*to fist-fight(ers), brave in fist-fighting’
(Att.), -oovvn [f.] ‘skillfulness in fist-fighting’ (Xenoph.), see Wyss 1954: 31; -ebw [v.]
‘to be a fist-fighter, have a fist-fight’ (Att, Boeot.) with -evotc, -evtic¢ (gloss.), -etov
(Suid.); also with analogical \-extension -aAebw [v.] (Sophr.), -ahifw (Anacr.) ‘id’.
mvé [adv.] ‘with the fist, in a fist-fight’ (especially epic poetry, Il.); derived from it
mvy-paxoc [m.] ‘fist-fighter’, -payéw, -yayia, -in (Hom., epic poet.), a univerbation
from m& pwayeo8au; cf. Georgacas Glotta 6 (1958): 180.
eETYM The above words are all built on a root mvy-, which was probably both verbal
and nominal. As parallels for nvy-{uj, primary formations like » maAdun, ottyy, and
Spaxyi could be adduced. The form mvy-wv recalls dyk@v and Aaywv, the first
perhaps being verbal, the last probably nominal (see on »Aayaiw). The form mv«-
T1]¢, too, can be either primary or secondary, whereas for 110& a nominal origin seems
most probable (see Schwyzer: 620); cf. still 710+ nvypu} (H.).
A corresponding /-derivative is seen in Lat. pug-il [m.] ‘fist-fighter’, an n-formation
in pug-nus [m.] ‘fist’ (pugndre, pugna are secondary derivations). Thus we arrive at
an isogloss pug- ‘fist’ between Latin and Greek. This etymon has been further
connected with Lat. pung6, pupugi ‘to sting’ (see WH s.v. pugil), for which we would
have to assume a specialisation ‘to sting’ > ‘to sting with clenched fist and knuckles
stretched out forward’, i.e. ‘to box’. The word pug- ‘fist’ could be a suffixless agent
noun, originally * “the stinger, the boxer”. The meaning ‘to sting’ can still be seen in
Lat. pugid ‘dagger’. The same meaning is found in » nedKn, but this word is probably
not related, since it has a voiceless stop k.
mvdapitw [v.] ‘to fling with the foot, hoof (App. Prov.), acc. to EM = AaxtiCetv, acc. to
H. = 16 py avéxeoOai tivoc, GAN’ &rtomdav, xaderaivetv ‘to leap off, be angry’; with
amo- (Ar. Eq. 697), dta- (Com. Adesp.), both with 6 (metrically conditioned?). <?>
eVAR -aAilw (Suid.).
*DER mvdaptoptdc = Svoxépeta (Zon.).
eETYM A popular expressive formation in -api(w (-aAiCw), further isolated. GroSelj
Ziva Ant. 3 (1953): 205 compared Lat. pudet (if from ‘strikes down, is struck down’),
Gr. > ontevdw, and Lith. spdudZiu, spdusti ‘to press. Cf. WH under tripudium, with
further literature.
mbBouat 1255
mbeAoc [f.] ‘water-trough’ (with soaked corn? See t 553, where grain is washed), ‘bath-
tub’ (Hp., com., pap.), ‘coffin’ (Hell.), cf. Schulze 1892: 515 and Schulze 1933a: 380’.
<PG?>
eVAR Hell. and late mUaXoc.
DER mvéA-tov [n.] ‘coffin’ (Crete, Diogenian.), -ic (-adic), -ido¢ [f.] ‘id.’; also ‘setting
of a jewel, eye-socket, etc.’ (Att., Hell.); -wé1j¢ ‘trough-like, hollow’ (Arist.).
eETYM Sometimes thought to be related to » tAUvw through dissimilation from *mAv-
edog (cf. Kretschmer Glotta 6 (1915): 308; Renehan Class. Rev. N.S. 18 (1968): 133).
However, although the suffixal variation -ehoc/ -adoc could perhaps be explained,
the etymology with mAvvw is almost certainly wrong: it is very likely that mUeXoc is a
Pre-Greek word.
Tvetia =11v0dc.
mevQujv, -Evoc [m.] ‘bottom of a vessel, the sea, etc.’, ‘ground, base, underlay, foot (e.g.
of a cup), plant, ie. root-end, stick, stem’ (epic since Il., also Hell. and late prose),
‘the lowest number (base) of an arithmetic series’ (Pl., etc.). <IE *b'ud"-m(e)n-
‘bottom’>
eCOMP Infrequently as a second member, e.g. d-n0Otev-oc “bottomless, footless’
(Thphr.), see Sommer 1948: 99; also (gramm.) d-10Ounv ‘id.” (Theognost.), etc.
without the thematic vowel.
*DER Diminutive mvOtév-tov [n.] (pap.), -txd¢ ‘belonging to the base’, -éw [v.] ‘to
form a base’ (late).
*ETYM The formation of mvOuv is identical to Ayujv and roy (it is not productive
in Greek, see Chantraine 1933: 174). The form mv0-urv agrees with Skt. budh-nd-
[m.] ‘bottom, ground, foot, root’, from IE *bhyd*-. The suffixes match, if one derives
budh-na- from *b'ud"-mn-o- (where the m was lost at an early stage). In Germanic,
*b'yud'- became PGm. *bud- (seen in OE bodan, MLG bédem(e), etc.); then, after mn
> n, *bud-n- became *butt- > bot(t)- according to Kluge’s Law (seen in OE botem >
MoE bottom), ON botn; we also find evidence for PGm. *bub- (OHG bodam, OS
bothme, ME bothme). The developments in Germanic, including the forms with p,
have now been explained in detail by Kroonen ABdG 61 (2006): 17-25. Metathesis
occurred in Lat. fundus ‘bottom, etc.’, MIr. bond, bonn ‘sole, basis’ < *b*und"o- < PIE
*b'ud'nd-. On »1tbvSaek, see s.v.
mopar [v.] ‘to putrify, decay’ (IL). <IE *puH- ‘rot’>
eVAR Only pres. stem except katanémv@a- kateppbryka ‘has flown down’ (H.);
further causative 100w, fut. 7Wo0w, aor. ndoat (Mboat Call.) ‘to cause to rot’, both also
with kata- (Il.); on the date of the attestations see Wackernagel 1916: 133.
eDER We further find mov, toc [n.] ‘purulence’ (Hp., Arist.); as a second member
in oapkd-mvov [n.] ‘the festering of flesh’ with -mvuwdrc¢ (Hp.); adjectives, eg. g1-
mvoc ‘festering, full of festering ulcers’ (Hp., Att.) with eumtvdopat [v.] ‘to fester’
(Hp.); muBeddvec [f.pl.] ‘festering ulcers’ (Hell.), after onntedwv, etc.
Denominatives with prefix: ék-, gu, dmo-, dia-nvéw (-Eopat), -iokopat (late -iokw)
‘to fester’, with -1-notc, -nlta, -patiKdc, -17T1Kdc, -«Kd¢ (Hp., medic.); late simplicia:
TH-101c, -1y7TKdG (Aret., Gal.).
1256 TOKA
*ETYM Beside the O-enlargement in mv-Oopa, -Ow (cf. Bpi-Bw, mAr-8w, etc.
Schwyzer: 703), which can also underlie miow and mbdoa, Sankrit has a yod-present
puyati ‘to rot’ with a back-formation piya- [m., n.] ‘festering, pus’ (thus piya- is not
identical with srov). Baltic has a nasal present Lith. panu and pivii (i.e. pyvi) ‘id.’
in Germanic, we find an isolated ptc. ON fuinn ‘rotten’. The nouns mov and moc
go back to an unextended primary verb; they have their closest agreements in Arm.
hu, gen. huoy (o-stem) ‘festering blood’, and in Lat. pis [n.] (from *puH-os). Further
related are e.g. Lat. pitted ‘to rot’, piiter, -tris, -tre ‘rotten’, Go. fuls ‘rotten’. Here also
belongs » 11dc 2 ‘beestings’, s.v.
mb«a [adv.] ‘dense, solid’, metaph. ‘careful, sensible’ (Hom.). <?>
*DER We further find muxd%w, Dor. -4c5w (Theoc.), aor. rvKdo(o)at, pass. -oOfvau,
perf. med. nendxacpat, quite rarely with mept-, etc., ‘to tighten, enclose tightly,
encase compactly, cover’ (epic poet., late prose); thence mtxaopa [n.] ‘encased,
covered object’ (Sm.); adjective muxvdc, epic and lyr. also muxtvdc, ‘dense, solid,
compact, numerous, strong, brave, clever’ (Il.). This often occurs as a first member,
e.g. 1MvKVO-GapKos ‘with solid flesh’ (Hp., Arist.).
From muxvoc are derived muxv-dt¢ [f.] “density, closeness, etc.’ (IA), -dKic =
moAAGkKic (Arist.), -dw [v.] ‘to make dense, tighten, etc’ (IA) with -wya, -wotc,
-wtikdc -atw [v.] ‘to be numerous’ (EM, gloss.). As a first member mukt- in muKt-
undrs (-undnys) = pndea mokva (I 202, 208) Exwv, ‘with a dense mind, considerate,
sensible’ (a 438, h. Cer., Q. S.), see Bechtel 1914 s.v. On » Gurus, see s.v.
eETYM The forms m0xa : muKvdc : ToKL-LLNdt¢ form a system; Ka : 1tUKVOc can be
especially compared with » Baud : » Oduvoc, which are also semantically close. The
form muKtvdc may, acc. to Schwyzer: 490, have been formed analogically to mika and
TUK V6s, after Bapivdc, ddivdc, etc. Szemerényi’s theory (Szemerényi 1964: 82ff., 87ff.)
that muxvdc and @atLvocg are syncopated from ituKtvdc and *Oayvvoc should be
rejected.
Further analysis remains hypothetical. The connection of dprtv& with Av. pus-d-
‘diadem’ is highly doubtful; the same holds for a primary verb IE *puk- ‘to fasten,
etc.” (Pok. 849), from which mbxa was considered to be a denominative (Schwyzer:
734). Greek only has a secondary verb muxd(w. Alb. puth ‘kiss’ and puthtohem ‘to
clothe tightly, string oneself, embrace’ are unrelated.
In sum, the evidence for IE * puk- (Pok. 849) remains meager. Fur.: 317 assumes that
MUKVOs, etc. are Pre-Greek, but this assumption, too, is based on scanty evidence.
TUKTH eVAR Also, -tiov, -tic. =1TbOOW.
mvAEwv, -EWvos [m.] ‘wreath’ (Alcm,, Call. fr., Pamphil. apud Ath.). < PG?(s)>
eVAR TVA@V (H.), also miAtyyec: ai év tH Edpa tpixes, Kai tovAat, BootpvxaL, Kiktvvot
‘the hair/wool in the seat (?); down, locks of hair, ringlets’ (H.).:
*ETYM The formation of mvAewv and mbAtyyec has been compared with that of it0d-
ewv, Avxv-e@v and Owp-tyyec, Ad-tyyes respectively. On this basis, a pre-form
*mbAoc has been assumed. This *mvAoc is then connected with Skt. pulaka- [m.pl.]
‘erection or bristling of the hairs of the body’, pula- ‘id.’ (Lex.), and pulasti(n)-
‘wearing the hair straight’, which point to < * pula-. From Iranian, Kurd. par ‘hair of
mbvdak, -akoc 1257
the head’ is adduced, and from Celtic MIr. ulcha ‘beard’, ul-fota ‘with long beard’.
However, Mayrhofer EWAia 2: 151 doubts the connection between the Greek and the
Sanskrit words, and the whole remains rather uncertain. In fact, the suffix -tyyec
may even point to a Pre-Greek origin for this etymon.
nvAn [f.] ‘wing of a door, gate’, mostly plur. ‘door, gate’, especially of town gates, gates
of a camp and the like (II.); ‘entrance, access, bottleneck, etc.’, also as a TN (Pi.
Emp., IA). <PG?>
COMP Several compounds, e.g. mvA-aptis [m.] ‘gate-closer’, epithet of Hades, also
as a PN (Hom.), where the second member is related to dp- in apapioxw, with a
univerbating suffix -t1)- (Bechtel 1914 s.v., Fraenkel 1910: 31); nvA-wpdcg ‘gate-keeper,
guard’ (Il.), epic 1vAd-wpdc, Hdt. mA-ovpdc, also H. mvdA-avpdc¢ (Dor.), -evpdc
(Ion.); on the compositional vowel and the second member see on > dpdu; énta-
mvAog ‘with seven gates’ (Il, epic, lyr.); TN @gppo-mvAa [pl.] (Simon., Hdt. etc.),
called ITbAat by Attic orators and others, cf. Risch IF 59 (1949): 267.
*DER 1. Diminutive mvd-ic, -idoc¢ [f.] (IA); 2. -wpata [n.pl.] ‘gate’ (A, E.), an extension
(Chantraine 1933: 186f.); 3. -ewv (late), -wv (Arist., Hell.). -(e)@voc [m.] ‘gate-space,
gateway, gate-building’; 4. IIvA-attc, -Soc [f.] ‘belonging to TvAav (S. [lyr.]), -dittc,
-5oc¢ [f.] ‘belonging to a gate’ (Lyc. 356), perhaps for IIvAdtic; cf. Redard 1949: 10
and 212; 5. mvAaiog ‘belonging to a gate’ (late), ‘belonging to IIvAat’ (Demeter; Call.);
PN IIvAatog (B 842); IvaAaia, -in [f.] epithet of the amphictyonian meeting in IIvAa
(1A); derived from HvAaia: TIvAcaotai [m.pl.] originally **members of the IIvAaia”
(on the formation Fraenkel 1910: 175ff. hardly correct Bechtel 1921, 2: 655),
metaphorically ‘mountebank, liar’ (Phot., Suid; Rhod. acc. to H.); probably also
mvAaixds ‘like a conjurer’ (late); 6. Denominative verb mvA-dopat ‘to be provided
with gates’ (Ar., X.).
eETYM As opposed to inherited Opa, mvAN is without etymology. It is probably a
technical loanword, like many other architectural terms (e.g. uéyapov); possibly of
Pre-Greek origin.
mvp.atos [adj.] ‘utmost, last’ (I].). <?>
*ETYM A frozen superlative without correspondences outside Greek. A remote
connection with Skt. piinar ‘back, again, further’ has been proposed, but this is
unlikely. It has been argued that the preposition dmto has a variant *pu, but the
intermediate form amv, which is attested in Arc.-Cypr., Lesb., and Thess., may have
arisen phonetically from amo. See also » mbvvoc and » mpupvdc.
mbvdak, -axosg [m.] ‘bottom of a vessel’ (Pherecr., Arist. et al.), metaph. ‘hilt of a
sword’ (S. Fr. 311). 42>
eVAR atvvddKwtoc: atbOpEvos ‘without bottom’ (H.).
*ETYM The word mivdak is formed like kayak, mivak, ottpak, etc. it further recalls
Lat. fundus with the same meaning, and so it is close to mvOunv. However, the medial
-v6- for expected -v@- is highly problematic: it cannot be explained as a regular
development (pace Schwyzer: 333); cf. on -B- in » duBpoc. Likewise, initial 1- for
expected @- is puzzling (since it was no longer followed by 8), and most explanations
offered (reshaping after » mvOurv; a borrowing from a Germano-Macedonian loan
1258 movOdvopat
word [Kretschmer Glotta 22 (1934): usff; cf. on » mpyoc], or a borrowing from
Macedonian [Pisani Rev. Int. ét. balk. 3 (1937): 18ff.]) are not convincing. The suffix
“ax- is typical for Pre-Greek words; of course, the suffix may have been taken over
from Pre-Greek words, but this seems to have occurred only rarely (the word is not
discussed by Fur.). If an inherited Indo-European form was adapted to Pre-Greek,
cae ee explain m- and -vd-, and the connection with Lat. fundus, etc. could be
upheld.
mvvOdvopat [v.] ‘to find out, learn, ask, inquire, investigate’ (Il.); act. mevOw, nedoat ‘to
announce, cite’ (Crete). «IE *b'eud'- ‘become awake or attentive’>
eVAR Epic also nevOopou (which was metrically easier, see Chantraine 1942: 111, 282,
308), fut. nevoouat, them. aor. mu8éo8a1, redupl. opt. nenb8orto, perf. mémvopau.
eCOMP Also with prefix, e.g. dva-, &k-, Tpo-.
*DER With zero grade: 1. 100t¢ [f.] ‘questioning, inquiry, tidings’ (Att, A.) with
mvott-dopat [v.] ‘to interrogate’ (Plu., Phot, H.); 2. mona [n.] “question,
interrogation’ with -atixdc ‘interrogative, asking’ (late); 3. muotdc (EM, Eust.),
always as a second member, or in prefixed compounds, e.g. d-MvoToOG, dva-nvOTOS
(Od.).
With full grade: 4. nev8u [f.] ‘tidings’ (A. Th. 370); 5. mteboic (ava-) [f.] ‘information’
(Ph., Plu.), older mbotic, cf. Fraenkel Glotta 32 (1953): 27 with literature; 6. nevOrv,
-f\voc [m.] ‘spy’ (Luc., Arr.), see Solmsen 1909: 143;
7. Adjective nevotixdc ‘interrogating’ (A. D,, Ph.); 8. As a second member -TrevOrc,
after the stems in -e¢ (Schwyzer: 513), e.g. d-mev0-r¢ ‘uninvestigated, unaware’ (Od.);
9. ptAd-nevo-tog (Phot., Suid.), -tn¢ (Ptol.) ‘who loves questioning’ with -mevotéw,
-nevotia (Hell.).
*ETYM The full grade thematic present mteU@opai has exact morphological matches in
several languages: Skt. bédhati, med. -te ‘to watch, perceive, understand’, Av.
baodaiti, -te ‘id’, also ‘to smell’, the Germanic group of Go. ana-biudan ‘to order,
arrange’, faur-biudan ‘to forbid’, ON bj6da ‘to offer, present, make known’, and in
Slavic, e.g. OCS bljusti, isg. bljudo ‘to preserve, guard, observe’, Ru. bljusti, 18g.
bljudu ‘to observe, perceive’; all go back to a thematic present PIE *b'eud'-e/o- ‘to
observe, be awake’. The deviating meaning of the Germanic verbs agrees with the
(probably secondary) active Cret. mevOw, and it is related to an old opposition of
diatheses; a corresponding meaning is shown e.g. by the Skt. causative bodhdyati ‘to
wake up, instruct, inform’. The meaning ‘to find out, ask’ is a Greek innovation, An
exact agreement is found between (é-)rt08ovto and Skt. budhdnta, and these are in
origin identical; a complete formal match is also found between (G-)rtvotoc, SKt.
buddhd-, and Av. hupd.bus-ta- ‘well scented’; likewise, between 1tbotc and Skt.
buddhi- [f.] ‘insight, intelligence, spirit’, and between (a-)mev8r¢ and Av. baodah-
[n.] ‘observation’. However, in all these cases we have to reckon with independent
innovations. A nasalized present like twv@dvouat is also found in Lith. bundd, inf.
busti ‘to wake up’ (suffixed caus. biid-inu, -inti) and in Celtic, e.g. Olr. ad-bond- ‘to
give notice, announce’. Here, too, original identity is made doubtful by the strong
productivity of these formations.
Ttbd¢ 2 1259
mbvvog [m.] - 6 mpwKtdc ‘anus’ (H.). <PG?>
VAR Besides movwdcetv: mtatdicoic xpijo8at. t1obvov yap 6 SaktbAtog (= anus) (H.).
*ETYM The remote similarity with » mvyr, Skt. putau ‘the two hindmost parts’ (only
Lex.), Latv. pun(i)s ‘lump, bump’, Lith. puta [f.]: ‘foam-bubble’ has attracted
attention, but see Mayrhofer KEWA sv. putau. In view of its semantics and lack of
certain cognates, the word may rather be Pre-Greek.
move =rvyn.
mv&o<¢ [f.] ‘box tree, box wood’ (Arist., Hell.). <LWw Italy>
DIAL Myc. pu-ko-so (cf. Scardigli Minos 6:2 (1960): 1f.)
*COMP Few compounds, e.g. mapd-rtv£o¢ ‘inlaid with m.’ (Cratin.).
DER 1. mvé-iov [n.] ‘writing-table (made of m.Y (com.); 2. -ic [f.] ‘box (made of 1.
(Hell.); 3. -i6tov [n.] diminutive of mv&ov and mvéic (Ar., pap.); 4. m0E-tvoc [adj.]
‘made of 11. 1t.-colored’ (OQ 269, Att.); 5. -iveog [adj.] ‘id’ (AP); 6. -wdn¢ [adj.] “1.-
like’, of the color (Dsc.); 7. -()Wv, -(¢)@voc ‘box tree grove’ (gramm.); 8. -ifw [v.] ‘to
be 1.-colored’ (medic.); 9. IIv&otc, -obvtoc [m.] river and town in Lucania, in Latin
Buxentum (Krahe Beitr. z. Namenforsch. 2 (1950-1951): 233 with literature); perhaps
also 10. IIv&itn¢ [m.] river near Trapezus in Asia Minor (Arr., etc.), see Redard 1949:
175.
*ETYM Unconvincing attempts by Scardigli Sprache 6 (1959): 220ff. (extensive
treatment with literature), who derives it from Asia Minor (but ultimately from IE
*b'Hu- ‘grow’; cf. » bw and Arm. boys ‘plant’), and by Carnoy Ant. class. 24 (1955):
22 and Carnoy REGr. 69 (1956): 284 (who connects IE *b"eug’- ‘bend’). A further
counterargument against an origin in Asia Minor is adduced by Fur.: 157, who
stresses that the tree is at home in Italy, not in Asia Minor or Greece (Schrader-
Nehring 1917 under Buxus). Therefore, we are rather dealing with a loanword from
Italy.
The forms 1&oc, -ic, and -tvov were the source of Lat. buxus (or both are
independent borrowings; see Fur. 157), Lat. pyxis, and Lat. pyxinum (see WH s.vv.
with further literature); the modern European forms (MoFr. buis, MoHG Biichse, E
box, etc.) were in turn borrowed from Latin.
mbov1 ‘pus’. eVAR Also moc, =71080pa1.
mc 2 [m.] ‘animal milk, first milk after birth’ (com.). <IE? * puH- ‘rot, pus’>
eVAR Also mov (Emp.), mbap (Ael. Dion.), mag (H.) ‘id.’.
eDER Besides we find rtvetia, with contraction mutia, and with vowel metathesis
mtva [f.] ‘clotted milk, rennet’ (Arist., Hell.), from *mvetdc, which relates to 1tvdc¢
like mayetéc to 1dyos, etc. (thus Schwyzer: 501; differently Scheller 1951: 52).
eETYM Connection with Skt. pusyati ‘to thrive’ < *pu-s- ‘swell’ is improbable.
Probably originally identical with mbov, ttbo¢ ‘pus’ (s.v. » mO8opat), but with gender
and accent after dpdc¢ or tupdc, which belong to the same semantic field. The by-
forms bap and mbac (if their tradition is correct) may have been formed after éap,
map, and ddac, Kpéac respectively. Both the substance and its properties (smell,
fermentation, etc.) may have caused the transference of meaning from ‘pus’ to ‘milk’:
1260 TeomTtae
expressions for ‘congeal, getting sour, ferment’, and also for ‘rotting’, affect each
other now and then: Skt. sara- [m.] ‘sour cream’, also Sdras- [n.] ‘skin on cooked
milk’, from the verb ‘to break’ in Skt. srnati, » kepat{w, with a ptc. sirnd- ‘rotten,
spoiled’. However, the other example given by Frisk, Lat. cariés ‘decay’, Lat. colostra
‘beesting’, probably does not belong to that root (cf. De Vaan 2008 s.v.).
monnag [excl.] exclamation of admiration (Pl., Com. Adesp.). <ONOM>
DER tammaCw (Cratin. 52).
eETYM The word nvrnag is an exclamation of onomatopoeic character; ultimately, it
could be Pre-Greek.
ndp, Tpdc [n.] ‘fire’ (Il.). <1E * peh,-ur, ph,-uens ‘fire’>
DIAL Myc. pu-ka-wo /pur-kawoi/?
*COMP Many compounds, e.g. mup-Kaid, Ion. -in [f.] ‘fireplace, pyre’ (Il.), from *mup-
kaf-t4, a compound of nip and Kaiw (aor. katoat) with a suffix -1a-, the accent
being the same as in omodid, avOpaxtd, etc. (cf. Scheller 1951: 93 with a different
interpretation), see also Myc. pu-ka-wo above; mup-@dpoc ‘fire- or torch-bearing,
-bearer’ (Pi.), later also mupo-@dpog (cf. Schwyzer: 440); mupt-yevijs ‘born, worked in
fire’ (E., etc.); G-mvp-o¢ ‘untouched by fire, without fire’ (Il.); on mup-mtoAéw see
> méAOLLAL; On Mup-avotTng, etc. see > abw 2; on » MUPLT|KNGS S.v.
eDER A. nouns: 1. mipd [n.pl.] ‘watch-fires’ (Il.), dat. mupoic (X.), originally the plur.
of mp, with transition to the o-stems and shift of accent (cf. Egli 1954: 18 and 22f.); 2.
mup-a, Ion. -1 [f.] ‘fireplace, pyre’ (IL.); 3. » nupodc (see also s.v.) [m.], plur. also -od
[n.] ‘firebrand, fire-signal’ (with remarkable oxytonesis), -ow651)¢ ‘firebrand-like’ (E.
[lyr.]), -cetw [v.] ‘to ignite, give a fire-signal’ (E.; X.), -ceia, -cevtip, cevtis (Hell.),
-oitng ‘fire-color’ (Philostr.); 4. mup-etdc¢ [m.] ‘burning heat, fever’ (X 31), perhaps
after vipetdc (Porzig 1942: 245); thence mup-éoow, Att--éttw, aor. -éFai; adjectives
-EKTIKOG -ETLAW, -ETaivw, -eTwdr|G, -éTlov, -ETIKdcG; 5. Mvp-eta, Ion. -iia [n.pl.]
‘lighter, firesticks’ (h. Merc.), not from mupr ‘pyre’ as per Zumbach 1955: 14; 6. mup-
ia, Ion. -in [f.] ‘vapor bath, steam bath, etc. (Ion., Arist.), ‘fishing by torchlight’
(Arist.), -taw ‘to prepare a vapor bath, foment, warm’ (Hp.), whence -iapa, -iaotc,
-LaTIp, -tatrptov (Scheller 1951: 55); also -tatn [f.] “warmed animal milk’ (com.); 7.
mup-iStov [n.] ‘spark’ (Thphr.); 8 mvup-itng [m.] ‘copper ore, ore’ (Dsc., pap.),
“fireman”, epithet of Hephaistos (Luc.), see Redard 1949: 36, 60, 245; 9. mUp-e8pov,
-o¢, -wOpov ‘pellitory, Anthemis pyrethrum’ (because of its warming effect, see
Stromberg 1940: 82 and 146f.); 10. »mvpaAAic; 11. TIvp-wvia epithet of Artemis
(Paus.).
B. Adjectives: 1. mup-wdn¢ ‘fire-like, fiery’ (IA); 2. -tvoc ‘fiery’ (Arist., Plb.); 3. -detc
‘jd’ (Hell.), also a name of the planet Mars (Arist., Hell.); 4. on » muppdc.
C. verbs: 1. mup-doptat [v.] ‘to catch fire’, -dw ‘to set on fire’ (Pi. IA), also with ék-,
etc. see Wackernagel 1916: 124, whence mUp-wotc (also ék-, dta-, etc.) [f.], -wya,
-WTIC; -WTLKOG 2. Tup-evw [v.] ‘to make fire, kindle’ (Pl.); gumvp-ebw, -i(w from &-
mupog; thence -evc, -evti¢, -evtiKdc (more in BoShardt 1942: 83); 3. mup-alw (EM) as
an explanation of 4. » mupaKtéw.
mbdpanic, -i50¢ 1261
*ETYM The word nip, nbp-dc was originally a heteroclitic r/n-stem, still inflected this
way in Hitt. pahhur, gen. pahhuenas < PIE *peh,-ur, gen. ph,-uen-s. Traces of this
formation can still be seen in Germanic: Go. fon, gen. fun-ins and ON funi are built
on *ph,uen-s, while OHG fuir, fiur, MoHG Feuer, and ON furr, fyrr are from PGm.
*fur(-i)- < *pHur. Armenian preserves hur, gen. hr-oy ‘fire’ < *pHur-o- with
secondary thematization, beside hn-oc* ‘fireplace, furnace’ < *pHun-.
In Tocharian, we find ToA por and ToB puwar, pwar. Italic has U pir [nom.acc.] <
*pur, abl. pure < *pur-ed, and perhaps Lat. purigo ‘to clear, clean’ if < * pur-ago-. Lat.
purus may or may not be related.
The ablaut was eliminated in Greek; the change in the quantity of v is secondary.
mvpaktéw [v.] ‘to harden in fire, burn to coal’ (t 328, Nic. Th. 688). <GR>
VAR Later nmupaktdopal, -dw ‘be singed, carbonized’ (D. S., Str., Plu.).
*ETYM Although mupaktéw is traditionally taken as a compound of nip and dyetv
with the meaning ‘to rotate in fire’ (e.g. Bechtel 1914 s.v.), this is both semantically
and morphologically unsatisfactory, since Gyetv cannot mean ‘to rotate’, and an
intermediate form *mUpaktog ‘rotating in fire’ (thus Bechtel) is without parallel.
The form mupaxtéw is without a doubt an expressive extension in -(a)ktéw, derived
from mup-dCw (EM 697, 16; Stolz Wien. Stud. 25 (1903): 234), or from *mup-dcow vel
sim., like bAaktéw from bAdw ‘to bark’ (beside bAaypds, etc.), or dAvKTéw from
aAtbw, ddtoow; for the last examples, cf. Frisk Eranos 50 (1952): 8ff. The word
mvpaxtoouat is formed after the numerous intransitives in -dojtat with a factitive
-dw.
mupaAAic [f.] name of an unknown bird, probably a kind of dove (Arist., Call., Ael.); a
kind of olive (medic.); name of an insect that supposedly lives in the fire (Plin.).
<GRPE
eVAR vl. -aAic, H. nuppanic.
*ETYM Diminutive formation in -a(A)ic (Chantraine 1933: 251f., Niedermann Glotta
19 (1931): 9f.), probably from mip after the reddish color; it is also associated with
muppdc (muppahic). However, according to Niedermann (l.c.) it derives from mupdc
‘wheat’ after its nutrition; cf. cuxaAXic, from » odKov.
mopanpic, -i50o¢ [f.] 1. ‘pyramid’ (Hdt. et al.); 2. ‘kind of cake of roasted wheat-grains
preserved in honey’ (Ephipp.), mostly mupatodc, -obvtoc [m.] (Ar., Ephipp., Call. et
al.), also nvpaytoi [m.pl.] (Artem.); acc. to H. mipajtoc also = xdptos ‘food’. <GR>
*DER Besides, we find nupéin [f.] ‘sickle’ (sch.), a back-formation from mupapintdc
[m.] ‘wheat-harvest’ (Arist. et al.); mvpaudo-etd¢ ‘pyramidal’ (Epicur.), usually
haplologically mupajio-etdrj¢ ‘id.’ (Thphr. et al.), -t6ixd¢ ‘id.’ (lIamb.).
eETYM In the sense of ‘cake’, nipatic is derived from mupdc ‘wheat’, after onoattic,
-odc. According to Diels KZ 47 (1916): 193ff. (with literature), the Egyptian pyramids
were named after the form of the cake; it must be noted, however, that the form of
the cake is actually unknown (Kretschmer Glotta 10 (1920): 243).
1262 Tp YyoG
mupyos [m.] ‘tower, wall-tower’, also the fortification wall itself (Il.), metaph. ‘closed
division of warriors, column’ (Il.), ‘siege tower’ (X.), farm-building’ (LXX, pap.,
NT). <PG(v)>
*COMP E.g. mupyo-ddixtog ‘destroying towers’ (A. Pers. 105 [lyr.]; originally ‘with
destroyed towers’? See Fraenkel 1910: 82; Williger 1928: 45'), et-mupyog ‘with fair
towers, well-towered’ (H 71, etc.).
*DER 1. Diminutives 1tupy-iov, -idtov, -ic, -ioKoc, -ioKtov, -toKdptov (mostly Hell. and
late); 2. mUpy-wpa, mostly plur. -@pata [n.] ‘tower structures’ (Orac. apud Hdt., A.,
E.); 3. mupyitpov [n.] form and meaning unclear (pap. VI?); 4. nupy-itng [n.] ‘kind of
sparrow’ (Gal., etc.), see Redard 1949: 84, also on onopyidog; -itic: Botdvn ‘pasture’
(H.); 5. adjective mpy-ivog ‘consisting of towers’ (A. [lyr.]), -etog ‘tower-like’ (Ion.,
trag.), -wd1j¢ ‘id,’ (S.), -@tt¢ ‘towered’ (A. [lyr.]; feminine built on *-wty¢, Redard
1949: 8); 1tupy-Npns ‘provided with towers, enclosed within towers or walls’ (Orac.
apud Paus.), with -npéopat [v.] ‘to be enclosed within towers or walls, be besieged’
(A., E.); 6. adverb -166v ‘columnwise’ (Il.), ‘towerwise’ (Aret.); 7. verb mupy-@oat,
-6w ‘to fence with towers, pile up’ (A 264), with -wtdc ‘piled up’ (Str., etc.); 8. TIupy-
adidcu [m.pl.] name of a guild in Kameiros (inscr.); after Tavtadidau?
*ETYM The word nvpyocg is a technical term of construction (architecture). It has
been wrongfully taken as a Germanic loan word by Kretschmer Glotta 22 (1934):
1ooff., because of the striking similarity with MoHG Burg, Go. baurgs ‘town, tower’.
The Germanic word is from the root *b'erg’- ‘high’ found in MoHG Berg, Hitt.
parku- ‘high’, etc.
Likewise, Ilépyattog (-ov, -a) ‘the citadel (of Troy)’, also as a TN, is considered a
loan word related to this root (see Heubeck 1961: 63ff., Pok. 140f.).
Others have taken it as a loan from Pre-Greek. The glosses pbpkoc: tetxog ‘wall’ and
~<o>vpkop: oxvpwua ‘stronghold’ (H.) attest a variant form with different stops; the
same variation is found in the TNs Ilvpyoc (Elis, in Hdt. 4, 148 and Str.) and DvbpKoc
(Th. 5,49). Urart. burgana ‘palace’ may point to an origin in Asia Minor. Although
the exact morphology of IIepyauov remains unclear, the suffix -apo- is otherwise
attested as Pre-Greek (cf. kapdapov).
That mpyoc was not inherited from Proto-Indo-European is further confirmed by
the place names Ilepyaoca, Tlapyaoa, and Bapyaoa (cf. Fur.: 648 on mayaoa). In
conclusion, the word is clearly Pre-Greek.
Tuphy =mvpdc.
muvpujKns [adj.] ‘with a fiery point’, i. ‘provided with a glowing top’ (swpinjkea
LOXAGv lL 387). <GR>
eVAR Also -1\c.
*ETYM After au@-HkNG, Tavu-Kig, etc. (see »1)KI]); TMupt- is analogical after muKI-,
Aabt-, etc. To be rejected, Bechtel 1914 s.v.: mupt-(Knc) like muxi-(undrjc), as a
“replacement” of mUptvo-.
mupvoc [m.] - ywudc ‘morsel’ (H.); meaning debated already in antiquity; cf. e.g. H.:
mbpvot- Cetai Kai ortwdetc(?) ‘one-seeded wheat, cereal’. i} 6 Kateipyaopévoc oitoc
1Dpdc 1263
‘cultivated grain’. dAAo1 ydptog, dAdo wayida ‘food; cake’; nipva: Spvon, KAdopatTa,
ottia ‘was torn; morsel; grain’. <PG?>
VAR m10pvov [acc.sg.] (0 312, p 12: coordinated with kotvArv; Lyc. 639), nbpva (cita :
oitoc) [acc.pl.] (p 362), pnyivwv mipvwv [gen.pl.] (Lyc. 482).
eComP As a first member in mupvo-téKoc dpovpa (Hymn. Is.).
*DER TUpvytat: Eo0intat ‘will be devoured’ (H.).
eETYM The word mutpvog is obsolete and without etymology. It was compared with
toptvav: payida and topbvn o1twdéc tt (H.) by Fick BB 16 (1892): 284, adducing
Skt. cdrvati ‘to grind, masticate’ and curna- [n.] ‘powder, flour’, as well. This would
lead to the reconstruction PIE *k”eru- (Pok. 642), which requires a pre-form *teptva
for topbv1). However, this leaves the v-vowel in mpvoc unexplained (Bechtel 1914
S.V.).
According to Szemerényi 1964: 29ff., mbpvoc is syncopated from mvptvoc (and
derived from mupédc ‘wheat’), but this is contestable for several reasons.
Fur.: 370 connects the word with Basque ap(h)ur ‘crumb’, Béarnais (Pyrenees) purre
‘small bread of maize’. This etymology seems unreliable, but in any case, the word
may well be Pre-Greek.
mbpodc [m.] “(grain of) wheat’ (Il.). «IE *pHu-ro- ‘corn, wheat’>
eVAR Mostly plur. mbdpoi (Chantraine 1953: 30), Dor. (Cos, Thera, Syracuse, etc.)
omupoc.
*COMP E.g. mupo-pdpoc ‘wheat-bearing’ (Il.), 5160-7tvpov [n.] ‘the cherry-like fruit of
Celtis australis’ (Thphr.), -nvpog [m.] = AvQdomeppov (Dsc.) (Stromberg 1940: 128
and 138); on the gender cf. » Bodtupov, -oc.
*DER Diminutive nupidia [n.pl.] (Ar., pap.); adjectives 1p-ivoc (E., X., Hell.), -tcdc
(pap.), -W61¢ (Str.), -dpuvog (Hes. fr. 117, etc.), after Kvdu-, onodu-tvoc (Forbes
Mnem. 4:11 (1958): 157) ‘of wheat’; on » mupaptic, -apovc see sv; mup-itns dptoc
‘wheat-bread’ (Aét.), avto-mupitiys (Phryn. Com., Hp.) = avté-rupos, etc. (Redard
1949: 90). Also muprjy, -fvoc [m.] ‘pip, pit, stone of fruit’ (Ion., Arist, Hell.), see
Solmsen 1909: 125f., with a-nbpiyv-oc ‘pitless’ (Ar. Fr. 118, Thphr,, etc.), etc. mupnv-ic
(Tanagra III*; written movpetvic), -tov (Thphr.), -idtov (Delos III’, pap.) ‘kernel,
knag, knob’; also mtupryv-adec [f.pl.] name of a guild in Ephesus (inscr.); -wdn¢ ‘pit-
like’ (Thphr.).
eETYM An old term *puH-ro- ‘wheat’ is also retained in Balto-Slavic, e.g. Lith. purai
[pl.] ‘winter corn’, puras [m.sg.] ‘single winter corn’, SCr. pir [m.] ‘spelt’, CS pyro
‘Ohvpa, KEyxpoc’, Ru. pyréj ‘dog-grass, Triticum repens’; OE fyrs ‘dog-grass’ (with a
deviating suffix) also belongs here.
The initial o- in omvpdécg may have been taken over from » oitoc or ondpoc, onépta
(Fraenkel Phil. 97 (1948): 169f., Fraenkel IF 59 (1949): 304f.). In spite of the
connections with Balto-Slavic and Germanic, mbpdcg may be an old ‘Wanderwort’
(Schwyzer: 583). According to Nieminen KZ 74 (1956): 170f. however, it can be
connected to Lith. purai ‘to cut, mow’ and Lat. pavio ‘to strike’ as “what is beaten,
threshed”. Janda 2000: 39-43 accepts the derivation from *peh,-u- ‘to strike’ in Lat.
pavié, but assumes a semantic development from ‘striking’ to ‘cleansing’: wheat was
1264 TLUppOG
called pure because the grains could easily be separated from the husks. This is
possible, but not compelling.
muppoc [adj.] ‘blazing red, tawny’, especially of hair (of the head) (IA, poet.). <?>
*VAR 1upodc (E., Mosch.).
*DIAL Myc. pu-wo, -wa, -wi-no Gallavotti Par. del pass. 12 (1957): 11.
*COMP E.g. muppd-Opie (also nupo6-) ‘red-haired’ (E. [lyr.], Arist, Poll.), ésti-1tuppocg
‘reddish’ (Arist. Thphr.), see Stromberg 1946: 106.
*DER 1. 1tuppiac [m.] ‘red-haired man’, especially of slaves (Ar.), IIupfiag PN
(Corinth VI*), see Latte Glotta 35 (1956): 296f., IIupradiwv PN (Argos), see Schulze
1933a: 115; Tuppakng ‘with reddish hair-colog; redskin’ (LXX, Hell. pap.), muppixoc¢
‘red’, of a bull (Theoc.), also as a PN; hence perhaps nvppixn [f.] name of a war dance
(Att.) with -ixt0¢, -ryilw, etc. 2. mipp-a [f.] name of a bird (Ael.), -aia [f] ‘red robe’?
(Halic. I1I*); 3. muppd-ti¢ [f.] ‘red hair-color’ (Arist.); 4. verbs: 1tupo-aivw ‘to color
red’ (E. [lyr.]), mupp-i(w (LXX), -dw (Ev. Matt.) ‘to be red’, of heaven, -tdw ‘to
redden, blush’ (late).
*ETYM The relation of the Corinthian horsename ITvpfoc (cf. perhaps Myc. pu-wo,
etc.) and IlvpFf-iac, -aAiwv (see above) to IA 1tuppdc is not quite clear: PGr. *purwo-
should have given IA *iipdc or mdpdc. Therefore, PGr. *purswé- is usually posited
(after Hoffmann 1898: 589). Frisk asks if muppdc¢ could derive from *nipds by
expressive gemination, which seems ad hoc. On the suffix -Fo- in color adjectives,
see Chantraine 1933: 123 and Schwyzer: 472; on the phonetics, see Lejeune 1972: 138°
and Forbes Glotta 36 (1958): 262f. See further » nip and » mupodc.
Schulze 1933a: 115f. connected Lith. pufvas ‘dirt, muck’; on this, see Fraenkel 1955 s.v.
with further literature.
On derivatives from nuppdc in Latin and Romance, cf. Kahane Glotta 39 (1960-1961):
133ff.
mtupodc [adj.] ‘firebrand, torch’. <EUR?>
*ETYM Fur.: 157 derives »ivuppdc¢ from this form, adducing the personal names
IIdppwv and IIvpowv of Epeirotic kings as cognates. In Latin, we find burrus and
birrus, and in Romance, burius (REW 1410); Lat. biricus ‘small horse’ is probably
named after the color, as is Romance *burricus beside *burriccus ‘hinny’ (REW 1413).
Fur.: suggests that it is an old Pre-European word for the color of a horse, which was
only later associated with nip ‘fire’.
tutivw =ntbw.
mutivy =Bvtivi,.
mw [pcl.] ‘ever, still’ (Il), enclitic, almost always after negation: otmw, LujTtw, od
mwmote, Dor. (Epich.) ob mwrtoka, post-Hom. also in negating questions ti 71w, etc.
<IE *k”oh, ‘ever, still’>
eVAR Ion. kw; further Dor. ty in GAAN 1m ‘anywhere else’ (Cyrene), 17toKa ‘ever’
(Sparta V*, Theoc., etc.).
|
t
TIwAEW 1265
*ETYM A fixed instrumental, identical to OP ka (confirming pcl.); cf. also Go. ve
‘anyhow’, from a PIE instrumental *k”o-h,, k”e-h,, formed from the pronominal stem
*k’o-; see » 100Ev.
Tw@ywv, -wvo¢ [m.] ‘whisker, chin-beard’ (IA). <PG?>
*COMP Often as a second member, e.g. tpayo-nwywv [m.] ‘with a goat’s beard’
(Cratin.), also as a plant name ‘goat’s beard, Tragopogon’ (Thphr., Dsc.), see
Stromberg 1940: 56.
*DER Diminutive mwywv-tov [n.] (Luc., etc.), -iacg [m.] ‘the bearded one’ (Cratin.,
etc.), also [n.] of a comet (Arist.; Scherer 1953: 107), -ity¢, -uyt)¢ [m.] ‘id.’ (Hdn.,
Suid., etc.), -tKdc, -tatog ‘bearded’ (gloss.).
eETYM The origin of 1wywv is unexplained. A connection with » mhyvupu, mryydc fails
on semantic grounds (w vs. n). Adams Glotta 64 (1986): 16f. explains the word from
*Tofa-y-ov < * poum-g-on-, derived from his reconstruction for Skt. pumams- ‘male’;
this, too, remains quite dubious.
mwAéopat [v.] ‘to go to and fro, go somewhere frequently’. =71éA ota.
mwAéw [v.] ‘to offer for sale, sell’ (IA). <IE? *pel- ‘sell’>
eVAR Fut. mwA-row, aor. -ijoa, pass. -Bijva.
*COMP Often with prefix (especially Hell. and late inscr. and pap.), e.g. 11po-, dia-;
ava-, AvTl-.
*DER 1. Action nouns: mwA-rot¢ [f.] ‘sale’ (X., etc.), -mpa [n.] ‘sale, sold merchandise’
(inscr. Tauromenion, etc.); back-formation -1, Dor. -4 [f.] ‘sale’ (Sophr., Hyp. fr.).
2. Agent nouns: 1twA-1T1)¢ [m.] ‘seller’, designation of a financial official (Att., etc.),
also -1yHp [m.] ‘id’ (Delph. IV’, etc.), fem. -rrpta ‘seller’ (Poll.), as a second member
with Aayavo- (Ar.), etc; -m@Ang [m.] and -1wAtc [f.] enjoy unlimited productivity in
compounds, e.g. dAAavto-m1wAng ‘sausage-seller’ with d\Aavto-1twA-éw, etc., dpTd-
mwAtc ‘bread-seller, baker’ (Ar., etc.), cf. Fraenkel 1912: 26 and 109, Schwyzer: 451; the
simplex mwAng was extracted from this compound (Ar.);
3. MWwA-1NTHpLov ‘shop’ (X., etc.); 4. adjectives -1tKdéc ‘belonging to sale’ (Pl.), see
Chantraine 1956a: 134; -t,toc ‘for sale’ (Hell. pap.).
*ETYM In view of its formation, mwAéw must be an iterative-intensive deverbative,
although neither in Greek nor in related languages is a corresponding primary verb
attested with certainty. Skt. pdnate ‘purchase, buy’ may represent an old nasal
present in Mind. shape (reflecting older PIAr. *prndati), but this is considered
unlikely by Mayrhofer EWAia 2: 69. An -n- is further found in a Balto-Slavic noun:
Lith. pelnas ‘gain, profit, merit’, OCS pléne ‘Aagupov, Ru. poldn ‘captivity, booty’ <
PIE *pel-no-. Germanic provides two isolated adjectives: ON falr ‘for sale’ < IE
*polo-, OHG fali ‘id’ < IE *pélio-, next to OHG feili, MoHG feil with unexplained
vocalism. Semantically, 1wAéw is close to » ttoAr ‘trade(ware), purchase, gain’,
which is usually connected with 1é)otat, originally *‘to turn’ (for the connection of
mwAéw to 11éAojtat, see Schwyzer: 720). If mwAéw is indeed related to éutoAn, the
derivation from IE *pel- of the words mentioned above should be abandoned. Cf.
also the literature on » mépvnit.
1266 T@AOG
m@Aog [m., f.] ‘young horse, foal, filly’ (IL), secondarily also of other young animals
(Arist. etc.), poetically also ‘horse’ in general, metaph. ‘young girl, youth, etc.’
(Anacr., A. E.). <IE *polH-, plH- ‘foal’>
eVAR Myc. po-ro.
ecOMP Compound mwdAo-déuvn¢ [m.] ‘foal-tamer; horsebreaker’ (X.) with
mwrodapvéw (S., E., X.), etc; AevKd-7twdog ‘with white foals’ (Pi. trag.).
*DER 1. Diminutives mwd-iov [n.] (Att, Arist. etc.), -apiov (Pl. apud D. L., etc.); 2.
adjectives -1kdc ‘belonging to, concerning foals’ (S., E., Arc., etc., inscr.), ‘virginal (A.
(lyr.]), see Chantraine 1956a: 116ff,; -evoc ‘id’ (Suid.); 3. TwAw [f.] epithet of Artemis
in Thasos (Nilsson 1941(1): 483°); 4. Denominative 1twA-evw [v.] ‘to break in a young
horse’ (X.), with -eia, -evoic, -evpa, -evrr|s, -€0t1Kdg (X., Max. Tyr. etc.).
*ETYM Semantically, 1@Ao¢ corresponds exactly with MoHG Fohlen, Fiillen, and
cognates, e.g. Go. fula, ON foli, OHG folo < PGm. *fulan-, with the diminutive ON
fyl [n.] < PGm. *ful-ja-, OHG fulin [n.] < PGm. *ful-ina-. Contrary to 1@dog < IE
polH-, PGm. *fulan represents the zero grade *plH-. Alb. pelé ‘mare’, must be related
as well, reflecting *pol-n-. Certainly unrelated (contra Frisk) are maic, Lat. puer, etc.
The appurtenance of Arm. ul ‘small goat’, connected by Meillet REArm. 10 (1930):
184f. and others (including Arm. amul ‘infertile’ < IE *y-pdlo-), is rather doubtful
because of the deviating meaning (cf. Lidén 1906: 25, with older literature). Thieme’s
theory (Lidén 1897: 48”) that m@Aog, etc. are related to PIE *k”el- (see » 11éAopa), via
an original meaning ‘meadow-animal’, should be rejected.
m@Avmog (-b70¢) [m.] ‘sea polyp, cuttlefish’, metaphorically ‘nose polyp’ (Hp., Thphr.,
etc.); also substantivized adjective ta 1oAtno0da ‘many-footed’, of insects (Arist.).
<PG(S)>
eVAR Plur. -ot (Semon., Epich., Hp. [v.l.]), also m@Avy, -vitocg (Diph. Siphn., Dsc.,
Poll.), méAvy, -vmocg (Paul. Aeg.); more usual is movAvmous, -modog (€ 432), acc.
-novv (Ion. Trag.), also gen. -mov, etc. (Thgn., etc.), moAvmous, -modoc (Arist.).
eDIAL Myc. po-ru-po-de.
*DER Diminutive mwAvmuov [n.] (Hp.).
eETYM The word mwAvitoc is a Mediterranean word of unknown origin. The form
with w, confirmed by the borrowing Lat. pdlypus, -i (since Plaut.), is clearly the
oldest; it is the basis for the folk-etymological formations novAv- and modv- after
ttoAvc and movc (Fraenkel 1912: 164’, with older literature; Specht KZ 59 (1932): 129).
Note, however, that the inflexion with 1106- is already attested in Mycenaean and in
Homer. The word is not treated by Fur.
m@ia 1 [n.] ‘lid, cover’ of a chest, pot, tube, etc. (Il, epic Ion., Arist. Hell.). <1z *peh.-
‘guard, protect’>
*DER mwu-attov [n.], diminutive (Sor.); -atiac [m.] ‘kind of snail’ (Dsc.), and two
denominatives: 1. nwpaCw [v.] ‘to cover, close with a lid’ (Arist., Hero, etc.), also with
éml-, Mepl-, etc., with émmwpaopds (Eust.) and the back-formation éninwpa ‘lid’
(Gal.), emutwpatikdg (sch.); 2. twpatitw ‘id’ (Arist, Thphr., etc.), mostly émi-, mept-,
ano-, with émimwpdtiotc (VIP); the seemingly primary émnwpdvvvpat ‘to be covered’
(Hero) is derived from the latter.
T@vE 1267
eETYM m@pa is an old verbal noun from IE *poh,-mn beside *poh,-tro-m [n.],
reflected in Skt. patram ‘case, barrel’ (if related, this word was certainly influenced by
*peh,- ‘to drink’), and in the Germanic group of Go. fodr ‘sheath, cover’, MoHG
Futter ‘lining’ (of cloth). The primary verb is retained in Skt. pati ‘to guard, protect’
< IE *peh,-; see also » nowt.
na@ia 2 ‘drink’. =rivw.
mwptaptov [n.] ‘orchard’ (pap. [III?]). <Lw Lat.>
*DER Mwpapitns ‘merchant of fruits’ (pap. [VIP]); -tttooa (VI).
*ETYM Borrowed from Lat. pomarium.
TWPEW eVAR TWPHTUG. =THpoc, taraittwpoc,
m@pos [m.] ‘tuff (Arist, Thphr., Hell. inscr, etc), in Anatolia ‘stone- or chalk-
formation, concretion, stone in the bladder, kidney, etc.’ (Hp., Arist., etc.). < PG?(V)>
eVAR Also motpog (inscr. Delphi), 116poc¢ (Thphr. Lap. 7, Gal. 6, 57).
eCOMpP As a first member in e.g. mwp-duqadov [n.] ‘concretion in the navel’ (Gal.).
DER 1. Diminutive nwp-iov, -idtov [n.] ‘callosity’ (medic.); 2. adjectives mwp-tvoc ‘of
tuff (Hdt., Ar. Hell. inscr., etc.), -eia AiBog ‘tuff (Str.), -@Sng ‘n.-like’ (Gal.); 3. verb
Twp-dopat, -dw ‘to petrify, harden, grow together in a concretion, grow hard’ (Hp.,
Arist., Thphr, NT), also with dia-, ém-, ovv-, with (é7-)mwp-wua, -wotc
‘petrification, concretion’ (Hp., Gal., NT); 4. mwp-iaotg [f.] ‘callus on the eyelid’
(Gal.), as if from *mwp-taiv (Schwyzer: 732).
*ETYM Originally, 1@poc and derivatives indicated a kind of stone, and it was used as
a construction term; later, however, it was used especially as a medical term. It has
no etymology. According to Haupt 1912: 84f., it was borrowed from Assyr. prilu
‘shell-lime’. However, no connection seems possible with nwpeiv: kndevetv, mevOeiv
‘to worry, mourn’, mwprjoat: Avitijoa ‘to be grieved’ (H.), and mwpntve¢ [f.] ‘pain’
(Antim.). Cf. also » takainwpog. Fur.: 328 connects *y@poc in wwpitns AiPoc, a kind
of marble (Cyran 46) and Hitt. purut- ‘loam, chalk, mortar’. This may point to Pre-
Greek origin.
Twpdg > TaAaitwpoc.
mac [interr. adv.] ‘how?’, mw¢ [indef.] ‘somehow’ (IL.). <1E *k”o- ‘which?>
eVAR Ion. k@c, kw¢ (Hdt., etc.).
eETYM The form tt@c is a frozen ablative from the pronominal stem tto-, Ion. Ko-
from IE *k”o-; see » 168ev and & We 1.
TWTAOMAL = TETOLAL.
TOV TOWN.
m@v€ [f.] name of an unknown bird, cf. 11@vé mods Spvic. 6 ApiototéAngs év tH ttepl
Cowv (H.); attempts at an identification in Thompson 1895 s.v. p@vk. <PG(S,V)>
*VAR gave (Arist.), m@vyé, plur. -vyyec (Ant. Lib., EM).
1268 move
*ETYM In spite of the fact that the meaning is unknown, the word must be Pre-Greek;
cf. especially the variation @ ~ 1 in the initial, the variation y ~ yy in the suffix, and
the suffix -vyy- itself.
& pa VAR Before vowel pf’. =apa.
pa [adv.] ‘easily’ (Alcm.,, S. Fr. 1086, Ion. Trag.). <?>
VAR Epic pija (written peia), péa (monosyllabic reading necessary or possible; does
it stand for Aeol. pa?), Ion. péa (Simon.), Aeol. Bpa (= Fpa, gramm.); pra (Alc.)
must be a Homerism or a mistake.
*COMP As a first member in pd-Ovpog ‘light-hearted, carefree’ (Att.) from *pat-
Ovpoc, if not secondary for well-attested pa-8vupoc (Wackernagel 1907: 26).
*DER Comparative: epic pyitepov, Ion. piytepov (Thgn.), Dor. patepov (Pi.), also Ion.
prjiov, Att. Paov; pacoov (gramm. in EM) analogical for 8accov; superlative epic
pryitata, Ion. pryiota, Dor. paiota (Theoc.), Att. paota. The adverb served as a basis
for the adjectival forms prjitepos, prjictoc, pawv, paotoc; from pija, pa, the positive
pn-idiwe, Att. padiwc, Aeol. Bpa-tdiws (Alc.) was derived, and from there in turn the
adjective pridtoc, padioc (like paw-idiwe, -idtoc, etc.); hence padiéotepos, etc.
Denominal from frjtov, paov are: pyitw, pailw [v.] ‘to recover’ (IA), aor. -ioat; paiav:
byeiav ‘health’ (H.). From priotoc, paotoc are derived: pnotwvn, pactwvn [f.]
‘recovery, leisure’ (IA).
*ETYM Starting from epic pija and Aeol. Bpa, we may reconstruct PGr. *wraha or
*wraja. The word is no doubt old and inherited, but a good etymology is lacking. A
connection with the root *ureh,- that has to be assumed for Gmnvupa has been
suggested, but this cannot be proven. Specht KZ 59 (1932): 93ff. unconvincingly
connected > dpatdc ‘thin’.
pa a plant name. =pijov.
paBattetv [v.] + dvw Kai kdtw Badiferv- tivéc 5& TOmTELv Kai ydgov Toteiv [Kal
gpacetv] toic mooi, Kai Paocelv ‘to walk upwards and downwards; to beat and make
( noise with [and to be about to indicate with] the feet, and to strike’ (H.). <PG(v)>
eVAR In Photius 479, 18: ooBeiv Kai tpéxelv Kai ovvtdvwc modoxtuneiv ‘to drive
away, run, strike the earth vigorously with the feet’.
*ETYM Has been compared with dppaBaka: dpxnothv: and tod dppabdacoetv 6 gott
opxeio8at. oi Se tov PAdo~npov “dancer, after 4, which means to dance; others:
slanderer’ (H.). Fur.: 142 connects »dpaBoc and dponijcoat- natijoat. Kpiytec, and
concludes that the word is Pre-Greek.
papdos [f.] ‘twig, rod, staff, magic wand; line, stripe, groove’ (II.). <PG(v)>
1270 pay
*COMP Compounds like pafBd-odxo¢ [m.] ‘staff-bearer’, name of an official (Ar., Th.,
Hell.), noAb-ppaBdog ‘having many stripes’ (Arist.). oo
*DER 1. Diminutive paBd-iov [n.] (Arist., Thphr.); 2. pabd-wtdc ‘having rods, seals,
grooves’ (X.,, Arist.), -wpa (H.) as an explanation of oxvtdata; “wotg [f.] connelure
(Att. inscr. late V*); 3. Denominatives: a) paBd-ilw [v.] ‘to beat with a fod, thresh
(com., Thphr.), to which -tojt6¢ [m.] ‘treshing’, -totjp [m.] ‘thresher (pap.); b)
-evoztat [v.] ‘to fish with a rod’ (Arist.); c) -Gopat [v.] ‘to have stripes (yd).
*ETYM A suffixal element -So- is only found in a few nouns indicating sounds (e.g.
kéhadoc) and in isolated, etymologically unclear words (cf. PiOdoos, witch is Close
in meaning). Analyzed as paB-5o<, it has beep compared with Lith. virbas ‘twig, rod
and Ru. vérba (OCS vroba) ‘willow’ (zero grade IE *urb-), and lat verbera [pl.]
‘(rods for) punishment’, verbénae [pl.] ‘twigs of the laurel, etc.’, with full grade.
However, in view of the variants » pdttvoc and » pamic, we can be certain that the
word is Pre-Greek (the word is not treated by Fur.).
payt) [f.] ‘tore, chink, gap, cleft’ (Hp.). <PG?>
VAR Also with d1a-; more usual pay-de, -ado¢ [f.] ‘id’ (Hell.).
*DER Diminutive pay-ddtov [n.] (Celsus); further pdy-dyv ‘torrential, fierce,
vehement’ [adv.] (Plu.), payd-aiog ‘id’? (com., Arist.), -atotij¢ [f.] (Poll.); jor the
meaning cf. paya (baya cod.) aK, Bia, Opp) ‘point or prime, force, impulse’ (H.)
(see also Erot. on payr)). oe ‘;
eETYM The words payr, etc. are sometimes seen as derivatives of payfvat, > pry VOM,
but payrjvat is analogical. The word may instead be Pre-Greek. Note also payd-atocg
with the problematic cluster -y6-, which can hardly be taken from paydnyv.
padattvos [m.] ‘branch, twig, shoot’ (LXX, Suid., H.). <PG(S.V)> a
eVAR Also pddaytvog (H.) and padaytov: kavAdv, BAaotov ‘stalk, shoot’ (conj. Nic.
Al. 92), padapei: BAaotavet ‘sprouts’ (H.).
*DER padaytv@drj¢ (sch.). .
eETYM The ending of padaytvoc can be compared with Odutvocg and pdytvoc, as well as
opévdatvoc, oTdtvoc, etc. The Aeol. form » dpddattvoc points to a pre-form Fpd6-.
In view ofall alternations, the word is no doubt Pre-Greek.
padtvakn Persian name for a foul-smelling oil found in Arderikka, east of Susa (Hdt.
6, 119). <LW Iran.>
eETYM Probably a pre-Iranian loanword.
padtvoc [adj.] ‘taper, bendable, slender’ (epic since Y 583). <PG(V)P 2
eVAR Bpddivoc (Sapph.); podavoc epithet of Sovakevs (Z 576; v.ll. padivoc, padadc);
poddav-n [f.] ‘weft thread’ (Batr.), to which -i(w [v.] (sch.), -totrptov (gloss.); also
padavoc, -1, -iCw (IL), -atot mAavatat ‘wanders, strays’ (H.), BpadaviCer- prrtitet,
ttvaooet ‘bursts, shakes’ (H.).
eETYM The formation is like in muKtvdc, but the basis is unknown. Some connect
padivecg with the semantically unclear » nepipprdyc or with > padapivoc Tobeck
1837: 156 also connects padéc: TO cupotépwe éyKeKAtUEevov “bent to both sides (EL).
Further connected is perhaps also the Arc. PN fpddwv, but padavmpor of Tav
Pa6vuoc 1271
Aaxdavwv Kntovpoi ‘watchers of vegetable gardens’ (H.) remains unclear (rejected by
Bechtel 1921, 2: 420).
Other forms that have been hesitantly adduced are Skt. dvradanta [3pLipf.]
‘loosened, became mellow’ (hap. leg. RV 2, 24, 3; see LIV? sv. *ured-), Go. wraton
‘nopevecBat, Stodevetv’, ON rata ‘id.’ also, Lith. randv), rasti ‘find’ (see Fraenkel 1955
s.v.). However, all these proposals remain hypothetical (details in Bechtel 1914 s.v.
mepippr|oijc). The variation *urad- / yrod- shows that padivoc is a Pre-Greek word.
pad, -ixog [m.] ‘branch, twig’ (Nic.), ‘palm leaf (D. S.). <PG(V)>
*ETYM A formal match is found between pads and Lat. radix ‘root’, if they reflect
*wrad-. Lat. ramus ‘branch, twig’, which may go back to *wrad-mo- or *wra-mo-, is
semantically closer. Go. waurts, etc. can probably be compared as well. Cf. also on
> padativoc, where the short a certainly does not reflect a PIE *urh.d-, since this
would have yielded long @ instead. The pre-form *wrad- / wrad-, suggested by these
forms, is probably non-Indo-European. Cf. also » pita.
padioc = pa.
patw [Vv] ‘to growl, grouch’, originally of a dog; secondarily also of men (Cratin. 25).
<ONOM>
*ETYM Perhaps of onomatopoeic origin; cf. » dpatw and & piCw. See also > POXw.
paBbayos =pabanvyiCw.
pabatyé, -tyyos [f.], mostly [pl] ‘drop’ (A 536 = Y 501, Hes., Pi.); also ‘dust particle’
(koving p. ¥ 502), ‘spot’ (Opp.). <PG(s)>
*DER paGayilw [v.] ‘to besprinkle’ (Opp. Nonn; like odAmy€ to -71iCw). Variants are
pabpuilecOau- paivecBat ‘to be besprinkled’ (H.); paSaivetat-: paiveta, Bpéxetat ‘is
besprinkled, gets wet’ (H.); paBacodpevor- parvoptevor (H., Phot.).
sETYM paOauuy€ has the same suffix -tyE as Adiyyec, otpopadtyé, » mUAtyyec, etc. (see
Chantraine 1933: 398ff.), but it cannot be analyzed any further. We find a variant
“paBuoc in paQtileo8o (probably by syncope of a, as is often found in Pre-Greek
words). Frisk suggests an analogical Proportion “paGydc : » paivw to BaBpds : Baive,
which leads him to assume that contaminations or extensions led to the creation of
pabaivw (to paivw) and pabdcow (to otaAdoow). This is far-fetched. Although the
word is not treated by Fur, padauyé is clearly Pre-Greek, if only because of the
suffix.
paBarvyitw [v.] ‘to kick someone’s buttocks’ (Ar. Eq. 796). <PG(v)>
*VAR Also poBorvyitw, to which -1o,16¢ (Suid, Thom. Mag.).
*ETYM Possibly based on mvyy ‘bottom’, apparently with an onomatopoeic first
element that is also seen in PaBayoc tapaxos ‘agitation’ (H., sch.). Yet the precise
morphological relation with mvy| remains to be clarified. Haplology from
*pa8a[yo]-nvyiCw (Ehrlich 1910: 7) has been assumed, but this seems unlikely. The
o-vocalism in po80-nvyitw can hardly be secondary after 6600c ‘roar’; it is much
more likely that the variation a ~ 0 is caused by the Pre-Greek origin of the word.
PaBvjBLOG =a.
1272 patBias
patBiac [2] - dcrypL0¢ Sijpoc ‘deme that has impunity’ (H.). <?%
eVAR paytBac: 6 SrpLo¢ ‘public executioner’ (H.).
eETYM Unknown.
patBdc [adj.] ‘crooked, bent inward’, especially of legs (Arist., Nic.). <PG(V)>
ecomP Asa first member in patBo-e1di)¢ ‘of crooked shape’ (Hp.).
*DER PaiB-nddv ‘in bendings’ (Euph.), -dw [v.] ‘to bend’ (Lyc., Gal.), -6tn¢ [f.]
“‘bendedness’ (Eust.).
*ETYM The words in -Béc often designate a physical defect, e.g. kohoBdc, KAapBdc,
oxauBdc, bBdc. The best comparison until now was with the Germanic group of Go.
wraigs ‘oxo\c, which led to IE *uroig’o-*or *uroig-uo-. However, the Greek a-
vocalism remains difficult, and neither » kha dc, etc. above, nor » Aatdc, » oKAaLoG
(with old wo-suffix) offer a solution for it. Since the vocalism can only be explained if
we assume *ureh,ig-u-, whereas the Germanic suggests *uroig-u-, the word is
probably non-Indo-European. It is probably Pre-Greek; see on > payigoc. Cf. also
> poikdc and & puBdc.
paivw [v.] ‘to besprinkle, spray, strew’ (Il.). <PG(V)>
evAR Aor. pijvat (Hp.), pavat (Att, Hell.), pass. pavOfjvat (Pi. etc.), ipv.2pl. pasoate
(v 150), ptc. Tept-paodpevor (Pergamon II*) after Keddooal, kepdo(o)at, etc.(?), perf.
act. Si-€ppayka (LXX), med.3pl. éppddatai (v 354), plpf. -Sat(o) (M 431), with
analogical -8- acc. to Schwyzer: 672, but see below; Eppaytat (Hell. and late), -aoptat
(sch.).
*COMP Often with prefix, especially mept-.
*DER 1. pavic, -idoc [f.] ‘drop’ (trag., Ar. Arist.) with paviCw = paivw (Poll.); 2.
pavtoc ‘besprinkled, spotted’ (Hp.) with pavtiCw (also with mept-, etc.) = patvw
(LXX, Ep. Hebr., etc.); (mept-)pavt-topdc [m.] (LXX, NT), -topa [n.] (Vett. Val.); 3.
pavtnp, -fpos [m.] ‘sprinkler’ (Nic.), to which (nept-, ano-)pavtijpiov [n.] ‘vessel
with sprinkling water’ (IA); 4. (mept-)pavtne [m.] ‘sprinkler’ (pap.); 5. (mepi-)pavotc
(f.] ‘sprinkling’ (Pl, pap.); 6. am6-p(p)avOpov = amoppavtijpiov (Anaphe, Priene); 7.
paotia [n.] ‘sprinkling, spray’ (Hell.).
eETYM The stem pattern of paivw is based on a stem pav- which, if inherited,
represents the zero grade of IE *uren- or *sren-. Previous etymological attempts have
been: Solmsen KZ 37 (1904): 59 off. (connecting a Slavic verb ‘to let fall, shed’, in Ru.
ronit’, Cz. roniti, Pol. roni¢, etc, which may - but need not - go back to *uron-);
Szemerényi KZ 73 (1956): 74 (connecting Hitt. hurndi- ‘to besprinkle’, but this has to
be read as harndi-; see Kloekhorst 2008); connection with > paBdutyé (improbable).
None of these etymological attempts accounts for the variation v and 6 (in the
perfect), which is a well-known Pre-Greek phenomenon (Kuiper 1956: 216). This
proves that the verb is Pre-Greek.
paiw [v.] ‘to smash, break to pieces, shatter’ (Il. epic). <?>
eVAR Aor. paioat, pass. paroOFjvat, fut. paiow.
DIAL Myc. o- pi-ra,-te-re /opi-raistéres/ (?), see Baumbach Minos 11 (1970): 388-90.
*COMP Also with dta-, amo-.
PaKtog 1273
*DER patotnp, -fpoc ‘hammer’, both [f.] (2 477; after opipa?) and [m.] (AP 6, 117).
Elsewhere the gender is unknown (A. Pr. 56, Call. Dian. 59, etc.); patotrpioc
‘shattering, destroying’ (A. R., Opp.); paiotwp: kpavtijp ‘boar’s tusk’ (H.). Several
compounds in -tn, e.g. Svpo-ppaio-ty¢ ‘life-destroying’ (Il.), kuvo-ppaio-tny¢ ‘dog
louse’ (p 300, Arist.).
*ETYM The form paiw rhymes with maiw, mtaiw (which are semantically close) and
with kvaiw, waiw. The -o- in patoBijvai, etc. can be analogical. The etymology is
unknown; it can hardly be a contamination of pryyvuptand naiw.
paxos [n.] ‘rag, shred, wrinkles, remnants’ (Od.). <?>
VAR Often plur. paxea, -n.
*COMP As a first member in paxdé-dvtos, originally ‘clothed in rags’, ‘shabby’ (E.
[lyr-]).
*DER Diminutive pdaxtov, plur. -ta [n.] (Ar. etc.); 2. pakwuata [pl] = paxn (Ar.); 3.
amop<p>akiowata (H.) to paxn (: *amo-ppaxiletv); 3. adjective pak-tvoc (Hell.
inscr.), -dei¢ (AP), -wdn¢ (D. C., AP) ‘tattered, wrinkled’; 4. uncertain (corrupt
according to Debrunner IF 23 (1908-1909): 14) paxwdgéov paKog ‘rag’ (H.), cf.
pwyahéos, etc; 5. denominative pak-dotat [v.] ‘to become ragged, wrinkled’ (Hp.
Plu.), to which -wotc [f.] ‘wrinkling, wrinkledness’ (Sor.).
pakea, -1 corresponds to Aeol. Bpdx-ea (Sapph. 57), -y (Theoc. 28, 11), but in the
sense of ‘(long) ladies’ garments’, cf. also Bpdkoc: KdAapoc, iudtiov moAvtEdgc
‘expensive garment’ (H.). Other formations are: Bpdkadov- poradov ‘staff, rod’,
Bpaxetov- Spémavov, KkAadevtrptov ‘sickle, pruning knife’ (H.), dissimilated from
*-tpov; without dissimilation paxetpov ‘chopping-knife (Poll.), v.l. pay- (after
paxic), with -etpifw [v.] ‘to split, cut through’ (Pl. Com.).
*ETYM The deviating meaning ‘ladies’ garments’ casts doubt on the appurtenance of
Bpdakea, -oc. The other words can easily be connected with paxog (ie. from
*Fpakoc), with Bpaxadov formed after pottadov, oxUtadov; BpaKket(p)ov seems to be
a primary instrument noun which, just like pakoc, presupposes a primary verb (for
instance *pakeiv).
Evident morphological cognates lack outside Greek. The traditional comparison
with Skt. vrscati ‘to hew, fell (trees), split’, with yitpa-vrask-d- ‘post-cutter’ and the
ptc. vrk-nd- ‘hewn, felled’ fails to give one too, since it is probably related to Skt. varj-
‘to turn around, avert’ < *h,uerg-. :
IE *uresk-, *urosk-, which we may reconstruct, has a variant in the Slavic word for
‘rumple’ (cf. paxog, also ‘rumple’), e.g. CS vraska < *yorsk-d. ToA wraske ‘disease’ is
phonologically and semantically far-fetched. For this IE *uresk-, uersk-, one could
reconstruct an older *urek-sk- or *uerk-sk-, which enables us to establish connections
with urk-, the pre-form of pdakoc. A pre-form IE *uyk- may also be found in the
Indo-Iranian word for ‘tree’ (originally ‘felled tree’), Skt. vrksd-, Av. varasa- [m.], IE
*urk-s-o-, beside *urk-os- in paxoc (see Lidén in WP. 1, 286). Everything remains
highly uncertain. The word could well be Pre-Greek. ,
PAKTHplos “VAR paKTpla. =pdoow.
Paktos >prjyvovyL.
1274 pap Bac
papupas =paipiac.
papvos [f.] ‘briar, rhamnus’ (Eup., Hell. and late). <PG?>
*DER ‘Payivotsc, -odvtoc [m.] name ofan Att. deme, with -ovotoc [adj.] (Att.).
*ETYM The form péyivoc may have developed from *paBvoc, and thus belong with
> paBdoc and cognates; see s.v. with literature. It is quite possibly a Pre-Greek word.
The nasal suffix may be the same as in Oapvoc (or taken over from it). Cf. also
> padivdc and > pétiBoptat.
papgos [n.] ‘(hooked) bird beak’ (com., Call., Plu.). <PG(V)>
eVAR Further popyov- KapmvAov, BAaody, ‘crooked or bent, distorted’; papnya
yovata: Bhatod yovata, TO dé adTO Kat paiba ‘curved knees’ (H.).
*COMP AeTtt6-payigos ‘having a thin beak’ (Paul. Aeg.). 7
*DER payer [f.] ‘crooked knife’ (Plb., H.). From papgos are derived pdyip-tov [n.]
diminutive (sch.), -ic¢, -i5o¢ [f.] ‘crooked clasp’ (Hero), also = vewc eldoc ‘kind of
ship’ (H.) (cf. kopwvic), -tog = TeAeKavoc (Cyran.), -@6n¢ ‘beak-like’ (Philostr.),
-notat: ix8b¢ motoi ‘kinds of fish’ (H.) (Stromberg 1943: 43), -aCopat ‘to poke with the
beak’ (H., Phot.).
sETYM Next to paugos, patter (cf. e.g. ypapoc : ypagr)), we find péuqoc: T6 oTdpLA, F)
pic ‘mouth or nose’ (H.); this cannot be interpreted as a regular full grade, but is a
variant (see below). Initial payp- has been compared with Kapin-, yvapm-, KpoyiB-,
etc. The words > péuBopat ‘to turn round, roam’ and popBoc (magic) wheel are
phonetically comparable and semantically similar. Cf. further > paBdoc, > péiBopat,
and also > popaia.
Germanic words have been further compared: MLG wrimpen ‘to turn up one’s nose’,
wramp-achtich ‘curled, crooked’ (i.e. IE *uremb(")-; however, these comparisons are
based on virtually nothing. The variation between 6 and wy rather points to Pre-
Greek origin, as does the a-vocalism. Moreover, > patBdc is also clearly a variant (see
Fur. 286, 335, 338). This means that papipoc has prenasalization, beside paiBoc with
the frequent variation a/ ai, where t is from a following palatalized consonant.
pavic «VAR pavtip. =paivw.
pak, payds [f.] ‘winegrape, -berry’, secondarily also ‘berry’ in general, metaph. ‘kind of
spider’, plur. ‘fingertips’ (Att., Hell. and late). <PG(V)>
*VAR LXX also [m.]. pwE, pwydc (Archil., LXX, Nic.).
COMP As a first member in payo-eij¢ ‘grape-like’ (medic.).
*DER pay-iov [n.] diminutive (Philum., etc.), -1x6¢ ‘belonging to the grape’, -@5n¢
‘grape-like’ (Thphr.), -i{w ‘to pick grapes’ (Theoc.).
sETYM The form pat is reminiscent of pdpata (this may come from *pdyp-):
Bootpbyxia, otapunic. Maxeddves ‘bunch of grapes (Maced.)’ (H.), as well as of Lat.
racémus ‘stalk of a cluster of grapes, grapes. The word is further isolated; it is
probably a Mediterranean word (cf. Schwyzer: 425 with literature, also 310). The IE
etymologies that have been proposed should all be rejected (WH s.v5 also
incorrectly, Carnoy REGr. 69 (1956): 286 and Carnoy Ant. class. 27 (1958): 326). It is
most probable that pag is of Pre-Greek origin (Fur. 126); Owe would then be a Pre-
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panto 1275
Greek variant. Demiraj 1997: 196 adduces Alb. rrush ‘resin’, which is identical to
Rrush, the old name of Ragusa; if related, this would rather suggest a substrate origin
of the word.
paritw, -opat [v.] ‘to beat with a stick, a rod, by hand’, pass. ‘to be beaten’ (IA). <PG?>
VAR Aor. pass. pamtio@fjvat, act. partioat, perf. ptc. pass. pepamtiopéva.
«COMP Rarely with prefix, e.g. émt- (also ‘to reproach’).
*DER pPam-topia [n.] ‘stroke, slap in the face, box on the ears’ (Antiph., NT, Luc.),
-toptd¢ [m.] ‘id’ (Corn., Sor.); émppam-tkic [f.] ‘reproach’ (Ion. Hist.), -topdg ‘id.
(Plb.). Besides, as a second member, -pamic in xpvod-ppamic, voc. -t ‘with a golden
rod’, epithet of Hermes (Od., h. Merc., Pi.), £b-ppamuc (Eppijc) ‘with a beautiful rod’
(Nonn.); partic as simplex = padoc only H., Phot.
*ETYM As the simplex partic may have been extracted from xpvo6-ppamic, where -t¢
can be explained as a compound suffix (cf. Gv-ad«-t, inm-oup-tc), the direct basis of
pamiCw is uncertain. It may have been formed from a noun (*pay, *pam-n;, vel sim.),
but it can also be a transformation of a primary verb (cf. the examples in Schwyzer:
735f.). Formally, panitw could be a zero grade formation of pémw, pdrtahov; it would
have indicated, if deverbative, a sweeping movement (of a rod, the hand, etc.). See
further > pémtw; cf. > Pw 1, » PaBdoc, > Pdptvoc, and also » pantw. Alternatively, a
Pre-Greek origin is a serious option for this etymon, as well.
partic kind of shoe. <PG(v)>
*ETYM The variation with dpzic (Fur. 392) points to Pre-Greek origin. See > dpmtic.
panty [v.] ‘to sew (together), stitch, instigate’ (Il.). <?>
eVAR Aor. paryat (Il.), them. aor. Zppagov (Nonn.), pass. pagrivai, fut. parvo, perf.
pass. ppappat (IA), plpf. act. 2ppagryKket (X. Eph.).
*DIAL Myc. ra-pte(-re) may stand for *pamtijp [m.] (see Morpurgo Davies 1963 s.v.
with literature; differently Heubeck IF 64 (1958-1959): u19ff.); also Myc. e-ra-pe-me-
na /“e-"rapmena/ ‘stitched’. Myc. wa-ra-pi-si-ro, which was thought to stand for
lee can no longer be connected, since erapemena shows that the verb had no
initial F-.
eCOMP Often with prefix, e.g. ovv-, Kata-, év-.
*DER 1. Action nouns: pagr (also ovv-, kata-, etc.) [f.] “hem, seam’ (x 186), here and
below, -q- is analogical; pdayysa [n.] ‘id’ (Pi, IA); 2. Agent nouns: pagets [m.] ‘sewer,
stitcher, instigator’ (A., Poll.), acc. to Bof&hardt 1942: 40 from pagr; parte [m.]
‘stitcher’ with -tixdc (late), fem. partpia (Eust.), with mept- [m.] of a priestess in
Piraeus (inscr.); parttip ‘id.’, see above on Myc.; dtko-ppag-oc [m.] ‘hack lawyer’ (D.
Chr. et al.), with -ppagéw [v.] ‘to instigate a lawsuit’ (Ar.), -ppagia (Man.); 3.
instrument nouns pagic, -ido¢ [f.] ‘sewing needle’ (Hp., Archipp., Hell.), pagtd-ev¢
[m.], -eta [f.] ‘stitcher’, -evtr¢ [m.] ‘id’, -evtd¢ (LXX), -dc¢ [m.] ‘id’ (pap. IV?); cf.
BoShardt 1942: 40; pagic also fish name = BeAdvn (Arist. Opp.), see Stromberg 1943:
37; beside it partic as a fish name (Epich 51 v.l.), = xpnmic (H., EM), see on » apmiic; 4.
verbal adj. parttdc ‘stitched, sewn together’ (w 228f.); 5. ‘Paw [f.] name of a goddess
or nymph (Phaleron IV*). On » payw6sos, see s.v.
1276 pamvuc
eETYM Since Myc. e-ra-pe-me-na shows that pamtw does not go back to a form with
initial f-, the older etymology with Baltic (Lith. vefpti, isg. verpiu ‘to spin’, Lith.
verpti (virpti), virpéti ‘to tremble, shudder, vibrate’, Latv. virpét ‘to spin with a
spindle; shudder’, vérpt ‘to spin, turn round about’) must be abandoned. Cf. further
> péTtw, & PELBouat.
Pamvs VAR paguc. =Paqavoc.
pacow [v.] ‘to beat, smash, thrust, stamp’ (also of dancers), intr. ‘to strike, dash’
(Hell.). <2>
VAR Att. Pattw, Ion. proow (epic since & 571), with ém- (O. 454, 456, h.Ap. 516, also
LXX, NT), fut. patw, aor. pata (Att, Hell.), pixxOijvat (LXX).
eCOMP Also with prefix, e.g. éml-, ovv-, KaTa-.
*DER 1. ovp-, Mpd0-paktc [f.] “crash, impact’ (Arist. pap.), amd- name of a ball game
(Poll., Eust.); 2. kata-ppaktng [adj.] ‘rushing down, precipitous’ (S. Str.), [m.]
‘waterfall’ (D. S., Str.), ‘portcullis, boarding bridge’ (LXX, App., etc.), name of a bird
that sweeps down (Ar., Arist.); Kata-pprktn¢ [m.], name of a river in Phrygia
(Hdt.); kata-ppaxtnp ‘rushing down’ (Lyc.), of a bird; 3. paxtipiov. dpynoic tic
‘kind of dance’, -trpta: thpimava ‘kettledrums’ (H.), paxtrptos ‘suitable for beating’
vel sim., also ‘clamorous’” (S. Fr. 802 and 699); pax tptat [f.pl.] (-ta [n-pl.]?) ‘poles for
beating olive trees’ (Poll., H., Phot.). On pay-dnv, -Satoc, see > Payr; on » paxia s.v.
eETYM The form pdacow was rare, and in Koine it became confused with prjyvupus; it
has no certain etymology. Since a consonant must have been lost before the p-, a pre-
form PGr. *fpax-tw (cf. pax-{a) can perhaps be identified with a Slavic verb for ‘beat’
(also with loss of *y-), ie. Ru. razit’, Cz. raziti, with Cz. raz ‘stroke, stamp’, Ru. raz
‘turn’ < *ureh,g"-. The Slav. words, however, have also been connected with Ru.
rézat’ ‘to cut, slaughter’, OCS rézati ‘xontetv’, etc. which are related to pryyvuut (see
Vasmer 1953 s.v. raz II and Fraenkel 1955 s.v. rézti 1). The semantically attractive
connection with » dpdoow (Bechtel 1914 sv. prjoow) would require PGr. *warak'-
je/o- (with different development of *CRHC, perhaps conditioned by the accent?),
but for » dpdcow, there is no indication for F-. Cf. » pais.
paotwvn —pa.
*patavy [f.] ‘stirring spoon, scoop’, only in (Dor.) patavav- topvvnv ‘stirrer, ladle’
and Bpatavav: topbviyv.’HAetot (H.). <PG?, IE? *uert- ‘turn’>
eETYM Instrument name in -dvn like nat-, dpen-, odp-dvn, etc., either from a zero
grade verb (e.g. aor. *fpat-etv) or from a noun (eg. *Fpat-1). An extended verb
form is perhaps found in Bpatdvet patter and vooov. HAgiot ‘to recover (El.) (H.),
originally ‘gets well again’ cf. e.g. BAaotavw from BAaot-eiv, aicPdvopat from
aic8éoGat. The word » dppatoc is formed from a noun, like duayoc from paxn, etc.
Traditionally, this etymon was connected to Skt. vartate, Lat. vert6 ‘to turn (intr.)’,
etc. (cf. Pok. 1156ff.), and potapia (-dpia?)- toptviov (H.) was explained as having
Aeol. po for pa (Bechtel 1921, 2: 864). However, the variants Bpat- ~ Bpot- and the
suffix -av- may also point to Pre-Greek origin.
Paxic, -10¢ 1277
pagavos [f.] “cabbage, Brassica cretica’ (Att. etc.), ‘radish, Raphanus sativus’ (Arist.,
pap.). <PG(V)>
eVAR Also -avn (Batr. v.l.), etc. Cf. paguc, panug [f.] ‘turnip’, pé@avocg (Hp. Mul. 2,
115).
DER 1. pagavic, -iSo¢ [f.] ‘radish’ (com, etc.) with -{d.ov [n.] ‘id’ (Pl. Com.), ~da65n¢
‘like a radish’ (Thphr.), -i6dopat [v.] ‘to be treated with radish’ (Ar.); 2. pagav-tov
[n.] ‘radish’ (pap.), also partaviov; 3. -tvoc ‘of radish’ (pap.;, Dsc., etc.), -ittc [f.] ‘kind
ofiris’ (Plin.), see Redard 1949: 76; 4. -nddv [adv.] ‘in a radish-like way’ (medic.).
Besides, paguc, panucg [f.] ‘turnip’ (Ath. 9, 369b, 371 c). Uncertain is the
appurtenance of pd@ac ([acc.pl.] acc. to H. sv. pagavic, with Tryphon Dor.),
probably miswritten for papdvoug or pag<dav>ac; cf. Phot. pagavov: tv pagavida.
"Eniyapioc (Fr. 204; improbable).
eETYM With pagavoc, compare mbavoc, Adyavov, myyavov and other plant names;
pauc and parc are reminiscent of cikuc, kKaxpuc, OTAxuBG, etc.
Since the word is widespread only in Europe, and since it has variant forms, it
cannot be an inherited word from PIE, but must have been borrowed instead, or
otherwise belong to a substrate: cf. Lat. rapum [n.], -a [f.], OHG ruoba [f.], Lith. répeé
[f.], which all point to a pre-form *rdp-; beside these, we find OHG raba, CS répa,
Ru. répa [f.], which point to *rép- (cf. Machek Ling. Posn. 2 (1950): 158ff.). The Greek
words, in turn, require *rap-, or rap"-, respectively: pdamuc, paguc, Pagavoc. The
transformation of the old word for ‘turnip’ to black radish and cabbage would be due
to the decline of the cultivation of the turnip in Greece; for ‘turnip’, a new word
yoyyvAic then came into use.
Since the variation m ~ @ and the suffix -av- are evidently Pre-Greek features, the
word may originally be of Pre-Greek stock; thence teh European cognates cited
above were borrowed.
pagot [m.] - dpveic tivéc ‘birds’ (H.). <PG?>
eETYM The etymology is unknown. Probably Pre-Greek.
paxia [f.] “breakers of the sea, high tide, spot in the surf, rocky beach’ (IA); Hell. also
‘bustle, clamor of a mob’. <GR>
eVAR Ion. pnxin.
DER paxt-wdne ‘full of breakers’ (Str.).
*ETYM Related to » pacow, Patt, and proow ‘to beat, bump, etc.’ (s.v. with further
literature), ice. either as an action noun directly from the verb (with -ia from the
yod-present *fpax-1w? See Scheller 1951: 39f.), or as an original abstract or a
collective formation (oik-fa, 4vth-ia, etc.) from *pdaxog ‘stroke, bump’.
Paxic, -tog [f., m.] ‘spine, back’, often metaphorically ‘ridge, etc. (I 208). <PG>
eVAR Att.-ewo,
*DER 1. pax-itn¢ [m.] ‘belonging to the spine’ (Arist., medic.), émppay-itidec
aptnpta (Hippiatr.), Redard 1949: 101f; 2. payt-aios ‘id,’ (medic.); 3. pax-(Cw [v.] ‘to
crack, chop up (the spine)’ (trag.), also ‘to show off, boast’ (Din,, H.), also with 61a-,
kata-; thence -totr¢ [m.] ‘splitter’ (pap.), ‘showoff, boaster’ (Theopomp. Com.),
“LoTHp: wevortng, ddaCwv ‘liar or cheat, vagrant’ (H.).
1278 pawwddcg
With transformation of the stem: 4. pa4y-etpov = paxic (H.), also designation of a
certain part of it (Poll, Phot.), perhaps after dykiotpov, déptpov, Ftpov (cf. Fraenkel
Glotta 4 (1913): 43, Schwyzer: 532), -etpi(w = paxitw (Poll.); besides, we find paK-
etpov, etc. (see mPaKoc?); 5. Paxac: xwpiov ovvdevdpov Kal petéwpov ‘thickly-
wooded place on high ground’ (H., Phot.), after deipac, omAdc, etc., with pay adrv-
émi thc P&xews ‘on the spine’ (H.); 6. gensg. tod paxa, from paxac ‘id.? (Halaesa;
Roman times). ae
Besides, paxdc (also paxoc; codd. also Paxos, probably after paxtc), Ion. PrxXos [f.]
‘briar, thorn hedge, (thorny) sprig’ (Hdt., S., X., Thphr.), éb-ppnxoc, prxodn¢
‘thorny’ (Nic.); denominative pax@oat [v.] ‘to cover with sprigs’ (Att. [307-6*]). For
the meaning ‘briar, spine, back’, cf. e.g. dkav@a, Lat. spina, etc. Unclear is paxvoc [n.]
(pap. IV-VIP), ‘cloak’ vel sim.?
sETYM The word payic was compared with Lith. razis ‘stubble’ (beside more usual
razas ‘stubble, [fork]tooth, barren twig’), from a preform *urag'-i-; the initial y- is
confirmed in Greek by dprixou (where 6- stands for F-)- TH¢ aipactac ‘wall (HL). A
full or lengthened grade *urag'- was seen in paxdc, PNXOS (e-8- Pok. 1180). However,
since Fpax-/Fpax- cannot be derived from an IE form (the ablaut in the above
reconstructions being impossible), it may instead be Pre-Greek.
payw5dc [m.] ‘rhapsodist, performer of epic (Homeric) poems’ (Hdt., S., Pl.). <GR>
*DER paywd-tkdc ‘belonging to the rhapsodist’, -Ew [v.] ‘to recite epic poems’, -ia [f.]
‘reciting epic poems, epic poems’ (Att, etc.). eee
*ETYM The word pawwddc is a verbal governing compound of payat wdryv (aoidyv),
thus originally ‘who sews a poem together’, referring to the uninterrupted sequence
of epic verses as opposed to the strophic compositions of lyrics; cf. Hes. Fr. 265
payavtes dosti, Pi. N. 2, 2‘Opnpidat partav énéwv ... dodo (see Patzer Herm. 80
(1952): 314ff.; Sealey REGr. 70 (1957): 312ff.).
péyxw [v.] ‘to snore, snort’ (A. E., com., Arist. v.l.). <PG?>
*VAR péyyw (Hp., Arist., Herod, Hell. and late); note the variants peyy-, poxp-, and
PwXL-.
eCOMP Rarely with ano-, bm0-, mapa-. aubes
*DER péyk-o¢ (also -x-) [n.] ‘snore’ with -odn¢ ‘snore-like’, péy&c [f.] id. (Hp.);
poyktijv: péyketv. Enixappoc (H.) (after the verbs of disease in -1dw); poyxatetv (H.)
as an explanation of puyyidtev, whence poyx-acpog = péyxoc (Gal.), nao TG. =
nasator (gloss.); poyx-aitw ‘to snore’ (gloss.), after yapyahiCw, etc. also poyxoc
(Cael. Aur.), pwxyds = péyxoc (Erot.); pwyLds, Poxdc, Poypdc ‘to hiss’ (late
medic.); pw w ‘to hiss, chatter one’s teeth’ (Sor. H.). ee
*ETYM The etymon is clearly onomatopoeic; cf. » poyxoc. Although the variation is
certainly due in part to the onomatopoeic character of the word, many of the
alternations would also fit a Pre-Greek origin. The Celtic forms compared in Frisk
(Olr. srennim ‘to snort’, MIr. sréimm ‘snoring’) may derive from *sreg'-n-.
pélw 1 [v.] ‘to act, perform’, especially of a sacrifice, ‘to sacrifice’ (Il., epic). <IE *uerg-
‘work’>
VAR Fut. pé&w, aor. pétat, pass. pexOrjvau.
péBoc 1279
*DIAL Myc. wo-ze [3sg.pres.] /worzei/, seeAura Jorro 1985-1993(2): 451.
eCOMP Rarely with ém-, kata-, etc.
*DER Verbal adjective t-pek-toc ‘undone’ (T 150, Simon.), agent noun pextiip, -fpoc
[m.] ‘doer’ (Hes., Man.), -trptog ‘effective’ (Ion Hist.), [f.] -tetpa (Man.); péxtry¢
[m.] ‘id’ (Plu, Aret.), -tixd¢ ‘capable of sth’ (Porph.), also péktac ‘sacrificer’
(Tauromenion; Rom. times); mappéktn¢: nmavta mpdattwv éni Kak@ “doing all for
mischief (H.); cf. Fraenkel 1910: 150 and 175; on pétw with derivatives, see
Kretschmer Glotta 18 (1929): 85f.
*ETYM Next to (F)épyov with full grade, IE had a zero grade yod-present *urg-ie-ti
(Av. varaziiamahi, etc.), of which the Greek representative *fpatw (= Myc. wo-ze)
was replaced by the full grade gp5w < *fépy-tw (after Fépyov). This form was
substituted by the secondary full grade Fpey-, with a different position of the liquid,
at first in the aor. and fut. pé&ou, péEw, then also in the pres. péCw, the verbal adj. d-
p(p)ektog, etc. (cf. Schwyzer: 716* with literature). On traces of the same full grade in
Albanian and Celtic, cf. Pok. 1168 with literature (cf. also Bader 196s: iff; on épdw
and pé(w, Hamp MSS 45 (1985): 106-109). See further » Epdw and » épyov.
pélw 2 [v.] ‘to color, Bantetv’ (Epich. 107, Phot., EM). <I *sreg- ‘paint’.>
eVAR Aor. péEau.
*DER péyoc (dAtmdppupov, Anacr.), more usual pijyoc [n.] ‘blanket, carpet’ (Hom.) =
tO Bantov otp@pa (Et. Orion.), 6 noppupodv nepiBdAatov (EM); péyprata (moiKida,
Ibyc.); xpvoopayéc¢: ypvooBagés ‘gold-embroidered’ (H.); agent noun = ‘pagetc,
colorer’: peyetc (EM v.l. beside pay-, pryy-), pryyevs (sch., H.), poyevs (inscr. Sparta,
H.); see BoShardt 1942: 83.
*ETYM This etymon can hardly be separated from Skt. rdjyati ‘to paint oneself, get
red, get excited’, raga- [m.] ‘painting, paint, excitement’. In view of the lack of an
initial vowel in Greek, we have to consider a reconstruction *sreg-. The stem form
pryy- is problematic, however.
pé8o¢ [n.] ‘face, countenance’ (S. Ant. 529, E. HF 1205 [both anap.], Theoc. 29, 16, Lyc.
1137), ‘body’ (Lyc. 173), meaning uncertain (Sapph. 22, 3); plur. ‘faces’ (A. R. 2, 68),
‘limb’ (Theoc. 23, 39); older meaning unclear (&k peOéwv II 856 = X 362, X 68); cf.
peXéwv- onAdyxvwv, LEA@v, owudtwv ‘innards, limbs, bodies’ (H.); the sch. on X 68
proposes ‘face, mouth’, also ‘nostrils’, the last of which is preferred by Leumann 1950:
218ff. (with older literature) because of the plur. Cf. Snell 1948: 24-6, who
demonstrates the transition from the literal meaning, namely a body part, to the
more general mg. ‘body’. <?>
eCOMP As a first member in Aeol. pe80-pahidac, literally ‘with face-apples’, acc. to
sch. X 68 = evmpoowmovc.
eETYM Since the meaning ‘face, countenance’, given as Aeolic by grammarians, is
certain, we have to depart from this when explaining the word. Both an older epic
meaning ‘mouth’ and ‘figure, body’ seem possible (cf. e.g. Lat. ds ‘mouth, face’, faciés
‘figure, face’); the pl. could have been formed after pédea, otiPea, otépva, vata, etc.
On the meaning in Hom., cf. Vivante Arch. glott. ital. 40 (1955): aif. An original
meaning ‘nostril(s)’ fits well, and the transition to ‘face’ or ‘body’ is unproblematic.
1280 peta, péa
The form é8oc has no convincing etymology. The lack of the F- (B-) in Aeol. pé80¢
makes a connection with Skt. vardhati ‘to grow’ difficult. Fraenkel’s suggestion to
connect » pic and » péw (Frisk Glotta 32 (1975): 31ff; also, Treu 1955: 190°) is neither
morphologically nor semantically convincing.
peta, péa pa.
pettos [m.?] an unidentified object from Delos (BCH 54, 1930, 121). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
pedatwpia ‘receipt’ (POxy. 3125). <LW Lat
*ETYM Formed from a borrowing from Lat. nélator ‘registrator’.
péuBouat [v.] ‘to go about, wander, roam around, act at random’ (Hell. and late).
<PG(V)>
*VAR Only pres. except peppOijvar péiBecBat (H.).
¢COMP Rarely with amo-, etc.
*DER peubwdng ‘walking about, aimless, idle’ (Plb., Plu.), with the back-formation
péutBoc [m.] ‘wandering about’ (Plu., Aret.), adj. peuBdc (late), fem. -a¢ (LXX v.1.).
Extensions: peup-ebw (also kata-) = pétBopat, -aoudc [m.] ‘roaming’ (LXX;
*-aCouat).
With ablaut pdufpoc [m.] ‘circular movement, top, hummingtop, magic wheel,
tambourine’ (Pi. Critias, E.), geom. ‘rhombus’ (Arist., Euc., etc.), also name of a flat-
fish, ‘turbot’ vel sim. (Ath., etc.), see Stromberg 1943: 38, Thompson 1947 s.v.; also
pvuBocs (Att. according to grammarians); poytBo-e1dy¢ ‘rhombus-like, rhomboidic’
(Hp. Euc,, etc.); puptB-tov [n.] ‘little top’ (sch.); poptB-wtdc ‘having the form of a
rhombus’ (Hell. and late); -nddv ‘in the way of a p.’ (Man.); pouB-éw (also pv-) [v.]
‘to go in circles’ (Pl, etc.) with -1tH¢ [m.] ‘top’ (Orph.), ém- ‘to whirl like a
humming-top’ (Sapph.); poptBdopat ‘to be turned into a p.’ (Hero); puptB-dvec [f-pl.]
‘wrigglings’ of a snake (A. R.), cf. ayx-dvec, etc; “ova (also peptB-) ‘to sway, hurl
away (Phld, Ael.), after opevdovaw.
*ETYM The word popBoc is attested already in Pi, and it proves that the primary
form péttBoptat, which is attested much later, must have existed at an earlier stage,
too. The by-form ptpBos recalls cases like popéw : pupéw (cf. Schwyzer 351f.); note
also puBdv: émtkayimés (EM, Hdn. Gr.). The form pétiBopat was compared with MLG
wrimpen ‘to contract (one’s face)’ (Persson 1912(1): 498), but an IE pre-form *uremb-
is highly doubtful. At least as uncertain is the comparison with Lith. refigtis ‘to bow’,
etc. (de Saussure MSL 8 (1894): 443; Lidén 1899: 14f.).
It is difficult to combine pépBoptat with Papipoc, pé@oc, Paptvoc, PaBdoc, andl péTtw
in traditional Indo-European terms, in view of the various different labials (6, @, 71).
Because the meanings deviate, an etymological analysis remains hazardous.
However, the forms with puptB-, puB- seem to point to a Pre-Greek word, as does the
interchange 71/ B/ 9.
pérw [v.] ‘to decline, descend’, especially of the balance, ‘to sway down, turn out, gain
the upper hand’, with prefix also trans. ‘to lower, let tilt’ (Il.). <?>
eVAR Rare fut. péyw and aor. péwat (IA).
péw 1281
eComMP Also with prefix, e.g. ém-, AvTl-, KaTa-.
*DER 1. pot [f.] ‘lowering, tilting (of the scales), swing’ (Alc. IA), to which (among
others) avti-pportog ‘equipoising, counterweighing’ (Att.), with avtippom-in (vl. -1)
[f.] “counterweight (Hp.); 2. mepi-ppeyic [f.] ‘tilting’ (Hp.); 3. pomadov [n.]
‘bludgeon, mace’ (Il.), with pondA-tov [n.] (Hell. inscr. and pap.), -wtd¢ ‘equipped
with a club-like rounding’ (D. C.), -wdn¢ “(pulsing) like a club’, of the pulse, -wotc
[f.] designation of a hair disease (medic.), -1xdc ‘club-like’, as a designation of a verse
(gramm.), -iCet- otpéqet, ktvet Wo POTtaAOv ‘turns, moves like a club’ (H.) with -1opoi
[pl.] (Ar. Lys.); 4. pomtpov [n.] ‘the wood in a trap, knocker, ring at the door,
tambourine’ (Archil., Att.); dissimilated to pomtov of unclear meaning (Epid. IV*),
-tiov: kAeidiov ‘little key’ (H.); 5. rtept-, ém-, kata-ppeme ‘tilting, etc.’ (IA), étepo-
ppertns, originally ‘tilting to (one or) the other side’, hence ‘indecisive, unbiased’ (A.
[lyr.], Hp.); 6. pemttixds ‘tilting’ (Stoic.).
*ETYM Attempts have been made to connect pémw with » partw, > partiw, and even
> pwy, but see s.v.v. The alleged common semantic denominator ‘to twist (together),
wind, bend’ was sought in pdmadov, pontpov, but these words are perhaps not
related (see Chantraine 1933: 246), and the supposed meaning ‘throwing stick’, which
was needed for that connection, is unwarranted. Cf. » péiBoptct with references. The
word may instead be Pre-Greek. The word kadabtpoy (compared by DELG), which
is certainly Pre-Greek, is unrelated.
péw [v.] ‘to flow, stream’, also metaphorically, ‘to stream off, fall off, of hair, ripe
fruits, etc. (Il.). <IE *sreu- ‘flow, stream’>
eVAR Aor. purjvat (y 455), Dor. éppva, fut. purjoopat, perf. gppvnka (Att.); fut.
pevoopia (Thgn., com. Hp.), pevoodpat (Arist.), pevbow (AP), aor. petoai (Ar.
[anap.], Hp., Hell.).
*COMP Very often with prefix, e.g. dmo-, Sta-, €k-, KaATA-, MEpt-, bITO-.
*DER Many derivatives, also from prefixed compounds:
A. with full grade 1. pée8pov (IL, epic Ion.), pei8pov (Att.) [n.] ‘stream, river, water’;
2. ‘Peitog [m.] name ofa stream or brook (Eleusis V*, Th., Paus.), see Krahe Beitr. z.
Namenforsch. 5 (1954): 89; 3. pedpa [n.] ‘current, stream’ (IA), cf. Porzig 1942: 267f.,
‘stream, rheumatism’ (medic.), with -pdtiov, -pwatwdnc, -patiKds, -patiCopa,
-LlaTLGpLOc; 4. péoc [n.] ‘stream’ (A.), cf. on év-pperic below; 5. pedots [f.] (Hell. for
pvoic); 6. pevotds ‘streaming, fluid’ (Emp., Arist. etc.), -ottKdg (Plu.), -otahéoc
(Orac. apud Eus.); 7. -ppei-tn¢ (from -ppefé-t1¢) in compounds, e.g. éb-ppeitis
‘streaming beautifully’ (Hom., etc.), » dkahappeitns; 8. -ppers only in gen. éi)-ppeioc
= &-ppeféoc (IL) from éi-pperjg ‘id’; rather to péw than to péocg (Schwyzer: 513).
B. With o-grade: 1. pd0¢ (kata, etc.), Att. pots, Cypr. pdfoc [m.] ‘stream, flow’; 2.
pon (ék-, etc.), Dor. -4, Corc. phofaior [f.] ‘flowing, stream, outflow’ (Il.); poioxoc
[m.] ‘brooklet’ (Halaesa), powdr¢ (pot- Gal.) ‘flowing, suffering of flux, having
strong currents, watery, falling off (Hp. Th., Arist. etc.), poixdg ‘fluid’ (Hp., Dsc.),
poitw ‘to drench’, of horses (Hippiatr.) with poiopid¢ (H.); 3. poiat [f-pl.] ‘floods’
(Hp.); 4. -ppota [f.] in prefixed compounds, e.g. dtappota (to dta-ppéw) ‘flowing
through, diarrhoea’ (IA); on the formation Schwyzer: 469.
1282 PTLYVULE
C. With zero grade: 1. putdc ‘streaming, pouring out, flowing strongly’ (trag., etc.
with augi-, mepi- since Od.); putév [n.] “drinking horn’ (Att., Hell.); 2. pvotc (&k-,
etc.) [f.] ‘flowing, flow (IA); 3. » pwua = pedpa (late) s.v; 4. PUAE, -aKoc [m.] ‘strong
current, rushing stream, stream of lava’ (Th., Pl, Arist., etc.), probably Sicil. (Bjérck
1950: 61 and 285); cf. pUayE (cod. poi-)- gadpayé ‘cleft, chasm’ (H.); 5. pvaxetos [m.]
‘multitude of people’ (Lac; Ar. Lys. 170), expressive enlargement of pvak after
oxeTdc, GuPgETc? 6. pudc [f.] (also [m., n.]) ‘fluid, falling off (Arist, Thphr., etc.),
also an epithet of iyO8dc or a designation of certain fishes that live in swarms and
follow the currents (Arist. etc.), see Strémberg 1943: 50f., Thompson 1947 s.v., also
‘flow’, with pvadixds, ‘suffering flux, etc. oe 7. pvddv (0 426), pvdrv (Crates,
etc.) ‘flooding, abounding’.
On > pvO1dc, see s.v.; on PUTPOG, Pda (Hod), pods as plant names see > pda.
*ETYM The thematic present péw (< *péFw; cf. PdFoc, etc. above) agrees with Skt.
sravati ‘flow < IE *sréu-e-ti. There are other exact morphological matches as well,
but their age is uncertain because of the strong productivity of the relevant
categories. Examples are: 6d0¢ = Skt. srava- [m.] ‘flowing’ (cf. OCS o-strove, Ru.
ostrov ‘island’, from *‘surrounded by stream[s]’); por) = Lith. srava [f.] ‘flowing, flow
of blood, menstruation’ (cf. Skt. giri-srava- [f.] ‘mountain brook’); pac = Skt. sruti-
[f.] ‘way, street’; putdc = Skt. srutd- ‘flowing’ (cf. Lith. sriitos [f.pl.] (dial. -ta [sg.])
‘liquid manure, [animal] urine’); (¢0)-pperjc, related to Skt. (madhu)-sravas- [m.]
‘dripping of honey’, plant name (lex.). The neuter petpa (IE *sreu-mn) is mirrored
by a corresponding masculine in Balto-Slavic, e.g. Lith. sraumu6, gen. -mens ‘rapid’
(IE *srou-mon-). An m-suffix is also found in Germanic, e.g. ON straumr ‘stream’
(IE *srou-mo-), in Celtic, e.g. Olr. sruaim ‘stream’, and in Alb. rrymé ‘stream’ (Mann
Lang. 28 (1952): 37).
Genetic connection between the Dor. aor. é-ppta and the Lith. pret. pa-sriuvo
‘flowed’ < *-at (Schwyzer: 743) seems unlikely. Also formally identical are the futures
pevoouat (-ow) and Skt. srosyati. Apart from that, the Greek and Sanskrit, as well as
the Baltic verbal systems go different ways. Cf. » pwopal.
Ptyvuput [v.] ‘to tear (up), break (to pieces), burst’ (IIl.). <1E *ureh,g- “break’>
eVAR Fut. prtw, aor. pra (all IL), perf. med. ppizy-pat (6 137), act. (intr.) Eppwya
(Archil., Hp., trag.), ptc. épprnyeta (Tab. Heracl.), trans. éppyxa (Hell.), aor. pass.
payrvat (Il.), with fut. payroopat (A., etc.), prXOrjvat (late); new pres. proow, prttw
(Hp., Hell; to pFEat, prygw).
eCOMP Often with prefix, e.g. dmo-, dia-, ék-, Kata-, Tept-. As a first member in
verbal governing compounds pnf(t)-, e.g. pné-tvwp epithet of Achilles, ‘breaking the
(rows of) men’ (Hom.) with -rvopin (E 217), cf. Sommer 1948: 180; Jernstedt Idg. Jb.
14: 151 connects prjoow ‘to throw (down)’.
eDER A. With e-grade: 1. pijywa (éx-, ovv-) [n.] ‘tore, cleft, breach’ (IA) with
pryywatins, -twSns (Hp.); 2. prypidg ‘id’ (pap. III"); 3. prypiv (pic), -pivoc [f.]
‘breaking down of a cart, breaking of the sea’ (Il, epic), a derivation in -iv-, cf.
Chantraine 1933: 168, Schwyzer: 465; Pisani RILomb. 73:2 (1939-40): 40 assumed
influence of »Oic; 4. pric (also katd-, mepi-, etc.), Aeol. Fpetc [f.] “breaking
through, breach’ (Alc, Hp. E., Arist.) with pnktixdc¢ (kata-) ‘fragile, brittle’ (Hp.
pijov 1283
Aét.); 5. pryktys [m.] “the disruptor”, designation of a certain form of earthquake
(Arist., Lyd.); 6. Fpryyadgov (cod. tp-): Steppwydta ‘broken through’ (H.); cf. below
B 4; 7. abpiktog = &-FprnKtos ‘unbroken’ (Hdn. Gr.).
B. With o-grade: 1. pw& [f.] only pwyac [acc.pl.] (x 143) ‘tore’ = ‘narrow passage’ (cf.
Wace JHS 71 (1951): 203ff.), further in prefixed compounds, e.g. dtoppwE ‘torn off,
fem. ‘torn-off piece, outflow’ (II. epic poet.); 2. dtappwyr [f.] “gap, interspace’ (Hp.);
pwyai- prEeic (H.); 3. pwydc, -ddoc ‘torn up, cleft’ (Hell. poetry.); 4. pwyadéoc ‘torn
up, full of holes’ (Hom.); 5. pwypu} [f.] “breach, tore’ (Hp., Arist.) with pwypating
(Hp. apud Gal.; cf. A 1); pwxpdc [m.] ‘tore, cleft, gap’ (Y 420, Hell.), containing a
suffix -opo- (Schwyzer: 493), -uai [pl.] ‘id’ (Marc. Sid.).
C. With zero grade: 1. payn (61a-), payac, paySryv, paydaiog (s.v. > payr)); 2. Payoc
[n.] ‘rag, shred’ (pap. II’), paydetc (Nic.) after » pakos, -delc; 3. Tepippayns ‘broken
all around’ (AP), from mept-ppayrjvat.
eETYM The form pryvupt < *Fpryyvunt (cf. Fprelc, Fenyadéoc) corresponds
semantically and phonologically with the primary stem in Arm. ergic-anem, aor.
ergic-i with the usual caus. ergic-uc‘anem ‘to tear apart, break’. Phonetically adequate,
but semantically less convincing, is the comparison (since Meillet MSL 9 (1896): 142)
with a Balto-Slavic verb for ‘to beat, etc.’ in Lith. ré2ti ‘to cut, incise, beat’, OCS rézati
‘kontelv’,, Ru. rézat’ ‘to cut, slaughter’, etc. It seems impossible to connect » pacow in
view of the different laryngeal. Forms with pay- must contain a secondary zero
grade, since *urh,g- would give Fp1jy-.
Piryos =Pélw 2.
Pia «VAR pijotc, prtpa, etc. ~elpw 2, prytwp.
*pryv [m.] ‘sheep, lamb’ (A. R.). <GR>
eVAR pijva [acc.] (Nic.), pryveoot [dat.pl.] (A. R.).
*COMP As a second member, e.g. in moAv-ppryv-ec [nom.pl.] (I 154 = 296), thematic
extension in moAv-ppiyv-o-¢ [nom.sg.] (A 257) ‘rich in sheep’; b16-ppnv-o-v [acc.sg.]
(K 216) ‘having a lamb underneath, suckling a lamb’. As a first member in pryvo-
gopetc [m.] ‘bearer of sheep fleece’ (AP), see BoShardt 1942: 29; extracted from there
prywikdc ‘from the sheep’, pivig, -tKoc [f.] ‘sheep fleece’ (Hp.).
*DER Several glosses in H.: pryvea- mpdBata ‘cattle’ (cf. ktrvea); paiva: dpva ‘lambs,
sheep’ (Elean?), pvetva- Gpva. Kbmpiot (does it stand for Fprv-?); probably also
tpavov (if for *fp-)- €Eaurvaiov mpdBatov ‘six-month-old cattle’ (but then the a
remains unexplained). The island name ‘Pryveta (near Delos) may be related, too.
eETYM The above forms differ only in ablaut from » dprv < Fapriy; as a basis, one
would best assume a formation *urh,-én > dapryv, zero grade *urh,-n- > (-p)pryv-. Lat.
réno (mentioned by Frisk) should remain separate.
The forms priveoot and pijva (Hell. epic) may well have been built after moAv-ppryv
and other compounds, but this explanation does not seem to fit Hippocratic pnwkdcg
and pfvE, nor the glosses in cal (cf. Sommer 1948: 66ff.; Ruijgh 1957: 161;
Schwyzer: 568).
pijov [n.] ‘rhubarb’ (Gal.).
1284 pnodc
eVAR Also pa (Dsc.).
*ETYM The word would come from the river called Rha (ie. the Wolga; Amm.
Marcell. 22, 8, 28). Cf. André 1956 s.v. rha and reum.
pnods = apxdc ? (Epich. 205, cited by Phot., Suid.). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
pijoow —pryyvvut.
prtivn [f.] ‘resin, fir resin’ (Hp., Arist, Thphr.), on the neuter gender cf. Bovtupov.
<PGP
*COMP prjttvd-Knpov [n.] ‘wax dissolved in resin’ (medic.).
DER prytiv-wr¢ ‘resinous’, -it1¢ olvos ‘resinous wine’ (Dsc.), denominative verbs
-i(w ‘be resinous’ (Dsc.), -dopat ‘to be made resinous’ (Hp., Dsc.).
eETYM The suffixes -(voc and -ivn are found both with inherited and with Pre-Greek
words (Chantraine 1933: 204f., Schwyzer: 491). Since there are no good cognates,
however, the word is probably Pre-Greek. The comparison with Lat. rasis [f.], a kind
of raw pitch pulverized to dust that was mixed with wine (WH s.v., as a supposed
loan word from *dotc), is uncertain. Lat. résina gives proof of a dialectal Greek by-
form *froiva (Leumann 1963-1979: 141); the variation attested by this form shows
that it is a Pre-Greek word (cf. Fur.: 261).
pijtwp, -opos [m.] ‘speaker, annunciator’ (S., E.), especially ‘orator in public, public
speaker’ (Att.), ‘master speaker, discourse artist’ (late). «IE *uerh,- ‘speak’>
*COMP Some rare and late compounds, e.g. ptAo-prjtwp ‘who loves orators’ (Phld.).
DER prytop-(oKoc denigratory diminutive (pap. IP), -txdg ‘oratorical, silver-tongued,
rhetorical’, prytop-ebw [v.] ‘to act as an orator, practice the art of oratory’, rarely with
kata-, é7tt-, etc; thence -eia [f.] ‘oratory, artful discourse’ (Att.). pytop-itw ‘id.’
(Hell.). Further prtip, -fpos [m.] ‘speaker’ (I 443), ‘orator’ (AP 7, 579, metrical
inscr.), so metrically conditioned?
eETYM As a term for a profession, prjtwp was created in the Attic official language
(Fraenkel 1912: 9); the original function as an agent noun from elpw ‘speak’ can still
be seen in E. Hec. 124 (anap.) pvOwv pritopec, which mirrors Hom. pvOwv prtiipa (I
443); a doubtful attempt to find a semantic differentiation can be found in
Benveniste 1948: 52ff.). See > eipw 2.
pitavov [n.] name of a plant (Gp. 12, 1, 1). 42>
eETYM Unknown.
piyog [n.] ‘frost, cold, shivering fit’ (e 472). <1E *sriHg-os ‘cold’>
*COMP Some compounds, e.g. pryo-7tUpetos [m.] (-ov [n.]) ‘tertian fever, ague’ (Gal.,
Ptol., etc.) for older srupetdc kai ptyoc (Hp.), see Stromberg 1944: 85; a-ppryric (-yéws
[adv.]) ‘not sensitive to cold’ (Hp.); also 4-p(p)tyos ‘id; not shivering’ (Arist., Aret.);
dvo-ptyos ‘to tolerate cold badly’ (Hdt., Arist., Thphr.); both connected with pryéw
like e.g. Sbo-popog with popéw, pépw.
*DER Denominative piryww, -@oat [v.] ‘to freeze’ (E 481), rarely with ér-, év-, etc.,
formed after the antonym idpww (not from *ftywo- as per e.g. Schwyzer: 724).
pucvds 1285
Further the perfect épptya ‘freeze, congeal, shudder’, aor. ptyfjoat (Il, epic), fut.
plynow (E 351), pres. pryéw (Pi.); rarely with ano-, ém-, kata-.
Primary comparative piytov ‘colder, ghastlier, more terrible’ (Hom., Hes., Semon.),
superlative piytota (E 873), -oc, -ov (A. R., Nic.).
Further adjectives: 1. pryedavoc ‘ghastly, terrible’ (T 325, A. R., Opp.), to ptyos after
an unknown example, or from *ptyed@v (Chantraine 1933: 362)? 2. pryadégog ‘id?
(Emp.); to ptyoc like dpyadéoc to GAyog; 3. prynAds (Kata-) ‘id’ (€ 226, Hes. Sc., Nic.,
Nonn. Ap), from éptya, pryéw; 4. ptywSng ‘causing a shivering fit? (Hp. Gal.), from
ptyoc; 5. ‘Ptyptog [m.] name ofa Thracian (Y 485); to ptyoc like Beppdc to Bépoc?
*ETYM The proportion épptya : ptyoc is matched by yéynOa : yr9oc, A€AnBa : Dor.
AG8oc, or (ablauting) yéyova : yévoc, etc. The pair piytov : ptyoc has a parallel in
ddyov : dAyog, Képdtov : Képdog (Schwyzer: 539).
The form ptyog corresponds exactly to Lat. frigus [n.] ‘cold, frost, shivering’, from IE
*sriHg-os [n.]. The form ptyéw in turn is identical to Lat. friged, but this identity may
be due to parallel innovations.
pita [f.] ‘root’, also metaphorically ‘origin, stem, base’ (Il). <?>
VAR Aeol. Bpiva, Bpicda.
eDIAL Myc. wi-ri-za /wriza/.
eCOMP Several compounds, e.g. pi¢o-tduoc [m.] ‘root-cutter, -gatherer, herbalist’,
TtOAU-pptCog ‘having many roots, rich in roots’ (Hp., Thphr.).
*DER 1. pttiov [n.] ‘little root’ (Ar. Thphr.), plur. -éa (Nic. -eia Al. 265), probably
after dotéa beside (Dor.) dotia; 2. piliacg (7dc) [m.] ‘root juice’ (Thphr.), opposed
to kaviiacg; 3. adjectives pil-wdr¢ ‘root-like’ (Thphr., Hero), -txdc ‘belonging to
roots’ (Plu.), -tvoc ‘made of roots’ (PHolm.), -atoc ‘serving as a base’ (Sardes); 4.
adverbs pit-nOev (A. R.), -08ev (Nic., Luc.) ‘out of the root’; -ndov ‘in a root-like
way (Hld.); 5. verb pitdopran (éppitwrat), -dw (-@oat) ‘to strike root, root, provide
with roots, affirm, consolidate’ (Od.), also with év-, ék-, kata-, etc, whence pil-wua
[n.] ‘original soil, origin, roots’ (A., Emp., Thphr.), -wotc [f.] ‘striking root’ (Philol.,
Thphr,, etc.). On pia, compounds and derivatives, cf. Stromberg 1937: 5, 8ff.
*ETYM Aeol. Bpita requires a pre-form PGr. *Fpid-1a, which differs in vocalism from
Lat. radix; in both cases we have a derivative in *-ih,- of a noun that is also found in
Germanic and Celtic: ON rét [f.] ‘root’ from PGm. *wrét- < PIE *ureh.d-. An i-stem
is found in Go. waurts, OE wyrt, OHG and MHG wurz ‘herb, root’ < PGm. *wurt-i-
< *urd(-i)-, with zero grade, and in Celtic, eg. W gwraidd [coll.] ‘roots’ < *wradi-
(see Matasovi¢ 2009 s.v. *wridd-). Since the vocalisms are not reconcilable, we have
to reckon with borrowings in case most of these words are considered related. The
attempt at a regular solution (schwa secundum) by Vine 1999a: 5-30 does not solve
all problems. ToB witsako ‘root’ is difficult to explain (Adams 1999 s.v.). See
> padazivoc and » Padé.
pikvoc [adj.] ‘bent, crooked, shrivelled (of age, dryness, cold), stiff (epic poet. since
h.Ap.); puxvo@veic: tag otpeBAdag kai memteoptévac ‘which are crooked and pressed’
(H.). IE *uroik- ‘turn, envelop, make crooked’>
*COMP émi-ppikvog ‘somewhat bent’ (X., Poll.).
1286 pipBau
DER pixv-nets ‘id.’, enlarged form (Nic.); -dtn¢ = Kapmvddtn¢ ‘crookedness’ (H.);
-w619¢ ‘shrivelled’ (Hp., AP); pixvdopat [v.] ‘to shrivel, contract, contort’ (S., Arist.,
Opp.), rarely with kata-, da-, whence pixvwote [f.] ‘shrivelling, wrinkledness’ (Hp.).
Further poids ‘crooked, bow-legged’ (Archil., Hp., Arist.) and pucd{etat (H.) as an
explanation (beside otpoPeitat) of piEcaetau.
eETYM The pair ptk-vdc : potk-dc can be compared with e.g. mix-pdc : stotk-iAoc. The
form poidc matches Lith. rdisas (also raisas) ‘limping, lame’ (for the semantic
difference, cf. kvAAGc ‘crooked, crippled’), Germanic words like ME wrah ‘wrong,
stubborn’, NDu. wreeg ‘stiff, and (as far as the form is concerned) also Av. uruuaésa-
[m.] ‘vortex, etc’; all these words reflect IE *uroiko- [m.] ‘turn, curvature’ vel sim.,
[adj.] ‘twisted, crooked’. An e-grade varidiat *ureiko- is attested in MLG wrich
‘forbidden, distorted, fixed, stiff, etc.’.
Corresponding primary verbs are the zero grade yod-present in Av. uruuisiia- ‘to
turn (around)’; a full grade root-present in OE wréon < PGm. *wrihan < IE *ureik-
with pret. wrah < PGm. *wraih < IE *uroik- ‘to envelop’ (for the meaning, cf. » cikbw
and p> eidéw 2), and a zero grade root present in Lith. risti, isg. risu ‘to bind’. Within
Greek, the hapax legomenon pucdtetat (H.) is a denominative or deverbative; the
form piixdtetat, if transmitted correctly, must be an expressive enlargement (cf.
Baunack Phil. 70 (1911): 370).
PittBau = otd5n,
pitta [adv.] ‘rapid, agile, nimble’ (IL, epic). <?>
*COMP pit@-dppatosg ‘with a quick cart’ (Pi, S. [lyr.]).
DER pip.@-adéog (EM, Suid., Hdn. Gr.), cf. otpadéoc.
*ETYM The word fiuga is formed like taxa, dka, etc., but the root is unclear. Since a
sequence -ttg- cannot have been inherited, the t has been analyzed as from e before
nasal (see Schwyzer: 275). PGr. *wrenk""a (vel sim.) has been connected with Lith.
rangus ‘dexterous, flexible’, rangitios, rdangtis ‘to hasten’, rengitios, refigtis ‘to prepare
oneself, be prepared’, under a reconstruction PIE *ureng’'-. It must be said that the
connection between Baltic and the Germanic group of OE wringan ‘to wind, wring’,
OHG ringan ‘to make an effort, fight’ (thus eg. LIV? s.v. *ureng'-) is much more
attractive. In sum, although there are parallels for e > 1, the proposal is quite shaky.
ptveotip [m.] probably ‘halter’ (P. Tebt. 886, 68 [II*]). <?>
*ETYM Unknown.
c=
ptvn [f] ‘file, rasp’ (X., Arist, Delos III*), acc. to Hdn. Gr. in the same meaning piv,
also ‘shark’, the rough skin of which was used to polish wood and marble (Hp.,
Epich., com., Arist.). <?>
eVAR Hell. piva Moer.
*COMP As a first member in ptvé-Batoc, -Baty¢ [m.] designation of a kind of ray,
which stands between piv and Bdtoc (Arist.), see Stromberg 1943: 123 with
references, Thompson 1947 Ss.v.
*DER 1. Diminutive ptv-iov (Gal.), -dapiov (Aét.) ‘little file’; 2. denominatives: a) pivaw
[v.] ‘to file’ (Ar., Arist. Ph. Bel.), also with xata-, dta-, etc, whence (amo-)pivra
pintw 1287
[n.] ‘filing, swarf (Hp. Herod.), (Sta-)pivnots [f.] ‘filing’ (Gal.); b) prvitw [v.] ‘id’
(pap. HIP), whence piviopa [n.] ‘swarf (Ctes., medic.).
eETYM The meaning ‘file’ is original, and ‘shark’ is derived from it (see above);
Stromberg 1943: 86. ptvdc ‘skin’ especially denotes a fine, soft cowhide.
Frisk saw a primary formation with a suffix -v- in pivn from a verb that is not
directly attested in Greek, but only in the derived Germanic verb evidenced by OS
writan ‘to tear apart, scratch, write’, OE writan ‘to dig in, scratch, write’. This root
etymology must be rejected, since the Greek form requires *uriH-, whereas for the
Germanic words, *urei- without laryngeal must be reconstructed (see on > pvc).
ptvos [f.] ‘skin of man and animal, hide; (esp.) cow skin, cow hide; shield made of cow
hide’ (epic IL. cf. Leumann 1950: 314f.). <PG?>
eVAR Rarely [m.] (Nic., Opp.) and -dv [n.] (after dépya, oxitoc). The feminine
gender is analogical after Boén, aiyén, etc. The gloss ypivoc: déppa (H.) attests a F-.
DIAL Myc. wi-ri-no /wrinos/, adj. wi-ri-ne-jo.
*COMP E.g. pivo-tdpocg ‘shield-piercing’, epithet of Ares (® 392, etc.), of the 8Upaoc
(Nonn.); taAavptvog (= tadd-Fptvoc) ‘shield-bearing’ (possibly ‘shield-enduring’,
referring to the weight, as argued by Richardson Hermathena 55 (1940): 87ff.);
usually an attribute of moAeutotic, epithet of Ares (Il.); on this expression see
Leumann 1950: 196 ff.; Triimpy 1950: 38 with Nachtrage.
*DER ypivtng (= Fpivtnc): Bupoetc ‘tanner’ (H.), formation probably after primary
Eavtne, bedavtng, etc.
*ETYM The Aecol. gloss ypivoc: dépya (yptvéc Hdn. Gr.) confirms the initial F-, which
is also evidenced by tadavpivoc, so we can safely posit *fpivdc. Frisk connected the
same Germanic verb as he did for > pivn, but the Germanic ~i- must derive from PIE
*-ei- in view of Go. writs with a short i; this is impossible for the Greek form.
Moreover, the parallel that he adduces for the difference in meaning, déppa ~ dépw,
is imperfect, since the latter means ‘to flay’, whereas *urei-(d-) rather means ‘to
scratch’. Therefore, his etymology must be rejected. Instead, the word gould be Pre-
Greek.
piov [n.] ‘mountain peak, foothills’ (Hom.); also as a TN in Achaia and other regions
(Th.). <PG?>
eDIAL Myc. ri-jo TN.
*ETYM The form fiov is isolated within Greek, and has no certain etymology. If it
originally had an initial f-, it would recall Thrac. Bpia ‘ndéXtc, teiyoc’, and perhaps
also ToA ri, ToB riye ‘town’ (see the literature on Ppia). The connections with
Germanic are no better, e.g. OS wrisil ‘giant’ (WP 1, 267), nor those with Skt.
varsman- [n.] ‘height’, Lat. verriica, OCS vroxe, Ru. verx, etc. or with Hitt. sér
‘above’ (Heubeck Orbis 13 (1964): 266f Risch Mus. Helv. 22 (1965): 194“). As an
alternative to all these problematic suggestions, we should consider the possibility
that the word is of Pre-Greek origin.
pinog ‘wickerwork’. =piy.
pintw [v.] ‘to throw, hurl, thrust, bolt’ (Pi. IA). <PG?>
1288 pic, plvdc
*VAR Also pintéw (IA since v 78), iterative pret. pimttackov (Hom., Hes. Sc., -eokov
Nic. Fr.), fut. piyw, aor. piyat (IL), pass. prpOfjvat, pipiyvat (Att.) with fut. prp-
Orjcopat (S.), -Moopat (LXX), perf. med. pptupat (Orac. apud Hdt., E., Ar.), pepipbat
(Pi.), see Schwyzer: 649; act. Eppiga (Lys.).
eCOmP Often with prefix, e.g. dito-, ava-, év-, dia-. As a first member e.g. in piy-
aomtc, -t6o¢ ‘throwing the shield away, coward’ (Ar., Pl.), -4amtdo¢ ‘id’ (Eup.); cf.
Sommer 1948: 93.
*DER 1. pin [f.] ‘throw, thrust, gust of wind, sway, press, heavy movement’ (epic II.)
with putifw (d1a-, éx-, etc.) [v.] ‘to cause a gust of wind, kindle, fan’ (Hp., Ar. Arist.),
‘to hurl’ (Hld.); pimt-totc, -topdc, -topa ‘fanning’ (late); back-formed from pum; putic,
-{S0¢ [f.] ‘fanner’ (com., AP); on ev-pimtoc s.v.i
2. piyic (dia-, and-, etc.) [f.] throwing, hurling’ (Hp. Att., Arist.) with (amo-) phyo¢
‘to be thrown away’ (late); also Fpryidac (Mantinea), cf. Kretschmer Glotta 5 (1914):
265; 3. (Sta-)pitytata [n.pl.] ‘heavy movements, bolts’ (Arion, X.); 4. pigr (d1a-,
ano-) [f.] ‘cast, throwing back and forth’ (Pratin. Lyr., Lyc.; after pipivat); 5. puttdc
‘cast, thrown’ (S. Tr.), untpd-pptmtdc (Dosiad.); 6. pirttikdc ‘capable of throwing’
(comm. Arist.); 7. frequentative pintatw, -doat [v.] ‘to thrust back and forth’ (epic ©
257), with -aopidc (Hp. Plu.), -aotikdc (M. Ant.).
eETYM The regular character of the morphological system, which is completely built
on an element fpim- (secondarily shortened to Fpin-), shows that it is a (relatively)
late creation. The root has no convincing etymology. Although MLG wriven ‘to rub,
wipe, scour, draw’, MHG riben ‘to turn rubbing’ matches formally (Pok. 1159), the
semantic gap is considerable; moreover, the IE preform *ur-iH-p- then needed is
highly implausible. Instead, we could consider Pre-Greek origin for this etymon. See
also > pty.
pic, ptvdc [f.] ‘nose’, of man and animal, plur. pivec ‘nostrils, nose’ (II.). <PG?>
eVAR Late also piv.
*COMP ptv-nAatéw ‘to seek out with the nose, trace’ (A.), cf. on » éhavvu; et-ptc,
-ptvog ‘having a good nose, examining keenly’ (A., S.), also et-pivog ‘id.’ (late); the
second member is extensively dealt with in Sommer 1948: 87ff.
*DER ptvia [pl.] ‘nostrils’ (Arist.), ptvaw [v.] ‘to lead by the nose’ (com.).
*ETYM The word fic replaced the old IE designation of the nose (e.g. Lat. ndrés,
nasus, Skt. nas-). It is formed like ‘ig and @ic (cf. Schwyzer: 5707), but has no certain
etymology. The proposal by Meier-Briigger MSS 51 (1990): 125-128 to reconstruct *sr-
ih,-n-, a derivative of the root for ‘top, point’ seen in Hitt. Ser ‘above’, is interesting,
but not compelling either. The word may well be Pre-Greek.
pioxoc [m.] ‘chest, box’ to preserve adornment and money (Antiph., Hell.). <PG?>
*COMP ptoKo-@vrAaé, -dktov ‘treasurer; treasure room’ (Hell.).
*ETYM Probably a loan word, like MoE chest, coffer and other synonyms. According
to Donatus (on Ter. Eun. 754), it is of Phrygian origin, a path followed by Thumb
1901, who considers Celtic to be the ultimate source (cf. Olr. rtisc ‘[basket made of]
bark’); the word would have reached Greek from Galatian through Phrygian because
podov 1289
of the change u > i. The word was borrowed as Lat. riscus (note the synonymous
rhyming word fiscus, of debated origin).
piy, pimdc [f.] ‘willow rod, wickerwork, wattled mat, wattle’ (Od., Hdt., Ar.). <?>
eVAR Later also [m.], also pimtog [f.] (v.l. Hdt. 2, 96, Cyrene IV’), [m.] (Hell.).
*ETYM No agreement outside Greek. It was connected with pintw long ago (Persson
1891: 165), assuming a basic meaning ‘turn, wind’ for both. However, this connection
fails due to the weak semantics; cf. also » pintw.
poa [f.] ‘pomegranate’, tree and fruit (Od.). <PG?>
eVAR Accented pod by Hdn. Gr,; epic Ion. pour}; also pod (Ar., Arist., etc.).
*DER poidiov [n.] ‘little pomegranate’ (Men., pap. IIP), potdta (cod. pudia): pod F por
(H.); potdc, -adoc [f.] ‘poppy’ (Dsc.), after the flowers, see Stromberg 1940: 52; powv,
-@voc [m.] ‘pomegranate plantation’ (LXX).
eETYM The series pow : poid : Pda can be compared with xpotr;: -o1d : -da. If not a
loan word (Schwyzer: 348 and 469), it is perhaps related to pw (Stromberg 1940: 52)
because of the richness of the juice. The original form may have been *pof-td, i.e. a
\d-derivation from podc ‘stream’; cf. ckom-4d (: okomTtdc), oxaT-td (: EsyaTOG), etc. Cf.
further the plant names » potc [m.] ‘sumach’ and » pvtpoc; they are certainly not
related to péw (Stromberg l.c.). Apart from a connection with péw, a Pre-Greek
origin remains a serious option for pda.
PpopirrAg [2] - Bacthiokoc dpvic (H.). <PG?>
*ETYM According to Specht KZ 68 (1943): 35 and Specht 1944: 146, related to Pol.
wrobel ‘sparrow. On -tW(A)oc in bird names, cf. Chantraine 1933: 249; cf. also
Thompson 1895 s.v. Is the word instead Pre-Greek?
poydc [m.] = oitoBdAtov, i.e. ‘depot of cereals’ (Tab. Heracl. 1, 102, Epich.). <?>
*ETYM Attributed to the Sicilians by Poll. 9, 45. Etymology unknown.
podavn, podavecs =padivoc. .
pddov [n.] ‘rose’ (h. Cer.). <LW Iran.2>
eVAR Acol. Bpddov.
*DIAL Myc. wo-do-we /wordo-wen/, epithet of oil (Chadwick and Baumbach Glotta
41 (1963): 243; Lejeune 1958-1963: 26).
*COMP E.g. podo0-daKktvAog ‘rosy-fingered’, epithet of Hwc (Hom.), Bpod0-daxtvdoc
of the moon (Sapph.), cf. Leumann 1950: 18°; kvvd-ppodov [n.] “dog rose, Rosa
canina’ (Thphr.), see Str6mberg 1940: 30 and 98.
*DER 1. p06-Ea, -én, -1 [f.] ‘rose tree’ (Archil.); 2. -(e)@v, -(€)@voc [m.] ‘bed of roses’
(AP, pap.) with -wvd [f.] “bed of roses, rose garden, rose tree’ (Hecat.); 3. -in [f.] ‘bed
of roses’ (Mycale IV*); 4. -detc ‘of roses’ (Y 186, B., E. [lyr.]), -eog ‘id, roselike’ (poet.
h. Cer.), -wog ‘of roses’ (Anacr.); on the adjectives see S. Schmid 1950: 47', Zumbach
1955: 14, and Forderer Gnomon 30 (1958): 96; 5. -aptov [n.] ‘rose ornament’ (pap.),
-ic, -idog [f.] ‘rose pastille’ (Dsc.); 6. -itn¢ [m.] ‘rose wine’ (Dsc.), -ittc [f.] name of a
stone, because of the color (Plin.); 7. -ovvtia [f.] ‘dish flavoured with roses’ (Ath.), as
if from *podods; 8. -iCw [v.] ‘to cover with roses’, of a tomb, with -totdc, -io1a [pl.] =
1290 exeluere
Lat. Rosalia (Asia Minor), also ‘to make smell like roses’ (Thphr., Alex. Aphr.), intr.
‘to resemble a rose’ (Dsc.); 9. Perhaps also the name of the island “Péd0¢ (Georgacas
Beitr. z. Namenforsch. 6 (1955): 155)? ;
*ETYM On the basis of Aeol. Bpddov, we can reconstruct PGr. fpddov. The word is
certainly borrowed from the East, probably like Arm. vard ‘rose’ from Olran. *urda-
(cf. MoP gul ‘id; Schwyzer: 344’; on Aram. ward@ and Arab. ward ‘id.’, Arab.
warada ‘bloom’, waruda ‘be red’, cf. Mayrhofer Arch. Orbis 18 (1950): 74; Mayrhofer
Sprache 7 (1961): 185). Lat. rosa was probably borrowed from Greek, but the details
are unlear (see WH s.v.).
£68o¢ [m.] ‘roar (of waves, of oars)’, metaphorically ‘noise’ in general (Hes., A. Opp.);
‘path, trail’ (Nic; Boeot. acc. to Plu. in Hes. 13). <PG(V)>
VAR See below.
*COMP Often as a second member, e.g. adi-ppo8oc ‘roared around by the sea’ (trag.,
Mosch.), taxb-ppo8ot Adyot ‘quickly rushing words’ (A.); maAt-ppd8toc ‘rushing
back’ (Od., Hell. epic). On » énippoBo«, see s.v.
*DER pdOtoc, [Ff] -td¢ ‘roaring, clamorous’ (epic € 412, also late prose), mostly -tov
[n.sg.] and -ta [n.pl.] ‘roaring wave(s), breaking(s), high-tide; loud stroke of the oar’,
metaphorically ‘noise, bluster, rush’ (poet. Pi., trag. [mostly lyr.], also late prose).
From p080¢ are derived (probably denominative, cf. Schwyzer: 726) po8éw [v.] ‘to
roar, clamour’ (A, S.), also with émt-, dta-; dfto-, Kako-ppobéw = d,to-, KaKko-hoyéw
(Hp.; S. E., Ar.); from pd6tov: pobt-atw [v.] ‘to make a rushing sound (with the oar)
(com.).
*ETYM This etymon has no convincing etymology. Segmentation as *sr-ed"- (to ser-
‘stream’) makes little sense. In view of the variation attested in the gloss pa8ayoc =
pd8ocg (sch. Nic. Th. 194, H.) and paSa- = po8o-nvyitw, we have to assume that
pd80c is a Pre-Greek word. On » pa8ayog, see » pabanvyilw.
potBdoc [m.] ‘buzzing, whistling, hissing noise’, of arrows, winds (S., Ar.). <PG>
*DER Besides potBdéw [v.] ‘to buzz (etc.); make buzz’ (A, Q. S., AP), also with ano-,
ém-; prefixed also of birds, ‘to squawk, caw’ (S., Thphr., Nonn.); poiBdrpa [n.] =
poiBdog (S.), -notc [f.] ‘whistling’ (E. [lyr.]); -y60v ‘with a hissing noise’ (Q. S.), also
connected with poipdoc; émppoipdrv < -85-dryv ‘in a rushing attack’ (E. [troch.]).
eETYM The word poifdoc, a poetic onomatopoeia, has the same suffix as kéAadog,
dpadoc, and other words for sounds; for the -B-, one may compare gdotofo<c,
dtoBos, etc. (on the root, cf. Haas 1956: 132 f.). Since the word strongly recalls
> poiloc and » pvBdéw and, moreover, the -f5- in the suffix is certainly not of Indo-
European origin, the word is probably Pre-Greek.
poitog [m.] ‘buzzing, rushing, humming’, of arrows, wings, water, etc. (epic II 361,
Hell.). <PG>
eVAR [f.] in 1 315; cf. Schwyzer 1950: 34’.
eCOMP As a second member in aAi-ppotfog ‘roared around by the sea’ (Nonn.).
*DER 1. Adjective pott-wdrj¢ (medic.), -et¢ (Hell. inscr, Nonn.), -aiog (Orac. Chald.)
‘buzzing, rushing, humming, etc.’; 2. adverb -1ndd6v (Nic, Lyc., 2. Ep. Pet.), -nda
(Nic.) ‘with rushing, with humming’; 3. potléw [v.] ‘to buzz, hum, hiss, rush; make
popéw 1291
buzz, etc.’ (epic K 502, Hell.), also with ém-, dva-, etc, thence poit-nua [n.] (Ar.),
-ro1¢ [f.] (Aq.) ‘buzz, buzzing’, -twp [m.] ‘noisemaker’ (Orph.).
eETYM An onomatopoeic word, similar to »poiBdoc, and likewise without
etymology. If related to poiBdoc, poifoc is certainly of Pre-Greek origin, but even if
unrelated, such an origin may still be considered.
Potkds =Pikvdc.
pouBos =péuBopat.
ponog [?] - oxwAné év EbAoig (Arc. apud H.). <?>
*VAR Cod. -of, which probably intruded from the following entry.
*ETYM Frisk tried to connect the Indo-European word for worm; cf. Lat. vermis, Go.
waurms ‘worm’, ORu. vermie ‘locust, worms’ (all < PIE *urm-), Lith. varmas ‘gnat’ <
PIE *uorm- (Pok. 1152). However, this is based on difficult assumptions: either pdtoc
is a dialectal form for *Pdoc, which would reflect PGr. *wrmo- (allegedly seen in the
Boeot. PN Fdpjuxoc), or a non-dialectal form *Fpdttocg has a wrong o-grade for IE
*uorm-.
poutka [?] - ei50¢ dxovtiov (H.). <PG?>
*ETYM The ending -tEa is compared with odpwiga by Fur.: 360; the word may be Pre-
Greek.
pougaia [f.] a large broad sword, used by the Thracians acc. to Phylarch. and Plu.
Aem. 18 (LXX, NT, J., etc.); also = ‘vuxtepic, bat’ (Cyran.). <?>
*ETYM The origin is unclear; as so many weapon terms, it was perhaps borrowed
from Thracian. However, the formation may be Greek, as -aia is also found in
kepaia, Kapuvaia, abdAaia, and other instrument names and concrete objects. The
word potgeic: iptavtec, oi¢ pantetat Ta brtodhptata ‘straps by which shoes are
stitched’ (H.) is formally closer.
BofShardt 1942: $228 posits a noun *pougy [f.] ‘curving, curvation, hook’, from a
verb *péw ‘curve’, as the basis for both pojtgeic and popgaia. Cf. pétpog and
> Pdti@og,; see also WH on rumpus.
pougeic =popgaia.
portadrov, porn, pontpov —péerw.
pods [m., f.] ‘sumach, Rhus coriatia’ (Dsc.). <?>
*ETYM Etymology unknown; the connection with péw is wrong (André Latomus 15
(1956): 304ff.).
pova(c)e0s, potatos [adj.] ‘reddish’, especially as a designation of the red faction in
the Circus (Lyd., late inscr.); also oi povoodtot (Lyd.). <LW Lat>
*DER povoitw [v.] ‘to be reddish’ (Gp.).
*ETYM Borrowed from Lat. russeus, russatus.
pogéw [v.] ‘to slurp, gulp’, also nasalized pujtpavw (Hp.), see Bechtel 1921(3): 198. <IE
*s(e)rb"- ‘slurp’.>
1292 pox8éw
VAR Fut. pogroopat, -w, aor. pogijoat (Ar. X., Arist; also Hp.), lon. (Hippon., Hp.)
PULPEW, -foal, also PupPavw (Jouanna RPh. 55 (1981): 205-13); rarely -dw (late).
eCOMP Also with &k-, dva-, kata-, etc.
*DER pOg-ryta (Hvq@-) [n.] ‘thick broth, soup’ (Hp., Arist.), originally a ‘slurped meal’,
with -npiatiov (A. D.), -nptatwdr¢ ‘soup-like’ (medic.); -rnoig (ava-, kata-) [f.]
‘slurping’ (Arist, medic.), -17t6c ‘apt for slurping’ (Str., medic.), -1ttKdc ‘slurping’
(Str.); also Popa = po~rpa, pomttds = po~ntds (Hp. apud Gal.), as if from pogw
(EM); pogiopa [n.] (Cyran.).
eETYM The word pogéw is an iterative-intensive formation. Most cognates represent
a zero grade IE *srb'-: Arm. arbi [aor.] ‘I drank’, Lith. surbti, isg. surbiv ‘to suck’,
OCS srobati, Ru. serbat’ ‘to slurp’, Lat. sorbeé ‘id... However, instead of being a zero
grade form, pugéw is rather an (onomatopoeic) by-form (see Tichy 1983: 84, pace
Schwyzer: 351f.). A primary full grade present is retained in Lith. srebit!, srébti ‘to eat
(liquid food) with a spoon’ < IE *sreb'-, another full grade IE *sorb'- is found in Alb.
gjerp ‘slurp’ (probably < *sorb'-eie/o-, Huld 1984: 143). The forms pdjyia and pontéc
seem to go back to a primary verb with remarkable o-vocalism, probably after
popéew.
Perhaps the root is also found in Iranian (Psht. rawdal ‘suck’, etc.; Morgenstierne
1927 s.v.). Cf. » pupdéw.
pox8éw [v.] ‘to rush, roar’, especially of sea-waves (Od., A. R., Opp.), also dva-
(Orph.). < ONOM>
*DER Pdx80c¢ [m.] ‘rushing, roaring’ (Lyc., Nic.), probably a back-formation
(Schwyzer: 726°).
eETYM Sound words without etymology. Note the formal similarity with semantically
close pd80c¢, poiloc, poiBdoc; the medial -y8- may be compared with 16y8oc,
Bpdx8oc, ox8éw, etc. Cf. on » dpex8éw.
pvak, pudxetoc =péw.
pvBdéw [v.] ‘to slurp in, up’; katapuBdrjoac: Katamwv, po~roas ‘having swallowed,
having gulped down’ (H.). <GR?>
eVAR Aor. puBdrjoat (1 106), the simplex only here.
*COMP With dva- (u 104f., 236), éx- (Mnesim. 4, 17).
*ETYM The variant with v, more frequently written o1 in the manuscripts (after
poiBdéw), is confirmed by the word-play with XapuBdtc (Bechtel 1914 sv. poiPdéw,
Wackernagel 1916: 83). The word is without doubt related to pugéw (see > popéw);
the cluster BS may be analogical after popdSéw. An adverb pvPdryv (written ot) =
SayirAws is cited by Phot. (accordingly, Bergk corrects Hippon. 35 pvdryv to pUpdry,
which is hardly correct; see Masson ad loc.).
pvPov [n.] = 16 émikapimés Mapa toic AioAetowv (Hdn. Gr., EM). <PG?>
VAR ‘Puig (I1*), see Bechtel 1917a: 43.
eETYM The form puBdv might have been adapted analogically from patBdc after a
word that is semantically close, perhaps tBd¢ or ypumdc (Bechtel 1921, 1: 125).
Alternatively, it may be a Pre-Greek word.
poKdavn 1293
pvyxoc [n.] ‘snout of a pig, snout, beak’ (Stesich., com., Arist., Theoc.). <ONOM, IE
*srung'- ‘snore’>
*COMP Often as a second member (with transition to the o-stems), e.g. &0-ppvyxoc
‘with a pointed beak’ (Epich.), name of an Egyptian fish (Str., etc.), see Stromberg
1943: 43.
*DER pvyx-iov [n.], diminutive (Ar.), -arva = nasuta (gloss.), -aCw = poKtnpitw
(Phot.), -tdleiv- Staotpégerv, poyxacev ‘twist about’ (H.).
*ETYM The word pvyxoc can hardly be separated from Arm. 7ng-un-k‘ [pl.] ‘nostrils,
nose’ which, if inherited, must go back to IE *srung’- or *sring'- (with secondary
nasalization). Hiibschmann 1897: 486f. assumed borrowing from pbyxoc. A
connection with péykw, » péyxw ‘to snore’ has been considered.
pvtqa - Bia. 1 Tob TOEOU Takic ‘strength, force; the arrangement of a bow’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
pvwtw [v.] ‘to growl, grumble’, of a dog (Hermipp., Poll.), also ‘to screak’, of a falcon
(Poll.). <ONOM>
eVAR Or -€w.
eETYM A sound word, like » paw; for the v-vocalism, cf. itGw, ypblw, pw, etc.
pvOudcg [m.] ‘regular movement, beat, rhythm, measure, consistence, proportion,
form’ (IA, Archil, Thgn., A.), defined as 1 tic Ktvijoews taktc by Pl. Lg. 665a. <IE
*sreu- ‘stream’, *sru-d"mo->
eVAR Ion. puopdc.
*COMP Often as a second member, e.g. ed-pvOjto¢ ‘with a beautifully regular
movement, rhythmical, well-proportioned’, with -ia [f.] (Att.).
DER PvOtt-1Kdc [adj.] ‘rhythmic’ (Pl.), see Chantraine 1956a: 135; -toc ‘id’ (Hdn. Gr.);
-iCw [v.] ‘to make regular, organize, set up, instruct, form’ (IA), also with prefix, esp.
\leta-; -Ew “to organize, determine’ (Athens V*), -dojta ‘to develop’ ere 197 [-
ou-]; -dw uncertain ibd. 33).
*ETYM The short b (e.g. A. Ch. 797) forbids connection with épujat, Boone ‘to avert,
protect’ and pdtrp ‘protector, guardian’, with or éptw ‘to draw and potip ‘rein’.
Instead, the connection with péw ‘flow, stream’ must be correct, ‘streaming’ typically
being a quiet and steady movement. For the meaning of puvOudc, cf. Wolf 1947,
Leemans Ant.class. 17 (1948): 403ff, and Waltz RELat. 26 (1948): 1009ff. cf. also
Sandoz 1971: 58-77.
poxavn [f.] ‘plane’ (AP 6, 204). <PG?>
*DER pukav-notc [f.] ‘planing’ (Bito IN-II*, puy-), from *pvokav-dw; puKav-itw [v.] ‘to
plane’ (gloss.).
eETYM The word pvdKavn has the same formation as oxandvn, Spenavn, and other
instrument names, but the root is unknown. Wackernagel’s suggestion
(Wackernagel KZ 67 (1942): 176) to connect Skt. srtic- ‘offering spoon’ fails to
account forthe meaning. Lat. runcina ‘plane’ (with -n- after runcdre ‘to weed’, or
perhaps with distant assimilation) is certainly borrowed from Greek: since pukavy
1294 popa 1
has no initial vowel, a genetic relation with the Lat. word can be excluded. A Pre-
Greek origin is certainly a possibility for this word.
podpa 1 [n.] ‘tow, towing rope’ (Plb., D. H.).
eDER pv ‘pull, press’, pupidc ‘tension wood, pole of a chariot’, piatov ‘spoils’,
pvotatw ‘to drag to and fro’, putip ‘rein’, etc. =éptw.
popa 2 [n.] ‘protection’.
DER pvotos ‘freeing, saving’, puoi-moAtc ‘protecting the city’, putip ‘protector’, etc.
= Eputtal.
ptbuBosc >PéuBopau. %
ptvun [f.] ‘street, alley’ (since IV’).
*ETYM From pvt} ‘tow, press’ (s.v. > pda 1), with a semantic development to a more
concrete meaning, i.e. ‘where the crowd presses’. See » éptw.
pvpwa = pvr0c.
pvwovAKéw [v.] ‘to pull the towing rope, tow, take in tow’ (Hell.). <GR>
*ETYM A technical term of the nautical language, pujtovAkéw may derive from *pup-
ovAkdc ‘who draws by a line; who tows a boat’, or directly from pvptatt €Aketv “draw
the tow-line’ after other verbs in -oAkéw, eg. vewAkéw (to vewAkdc, vaiv EAkelv),
mAtvBovAKEéw (to MAtvBovdAkdc); cf. Schwyzer: 726. The first member is podpta ‘tow-
line’, rather than pujids ‘pole (of a chariot)’, as argued by Georgacas Glotta 6 (1958):
180f. Borrowed into Latin as remulcum [n.] ‘tow-rope’ (since Caes.), -dre ‘to take in
tow (Non.).
pvopat =Zpvptat.
pt7oc [m.] ‘filth, uncleanliness (e.g. in the eary (Semon., Att.), metaphorically ‘sealing
wax’ (Ar. Lys. 1198). <?>
eVAR pbra [n.pl.] ‘filthy clothes, laundry’ (€ 93); pbmoc [n.] ‘whey’ (Hp. Mul. 1, 64),
after Nimtoc, etc.
*COMP puTto-K6vdvAoe ‘having filthy knuckles’ (com.), fLu-ppumtos ‘half dirty’ (Hp.).
*DER 1. Adjectives: pum-deic ‘dirty’ (Nic. AP), -wéng¢ ‘id’ (Dsc., Vett. Val.); on
puttapoc see below.
2. Verbs: a) pum-dw (epic lengthening to -dw, -dwvta) ‘to be dirty’ (Od, Ar., etc;
because of the meaning hardly with Chantraine 1942: 357 from pvtza, rather from
pbroc with analogical -dw); b) pum-dopat (Peputwptevos ¢ 59), also with kata-, ‘to be
smudged’ (Hp., Hell. inscr.), -dw ‘to smudge’ (late); c) pUmT-opLaL, -w, also with amo-,
etc., ‘to clean (oneself), wash (oneselfY (Ar. Antiph., Arist.) with pumt-txdc ‘apt for
washing (Pl. Ti. Arist. etc.), -jplov = KaBaptiptov (Suid.), poyic (and-) [f]
‘cleaning, washing’ (Pl. Ti.). Besides, pumapdc ‘dirty’ (IA) with -ia [f.] ‘filth, dirty
convictions’ (Critias, late), -6t1¢ [f.] ‘id.’ (Ath.); puraive, also with kata-, etc., ‘to
besmudge, dishonor’ (Att.) with pimaopta [n.] ‘filth’ (Apollon. Lex.) as piaopta:
puaive.
pdtdc 1295
*ETYM No convincing etymology. The word pumapdc may have been formed from
putaivw after the synonymous pair ,uapdc : jualvw, but it remains uncertain
whether it was an old 1/n-stem (Benveniste 1935: 19), or built analogically from
pvmoc. The seemingly primary pimtojtc, -w can be secondary to pbrtog after tOnTw :
tUmtos, etc. (possibly also influenced by synonymous virtopta, -w).
The connection with the Slav. word for ‘scab, itch, crust of a wound’, e.g. OCS
strup®, Ru. strup < IE *sroupo- or *sreupo-.
punnanai [interj.] ‘cry of Athenian rowers’ (Ar.). <ONOM>
eVAR Also pumamai (AB).
eETYM An onomatopoeia.
pvotov =é~pvpat.
pvoic =péw.
piods [adj.] ‘shrivelled, shrunk, wrinkled’ (1503). <?>
eVAR In the manuscripts, variants with -oo- are attested. On pitic, -idoc, see below.
«COMP Some compounds, eg. év-pucos ‘somewhat wrinkled’ (Dsc.), see Strémberg
1946: 128.
*DER 1. pvo-ad£os ‘id.’ (Nic.), see adahéos, etc.; 2. -wd1)¢ ‘with a wrinkled appearance’
(AP, etc.); 3. -6t1¢ [f.] ‘wrinkledness’ (Plu.); 4. puciAdac: tag putidac ‘wrinkles’ (H.),
cf. Chantraine 1933: 252, Schwyzer: 485; 5. pvo-dopal, -dw ‘to shrivel, wrinkle
(oneselfy (Arist.), with -wotc [f.] (Gal.); 6. -aivoytat ‘id.’ (Nic. AP).
Further: pitic, -ido¢ [f.] ‘wrinkle, fold’ (Ar., Pl.), Aeol. Bpttidec (EM); putid-wd19¢ =
pvowdrs, PuTid-doptat, -dw = pvodoptat, -dw (Hp., Arist.), putid-wots [f.] ‘wrinkling’
(medic.), -wpa [n.] ‘wrinkle’ (sch.). Probably related too are putioptata [pl.] (Men.),
acc. to Phot. = t@v dieppurkotwv ipatiwv ta anomAnpwata ‘patch, piece of cloth’.
eETYM The word puodc can be compared with hokdc, kopwoc, yavodc, and other
expressive adjectives in -odc (Chantraine 1933: 434, Chantraine 1956a: 17). For putic,
DELG and Frisk adduce mnxtic, Evotic, Soxic, etc., assuming derivation Yrom *pv-tH,
-tov vel sim. with a diminutive suffix -i6-.
Solmsen’s comparison (IF 31, 463) with »éptw ‘draw, pull, snatch’ < *ueru- is
formally possible, but this does not furnish an IE etymology. The (imperfect)
similarity with Lat. riga ‘wrinkle, fold’ and Lith. raiikas ‘id’ is accidental.
pith [f.] ‘rue, Ruta graveolens’ (Nic. Ps.-Dsc.); acc. to sch. Nic. Th. 523, Peloponnesian
for mryavov; cf. puta: ... Myyavov AevK6v ‘white rue’ (H.). <PG?>
*ETYM The etymology is unexplained; Osthoff MU 5 (1890): 76ff. connected Lat.
rumex ‘sorrel’ (cf. WH s.v.). Lat. rita is probably borrowed from Greek (Krogmann
WuS 19 (1938): 133 considers both to be independent loans from a Mediterranean
language); English rue is borrowed from French rue, which continues the same Latin
word.
potdc [adj.] only in putoictv Adeoot (¢ 267, § 10), for which the sense “dragged stones’
does not make really good sense. < PG?>
1296 pvTpOG
eETYM The connection with »éptw ‘to draw’ is formally possible, but not
semantically evident; Schulze’s suggestion (Q. 318) to connect Lat. rita (caesa) ‘dug
out (and felled) must be dismissed because the latter derives from rud ‘to dig’ <
*HreuH- (cf. De Vaan 2008 s.v.). According to Deroy REGr. 67 (1954): iff., it is of
Pre-Greek origin and cognate with Lat. ridera (which would be Etruscan; cf.
Chamoux REGr. 65 (1952): 284).
pvtpog [n.] ‘plant with pricking extremities, Echinops Viscosus’ (Thphr.). <?>
eETYM Stromberg 1940: 52 derived the word from péw, which is a mere guess.
p® [n.] name of the letter p (Ar. PL, etc.). <Lw Sem.>
VAR Indeclinable. %
*DER pwtakiletv = TH P otorxelw ovvexa@c xpijo8at (Suid.) after *iwta-KiCev in
iwtaktouds (see on iWta); pwPtKdc [adj.] ‘unable to pronounce the ’ (D. L.), after
ovdAaBikdc, tptBuKds, etc.
*ETYM Borrowed from Sem. rds (beside rés); see Schwyzer: 140.
pwBidac [m.] name of seven-year-old Spartans (Aétetc Hpoddtov). <?>
*ETYM The formation is the same as that of the patronyms in -iSac¢ (Schwyzer: 509),
but the root is unexplained.
pwdtyyes [2] - mAnyai beatpor dtaxexoupévat. oi 5& wwAWrEG ‘spots bloodshot by
hitting; bruises’ (H.). <PG(S,v)>
eVAR pMTLyyEs.
*ETYM Frisk’s suggestions that the variant pwttyyec (H.) is secondary for pwdryyec,
or that the latter is analogical after ouwétyyec, can be dismissed. Instead, the
variation 5/t and the suffix -tyy- point to Pre-Greek origin.
pwwvec [m.pl.] ‘nostrils’ (Nic. D. H.,, Str., etc.), rarely -wv [sg.] (Heracl. apud Gal,
etc.); pwOvvec- jtuKTipes ‘nostrils’ (H.). <PG?>
eETYM The formation is the same as in mwywv, yvd8wv, etc., but the root is
unknown. Usually, pd80¢ ‘roaring’ is connected, which presupposes an original
meaning ‘snorer, rattler (Pok. 1002); Fraenkel Glotta 32 (1953): 31ff. recalls pé8oc.
Alternatively, one could consider a Pre-Greek origin for this word.
poxoptat [v.] - opyiGopat, AvTodpat ‘to be distressed’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Perhaps related to > pwxw, s.v.
pavvuyu [v.] ‘to strengthen, invigorate’; med. ‘to be(come) strong; insist on sth., be
determined’ (Pherecyd., Hp.). <?>
eVAR Also pres. -bw (Ti. Locr., etc.), aor. p@oo (Hdt, Att.), pass. pwoOfvat, fut.
pwow (Att.), very often perf. med. with pres. meaning éppwyat (Att.).
eCOMP Also with ém-, dva-.
*DER PW-un [f.] ‘strength, vigour, power’ with -yahéog ‘strong’ (1A), -otc (émi-, dva-)
[f.] ‘strengthening’, -ottkdc ‘strengthening, strong’ (late), -otipiov: mapopytintrplov
‘stimulation’ (Phot.), -ota& [m.] ‘hold, support, bearer’ (Tz.), d-ppwotocg ‘weak,
indisposed’, with dppwot-ia, -éw, -na, etc. (IA); pwpdc: opodpdc ‘vehement’ (H.).
pay 2 1297
*ETYM The regular stem formation with generalized pw(o)- cannot be old; in any
case, the present is an innovation (literature in Schwyzer: 697). The form
pwokonévws ‘with power’ (Hp.) indicates a newly built present *pwoxoptat A
connection with » pwouat seems possible. Alternatively, Rikov Glotta 66 (1988): 124f.
has proposed a connection with Skt. sdra-: pwptn, pwotc would continue *srh,-,
whereas the Skt. could derive from a secondary anit root.
pws 1 ‘tore’. =pryyvou.
pws 2 ‘grape’. =paé.
pwotat [v.] ‘to move intensively or with effort, brisk about; dance’ (Il.). IE *srh,-ie/o-
‘move violently’ vel sim.>
eVAR Almost exclusively 3pl.ipf. and aor.: pwovto, EppWovto, éppwoavto (IL, epic);
further, also epic (late and rare) pweto (Nic.), pwov’ (= -tat, D. P.), pwoovtat
(Call.), énippwoat (AP).
eComP Often with é7m- (rare and late dva-, ovv-).
eETYM The words paou, Eppwpat, and pwvvypu can perhaps be connected; péw, on
the other hand, is rather not related (Schwyzer: 349 and 722); on pwoKoLlévwc, see
> pwvvyu. Kloekhorst 2008 s.v. Sarhiie/a-“' follows a proposal of Cop (1955a: 398) to
connect pwopat to the Hittite word, the meaning of which is not completely certain,
but must be something like ‘to attack’. The Hittite and the Greek suggest a preform
*srh,-ie/o-.
panos [m.] ‘odds and ends, tinsel, trumpery’ (A., D., Arist.). <2>
eCOMP As a first member in pwito-mwArj¢ [m.] ‘seller of petty wares’ (LXX, H.).
*DER pwr-tKdc ‘belonging to tinsel, false, worthless’ (Plb., Plu. AP), -eveiv:
pwromwhetv ‘to deal in petty wares’ (H.); also -i(w (Ion Trag; meaning unclear)?
*ETYM No etymology; perhaps related to » pww.
POX|LOG = Pry yvuLL. {
pwxw [v.] ‘to hiss, rattle’ (Sor.). <?>
eVAR poyetv- Bpvyetv ToIc dd5ovot ‘to bite with or grind the teeth’ (H.); pwxpd¢ [m.]
(v.ll. pwy-, pox-; Poy-) ‘hissing’ (medic.).
eETYM These are all sound-imitating words; cf. » paCw.
poy 1 [f.] -Botavn anakn ‘a delicate grass’ (H.). <PG?>
eVAR Plur. partes [f.] “brushwood, low shrub wood, shrubbery, bush’ (Od., Lib.).
*DER pwr-ria [pl.] (IL), -iov [n.] (D. C.), -d [f-] (Opp.), -a& [m.] (Suid.) ‘id’; -heic
‘overgrown with bush’ (Q. S.).
eETYM The word pwy may be related to > panitw, xpvod-ppaiic (with » paBdoc,
> Pduvoc), and also to > pértw, » PéUBopat, but connections outside Greek are not
found. The word may be of Pre-Greek origin.
poy 2 [?] Egyptian word for ‘ship’; cf. mAoiov nanvpivov, 6 kadeitar Aiyumtioti poy
(UPZ 81: II 7 [Ptol.]); also pwytotc ‘id’ (pap.); miswritten in pwvietc motaptiag vews
etdoc ‘kind of river ship’ (H.), see Lidén Glotta 42, 149 with literature. «LW Eg.>
1298 poy 2
*ETYM Borrowed from Eg. rms ‘ship’ (see also Schwyzer: 277).
x
o4 [interr. pron.) = tiva, in od pdv = ti pty ‘how so? (Megar. in Ar. Ach. 757, 784).
< IE *k"i- ‘who?>
*ETYM Like Boeot. 1a (Pi. O. 1, 82), od reflects *k1-a, ntr.plur. of tic ‘who?’. It is
formally identical to OLat. quia-nam ‘why?’, going back to IE *ki-h.. It is also found
in Ion. &-ooa, Att. G-tta (see Schwyzer: 616, 319); cf. on » Tic.
oaBaxds [adj.] ‘damaged, rotten’, of inner organs (Hp.), ‘effeminate, womanish’ (AP),
= 6 oaOpdc. Xiot ‘unsound (Chios) (H.); on the meaning Luck Phil. 100 (1956): 275f.
<PG(V)>
*DER Besides, cabdkac Sta-oxeddoac, Stacadetoas ‘scattering through, shaking
through’ (H.); caBaxtng [m.] ‘the shatterer’, a house-goblin (Hom. Epigr. 14, 9), fem.
caBaxtidec: dotpdkiva Cpdta ‘earthen figures’ (H.); cabakwc avotnpac, Enpas,
tpaxéws ‘harshly, dry, roughly’ (H.).
*ETYM The formation can be compared with ktahakdc, tpipakos, etc., but the
etymology is unknown. Fur.: 241 connects » oavkév « Enpdv. Zvpakdotot ‘dry; lean’
(H.), which very strongly suggests Pre-Greek origin for this word.
odPavov [n.] ‘large linen cloth’ (pap., Alex. Trall.). <Lw Sem>
*DER Diminutive -tov [n.].
eETYM The word odBavov is a loan from Semitic, cf. Arab. sabanijjat ‘cloth produced
in Saban (near Baghdady (see Lewy 1895: 127; cf. Schwyzer: 308). Borrowed as Lat.
sabanum (see WH s.v.); from Latin, or from Greek, were borrowed Go. and OHG
saban ‘o.vSwv, pall, linen cloth’, Ru. sdvan ‘pall’, etc.
oaPapixics [f.] ‘vagina’ (Telecl.). <PG?>
eVAR Also -iyn (H., Phot.), oaptapixn (Theognost.); also cdpaBoc (H., Phot. with
metathesis?).
*ETYM A diminutive formation in -ty-, characteristic of lower registers. Wrong
etymologies by GroSelj Ziva Ant. 2 (1952): 215 and Brugmann IF 39 (1917-1921): 114ff.
If the variation 6/ is old, the word is Pre-Greek; cf. Fur.: 221.
oaPPatwois [f.] referring to a groin disease in Alexandria (Apion, J.). <Lw Sem.>
VAR Shortened form oafBw [f.].
eETYM The word is derived from odPatta ‘sabbath’, as it originally denoted a
‘sabbath-disease’ (on the meaning, see Scheller Glotta 34 (1955): 298ff.). Ultimately of
Aramaic origin.
1300 od BuTTOS
odButtos [m.] - eidoc Evpricews cig kaAAwmiopdv ... tTlvéc dé TO yvvatkeiov ‘kind of
shaving for ornamentation; female genitals’ (H.). <PG?(s)>
eVAR Also -t11)¢ (Phot.), -tta [f.] (Com. Adesp.).
eETYM Although there is a certain similarity with » BUttoc - yuvaiKdc aidoiov female
genitals’ (H.), that connection remains uncertain. Cf. also caBapiyic and odxav: TO
Tij¢ yuvaikdc (H.); compare further the literature on caBapiyic, and see Kretschmer
Glotta 13 (1924): 271, Sommer 1948: 192, and s.v. » caivw. For odButtoc, Pre-Greek
origin is certainly worth considering.
odyapte, -toc, -ews [f.] ‘axe, battle axe’, used by Scythians, Persians and other peoples
(Hdt., X., etc.); acc. to H. = meA€ktov powdotoptov ‘little one-edged axe’; called
a&rpOryrj¢ by AP 6, 94. <?> ,
eETYM A foreign word without etymology. Alessio Studi etruschi 18 (1945): 142
compared Lat. sagitta ‘arrow’, Berb. zagdja ‘javelin’, but one would rather of course
expect Iranian origin.
oayn [f.]=oattw.
oayrvn [f.] ‘large fishing net, trawl (LXX, NT, Babr., Plu., etc.). <PG>
eVAR Cypr. &yava (H.), see Bechtel 1921, 1: 412.
eCOMP As a first member e.g. in oaynvo-Bddoc [m.] ‘who casts a net’ (AP).
*DER oaynvaioc [adj.] ‘belonging to the net’ (AP); oaynv-evw [v.] ‘to catch with the
net’, mostly metaphorically, eg. of soldiers that catch everything alive as they form a
line and sweep over a country (Hdt, Pl, Str. Luc, etc.), with -evc [m.] ‘net fisher’
(D. S., Plu., AP, etc.), back-formation (BofShardt 1942: 76), -evtijc (Plu., AP), -evtrp
(AP) ‘id.’; -eia [f.] “catch by net’ (Plu., Him.).
eETYM The ending of oayryvn recalls anjvn, eipryvn, etc. The connection with cattw
(Pok. 1098) is semantically insufficiently founded. Because of the Cypr. by-form and
the attractive connection with »odyovpov with a different suffix, the etymon is
without a doubt Pre-Greek (foreign origin was suggested already by Schwyzer: 490,
322, Lamer IF 48 (1930): 231, and Chantraine 1956a: 10). The word was borrowed into
Latin as sagéna.
oayos [m.] ‘woollen cloak, soldier’s cloak’, e.g. used by Gauls, Hispanics (Plb., D. S.,
App. etc.). <LW Celt.>
eETYM The word odyoc was borrowed from Lat. sagus, -um ‘id’, in turn a loan word
from Celtic (see WH s.v.).
oayovpov [n.] - yupyd8tov ‘net’ (H.); LS] gives ‘net for suspending substances in
fluids’, but see also their Supp. <?>
eETYM Because of the probable etymological connection with » cayrvn, odyoupov is
likely to be of Pre-Greek origin.
oaGéptov [n.] a marine quadruped, not further defined (Arist. HA 594b). <PG>
eVAR oa8piov (v1).
eETYM Fur.: 190 supposes that the word denotes a beaver, and compares ocatvptov,
probably ‘sorex moschatus’ (Arist. l.c., 32); according to H., (@ov tetpdanovv ij
oaipw 1 1301
Atvaiov. ‘four-footed water-animal’. He further adduces Basquesatero ‘field-mouse’
and sator ‘mole’. It is possible that cd8pak- pOeip ‘louse; a sea-fish’ (H.) is somehow
related as well.
od8n [f.] ‘penis’ (Ar. Lys. 1119, probably also Archil. 67). <?>
*COMP avdpo-od8wv, -od8n¢ [m.] name of Priapus (AB, H., etc.).
*DER od0wv, -wvoc [m.] = mé608wv ‘penis; foreskin’ (Telecl. etc.).
eETYM The formation can be compared with 1609n, etc. (cf. Chantraine 1933: 367).
Perhaps related to » caivu, if from ‘tail’ (compare MoHG Schwanz ‘tail; penis’).
oaOpoc [adj.] ‘unsound, broken, broke; unhealthy, weak’ (IA). « PG(v)>
*DER oa8p-dtn¢ [f.] ‘unsoundness’ (late), -dopat, -dw [v.] ‘to be unsound; make
unsound’ (LXX, pap. VIP), with -wotc, -wua (pap. VIP, H.).
eETYM The etymology is unexplained: Chantraine 1933: 224 and 373 thinks of ofOw
(rejected by Benveniste 1935: 202); perhaps a contamination of oampdc¢ with an
unknown word? Fur.: 196 connects wa8upoc ‘brittle’ and yardpa- dpatdtptya “with
thin hair’ (H.), and concludes that the word is Pre-Greek.
caivw [v.] ‘to wag with the tail, waggle’, metaphorically ‘to blandish, flatter’ (Od.,
Hes.). <2
eVAR Rare aor. éonva (e.g. Pp 302), Eoava (Pi. O. 4, 6, P. 1, 52).
eCOMP Also with mepi-, mpoo-, etc; as a first member in caivovpot kai oatvoupidec:
oi Tac obpac Gvvexa@c Kivodvtec inmot kal KUvEc ‘horses and dogs shaking their tails
continuously’ (H.).
*DER odvvlov: TO aidoiov avti tod Képkiov. TO yap aidoiov éo8’ Ste obpav éAeyov, WE
EtmoaAtc (H.), so originally ‘tail’ (the -vv- is hypocorrect gemination); also cav-viwv
(Arr.), oavvac (Cratin.), ca4vvopoc (Rhinth.) [m.] ‘fool’, cavvadac tac aypiag aiyac
‘wild goats’ (H.).
eETYM The etymology is unexplained. We must reject the suggestion of Solmsen IF
30 (1912): 38 ff., who reconstructs a word for ‘penis’ and connects Lith. tvinstu, tvinti
‘to swell out (of a river)’, etc., which seems to go back to *tunH-, and connects other
words in oa- as well, e.g. » odtupos.
caipw 1 [v.] ‘to sweep (out) (S., E.), metaphorically ‘to clear away’ (BCH 29, 204;
Crete). <?>
eVAR Aor. ofjpal, Cret. odpau, fut. capw (H.).
eCOMP As a first member perhaps in oapdmovuc (Gal.), acc. capanoda, odpamov
(Alc.); acc. to D, L. 1, 81: 61a 10 TAaTOTOVV Elva Kai Emiotpew TW 16d¢e (cf. Bechtel
1921, 1: 125, Sommer 1948: 26¢ and 188); acc. to Gal., however, to céonpa (»*caipw 2);
the word oapamo6- is unexplained.
*DER 1. odpov [n.] ‘brushings’ (Sophr, Ion Trag., Call.), ‘broom’ (Epid. IV’, etc.) with
cap-dopal, -dw ‘to be swept out; sweep out, sweep clean’ (Lyc., NT, pap., etc.), -wotc
[f.] ‘sweep out’ (pap.), -wtta [n.] ‘brushings’ (AB et al.), -wtat [m.pl.] ‘sweeper’
(Phanagoria), -wtpov [n.] ‘broom’ (Suid.); 2. ca4ppata [n.pl.] ‘brushings’ (Rhinth.),
CapLidc: GwPdc yijc, Kai KdAAVOLG ... ‘heap of earth; sweeping’ (H.).
1302 *oaipw 2
*ETYM The word caipw is commonly connected with obpw ‘draw, drag (along)’. The
initial was always thought to have been *tuy-, with oap- and ovp- (with analogical
o-) as different vocalizations of a PIE zero grade *tur- (oalpw < *tur-ie/o-, like e.g.
> odpé ‘flesh’ < *turk-).
A full grade thematic present *tuer-e/o- is found in Germanic, e.g. OHG dweran
‘turn around quickly, stir’, OE pweran ‘id.’, and in Indic: Ved. (KS) tvarate ‘to hurry’.
Connection within Greek with otpbvw ‘to encourage’ (see » Otpahéws) is highly
improbable, as the existence of a prefix 6- is doubtful.
Perhaps nominal derivations like zero grade Lat. turma ‘troop, squadron’, turba, and
> obpBn, > TUpBN belong here, as well. The ward > topvv1 is not related.
*oaipw 2 ‘to show one’s teeth’. >oéonpa.
oaKxos [m.] ‘bag (made of goat hair); sieve; burlap, a large cloak made of the same’,
e.g. used as a wedding dress (Hdt., Hippon., Ar. LXX, NT, inscr. and pap.). <LW
Sem.>
eVAR Also odkos (Att.?).
COMP As a first member e.g. caxko-pdpoc [m.] ‘bag bearer’ (pap., etc.).
*DER 1. Diminutive oax(k)-iov (Hp. Ar. X., Men, etc.), -i6tov (pap-), -AALov (gloss. );
2. -ovéta [n.pl.] meaning unclear (pap.), after Atvovdiov, see Aivov; 3. -A¢ [m.] sack
bearer’ (inscr. Corycos, pap.); 4. -lag oivoc ‘sieved wine’ (Poll.); 5. vos made of
burlap’ (sch.); 6. Denominative oax(x)-éw ‘to sieve’ (Hdt. 4, 23), -ebw acc. to Ael.
Dion. et al., -tw ‘id’ (Thphr., etc.). Also oaxtdc ‘sieved’ (Eup. 439) seemingly a
primary ptc.
sETYM The word odxxoc is a loan from Semitic; cf. Hebr. (Phoen.) saq ‘cloth of hair,
bag, mourning-dress’ (Lewy 1895: 875 Bertoldi ZRPh. 68 (1952): 73ff. calls it
Mediterranean). Lat. saccus (cf. also MoE sack), etc. are borrowed from Greek.
oaxvos [m.] ‘broken, leaky’ (1801). =oay voc.
odxKog [n.] ‘shield (made of leather); long shield, tower shield’ (Hom, also A., etc.), cf.
on > aortic. <LW Sem.>
*COMP Some compounds: e.g. caxéo-madoc ‘shield-swaying’ (E 126, Call., Nonn.),
oaKéo-pdposg ‘shield-bearing’ (B., S., E.), pepe-ooaxrs ‘id’ (Hes. Sc., Nonn.), cf.
Triimpy 1950: 2off., and extensively Ruijgh 1957: 94f
eETYM Usually argued to be of Indo-European origin, and connected with Skt. tvdc-
[f.] ‘skin, hide’ and Hitt. tuekka- ‘body’. However, it might instead be borrowed from
Semitic, since e.g. Akk. saqqu and Hebr. saq are formally and semantically very close
(E. Masson 1967: 24).
OAKTAS >OATTW.
oaKXap, -aposg [n.] ‘sugar’ (Gal.). <Lw Ind.>
*VAR odkyxapt [n.] (Peripl. M. Rubr., Orib.), after uédt, etc; also -t¢ [f], -ov [n.]
(Dsc.).
sETYM Borrowed from Mind. (Pali) sakkhard- ‘sugar’ (itself going back to Skt.
éarkard- [f.] ‘grit, granulated sugar’ cf. » kpdKn 2). MoP Sakar was also borrowed
od\oc 1303
from Indic and, through Arab. sukkar, it also reached e.g. MoE and Du:: sugar and
suiker, respectively. Lat. saccharum was borrowed from Greek oakyapov.
Gahayéw, oahdakwy, etc. =odoc,
oadaivew [v.] = Opnveiv (Anacr. 167), = KdmtecOa (H.); cahato-<pid¢>> kwkvtdc
‘wailing’ (H.). <?> ;
*ETYM Etymology unclear; cf. also » caddupn.
oadapavdpa [f.] ‘salamander, kind of newt’ (Arist, Thphr,, etc.). <?%
*DER oadatiavdpetos ‘in the way of a salamander’ (Nic.).
*ETYM Given its non-Indo-European structure, cadattavdpa may be Pre-Greek. Cf.
also on cavpa, which is probably Pre-Greek, as well.
oadkdauBn [f.] ‘light opening, vent-hole’ (S. Fr. 1093, Lyc., H.). <PG?(v)>
eVAR Also oaddBn (H., Phot.), -Bo0c¢ (H.).
*ETYM Semitic origin has been proposed for this word; cf. Syr. selpd ‘rima portae’,
s'laf ‘split, tear apart’ (Lewy 1895: 96). Further, similarity with DakapBa- Agpodity
mapa BaBvAwviots (H.), DahapiBac: ... Sti meptépxetar Pprvotoa tov ‘Adwviv (EM,
referring to » oadaitev [s.v.]), and Ladabaxyw (Ar.) has been observed by Lewy l.c.
and Solmsen IF 30 (1912): 42. However, the alternation B/|t8 would receive a good
explanation under the assumption of Pre-Greek origin (Fur.: 203, 286).
cadapivOn [f.] ‘spider’ (Byzant.). <PG(s)>
eETYM The suffix -tvOn is clearly Pre-Greek, but further connections are unknown.
odXos [m.] ‘turbulent movement of the sea, flushing of the waves; anchorage, roads
(as opposed to a protected harbory (S, E, Lys., Hell.), metaphorically of an
earthquake (E. IT 46), ‘turbulent emotion’ (LXX, Gal., Max. Tyr.), cf. doaArjc, odAn
below. <PG(S,V)>
*COMP Some late compounds, e.g. émi-cadoc ‘exposed to the odhoc (Seqund., Peripl.
M. Rubr., etc.); probably also in epic kovi-oadog ‘cloud of dust’ (see kdvic). With
transfer to the s-stems: d-oaArc¢ ‘unshaken, unconcerned’ (A. Fr. 319 = 634 M.) with
aodh-ea [f.] = dueptivia, dAoyiotia (Sophr. 113), doadgiv: appovtiotijoat ‘to be
heedless’ (H.); oan, odA4 [f.] = ppovtic (Et. Gen., H.) is probably a back-formation
to the latter.
*DER Denomininatives: 1. cakevw, originally of the ship, ‘to roll (on the waves)’, then
‘to throw oneself about, oscillate’; trans. ‘to make oscillate, shock’ (Att. since A, also
Hp. Hell), also with prefix, eg. dmo-, émt-, dta-; thence oddevoic (dia-) [f.]
‘oscillation’ (Arist. etc.), odAevpta [n.] ‘id’ (D. Chr.); 2. caddoptat ‘to go with a
rocking motion’ (EM, explaining caddxwv).
With a velar suffix: 1. odAak, -axoc [m.] ‘large sieve of mineworkers’ (Arist. or
Thphr. apud Poll.), also an Att. name of a potter (ZdAayc Krahe IF 57 (1940): 113),
-ay& ptetaddkov oxedog ‘metallic vessel or implement’ (H.); oakdaKwv, -wvoc [m.]
‘boaster, swaggerer, dandy’ (Arist.), with cakaxwv-ia (-eia) [f.] (Arist, Alciphr.),
-ifw (dta- Ar.), -iGopat, -edopat (H., Phot., Suid.); denominative caddcow (éx-) [v.]
‘to shake’ (Nic., AP), probably directly from odAog after trvacow, tapdaoow, etc; 2.
1304 oahovoiov
oadayéw = oahticow, cahevbw (Opp. Orac. apud Luc.), cahayry Bor ‘shout’ (H.); cf.
TATAYEW, TATACOW.
*ETYM Originally, odAoc was a technical nautical term. Fur.: 256 connects » @dAacoa
/ *odAacoa and CaAn, GaAog ‘tornado, whirlpool’, and concludes that the word is
Pre-Greek. Already the velar suffixes, and especially the variation they display, prove
Pre-Greek origin for this word: -ay-, -ak-, -ayk-; cf. » onkayyevc. Lat. salus, salum
were possibly borrowed from Greek.
oahovotov [n.] ‘pot, measure’ (POxy. 3060) cf. Mayser-Schmoll 1970 I, 1: 79. <PG(V)>
VAR Also -Wotov, -WTLov, -Wdtov.
eETYM In view of the suffix variants, the word is probably Pre-Greek.
oandc [adj.] ‘foolish’ (H. s.v. bo8)dcg, sch. Ar. Nu. 397). < PGP
eVAR Also daddcg (Cyr.) and *Caddc; the latter is seen in the derivative Cahaivw (H.,
EM 406, 43), see Fur.: 255.
eETYM Cf. Lat. dalivus, from *5éAatoc. The variation in the initial (o-/{-/5-) proves
Pre-Greek origin; the root can be reconstructed as *f’al-.
odknn [f.] sea fish, “Box salpa’ (Epich., Arist., etc.). <PG(V)>
eVAR Also -ng [m.] (Archipp.), -o¢ (Arist. vl), odpm [f] (Arist.); also odAmyé
(Arist.), folk-etymological transformation.
*ETYM The variation p/A is typical for Pre-Greek (Fur: 387; see also Neumann 1961:
42). Cf. also Lat. salpa (Plin., Ov.), Ital. salpa, sarpa, Fr., MoE saupe (cf. Hubschmid
1963: 13£; Thompson 1947 s.v.).
odAmyé, -tyyos [m.] ‘trumpet’ (2 219). <PG(S)>
*DER oaAnitw [v.] ‘to blow the trumpet, trumpet’ (IA), dialectical innovations -ioow,
-(ttw, -i66w, aor. cadn-iyEa (D 388), -icat (LXX etc.), fut. -iow (NT), -~@ (LXX),
perf. med. ceodAmi(y)ktal, -totat (late), rarely with émt- etc; cadmyktrs (Th, X. et
al.), -uxtr\¢ (Att. etc., inscr.), -totI¢ (Hell. and late) [m.] ‘trumpet player’, -toptd¢ [m.]
-topta [n.] (Thd., Poll.) ‘trumpet call’, -totuxd¢ “belonging to the trumpet’ (Poll.).
Further derivatives: cahniyy-tov [n.] ‘pipe’ (Gal.), -wtdc ‘trumpet-shaped’ (Teos).
eETYM For the formation, oipry§ and pdoppty— can be compared (cf. also Avpa,
KiWdpa, capBUKn, etc.). On the onomatopoeic Lith. svilpti ‘to pipe’ etc., see Fraenkel
1955 s.v. (with references); cf. further Hester Lingua 13 (1965): 364. As a word of
Mediterranean culture, odAmty§ remains without IE connection; the suffix is Pre-
Greek (not in Fur.).
oduak, -aKoc [m.] ‘bulrush, mat of bulrush’ (com. V*). <PG(S)>
*DER -Gktov [n.], a female ornament (Com. Adesp.).
*ETYM Formation like oicag, etc. (see on » oicgoc), but further unexplained. Belardi
Doxa 3 (1950): 219 rightly rejects a connection with pre-IE *sam- ‘water, sea, swamp’
(?) by Alessio Studi etruschi 19 (1946-1947): 152. The suffix is Pre-Greek (not in Fur.).
coauBv«n [f.] ‘triangular instrument with four strings’ (Arist., etc.), metaph. ‘scaling
ladder’ (Plb., etc.), on the semantic motivation, see Ath. 14, 634a. <Lw Sem.?>
eVAR Also C- (H.).
oavéapaKn 1305
*DER oatpvk-otic, fem. -iotpta ‘sambuca-player’ (Hell. poet., Plu.), after
KiWaptotie, -iotpta.
*ETYM An Oriental loan word of unknown source; see E. Masson 1967: 91ff. (with
extensive treatment and criticism of earlier views, for example on Hebr. s*baka
‘lattice’). On the secondary nasalization, see Schwyzer: 231f. with litt. Borrowed into
Lat. as sambuca (WH s.v.).
oaytog [f.] ‘hill (Str. 8, 3, 19; 10, 2, 17); also the island names Zdpoc, Lapin. < PGP
*ETYM Without a doubt Pre-Greek, as argued by Fick 1905: 54 and 112. Likewise, but
with a different interpretation (connected to doduvO0c), Alessio Stud. ital. fil. class.
N. S. 20 (1956): 121ff. The IE etymology by Persson 1912(1): 471 can be rejected.
coanynpa [f.] an oriental sword (J. A.J. 20, 2, 3). <LW Iran>
VAR oar pat- oa8ar BapBaptixai ‘broad blades of the barbarians’ (Suid.).
*ETYM An Oriental loanword; cf. MoP Samsir.
odtty(o)vxov [n.] ‘marjoram’ (Nic., Dsc., Paus. et al.), on the meaning see Andrews
Class. Phil. 56 (1961): 78. <?>
DER oa(o)bx-tvog ‘made of o.” (Dsc., Gal. et al.), -iGw ‘to be like o., season with o.’
(Dsc.).
*ETYM Foreign word of unknown origin (the plant was especially at home in North
Africa). Borrowed into Lat. as sampsic(h)um, -us (WH s.v. sambicus; see Hester
Lingua 13 (1965): 364).
odv the Doric variant of the Ion. letter ciyua (Hdt. 1, 139). <Lw Sem.>
*COMP oatt-pdpag, -ov [m.] ‘horse in which a odv was branded’ (Ar.), see Fraenkel
1912: 143.
*ETYM Borrowed from Semitic (e.g. Hebr. sin). On the sign cant (= 900), from Byz.
oav (= we dv ‘like’) and ni, cf. Schwyzer: 149.
odvéaXov [n.] ‘sandal(sy (h. Merc.); name of a flat fish (Matro), see Strémberg 1943:
37. <PG> :
*VAR Also oduBahov (Eumel., Sapph., AP).
*COMP oavdaho8rjkn ‘sandal case’ (Men., Delos II"); caytPadr-ovdxn, -ovxic [f.] ‘sandal
chest’ (Herod.), -ioxa [n.pl.] (Hippon. 18 = 32 Masson; see below).
*DER oavdah-tov (IA), -iokov (Ar.); also -ic, -iS0c [f.], a kind of date (Plin.), -wdn¢
‘sandal-like’ (sch.).
*ETYM For the alternation v6 ~ 1B, compare KopiapiBAov ~ kopiavépov, which may
also be the result of different adaptations of a foreign word (already Schwyzer: 303;
see also Kronasser 1962-1987: I 91). Compare further oayydptos (H.; s.v. » oKvTEvs)
and tCayydapiog (to-) [m.] ‘manufacturer of Parthian tlayyav (pap. VIP), Lat.
sandalium, MoFr. sandale, MoP sandal, etc. were borrowed from Greek. Fur.: 153,
389 also mentions ognada- bnoSiwata (H.), perhaps to be read *og nada?
savdapaxn [f.] ‘sandarac, red arsenic sulphide, realgar, red orpiment’ (Hp., Arist.,
Thphr. etc.), ‘bee-bread’ (Arist.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Also -dyn.
1306 odv6vé 1, -vKoc
*COMP oavdéapak-ovpytov [n.] ‘sandarac pit’ (Str.).
*DER oavdapdaKtvoc ‘sandarac-colored, bright red’ (Hdt. etc.), oavdapakitw ‘to be
sandarac-colored’ (Dsc.).
*ETYM Long taken to be an Oriental loanword from an unknown source. Uhlenbeck
PBBeitr. 19 (1894): 327ff. implausibly derived it from OlInd. *candra-raga- ‘moon-
colored’ (Cuendet adapted this to *candana-raga- ‘sand-colored’, which is likewise
hypothetical; see Mayrhofer KEWA s.v. candanah). LSJ mentions Assyr. sindu arku
‘green paint’, ‘yellow sulphide of arsenic’. The variation k/y could also point to Pre-
Greek origin. Cf. on oavdvE.
oavdv§ 1, -vKog [f.] designation of a bright red colorant, a bright red mineral color, a
red transparent fabric, etc. (Str. 11, 14, 9 [conj.], Dsc., Gal. etc.); also a women’s cloth.
For an extensive discussion of the meaning, see Flobert RPh. 90 (1964): 228ff.
<PG?2(S)>
*DER oavév«-tov [n.], meaning uncertain, voc ‘sandyx-colored’ (pap.); cavdwv,
-6voc [m.] designation of a transparent fabric (Lyd. Mag.), formed after o1v-6wv?
eETYM The formation can be compared with BéuBvé etc; cavSapdKn seems to be
related in some fashion (but cf. also Skt. sindira- ‘red-lead, cinnabar’, Assyr. sémtu,
sandu ‘red stone’?). Borrowed into Lat. as sandyx (Prop., Verg., Plin.). As far as the
formation is concerned, Pre-Greek origin is certainly a possibility (cf. » cavdvk 2).
oavdvé 2 [?] - KiBwrtdc ‘box, chest’ (H.). <PG(S)>
eVAR Also cevéovxn; diminutive cevdovxKtov (sch. Ar. Pl. 711 and 809).
*ETYM The formation of the word is Pre-Greek.
oavic, -id50g [f.] ‘board, plank, wooden scaffold, etc’, plur. also ‘tablets used for
writing, writing boards’ (Att.), ‘planks of a gate, wing of a door’ (epic). <?>
*DER 1. diminutives cavid-tov [n.] (Att., etc.), cav-ioxn [f.] ‘painting’ (Herod.); 2.
oavid-wya [n.] ‘planking’ (LXX, Thphr, Plb.,, etc.), see Chantraine 1933: 187; 3. -wdn¢
‘plank-like’ (late); 4. -6w ‘to provide with planks’, -wtdc (Hell. and late).
*ETYM The formation is like oeXic, Soxic, and other technical terms (Chantraine 1933:
337), but the etymology is further unexplained. The connection with »oaivw by
Solmsen IF 30 (1912): 46f. should be rejected for semantic reasons.
oavvaxtov [n.] ‘a kind of cup’ (Philem. 87). <?>
eVAR Also -axpov.
eETYM Unknown.
oavvas [m.] epithet and personal name, ‘pwpdc, stupid person’ (Cratin., cf. Clark
Class. Rev. 69 (1955): 245f. Colophon). <GR?>
eVAR oavviwv ‘id, (Arr.), oavvopoc = ttwpdc (Rhinth.), probably for -vpoc (Kaibel
ad loc.); cf. Lavvupiwv. As a PN also Lavv-oc¢ (Hippon.), -atoc, -toc, -vpiwv, fem. -o
(V-IV*); Zavvidwpoc nickname of Avtidwpoc (Epicur.).
*DER Besides cavviov = aidoiov ‘private parts’ (Eup.), oav<v>tdnAnktoc:
aidoidmAnktos ‘struck with shame’(?) (H.); cavvadac: tag aypiac aiyac ‘wild goats’
(H.) (formally patronymicon of *cdvvoc vel sim.); probably also éoaOvipicev-
TikaAAev ‘was flattering’ (H.) for éoav(v)-.
oapamous, -10d0¢ 1307
eETYM The names are based, at least in part, on the meaning ‘shame’. Frisk and
DELG derive it from >» caivu); cf. also extensively O. Masson 1962: 165f. Borrowed as
Lat. sanna ‘grimace’, sannio ‘buffoon’ (WH s.v.).
Gavtowkov [n.] ‘a variety of wormwood from the Santones in Gaul’. <GR>
eETYM The word is clearly derived from the name of the people.
oaos ~oWc.
oanépdnys -ov [m.] name of a fish that is identified with the kopakivoc and the
mAatiotakos, which is thought to originate from the Nile and the Black Sea, but also
from other waters (Hp. com., etc.). <PG(V)>
*DER oamtep6-ic (Arist.), tov (Apollod. apud Ath.).
*ETYM Certainly a borrowing. Thompson 1947 s.v. (with extensive treatment)
plausibly points to Arab. sabar, Copt. Sabouri, name of a well-known fish of the Nile,
Tilapia nilotica (there is no indication that the Lyd. PN Sa-par-da-a-a has anything
to do with this fish, pace Grogelj Ziva Ant. 7 (1957): 43). Fur: 153 adduces odfetpoc:
kopaé ‘tub-fish’ as a variant. Lat. saperda, a fish, is probably borrowed from the
Greek.
Gampdc >ornnopal.
oanbv)Xetv [v.] - caiverv. “PivOwv (Fr. 24) ‘to fawn (Rhinthon)’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM Of unclear etymology (connection with » oaivw can be discarded).
oanetpos [f.] ‘lazurite; sapphire’ (Thphr., LXX, etc.). <Lw Sem.?>
*DER cangeip-tov (-n7-) [n.] ‘coloring made of o.’ (pap.), -tvoc ‘made of o.’ (pap.,
Philostr., etc.).
*ETYM Certainly somehow related to a similar Semitic word; cf. Hebr. sappir. Since
the Semitic word is probably borrowed itself (E. Masson 1967: 667), we might also
consider Pre-Greek origin, in view of the elements -m@- and -etp-oc. Through Lat.
sapphirus the word reached the European languages, e.g. as MoE sapphire, MoDu.
saffier, etc.
oanwv, -wvog [m.] ‘soap’. <LW Celt.2>
es With -owov [n.] ‘id, -wvapixdc ‘soap-like, belonging to soap’ (late medic.
etc.).
*ETYM The word odmwv is usually seen as a borrowing from Lat. sapo ‘id.’ (since
Plin.), ultimately from Gm. (OHG seifa, OE sdpe, etc; see WH s.v.). Also worth
considering is the alternative proposal by André Et. celt. 7 (1955-1956): 348ff., who
argues that it was borrowed from Asia Minor Celtic instead.
capafapa [n.pl.] ‘a pantalon worn by the Scythians’ (Antiph. 201). 4LW Iran >
*ETYM Certainly borrowed from Iranian; cf. MP Salwar ‘trousers’ (Knauer Glotta 33
(1954):100-118).
odpabos =odpwv.
oapanous, -70d0¢ [m., f.] ‘splayfooted’. < PG?>
1308 oapyavny
*ETYM If the first element oapa- is not in some way formed from > oaipw 1, we might
also consider Pre-Greek origin (final -tovcg could have been adapted secondarily).
oapyavn [f.] ‘plaited basket’ (since IV*). <PG(v)>
*DER oapyav-ic [f.] (conj. in Cratin.), -ov, -iétov [n.] (pap.) ‘id’. Besides, tapydavat:
TAokai, ovvdgoetc, 11é5at ‘twinings, bindings, shackles’ (H.) with tetapyavwplévn =
OupLTMeTAeypléevy, OvvetAntulevn ‘plaited, gathered together’ (H. EM).
*ETYM Instrument term without etymology (cf. Chantraine 1928: 23f.), the formation
of which can be compared with mAextavn, dpKdvn, etc. (the traditional connection
with » copdc leaves the -y- unexplained; cf. also on » tapmn). The variation o-/t- is
Pre-Greek (see Fur.: 124; the suggestion of a,hyperatticism by Schwyzer: 319 can be
discarded) and points to a pre-form *farg-an-.
oapydc [m.] name of a fish, ‘“Sargus Rondeletii’ (com., Arist. etc.). <PG?>
*DER -lov [n.] ‘id.’ (Gp.), -ivoc [m.] name of a sea fish that appears in schools,
perhaps ‘garfish’ (Epich., Dorio, Arist.); cf. ceotp ivoc, oapdivos, etc.
eETYM Word of unknown, perhaps Pre-Greek origin (on the realia, cf. Thompson
1947 S.V.).
oapda [f.] ‘salted and corned fish’ (Diphil. Siph. apud Ath. 3, 120f., Xenocr., Gal.).
<PGP
*DER oapdivoc, -ivn ‘pilchard, sardelle’ (Arist. Fr. 329, Epainet., Gal.), Lat. sarda,
sardina.
eETYM Probably originally ‘the Sardian fish’, derived from Sardus ‘Sardian,
Sardinian’, Zapdw = Sardinia, named after the place of origin (Stromberg 1943: 86;
on the realia, Thompson 1947 s.v.).
oapdawov [n.] of peidiav, yekav ‘to laugh’, capddaviog yéAwe ‘sneering laughter’ (v
292, Pl. Plh, etc.); as a v.l. and late also -dwov, -dviog (also -w-) after Lapddviocg
‘Sardinian’; capdaCwv: peta muKkpiag yed@v ‘laughing with bitterness’ (Phot., Suid.).
<>
eETYM The origin of this etymon is debated. In antiquity, it was sometimes
connected with ogonpa, sometimes with a plant from Sardinia (odpdtov, -dvn,
-dviov) that caused spasmodic laughing. The alternative suggestion by Kretschmer
Glotta 34 (1955): 1ff. to connect the name of the Sardana people (neighbours of
Egypt), referring to capdavagaddoc yeAwtornoiog (H.), remains unclear in its
details.
oapédtov [n.] name of a gem, ‘carnelian, sardine’ (Pl., Thphr, etc.), also = ‘seal’ (inscr.).
<>
*VAR oapda, -odc [f.]; AiBoc capdtoc, capStvoc or oapddwov ‘id.’ (rare and late).
eCOMP As a first member in oapd-dvvk, -vxoc [m.] ‘sardonyx’ (Hell. and late).
*ETYM Probably originally ‘stone from Sardes’, named after the place of origin (the
Semitic etymology by Lewy 1895: 57f. is doubtful). In Latin, we find several
loanwords: sarda, -ius, -inus lapis, sardonyx. See, however, Hester Lingua 13 (1965):
375.
odps, capKdcg 1309
oapdovec, -dvwv [f.pl.] ‘the rope sustaining the upper edge of a standing hunting net’
(Poll, H.). <2
*VAR oapdowa [n.pl.] (X. Cyn. 6, 9: gen. capdoviwv wrong for -dvwv?).
eETYM A technical term without etymology.
oapt >cicapov.
odptoa [f.] “Macedonian lance’ (Thphr., Plb.); Lat. saris(s)a. <PG?>
*ETYM Etymology unknown (the hypothesis by von Blumenthal 1930: 21 is
insufficiently founded). Perhaps Pre-Greek (Fur.: 387).
oapKkatw [v.] a rare verb of controversial meaning: related to dogs that are stubborn
and bite ravenously (yAioypotata capKatovtes Ar. Pax 482), to grazing horses (Hp.
Art. 8); to biting the lips angrily (Gal. 19, 136), with which seems to agree the
meaning given in lexica ‘to mock bitterly, grimly’ (ém-, Ph.), eg. H: oapkdatet-
peda, cipwvev_etal, KaTayEArd, ad Tod ceonpévat ‘smiles, feigns ignorance, derides’;
Capkdoac fleTa mIKpiag i} Tpéua Tac Tov yelkéwv odpKkacg Siavoitac, yehdouac
‘revealing the flesh of the lips gently or with bitterness; laughing’. <GR?>
*DER oapkaoyldg [m.] ‘grim scorn’ (Hdn., Phryn.); unclear is the com. formation
oapkaolo-mTvoKdttTat [pl.] (Ar. Ra. 966).
eETYM No completely convincing argumentation for the most obvious connection
with odpé has been given yet. In Ar. Pax 482, a meaning ‘to remove the flesh, gnaw
the flesh from the bones’ (cf. capKiCw) is quite possible; the word would then have
been transferred to grazing horses (Hp.). In its further semantic development, it may
have been influenced by » oéonpa (see H. above oapkdatwv ... kai ceonpwes Ph. 2,
597). The form ovpkite: odpkate (H.) can either be Aeolic (obpkeg = odpkec), or it
may show influence from » ovpw.
capa [n.] ‘chasm, abyss’ <PG?>
*DER Perhaps odpaoc: 16 yuvatkeiov aidotov ‘female private parts’ (H.) and cdpwv.
ayvoc. tivéc dé TO yvvatkeiov ‘lustful; the female pudenda’ (H.). See on ® ofjpayé.
*ETYM Sometimes connected with the verb » oéonpa ‘to show one’s teeth, to grin’ via
a meaning “yawning chasm”, but if the connection with odpafoc ‘female private
parts’ is correct, the interchange between B and u, as well as the extra a in the latter
form, could rather point to a Pre-Greek origin (not mentioned in Fur.).
captetw [v.] ‘to raise a heap (of earth, of sand) (Tab. Heracl. 1, 136 ob6& yam@vac
Onoei ... obdE Gappevoet). <?>
*ETYM From oappdc: owpdc yij¢ kai KdAAvOLLA. GAAOL WetyLov, GAOL xdpTov (H.,
Hippon. 165a); see » oaipw 1 (O. Masson 1962: 180).
capt, capKds [f.] ‘flesh, piece(s) of meat’ (II.). <1E *turk-‘cut’>
*VAR Often plur., in Hom. almost exclusively (see Schwyzer 1950: 43, Chantraine
1953: 30). Aeol. ovpxec [pl.] (H., EM).
*COMP Many compounds, eg. oapko-@dyoc ‘eating flesh’ (Arist.), Ai8oc¢
oapkogayoc, a stone quarried at Assos (Troas), which was used for funeral
monuments and said to have eaten the corpse (Poll. 10, 150, Plin., etc.); from there
1310 odpwv
‘coffin’ (inscr.), Lat. LW sarcophagus, OHG sarch, etc. 4-capKog ‘without flesh, thin’
(IA); on -payoc, see Sommer 1948: 94f.
*DER 1. Gapk-iov (Hp., Arist. et al.), -iStov (Arist, etc.) [n.] ‘piece of flesh’, -ic [f.]
‘meat, food’ (late pap.); -itic [f.] name of a stone (Plin.); 2. odpk-tvocg (Att. etc.),
-tKdc¢ (Hell. and late), -etog (late) ‘fleshy, made of flesh’; -w6ng ‘flesh-like’ (Hp., X.,
etc.), -1ipn¢ ‘consisting of flesh’ (Trag. Adesp.); 3. capK-ifw ‘to scrape clean of flesh’
(Hdt.), on the privative meaning see Hudson-Williams Class. Rev. 26 (1912): 122f.),
also mept- (medic.), with -topidc, and éx- (LXX); 4. -dw (mept-, éx- etc.) ‘to make
fleshy, change into flesh’, with -wjta, -wotc, -wtiKdc (medic. etc.); 5. -aw s.v.
eETYM Generally connected with Av. 9faras-, pres. 9Barasaiti, properly ‘to cut’ (upa-,
us- etc.), as a simplex ‘to shape, create, destiné, etc.’, from IE turk-. Lubotsky Sprache
36 (1994): 94-102 has shown that Skt. tvdstar- contains a zero grade (with a < y), like
Av. 9B6rastar- (from *9Parastar-); for Olr. torc ‘boar’ of the same origin, he
reconstructs *turkos. Discussing the rise of -ap-, -vp- as well, Lubotsky rejects a
reconstruction *tuork-. Different views in Vine 1999b. Alb. shark ‘flesh of a fruit’
Jokl IF 44 (1927): 13 ff.) is borrowed from Greek.
odpwv [adj.] Adyvoc: ttvéc dé yovaixetov ‘feminine (parts) (H.). <2
°VAR Cf. capaBoc To yuvatkeiov aidoiov ‘the female pudenda’ (H.).
eETYM Etymology unknown.
capwvic, -ido¢ [f.] ‘old hollow oak’ (Call. Jov. 22 etc. H.), also with -o-: copwvic: katy
mrahaud ‘old silver fir’ (H.); cf. Spvpdcg Ldopwv (Paus. 8, 23, 8). <PG(V)>
*ETYM Acc. to Stromberg 1944: 29, from oap@vec: Ta TOV Onpat@v diva ‘the net of
hunters’ (H.), which remains unconvincing in spite of the parallels adduced. Since
the variation between a and 0 cannot be explained as e.g. vowel harmony, we have to
assume Pre-Greek origin for this word.
oativat [f.pl.] ‘coach, carriage for women, equipage’ (h. Ven., Sapph., Anacr,, E. [lyr.]);
for the plural, cf. e.g. dyea; for the meaning, see Leumann Herm. 68 (1933): 359f.
<PG?> :
*DER odttAha: 1[N]AEtac TO Gotpov (H.), the ‘cart’; see Scherer 1953: 145.
*ETYM There is a certain similarity between odtiAAa and Arm. sayl ‘car’ (also as a
constellation, from *satilia). This should perhaps be explained as borrowing through
eg. Phrygian. Schmitt Glotta 44 (1966): 148ff. rather argues for a Thracian origin of
oatiAAa, whereas remote resemblance of Arm. sayl with Georg. etli ‘car,
constellation’ is pointed out by Adontz 1937: sff. Whatever the precise origin of the
words, oativat and odttAda are certainly related, but defy derivation from Proto-
Indo-European.
Oatpanng, -ov [m.] ‘satrap’, governor of the Persian king (since X.). <LW Iran.>
*DER oatpam-tkdc ‘belonging to the satrap’ (Arist., etc.), [f.] -ic (Philostr.), -evw [v.]
‘to bea satrap, rule as a satrap’ (X., etc.) with -eia, Ion. -nin [f.] ‘the office or province
of a satrap, satrapy’ (since Hdt.); -eia [n.pl.] ‘the palace of a satrap’ (Hld.).
*ETYM From Olran. *xSa9ra-pa- ‘protecting the empire’ (OP xSa¢a-pavan-), from
xsa8ra- (see »KTdopal) and pditi (see »moiurv). The frequent variants: in
GAaTUPOG 1311
inscriptions Eatp-, éba(u)tp-, €Ea8p- (also cadp-) represent the OP initial xs- (and
partly also the internal dental) in a more exact way, but they are also partly due to
folk etymology: é€atp- must have its initial ¢- from é&- (Schwyzer: 206 and 329);
conversely, the explanation of the at-diphthong by Kretschmer Sprache 2 (1950-
1952): 70 is hardly convincing. Cf. also Skt. ksatrapa-, etc. (Schmitt ZDMG 117 (1967):
131).
oattw [v.] ‘to stuff, compress, pack, load, equip’ (IA, Cret.). <IE *tuenk- ‘press
together’>
VAR Ion. odcow (Hp.), Cret. (Gortyn) ovveoodddp, aor. od€au, pass. oaxOfjvat, perf.
med. ogoaytat.
ecomP Also with prefix, e.g. émt-.
*DER 1. Oayr or odyn [f.] (acc. after Hdn. 1, 309) ‘pack, equipment’ (since A.), also
‘packsaddle’ (pap., Babr. etc.); 2. odypa (ént-) [n.] ‘coat, cloak’ (E., Ar.), ‘packsaddle’
(LXX, Str, pap., etc.), diminutive -étiov [n.] (Arr.); -atac¢ [m.] ‘saddler’ (pap.); 3.
oaxtac [m.] “bag, pouch’ (Ar. Pl. 681, Poll.), probably from ‘stuffer’ (Bjérck 1950: 68),
also = iatpdc (Boeot., Stratt.), probably as a nickname (Bechtel 1921, 1: 310); 4.
oaKtip = Ovdakog ‘sack’ (H.); 5. oaKtwp, -opoc [m.] ‘crammer’ (A. Pers. 924
[anap.]), 6. odxtpa [f.] = poppdc (Phot.); 7. od&¢ (éni-) [f.] ‘cramming’ (Arist,
Thphr.); 8. caxtdc ‘crammed’ (Antiph., pap.).
*ETYM The forms oattw, odkai, and oéoayiat form a regular morphological system,
which includes the nominal derivations. Of the latter, cay and odypta have
analogical -y- (Bechtel 1921, 2: 745 implausibly argues for the converse, claiming that
y is original as in Cret. 0465p, whereas o&ttw would be analogical after oda). The
root *tuenk- is found in Germanic (OHG dwingan ‘to compress, coerce’) and in Lith.
tvenkti, 18g. tvenkit ‘to dam up, etc.’; see LIV? s.v. The connection with ToAB twank-
, however, which is maintained by Adams 1999 s.v., is difficult, both because of the
difference in the preforms needed (IE *tue-n-k- for Tocharian, the vocalism being
arrived at through an intermediate noun) and because of the uncertain meaning
(traditionally ‘to force in’) of the poorly-attested Tocharian verb. Skt. tvanakti (lex.)
‘to draw together’ is unreliable; see Mayrhofer KEWA s.v. Cf. also Ponkdc and
P owkdc; also » ovyvidc.
oatvpos [m.] ‘Satyr’, mostly plur. as a designation of mythical beings, which belong to
the company of Dionysus and are often represented as (male) goats (since Hes. Fr.
198, 2); metaphorically of apes with a tail (Paus., Ael.). <PG(S)>
*DER 1. Diminutive oatup-ickoc [m.] (Theoc. et al.), also as a plant name (Ps.-Dsc.),
-idtov [n.] (Stratt.); 2. -tKdg ‘satyr-like, belonging to the satyr play’ (PI. X., Arist.,
etc.), -tog ‘id” (pap.), -wdng ‘satyr-like’ (Luc. et al.); 3. -tov [n.] name of several
plants, which were. used for means of sexual arousal (Dsc., Plu, Gal. etc.), see
Strémberg 1940: 93 and 100, also name of an aquatic animal (Arist.); 4. -totr¢ [m.]
‘actor in a satyr play’ (D. H.), after K8aptotijc, etc.; 5. -tdw ‘to suffer from satyriasis’
(Arist., medic.) with -iaotc, Ion. -inotc, also -t(a)optd¢ [m.] (medic.); also -LtaKdéc
‘causing satyriasis’ (Ruf.), -taxr [f.] ‘remedy against satyriasis’ (medic.).
1312 oavadat
eETYM The etymology of odtupoc is unknown. A number of hypotheses have been
proposed, but none of them makes sense: from a word ‘ony ‘penis’ and a second
member ‘swell’ (see » oaivw), by Solmsen IF 30 (1912): 36ff.; a strengthening prefix
oa- and the same element ‘swell’ (Brugmann IF 39 (1917-1921): 114ff.); from wiv with
a suffix -tv-po-c¢ (Grogelj Ziva Ant. 2 (1952): 215ff.); borrowed from Illyrian, going
back to *seh,- ‘sow’ and cognate with Lat. sator (Krahe 1955: 37ff.); borrowed from
Illyrian, but ultimately from *seh,- ‘satiate’, identical with Lat. satur (Kerényi Studi e
materiali di storia delle religioni 9 (1933): 151 ff., Kerényi Rev. Int. ét. balk. 2 (1934-
1936): 21).
Yet for such a mythical word, Pre-Greek origin seems likely in the first place, and
this idea is even corroborated by the suffix -vp+. Cf. » LtAnvdc and » titvpos.
cavadat + caddor- Aptepiacg toc cethetvodc otTw KaheioBat grjotv tnd Makeddvwv
(F.). <2
eETYM Unknown. See Kalléris 1954: 250f.
cavkov [adj.] - Enpdv. Zvpakovotot ‘dry (Syracusian) (H.). <PG(V)>
eETYM A number of wrong etymologies have been proposed, e.g. borrowing from an
originally Italic word related to »avdoc; other hypotheses can be found in Pisani
RILomb. 73:2 (1939-40): 25, Bechtel 1921, 2: 287, and Carnoy Ant. class. 24 (1955): 23.
Conversely, Fur.: 110, 134, 229, 241 convincingly compares oavyLdov: oaxvov, Xadvov.
oabpév, do8evéc (H.), » cabakdc ‘weak, moldered, smashed’ (H.), and oabakwc:
avoti pac, Enpwc, tpaxéwe (H.) with caBdkac: Stackeddoac, Stacahevoac (H.). It
follows that the word is Pre-Greek.
cavkpdv [adj.] - aBpov, éhagpdv, dxpov ‘delicate, light, highest’; cavkpdmodec:
aBpdmodec ‘delicate-footed’ (H.). On the combination of suffixes -xp-, see
Chantraine 1933: 225, Schwyzer: 496. <PG(V)>
*DER In H. also ocavytdv- caxyvév, xadvov, cabpdv, do8evéc ‘tender, porous,
unsound, feeble’; with y-: yavxpdéc¢ kaAAwruotiic, taxbc, Ehagpdc, apatds “dandy,
swift, light, thin’; yavxpov yéovv: kodgov ‘light’, yavkpdmoda: kovgdroda ‘light-
footed’ (folk-etymologically connected by H. with dxpoc and wavtetv).
*ETYM The combination of cavxpdc¢ with yavxpdc (and oavyidc; s.v. » CaAvKOV)
shows that the word is Pre-Greek.
oavAog [adj.] Poetical adjective of unclear and varying meaning, referring to walking
and movement (Treu 1955: 253 and 295): oabtAa Baivetv h. Merc. 28 (of a tortoise),
Anacr. 168 (Bacchantes), Semon. 18 (horse), catAat Baooapides (Anacr. 55),
explained by H. with coda, fovya, tpugepa ‘light, quiet, dainty’ and with aBpdv,
kodgov, dkpov, Tpugepov ‘delicate, light, highest, dainty’; acc. to sch. Ar. V. 1169 =
TO gadrov kal dteppurjkds, so ‘light, dainty, delicate, prancing’ vel sim? <PG>
*COMP As a first member in cavAo-npwxtidw (Ar. V. 1173).
*DER oavAdopat (E. Cyc. 40: k@plot ... doidaic BapBitwv cavdovpevot), acc. to H.
Tpvgav, OpvratecBa, EvabpvvecBat ‘delicacy, to be broken small, to be effeminate’,
dta-cavrAdouat (Ar. Fr. 624), Stacavdovptevov: diakivovplevov kai évaBpvvopevov, F
dtacetopevov (H.), with cavAwpa: Opvypia ‘piece’ (H.).
oatoat 1313
eETYM The word oavAoc rhymes with gatAoc; the words have possibly influenced
each other (other barytone adjectives in -Aoc are [tdyAoc, KtiAoc, Ewdoc). Moreover,
we find cavva (cadva?): anak ‘weak’ (H.) with a suffix -v-. It is difficult to offer an
etymological explanation (cf. on » catpa), first and foremost because of the unclear
meaning. The word oabdAoc presumably belongs to a group of Pre-Greek words (see
> oavKOc).
oavviov [n.] designation of a javelin used by foreign peoples (Men., Str., D. S.), ‘penis’
(Cratin. 443). <2>
eVAR Also oavwov.
*DER oavvidtw ‘to throw ao. (D. S.), with -aoté&c (Dor.) [m.] (Lyr. Alex. Adesp.).
eETYM The etymology of this word is unexplained; cf. on » cavpa.
oatpa [f.] ‘lizard’ (A. Fr. 92 M. Hdt. Arist., Theoc.), also = cadautavdpa (Thphr.),
metaphorically as a plant name = xapdapov (Nic.), ‘penis of a boy’ (AP), ‘plaited
case made of palm bark, used in setting dislocated fingers’ (medic.). Also oatpoc
[m.] ‘id’? (Hdt. [vl], Hp. Epich., Arist, Nic.); metaphorically as a fish name =
tpaxoupoc (Alex., Arist., Gal.), after the color (cf. Strémberg 1943: 121). <PG>
eVAR Ion. -pr).
eCOMP As a first member in cavpo-Ktdvog [m.] ‘killer of lizards’ (Plin.); on cavpo-
Bpw8éc, see below.
*DER 1. plant names oavp-idtov [n.] (Hp., Gal.), -iyyy [f.] (H.), cf. eg. pvoiyyn =
gdory§ to ica, also -ittc [f.] (Ps.-Dsc.), cf. Stromberg 1940: 130. 2. fish name -ic [f.]
(Suid.). 3. -itat ei6dc tt dgewv ‘a kind of serpent’ (H.). 4. -iyyn also = To Gwov H
oatpa (H.), sauritis also a precious stone that was allegedly found inside a lizard
(Plin.). 5. -tn¢ [m.] ‘keeper of crocodiles’ (pap.). 6. oavpwtr motKkihn ‘dappled’,
-wtoic Sdpaot: toic oavpwtipacg Exovol kata tig érdopatidoc (H.). 7. cavpwtip,
-fipoc [m.] (K 153, Hdt. 7, 41, Plb.) ‘lance shoe, bottom end of a lance that could be
stuck into the ground, vel sim.’; cf. instrument names like tponwtip, opupwrtijp, to
this cavpwtdc and cavpa = ‘case’ (see above); in the same meaning als catpoc in
oavpo-BpiWéc Eyxoc (Trag. Adesp. 264); the lance-shaft was probably compared with
the long tail of a lizard (cf. obpiaxoc). 8. PN Zavupiac, Zavpwv etc. (IA, etc.).
*ETYM Without etymology, like many other words for ‘lizard’. The words oavpa,
oatpos, etc. are often connected with a group of other words starting with oav-:
caddoc, cavvdc, and oavviov, as well as oavKpdc (see Frisk), but there seems no
reason for this. As the animal was not a part of the PIE world, the word must be of
local, ie. of Pre-Greek origin; it is not mentioned by Fur. The word dinosaur was
coined in 1841 by the English paleontologist R. Owen, with dino- from detvdc
‘terrible’.
oavoat [acc.pl.] a leguminous plant (Com. Adesp.). <PG(V)>
eVAR Cavoakac tupods anadotbs edtpdgous, kai Soxodot 5é obTOL ErLPdPOUG TOLEiv
mpoc ovvovoiav ‘soft, nourishing cheeses’ (H.).
*ETYM Older etymologies involve connections with cavKkpév, cavydv, etc. (see
Solmsen 1909: 133, who is hesitant about this), and with oavoapév- yiOupdv
‘whispering, slanderous’ (H.; Pisani RILomb. 73:2 (1939-40): 25’), interpreted as ‘dry’
1314 oavoapdov
and connected with »oavxdév. The word oavoapdv is clearly onomatopoeic,
however, in view of the meaning.
Fur.: 301” is without a doubt correct in connecting owoixec: of EPOO! KVaytol “cooked
beans’ (H.), which shows that the word is Pre-Greek (interchange w/av).
cavoapov - yiOupdv ‘whispering, slanderous’ (H.). <?>
«DER -lo}l6c ‘paralysis of the tongue’ (Arist. Probl. 647b).
*ETYM See Pisani RILomb. 73 (1939-40): 509.
oda [adv.] ‘surely, certainly, definitely’, especially with oida, but also with other verbs
of knowing and saying (Il.). <?> .
*DER oagi¢ [adj.] ‘sure, definite, apparent,iclear, evident’ (Pi, A.), on oagés (h.
Merc.) see below; adverb capéwc, capac ‘id’ (h. Cer.). An extension is found in
oag-nvijs, Dor. -avic (Pi, trag.), adverb -1véws (also Hdt.), after an-, mpoo-nvijc
etc., with oagrv-eta [f.] ‘clarity, clearness’ (Att. since A., Alcmaion), opposed to
dodageta from d-cagrc, cagnyv-ifw ‘to make clear, explain’ (1A) with -toptdc, -totucd¢
(late). Doubtful is cagritwp: [iavtic adnOrjc, EnvuTiic, Epptnvevtiic ‘genuine seer,
informer, interpreter’ (H.), as if from *oagpéw (Siacagéw exists since E.); probably
arisen froma v.l. at I 404 (for agrtwp).
*ETYM Of the above words, the adverb oda has the earliest attestations and seems to
be oldest (Leumann 1950: 1127’); capéwe is derived from there (after taxa : tayéwe),
as is the ntr. cagéc (cages 8 odk oida h.Merc. 208) and cagéotepov. The form
oars would be the latest.
The etymology is unexplained. The form cagric was often analyzed as having a
second member related to @doc, gaivw, the first member being a “strengthening”
element oa-, but such an element does not exist. Luther 1935: 61ff. has an extensive
treatment of odga. Fur.: 344 etc. (see index) suggests several connections (eg. with
od@oc, on the basis of which he concludes that the word is Pre-Greek), but none of
them is really evident.
oaxvoc [adj.] ‘tender, mellow’, of kpéa (Gal.). <PG(V)>
eVAR Oaxvov: do0evEc, xabvov “feele, porous’ (Il.). Also » cakvoéc, MGr. and MoGr.
wayvoc ‘thin’, caxpdc.
*ETYM Derivation from o@yw, yayw ‘to rub down’ has been assumed, but the details
remain unclear. The variations o-/w- and -«-/-x- point to Pre-Greek origin; also note
OavXLOv: caxvov (H.).
oa >o70w.
oPévvuput [v.] ‘to quench, extinguish’, pass. ‘to be extinguished, become extinct’ (IA).
<IE *(s)g”es- ‘extinguish’>
eVAR ofevvbw (Pi. Hp.), aor. oBéo(o)at (Il.), pass. oBeoOvau (IA), fut. oBéow (A.,
E.); med. oBévvyjtat (Hes.), aor. oBivau (I.), fut. oBroopat (Pl.), perf. EoByka (A.),
éofeotat (Parm.). Deviating aor. kata-oBwoat (Herod.).
eCOmP Also with prefixes, especially amo- and kata-.
*DER oféotc (a4m6-, katd-) [f.] ‘extinction, putting out’ (Arist., etc.), oBeo-t1p, -thpos
[m.] ‘extinguisher’ (Plu.), -trptoc [adj.] ‘useful for extinguishing’ (Th., etc.), -tiKd¢
o€Bopat 1315
[adj.] ‘id’ (Arist. etc.); d-ofBeotoc [adj.] ‘unextinguishable’ (Hom. et al.), oBeotdc
(Nonn.), fem. ‘unslaked lime’ (scil. titavoc) (Dsc., Plu.), also doBeotrptot and -wotc
in H. as explanations of kowatai and koviaotc ‘plastering’.
Glosses in H: Ceivapiev. ofévvuptev ‘quench’, étiva: éneoBévvvev (for -eiv-?),
anolivvutat (written -€-, for -Ceiv-)- anooBévvutat ‘is extinguished’; Cdacov- oBéoov;
Codo<eic>: o[e]Bécetc.
*ETYM The root of all these forms is ofeo-, as found in oféo-oat and d-oBeo-toc. On
the basis of the aorist oBéo(o)at, the other forms were created: ofévvupu < *ofpéo-vv-
tu, oBéow, oBeoOAval, EoPeojtat. Later on, the secondary aorist éoBnv, oBivat was
created after otnv, xany, €ayny, etc., and then ofrjooptat, EoBnka were formed after
this. The form kata-ofWoat falls outside this system. It could be interpreted as an
iterative (*oPofjoat), for which we could compare Coaoov, Codoetc as attested in H.
The glosses with ¢- may indicate that oBéo- < PIE *sg”es- developed into odeo-
dialectally. If correct, this *sg’es- may be compared with eg. Skt. jdsate ‘is
extinguished’, jasayati ‘to exhaust’, Lith. gésti ‘to be extinguished, go out’, caus. gesyti
‘to extinguish, put out’, OCS u-gasiti, sg. u-gaso ‘to extinguish’ < PIE *g”6s-, Go. qist
‘destruction’, ToAB kds- ‘to extinguish’. However, Hitt. kist-*" ‘to be extinguished,
perish’ is incompatable with the labiovelar in ofévvuju. If we posit a pure velar g,
which is possible for all other languages, oBévvujiai and Go. gist must be separated.
The initial o- in Greek is aberrant; cf. e.g. Brugmann-Delbriick 1897-1916 1: 590 and
Schmidt Sprache 22 (1976): 40-49, who assumes that of- is metathesized from *Bo-,
the regular outcome of an aorist *g"sé-. This seems unneccesarily complicated.
ofév(v)tov [n.] ‘fibrous spathe of a male date-palm’ (pap.). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
oéBtc [?] = mvkic ‘box (of box-woody (H.). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
o€Popiat [v.] ‘to shy, feel ashamed’ (A 242), post-Hom. ‘to be in awe, honor, worship’,
especially with regard to the gods. <IE *tieg’- ‘leave alone, give up’> :
eVAR Also o€fw (Pi, trag.), rarely in prose (cf. Schwyzer 1950: 234). Non-presentic
forms are quite rare: aor. pass. oepOijvat (S. Fr. 164, Pl. Phdr. 254b), fut. ceBryoojtat
(pap. II).
eCOMP Rarely with mpoo-, avti-.
*DER o€Bac [n.] ‘awe, amazement, worship, object of awe, object of worship’ (epic
poet. Il.), only nom. and acc; plur. o€Bn at A. Supp. 755; as a second member of
compounds -oefrj¢ (but possibly derived directly from oéfoptat), e.g. ed-oeBric ‘god-
fearing, pious’ (Thgn., Pi.), evoép-eta, -éw, -nua (from this form and from doéfnta,
also a simplex oéBnjta [n.] ‘worship’ (Orph.) is formed). oéfac served as a basis for
the aor. oeBdcoato (Il.), whence pres. ceBdCopat, aor. pass. ceBacOijvai (late) =
oéBojtat and derivatives oeBdoeic [pl.] ‘deferences’ (Epicur.), -oua [n.] ‘object of
worship, shrine’ (D. H., NT), -opdc¢ [m.] ‘worship’ (Hell. and late), with -opwoc,
-OUdTNG, -oTdc ‘venerable, reverend, elevated’, = Lat. Augustus (D. H., Str.), with
-OTLOG, -OTIKOG, -OTEbW, -OTEiov, and a pres. oePiFoprau, -iCw = o€Bo-pot (Pi., trag. et
al.), which could also be an enlargement of oéBopcu, with -topa [n.] (sch.). Verbal
1316 ociv
adjective cemtdc ‘venerable’ (A. Pr. 812, late prose), mostly in compounds, G-, mepi-,
Qed-centoc, etc. (trag.); oent-tKdc, -ebw (H.). Agent noun 98eo-céntwp [m.]
‘worshipper of gods’ (E. Hipp. 1364 [anap.]). o€Bepoc: edoefrjc, dixatoc (H.). See also
> ogjtvoc and » coféw.
*ETYM Traditionally compared with Skt. tyajati ‘to desert, leave alone, abandon’ <
*tieg’-e/o-. Although this seems semantically remote at first sight, the fact that the
causative PooBéw < *tiog’-eie- means ‘to scare away, chase away’ indicates that
oéPopa originally may have meant ‘to run away, flee’ vel sim. Formal Greco-Aryan
matches like centdc ~ tyaktd-, 8e0-céntwp ~ tyaktar-, oéBac ~ tyajas- are rather due
to parallel development than to common inheritance. The origin of the -a- in the s-
stem o€Bac is unclear, but perhaps analogicalafter yépac (cf. Chantraine 1933: 422).
oetv [v.] ‘to let children urinate’ (Ar. fr. 850). <ONOM>
eETYM Onomatopoeic.
oeipa [f.] ‘cord, rope, snare, lasso’ (I].). <1E *tuerH- ‘grasp, seize, fence in’>
eVAR Ion. -pr (Dor. onpd gramm.).
*COMP oetpa-gdpoc [m.], Ion. -pn-, of immog ‘a horse which draws by the trace only,
trace-horse’ (Hdt., A., Ar.), mapd-ceipoc ‘tied or fastened alongside; a horse
harnessed alongside the regular pair; (metaph.) companion’ CE. [lyr.], X., Poll.).
*DER oetpatog ‘equipped with a rope, walking by the rope’ (= cetpagdpog; S., E., D.
H.); cetpdw [v.] ‘to tie or to pull with a rope’ (Phot.); dva-ceipatw ‘to pull backwards
(with a rope) (E, A. R.); ceip-wtdc¢ ‘girded with a cord’ (Sm., Thd.), -dw ‘to gird,
hem’ (Dosith.), -woi¢g (Phot.). Diminutive cetpic [f.] (X.); cepidec: ceipai ‘ropes’,
cepi<c>: Cwotnp ‘girdle’ (H.), with -e- for -et-?; oeipddiov [n.] (Eust.).
eETYM Usually connected with Lith. tvérti, 1sg. tverii ‘to grasp, fence in’ and
reconstructed as *tuer-ieh,-, lit. ‘seizing’ (cf. also » copdc). Note that the acute
accentuation in Lithuanian points to the presence of a laryngeal, *tuerH-, which
means that oeipd should reflect *tuerH-ieh,- (with loss of laryngeal before *i
according to Pinault’s Law; Pinault 1982). Connection with eipw ‘to put in order,
connect’, Lat. serd ‘to link, connect’ would be better semantically, but would leave
the Gr. o- unexplained. Hitt. tiriie/a-” ‘to harness’ is unrelated (thus e.g. Risch apud
Mayrhofer Sprache 10 (1964): 197 and Mayrhofer IF 70 (1965-1966): 253), and rather
belongs to Skt. dhur- ‘yoke, pole of a carriage’ and Gr. » Oatpdc (cf. Kloekhorst 2008:
900).
Letprjv -ivoc [f.] ‘Siren(s), mythical destructive bird-like creatures (woman-birds),
who in the Odyssey attract sailors on passing ships with their beautiful chant, and
then kill them (Od.); also a designation of various seductive women and creatures
(Alcm, E., Aeschin., etc.); a designation of a wild kind of bees (Arist. et al.); see Gil
Fernandez 1959: 214f. <?>
*VAR Lip- (Att. vase-inscr.); see Kretschmer Glotta 10 (1920): 61f. Often pl. -ivec,
gen. du. -rvouv (Od.). By-forms Leipnv-ide¢ (Dor. Znpnv-) [pl.] (Alcm. et al.), -dwv
[gen.pl.] (Epich. 123, verse-final).
oeiw 1317
*COMP Has been assumed as a first member in Myc. se-re-mo-ka-ra-o-re, -a-pi
(Miihlestein Glotta 36 (1958):152ff.); but well-founded doubts by Risch SMEA 1
(1966): 53 ff. SeeAura Jorro 1985-1993: 255.
*DER Letprv(E)toG ‘like a siren’ (LXX, Hld.).
*ETYM Formally, it is possible to compare ceipd as “the ensnaring one” or Leiptoc, as
a personification of the mid-day blaze and mid-day magic; see Solmsen 1909: 126ff.
In favor of Pre-Greek / Mediterranean origin is e.g. Chantraine 1933: 167; further
hypotheses in Brandenstein 1954a: 56f. Fur. 172 takes the name of the wild bees as
Pre-Greek.
Leiptog [m.] ‘Sirius, the dog star’ (Hes.), also appositive or attributive Leiprog dotHp
(Hes. Op. 417), as an epithet of stars (Ibyc. et al.) and of the sun (Archil. et al.),
‘glowing, burning, desiccating’; also an epithet of the vaec (Tim. Pers. 192), probably
reinterpreted as ‘devastating, destroying’ (cf. von Wilamowitz ad loc.). <IE? *tuis-ro-
‘sparkling’, PG?>
*DER oetptoetc ‘scorching, glowing’ (fjAtoc, atpdc, Opp., Nonn.); ceipt-aw [v.] ‘to
glow, scorch’ (ofa cetpidet, of Leipioc, Arat. 331), also ‘to get a heat stroke
(oeipiacic)’ (medic.); further oetp-aivw [v.] ‘to scorch, parch’ (Oros apud EM), -6w
(ano-), also -€w (-e6w) ‘to desiccate, drain, filtrate’ (medic. pap. cf. Lagercrantz
1913: ad loc.), whence -wpta, -wotg (late); cetp-dtw ‘to strike’, of lightning (Ael.
Dion.).
Further some designations for a thin, transparent (summer) garment: oetpov,
ceiplov, oeipiva, ceiprv (Harp., Phot., Hes.); cf. Solmsen 1909: 128. Artificial back-
formation ceip, ceipdc: 6 HAtoc Kai Leiptog (Suid.).
eETYM Assuming an original meaning ‘sparkling, flickering’, Zeipioc has been
connected with » oeiw, which is compared to a verb ‘to be excited, sparkle, gleam’ in
Skt. tvis-, whence tvis- ‘excitement, gleam’, tvesd- ‘tempestuous, sparkling’, and
especially Av. Ofisra- ‘glitter’. The basis for the Greek form would then be *tueis-ro-
or, if oet-stands for oi- (Gétze KZ 51 (1923): 151f.) *tuis-ro- (like the Avéstan word).
Fur.: 262 compares tiptoc: BEpouc. Kpritec ‘summer (Cretan)’ (H.); if correct, the
word could be Pre-Greek.
oeipdw =Leiptoc.
oeiw [v.] ‘to shake, agitate, sway’, med. and pass. also ‘to quake, shiver’. <IE *tuei(s)-
‘excite, sparkle’>
eVAR Epic é1t-ooeiw (see below), aor. oetoat (Il.), them. aor. ptc. acc. oldvta
(Anacr.), pass. oeto@ijval, fut. ceiow (IA), perf. med. céoetopat (Pi. etc.), act. céoetka
(Hell. and late).
«COMP Often with prefix, eg. dva-, kata-, amo-, dta-, év-, émt-. Seldomly found in
compounds, e.g. ceto-dx8eaa [f] ie. ‘the casting off of burdens, i.e. of debts’,
designation of a law of Solon (Arist. Plu.); on Sopv-codog, see » Sdpu and Schwyzer:
450%.
DER oEi-oic (am6-, Katd-, etc.) [f.] ‘shaking’ (medic.), -opd¢ (ava-, dta-, etc.) [m.]
‘shock, earthquake, extortion’ (IA), whence -optw6ng¢ ‘like an earthquake’ (late), -opa
(mapa-, did-, etc.) [f.] ‘shaking’ (LXX), ‘extortion’ (pap.), whence -opatiag [m.]
1318 oehayéoual, -éw
‘concerning an earthquake’ (D. L., Plu.); -otpov [n.] ‘rattle’ (taken over in Latin as
sistrum), -otpoc [m.] plant name ‘Rhinanthus maior’ (Arist. Plu.), -owv, -owvoc
[m.] a kind of vase, “shaker” (middle com.), formation like in kavowv, cf. kaiw;
-otng [m.] a kind of earthquake (Lyd.), -otdc ‘shaken’ (Ar.), ‘rattling’, used of ear-
pendants (Delos III-II*).
eETYM Because of its aberrant vocalization, the zero grade ptc. ol6vta must be
interpreted as an aorist. Except for this form and nominal -(0)o6og, all forms show
the stem oei(o)-. The geminate -oo- in epic ént-coeiw, é-ooeiovto must go back to an
original consonant group, which means that oetw can be connected with Skt. tvésati
‘to excite; (med.) to be excited, inflame, sparkle’ (cf. Mayrhofer EWAia 1: 686),
which points to a reconstruction *tueis-e/o% In Avestan, besides 9Baésa ‘fears’ <
*tueis- we also find forms without -s-, viz. 9Baiiah- [n.], 9iia [f.] ‘fright, danger’ <
*tuei-os-, *tui-eh,-. Also possibly related is » Xeiptoc.
oeNic, -i50¢ 1319
*DER oeAnv-ain, Dor. cedavaia [f.] = oednvn (IL, epic poet.), like A®nvain (cf.
Schwyzer: 469); -tov [n.] ‘phase of the moon, contour of the moon, etc.’ (Arist.,
Thphr.), plant name -itic; -dptov [n.] designation of moon-shaped ornaments, -ic [f.]
‘id’, -ioxocg [m.] “id” (late), -itn¢ (Ai8oc) [m.] “moonstone”, ‘selenite’ (Dsc. et al.),
also fem. -ittc (Redard 1949: 60), ‘moon dweller, etc.’ (Luc., Ath. et al.), -teta [n. pl.]
‘moon festival’ (pap. II*; Mayser 1906-1938, I: 3: 95), -atoc ‘moonlit, concerning the
moon’ (Orac. apud Hdt., A. R.), -taxdc “belonging to the moon’ (Plu. et al.), after
fAtakdc; -1aGoua (Ev. Matt, Vett. Val.), also -(i)dfw, -td4w (Man.), ‘to be
moonstruck, i.e. to be epileptic’, whence -taoudg [m.] ‘epilepsy’ (Vett. Val.).
eETYM This etymon derives from *oe\ao-va, a derivative in -va from > o€\az ‘light,
glow, beam’. The formation may be compared with the PIE word for ‘moon’,
*I(o)uksneh,-, as attested in e.g. Lat. lana ‘moon’ (compare » Abyvoc).
oé\tvov [n.] ‘celery, Apium graveolens’ (Il.), also metaph. ‘vagina’ (Phot.); on the
meaning, cf. Andrews Class. Phil. 44 (1949): o1ff. <PG?(V)>
eVAR Aeol. -vv- (gramm.).
Gedayéoptat, -Ew >oéAac.
Géhac, -aoc [n.] ‘light, glow, beam’ (II., epic poet., Arist., etc.); on the use in Hom. see
Graz 1965: 310ff. <?>
*COMP o&\a0-@dpoc ‘bringing light’ (A.), with analogical -n-: ceAan-pdopoc (Man.),
-yevetnc (AP).
*DER oehd-w ‘to shine, glow’ (Nic. Th. 691), whence -opa, -opdc ‘glow’ (Man.);
-yéopiat (E., Ar.), -yéw (Opp.) ‘to glow, radiate’, whence -ynotc [f.] ‘glow’ (Zonar.)
and by back-formation -yoc [n.] ‘beam’ (Hymn. Is.); enlarged -yi{w ‘id’ (Nonn. et
al.), whence -ytoua [n.] ‘lightning, flash’ (Man.); -ocopai ‘to shine, glow’ (Nic. Th.
46), -oKw ‘to glow’ (Theognost.). See also > ceArvn, » céhaxoc.
*ETYM Etymology unclear. Frisk s.v. states that a connection with Av. x’aranah-
‘glory of fame’ is semantically attractive, but the interpretation of the latter word is
debated (see Lubotsky 1998b for discussion). Moreover, the initial o- of oéAac is
incompatible with Av. x’-. A different but unlikely etymological proposal can be
found in Pisani Rend. Acc. Linc. 6:7 (1931): 75.
oedatyg [?] = koxAlac ‘snail with a spiral shell’ (H.); the form has been corrected to
*oiaXitng, see Redard 1949: 86.
oéAaxoc [n.] ‘cartilaginous fish’ (Hp., Arist.). <PG?>
VAR Mostly plur. -ayn.
*DER Diminutive oeAdy-ov [n.], also a designation for small crustaceans (com.), -t0¢
‘cartilaginous’, of fishes (late), -wdng “belonging to the cartilaginous fishes’ (Arist.).
*ETYM The formation resembles téuayoc, tapiyoc, otéAexoc. Connected with oéac
‘light, glow, beam’ already by Galen, because of the phosphorescent light of certain
cartilaginous fishes (Stro6mberg 1943: 55); yet the suffix -ay- may also point to Pre-
Geek origin (cf. kbuBaxyoc). The old connection with OHG selah ‘seal’, etc. is
untenable; cf. Pisani RILomb. 73:2 (1939-40): 24f.
oeXs{vn [f.] ‘moon’ (II.). <GR>
eVAR Dor. -dva, Aeol. -avva.
*COMP Often as a second member, e.g. d-o€Anvoc ‘moonless’ (Th. et al.).
eDIAL Myc. se-ri-no.
*COMP Often as a second member, e.g. metpo-oéAtvov [n.] ‘rock celery’ (Dsc.), taken
over in Latin as petro-selinum, MLat. petrosilium > MoHG Petersilie; see Stromberg
1940: 33.
*DER oeAiv-tvoc “of celery’ (late, rare), -itn¢ oivoc, -atov [n.] = Lat. apiatum,
Zektvovc, -odvtog [m., f.] HN and TN, -obvtioc ‘of S.” (Megar., Th., Str.), -obotoc
(Thphr.) ‘id’ (on the formation see Schwyzer: 528 and 466), -ovoia: kpauBns eidoc
‘kind of cabbage’ (H., Eudem. apud Ath.).
eETYM Probably a foreign word like »kUutvov, » pntivn. Strémberg 1940: 37
proposed a connection with oéAya ‘deckplank’, cedic ‘crossbeam’, after the coarse,
hollow stalk. Note that Fur.: 351 suggests a connection with Myc. sa-ri-nu-wo-te,
which would point to a form *odAtvov, indicating Pre-Greek origin.
f
oehic, -ido0c [f.] ‘crossbeam of a building or ship, cross-piece, transverse wall,
transverse row of benches or seats in a theatre, cross stripe or column in a papyrus
roll’ (Att. inscr., Hell. and late inscr. and pap., LXX, Plb., AP). < PG?(v)>
eVAR Frequently plur. -idec.
*DER Diminutive ceAié-tov [n.] ‘papyrus column’ (Ptol., Vett. Val.), -wya [n.] ‘broad
plank (sch.); oéAua, often plur. -ata [n.] ‘deck-plank, rowing plank, rowing bench,
deck, scaffolds’ (h. Bacch. Archil., trag., Str.), metaph. of the seat of the gods (A. Ag.
183 [lyr.]). As a second member (with transfer to the o-stems) é-(a)oehpoc (eb-)
‘with beautiful o€Auata’ (epic poet. II.).
Glosses ceAuic: ... kai Ta {kpta *... and the half-deck’ (H.), ceAu@v: cavidwv ‘planks,
boards’ (H.).
*ETYM This word could be denominative as well as deverbal (formation like » cavic,
> doxic, etc.), whereas oé\ua is a verbal noun in -ua (dépua, Bra, etc.). Hesychius’s
gloss cepic seems to be a cross of the two, whereas oehu@v seems to belong under
an o-stem *oeAudc.
1320 oehhiGopat
Schmidt 1875: 78 compared these words with OHG swelli [n.], MoHG Schwelle ‘till,
threshold’ < PGm. *swalja-, and ON stil, OHG sil, etc. ‘pillar’ < PGm. *suljé-, but
phonetically this etymology is unconvincing, since *sy- does not yield Gk. o-. Frisk
(s.v.) instead connects oé\ua with OE selma, sealma, OS selmo [m.] ‘basis of a bed’,
but this too is phonetically impossible. If the gloss Zuata- ... cawS@pata ‘planking’
(H.) is cognate, the alternation between céAua and éAya may point to Pre-Greek
origin.
oedAiCopan [v.] = weddiCeoBar- tivéc dé oehAiCet- dhatovevet ‘make false pretentions’
(H.). In Phryn. Com. 10 ‘to imitate Aeschines, son of Sellos’, on which see DELG.
<?> a
*eETYM Unclear. :
oé\pa =oeNic.
ogtedog [m.] Lacon. for koyAiacg ‘snail with a spiral shell’ (Apollas apud Ath. 2, 63d).
<>
eDER cepedotpidat: oi divev KeADPoUG Odc Evlot Aiyakac ‘those without shell, which
some call A’ (HL).
eETYM Unknown. See > oéotAoc.
oepidaXtc, -to¢ [f.] “finest wheat flour, fine flour’ (Hp., com. etc.). «LW Sem.>
eVAR Gen. also -ewe, -1d0c.
eDER oepidad-1ov (also -tv) [n.] ‘id’, -itng dpto¢ (Hp. pap., etc.), see Redard 1949:
gof.
eETYM Loanword from Semitic; cf. Syr. s*mida and Assyr. samidu ‘fine flour’ (Lewy
KZ 58 (1931): 28f.), whence also Lat. simila ‘id.’, etc. are derived. The Greek word was
the source for Georg. semi(n)dali ‘wheat’.
Geuvos [adj.] ‘venerable, honored, holy, noble’, also ‘haughty, proud’ (h. Cer.). <IE
*tieg”-no->
*COMP Many compounds, e.g. cepvd-pavtic [m.] ‘venerable seer’ (S.), d-ceuvoc
‘unworthy, ignoble’ (Arist., etc.).
*DER oepv-6t1¢ [f.] ‘dignity, nobility, pride’ (Att.), -efov [n.] ‘holy building’ (Ph.),
after apxetov etc. -bvopat, -bvw [v.] ‘to exalt oneself, be proud; to make venerable,
exalt, praise’ (Hdt, Att.), also with dmo-, é7-, bmep-, etc; formation after
Bpacbvouat, -bvw, aicytvouat, etc. back-formations brép-, émi-cepvoc (late), cf.
Stromberg 1946: 98; -6w = -bvw (Hdt.), with derivative -wua [n.] ‘dignity, majesty’
(Epicur.).
eETYM This word reflects *oeBvdc < *tieg’-no-, an original verbal adjective from
> o€Bopat ‘to shy, feel ashamed; to be in awe, honor’.
oepyoi = ~Xagot ‘deer’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Unknown; cf. Hester Lingua 13 (1965): 376 and Fur.: 247.
oépic, -1506, -ews [f.] “endive, chicory’ (Epich., Dsc., AP et al.). <?
*COMP b6-oeptc (Plin.), with pejorative bo-, see Stromberg 1940: 31.
eETYM Unexplained.
OevoLal 1321
Gépl@os = o€pqoc.
oepdc [adv.] - x8éc.’HXetoi ‘yesterday (Elean)’ (H.). <1E *d'é*ies ‘yesterday’ >
*ETYM Perhaps from *y1e0-dc, related to Skt. hyds ‘yesterday’ < PIE *d'¢*ies, with
Elean rhotacism and -dc¢ after vuKtdc, etc. Cf. » y8éc.
oépqgoc [m.] ‘small winged insect, gnat, winged ant’ (Ar. et al.). <PG(V)>
eVAR Also otipqoc: Onnpidtov puKpdv, Omotov gti ‘small animal, a kind of gnat’ (H.),
oéptgoc [m.], -ign [f.] “a kind of locust’ (Zen., Suid.), -upov [n.] = dypivOtov
Gah daooiov ‘maritime wormwood’ (Dsc., Gal.).
eETYM For the formation, compare other animal names in -goc, -1goc¢ (EAa@oc,
Epi@os, etc.), and cf. Chantraine 1933: 263. According to Fur. 384, the variation in
forms points to a Pre-Greek origin. The forms oép@oc/oépigoc could reflect a form
*ser’p-o- or even *sar’p-o-, but the -v- in oUpqoc is then hard to explain. Do we have
to assume two separate words?
oéoeXt [n.] ‘small hartwort, Tordylium officinale’ (Hp., Arist., Thphr., Dsc. et al.) <Lw
Eg>
eVAR -t¢ [f.], also ofAt [n.] (Plin.); cf. also otAAtKbmptov [n.], an Egyptian tree (Hdt. 2,
94), see Strémberg 1940: 127.
*ETYM A foreign word like ménept, kivvaBapt, etc. According to Ps.-Dsc., an Egyptian
name for kavkadic. Taken over in Latin as seselis, sil.
oeoepivos [?] a fish. <?>
eETYM See Thompson 1947 s.v.
oéonpa [v.] ‘to show one’s teeth, to grin’ (IA), also ‘to gape’, of a wound (Hp.), an
isolated perf. with pres. meaning.
VAR Ptc. osonpwe, Dor. ceoapwc, epic cecdpvia [f.] (Hes. Sc. 268).
DER See on » ofjpayé.
*ETYM As an old perfect, the verb looks inherited, but no cognates in tthe other IE
languages are known. Sometimes » odppia ‘chasm, abyss’ is regarded as cognate.
GéoiAog [m.] ‘land slug’ (Ath. 2, 63c, Dsc. 2, 9, H. [cod. -on\-]}). <?>
eVAR Also oeoéXtta [acc.[ (Dsc. l.c.); compare »oguedog ‘id’ (Ath. 2, 63d [Lacon.],
eETYM Unexplained.
cevouat [v.] ‘to charge in, huddle, hurry, hasten, chase’, act. ‘to chase (away), rush,
incite’ (IL, epic poet., also Hp., Aret. [as ov@i, €008n]). <1E *kieu- ‘start to move’>
eVAR Also (B., Hell. epic) act. cedw; aor. Eoobunv, Ecovto, otto; Eo(a)VONV, GvONV,
ovO also cevato, tooevavto, act. Eooeva, oeda, perf. Esovpat, ptc. Ecovpevos (cf.
Chantraine 1942: 190 on the accentuation), 3pl. ceovavtat (H.), verbal adj. érti-
covtog; also cotpai, cobvtau, ipv. ood, inf. cotoGat (trag.), Dor. comp, o@pau, etc.
(H.), perf. ptc. éooonpévov (H.), act. 3sg. ode. (B.), a deverbative derived from
oofobuat < *oof-éouat, cf. Wackernagel KZ 25 (1881): 277; with lengthened grade
oWovto, Gwouévous (A. R.); cedtat (S. Tr. 645 [lyr.]).
eCOMP With prefixes, especially ému-.
1322 oetTAOV
*DER As a second member in compounds: att6-covtosg ‘self-sped’ (A, S.), often
-0(0)60¢ in e.g. \ao-cosdos ‘inciting the men’ (Hom. et al.); cotc (from *odFoc) [m.]
‘(fast, upward) movement’ (Democr., Lacon. acc. to Pl. Cra. 412b, H.); brocevavttp
[m.] ‘expeller (of the plague), epithet of Apollo (metr. inscr. Callipolis), derived
from tito-cebw in analogy after eg. Avyjtav-thp from Avptaivopt; o@tpov in
> ETiIDOWTPOV; > Tavovdi; > Enacovtepos. Cf. also > tevptdoptat and » tevTdtw.
eETYM This verb is directly cognate with Skt. cydvate ‘to move, stir, undertake’, Av.
Siiauuaite ‘to enact, commit’ < PIE *kiéu-e-to, with correspondences -covtoc ~ Skt.
cyutd- ‘moved’, Av. mainiiu.gata- ‘driven by mind’ < *kiu-té- and oodpia <
*ooréopiat ~ Skt. causative cydvdyate < *kiou-éie/o-. Another cognate is Arm. aor.
€“ogay (pres. ert‘am) ‘I went’, from an o-grade *kiou-. In spite of the clear cognates,
the exact prehistory of the Greek forms is unclear. A preform *kiéu-e-to should have
regularly given **ogeta. The preservation of -ev- in cevoptat must therefore be
analogical. LIV? (s.v. k”iey-) assumes that it was rebuilt on the s-aorist Eooeva. Yet
this form is difficult to explain as well, since a preform *kiéu-s-m should regularly
have yielded *(-c)ofja. Hardarson 1993a: 190 assumes that cevopat reflects *kieu-
ie/o-, a recently formed present on the basis of the original s-aorist, but this is
phonetically unlikely: *kieu-ie/o- should have given *ceiopcat. Perhaps we should
assume that an original athematic middle *kiéu-to(i) (perhaps preserved as such in
the rare form oedtat) was the basis on which the -v- was preserved and generalized
in the other forms. On the aorists ooeva and éxeva, see Hettrich MSS 35 (1976): 47-
61; see also Peters Sprache 21 (1975). See > kivéw, > kiw.
oevtAOV > TEdTAOV.
079 [v.] ‘to sieve, sift? (Hp., Dsc., Hell. and late pap.). <1E *kieh,- ‘sieve’>
eVAR Aor. ojjoat, ono8ivat, perf. céornoptat, verbal adj. onotdc.
*COMP Also with dta-, kata-, etc.
*DER ofjotc (Suid.), oaotc (Delph.) [f.] ‘sieving’, ohotpa- Kdoxtva ‘sieve’ (H.), whence
onotpidtov [n.] (pap. II).
eETYM This verb seems to be a 0-present (compare mArOw, and especially the
synonym 19€w) to a root on- < oa-, which is attested as such in 3pl. pres. o@ou (Hat.
1, 200), aor. ofjoal, etc., and (with analogical -o-) onoOfvat, which all point to a verb
*odw (cf. EM of). This is related to Att. dta-ttaw (EM 1), from *kieh,-. See
> dtattaw for further discussion.
o1k6¢ [m.] ‘enclosure, fence, pen, stable, enclosed sacred space’ (Il.). <PG?>
eV AR Dor. (Epid.) cakéc.
*COMP onko-Kdpoc [m.] ‘stableman’ (p 224, etc.).
*DER onk-ic (Ar.), -bAn, -vAAa (Ael. Dion., H., Phot.) [f.] “house-slave’, -ity¢ (Dor.
oak-) [m.] (dprjv, Eptpoc) ‘fed in the stable, weaned’ (Theoc., Long.), ofjka: ottw¢
émip0Eyyovtat oi Moleves cig TO OVyKAEiodl TA ToipLva ‘thus the herdsmen call out
in order to enclose the flocks’ (H.), -4{w ‘to drive into the pen, confine’ (© 131 etc.),
onkow (with dvti-, dva-) ‘to weigh against, balance, equalize, compensate’ (Hp.,
trag., Arist.), whence onk-wpta (Dor. odx-) [n.] “enclosed sacred space’ (E., inscr.),
usually ‘weight, counterweight, calibrated weight or measure’ (E., Hyp., Plb., Hell.
onmia 1323
and late pap. and inscr.); -wtfp [m.] ‘balance beam’ (H.); avtionK-wois [f.]
‘counterweight, equalization’ (Hdt, Plot.), with backformation dvti-onkoc
‘equalizing’ (Eust.); oakwoe- katéKXetoev ‘enclosed’ (H.), atoonkwoac: we év onk®
katakAgioac ‘like “having enclosed in a pen”’ (H.).
*ETYM Since Bezzenberger BB 12 (1887): 240, commonly connected with » odttw ‘to
stuff through a preform *tyudakd-, which in laryngeal terms would be *tueh,k-os. Yet
odttw would then reflect *tuak-i6, which cannot be explained in laryngeal terms
(*tuh.k- should have yielded *tvx-). Perhaps the alternation rather points to Pre-
Greek origin.
onrayyets, -éws [m.] ‘gold refiner, gold washer’ (Agatharch.). < PG>
eETYM For *oakayyetc (from odAayé; see » odthoc), with -1- after » ofjpayE?
ofa [n.] ‘sign, symbol, trait, omen, mark, character, feature, gravestone’ (IL.). < 2>
eVAR Dor. odyta.
COMP Eg. onpiat-oupydc [m.] ‘mark maker’ (A.); often as a second member with
regular transition into the o-stems, e.g. d-onpioc, Dor. 4-capoc ‘without signs,
unimpressed, unintelligible’ (IA, Dor.), taken over as MP asem ‘(uncoined) silver’,
MoP sim “(silver) thread’, cf. Bailey TPS 1933: 50), isolated d-onpwv ‘id.’ (S.), éni-
omptoc (Dor. -a-) ‘provided with a mark’ (IA, Dor.), ntr. -ov ‘mark, weapon’ (Ion.
Hell. and late), also -a (Simon., A.); after ofa.
*DER onpia-héog ‘sending signs’, epithet of Zeus (Paus.), -t6etc ‘full of gravestones’
(AP); denominative orptaivw [v.] ‘to give a sign, show, order’ (Il.), Dor. (Pamphyl.)
oau-, often with prefix, e.g. ém-, br0-, dia-, dto-. Hence onpav-twp, -topoc [m.]
‘commander, ruler, guide’ (epic Il), a military official (Hdt. 7, 81), ‘annunciator,
announcing’ (late poet.), -tHip, -Tptov, -Tpov, -Tpic, -TPLA, -TIKOE, -aIc, also ornplacia
[f.] ‘announcement, etc. (Arist. Hell. and late), onpatifopar = onpiaivora (sch.),
diminutive onpdtiov [n.] (Eust.), onp-etov, Ion. -iiov, Dor. oat- [n.] ‘sign, mark,
standard, signal, signet’ (IA, Dor.), formation like tvit-etov beside KVAE-a, with
-e.Srj¢ ‘noteworthy’ (Arist. Hell. and late), onjt-eidopiou, -etdw “to note, notice; to
provide with a seal’ (Hp., Thphr., Hell. and late), also with ém-, etc, thence -eiwotc,
-elwpa, -elwtikds, onpt-eia (-éa, -aia) [f.] ‘standard, banner’ (Hell. and late),
formation like Baoth-eia, etc. PN Zayuxoc [m.] (Boeot. inscr.), etc.
eETYM Although the word looks inherited, no good etymology exists. Brugmann (e.g.
Brugmann 1886-1900 II: 348) equated it with Skt. dhyaman- [n.] ‘thought’, but
semantically, this is not compelling. If correct, however, ofjta would reflect *d*iéh,-
mn-.
OTMEPOV =TI]LLEpov.
onvdsa [f.] ‘Judas-tree, Cercis siliquastrum’ (Thph.). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
onnia [f.] ‘squid’ (Hippon., Epich., Ar. Arist.). <PG?>
eV AR Ion. -in). .
*DER Diminutives onn-iStov (Hp., com., Arist.), -i6dpiov [n.] (Philyll.), -ta¢ [f.]
‘squid’ (Nic.), -iov or -etov [n.] ‘Os sepiae, bone of the cuttlefish, pounce’ (Arist).
1324 ONTOLAL
*ETYM The formation of this word is unclear. Normally, words in -ia are abstracts,
which does not match this word’s meaning. A connection with orjmopat ‘to rot’ is
semantically possible (perhaps referring to the ink that smells as if it is rotten), but
formally problematic, as onmia occurs in Epich. (61 and 84) with -17-, whereas
ontopat has Doric forms with -a-. If the forms of Epich. are corrupt or Ionicisms,
the connection would be possible. However, it may be more likely that onmtia is a
Pre-Greek word (not mentioned in Fur.). The word was taken over in Latin as sépia.
onnopat [v.] ‘to rot, become rotten’, act. ‘to make rot’ (Il.). <1E? *Kieh,p- (vel sim.)
‘rot’, PG?>
VAR Perf. ogonma, aor. oanfjvat (I1.), fut. cagrjoopot (Hp., Pl.), also act. orjmtw (1A),
non-present forms are rare: fut. orjww (A. Fr. 275 = 478 M.), aor. oijwyat (Ael.).
eCcOmP Also with prefixes, especially amo-, kata-, dta-.
DER o1ytedwv, -d6voc [f.] ‘decomposition’, plur. ‘rotting juices’ (Hp., Antipho Soph.,
Pl.), formation like trkedwv, etc. also a designation of snakes, since their bites cause
putrescence (Nic. Ael.), like tepndwv, etc. (cf. Chantraine 1933: 36of.); thence
derivatives -Sovwdr¢, -dovicds (medic.); oippic (am6-, ovdv-, etc.), Dor. (Ti. Locr.)
odwic [f.] “decomposition, fermentation’ (Emp., Hp., Arist.), ory, ormdc [fi]
‘festering sore’ (Hp., Dsc.), [m.] ‘snake (also lizard), the bite of which causes intense
thirst’ (Arist., Nic.), ony [f] ‘decomposition’ (Aq.), onmto-1to1d¢ = onntikds (Alex.
Aphr.), o1tetod- onmeddvosg ‘decay’ (H.), onmt-td¢ ‘rotten’ (Arist.), ‘causing rot’ (Dsc.
et al.), earlier and more frequent G-o1n-to¢ ‘not rotting’ (Hp., X., Arist., Thphr.),
-t1k6¢ ‘causing rot’ (Hp., Arist.), -trptoc “id” (Hp.), ont-ebvw = orjnw (Man.) (rather
enlarged from orjnw than derived from onmn).
With a different ablaut grade: campéc ‘rotting, rotten, rancid’, ‘matured’ of wine
(IA), also canpiac oivoc (Hermipp.); oanp-dtr [f.] ‘decomposition’ (Pl. Arist.
etc.), (Copor (Hp.), -bvopat (Nic.), -dopat (sch.) ‘to rot’, -iGw ‘to make rot’ (LXX).
*ETYM The alternation onm-/oam- has been taken to point to IE origin (so *tueh.p-,
*tieh,p-, or *kieh,p-; the last is chosen in LIV’ sv. *Kieh.p-), but no cognates are
known. However, *Kih,p-ro- does not yield campdc, so we either have to assume a
secondary zero grade (which is unlikely), or we have to accept that the verb is of Pre-
Greek origin. Older connections with Skt. kyaku- [n.] ‘mushroom’ and Lith. siupti
‘to putrefy’ must be rejected. See on » onttia.
oijpayé, -yyog [f., m.] ‘cave hollowed out by water, hollow rock’ (S., Pl. Arist.), also
used of cavities and pores of the body (medic.), metaph. = émOvpia ‘desire’ (H.).
<PG(S)>
eVAR Also onpayyos.
*DER onpayy-tov [n.] washing place in Piraeus (Att.), -wé1¢ ‘full of o- (medic.,
Paus.), -Oopau, -dw ‘to be hollow, make porous’ (late).
*ETYM Formally similar to synonymous gdpayé; cf. also padayé, etc. (Chantraine
1933: 399f.). Sometimes connected with » ogonpa ‘to grin’, but this is semantically
unlikely. It is rather a Pre-Greek word, in view of the suffix (not mentioned in Fur.).
onpaptBos [2] - eid0¢ KavOdpov ‘a kind of beetle’ (H.). <PG(V)>
o0évoc 1325
eETYM Stromberg 1944: 23 considered this to be Laconian for 6rpaqosg ‘spider’. Fur.:
171 compares the word to oipatigoc: TO pbyxos ‘snout’, assuming that orpapiBoc
denotes a ‘snout beetle’. This is semantically unlikely, but in view of the connection
with @rjpagoc (the suffix -ayB- seems to be Pre-Greek; cf. kepduBv& ‘longicorn
beetle’), the word could be of Pre-Greek origin.
ons [m.] ‘moth, mite’ (Pi.). <?>
eVAR Gen.sg. cedc (gramm.), nom.pl. o€ec, acc.pl. ofa¢ (Luc. Ind. 1), gen.pl. céwv
(Ar. Lys. 730, etc.); later ontdc, of|tec, ontwv (Arist., etc.).
*COMP ontd-Bpwtos ‘eaten away by moths’ (LXX, NT).
*DER ontdw ‘to eat away, gnaw’, in o1tmpeva: BiBpwoKdueva ‘being eaten’ (Suid.).
*ETYM The older inflected forms, gen.pl. oéwv (after which arose o€ac, ogec), follow
the type oagric, -Ewv. The accentuation of gen.sg. cedc follows the pattern of
monosyllables. The younger forms o1)16<¢, etc. are rebuilt after Orc, OnTd«, etc.
The etymology is unclear. The comparisons with wv ‘date wasp’, ofvopat “to rob,
damage’, and Lat. tinea ‘tinea’ are semantically and/or formally weak. It is rather a
loanword from Semitic; cf. Hebr. sds ‘moth’, Akk. sdsu, etc. (Lewy 1895: 16f.,
Scheftelowitz BB 28 (1904): 289), and Arm. c‘ec ‘mite’.
orjoaptov [n.] ‘seed and fruit of the sesame plant’, also referring to the plant itself (IA).
<LW Sem.>
eVAR Also -o¢ [m.], -17 [f.] ‘id’ (Gp.). Dor. cdcapov, Lac. cdapov.
eDIAL Myc. sa-sa-ma [pl.].
*COMP Asa first element e.g. oroapo-nwAng [m.] ‘sesame merchant’ (Att. inscr.).
*DER onoap-ic, -idoc [f.] ‘dish made of roasted sesame seeds and honey’ (Stesich.,
com.), -i (-€a Hdn.) [f.] ‘id’ (com.), -tov [n.] ‘id.’ (Hdn.), -ity¢ [m.] “sesame cake’
(Poll., Ath.), -itic (yf) [f] ‘planted with o.’ (Hell. pap.), see Redard 1949: 91 and 109;
-681¢, -odc [adj.] ‘made of o.’, msc. “sesame cake’ (Hp., Ar.), -tvoc ‘made of o.’ (X.,
Hell. pap. Str., etc.), -alog ‘id.’ (Luc.), -1K6g ‘concerning oa.’ (pap.), -dn¢ ‘sesame-
like’ (Thphr.), -obvttoc ‘made of o.’ (sch.), -ebw ‘to sow o.’, whence -eta [f.] (Hell.
pap.).
*ETYM Loanword from Semitic; cf. Akk. Sammassamu ‘sesame’, Aram. Sums*mé, etc.
(Lewy 1895: 28f.), with a formation like kapSapov, BaAcapov, etc. Taken over in
Latin as sésamum, sésuma.
ONTAVWLOG, OijTES > TIITES.
o8évog [n.] ‘strength, power, ability, might’ (almost only epic poet. II.). <?>
*COMP Very frequent as a second member, eg. d-o8evijc ‘without strength,
strengthless’ (Pi, IA), whence do0év-eta, -éw, -17}10, -dw, -wotc, -1Kdc (Arist.) and the
secondary simplex o8evijc: isyupdc, kaptepdc ‘powerful, strong’ (H.); also as a first
member, e.g. o8evo-BAaBric ‘damaging the strength’ (Opp.), after ppevo-BrAaBric; PN
LOeve-Aaoc (after MevéAaoc), LOEvedos (I1.).
*DER o€ev-apdc¢ ‘powerful’ (epic poet. I 505, also Hp.), formed like Bptapdc,
otiBapdc, etc. LOEv-to¢ [m.], -t4¢ [f.] epithet of Zeus and of Athena in Argolis
(Paus.), -eta [n.pl.] name of an Agon in Argos (Plu.), also fem.sg. epithet of Athena
1326 OLaYywv
(Lyc. 1164), formed after women’s names in -eta; o8év-w (with émi- Q. S.) ‘to be
strong, be able’ (back-formation, only pres. and ipf; trag., also late epic and prose; cf.
Schwyzer: 723), -6w ‘to strengthen’ (1. Ep. Pet. 5, 10).
eETYM No clear etymology. The suffix of o0évoc has been analyzed as *-(e)nos- and
compared with d@evoc, Ktijvoc, etc. but the existence of an old IE suffix of this
shape is unlikely. The initial o€- is taken as the root by Bolling Am/J Ph. 21 (1900): 316
and compared with Skt. saghnoti ‘to be a match for, be equal to (a task)’, Av. a-zg-
ata- ‘irresistible (?)’, which would point to PIE *sg""-énos.
ovaywv [f.] ‘jawbone, jaw, cheek’ (Hp., Att. Arist, LXX, NT). <PG>
VAR Ion. on- (Gea-, ova- late pap., etc.), -duNc.
DER ota y-6wov [n.] ‘region of the jaw, cheek piece’ (Hp., LXX, Ath. Mech.), -ovitng
wis ‘jaw muscle’ (Alex. Trall.); Redard 1949: 101.
*ETYM Synonym for yvd8oc¢ (which is the more usual word). Connection with yiopat
‘to chew’ is semantically attractive, but the formation is quite unclear. The latter part,
-wv, may be compared to the -wv in Aaywv, kevewv, TvyWVv, dyKwv, and other words
for body parts, but the former part is obscure. Since IE origin is formally hardly
possible, the word could well be of Pre-Greek origin, possibly reflecting *s’ag- (cf.
Beekes 2008: 52).
otahevdpic [2] a bird (Call. fr. 419, acc. to H.). <PG?>
eETYM Origin unclear. Perhaps reflecting Pre-Greek *s’al-.
oiaov [n., m] ‘spittle, slobber’, metaph. ‘joint fluid, synovitis’ (Hp., Pherecr., X.,
Arist., Hell. and late). <?>
eVAR oieXov (-0¢).
DER otanic: BAéwvoc ‘slime’ (H.), otadwdng ‘like saliva’ (Hp.), otad-ifw (oted-) [v.] ‘to
form spittle, slobber, foam’ (Hp., Archig.), -tojd¢ [m.] ‘water-brash’ (medic.),
-totiipiov [n.] ‘bridle-bit’ (Gp.), cia mrvoar Tldqiot ‘to spit (Paph.) (H.), cod.
mthoat, cf. Schwyzer: 752+.
*ETYM Probably an onomatopoeic word. A connection with Skt. ksivati ‘to spit’ is
formally difficult. Note that the verb > o1xyaivw, -opat ‘to feel disgust, detest’ shows
the rare and late forms otaivopat, aor. o1avOnv ‘to meet antipathy, disgust’ (pap. VI-
VII’, H., Suid., gloss.), and otaivw ‘to cause antipathy’ (sch.), which seem to be
transformations on the basis of oiadov.
ciadoc [m.] ‘fat pig, porker’, also appositive to otc ‘id’ (Hom., Q. S, Thphr apud
Porph.); metaph. ‘fat, grease’ (Hp. Acut. [Sp.] 37). <PG>
eDIAL Myc. si-a,-ro.
*DER olaA-wdn¢ ‘porker-like, fat’ (Hp.), -odtat- tpépetat ‘is fattened’ (H.).
eETYM The one attestation that means ‘fat, grease’ (Hp. Acut. [Sp.] 37) may have
arisen out of fat pig’ by ellipsis, and cannot be used as an argument in favor of the
view that the original meaning of oiakog is ‘grease, fat’. Therefore, the connection
with oiadov ‘spittle, slobber’, which otherwise would be semantically attractive,
becomes doubtful. Other etymological proposals are unconvincing. The connection
with OE bwinan ‘to become weak, to die away’ is semantically weak; the connection
otyaddetc 1327
with RuCsS tyti ‘to become fat’ (Bechtel 1914 s.v.) is formally difficult, as the latter
reflects *teuh,- (Skt. tav'- ‘to be strong’, Gr. » taiic ‘great, many’, » odc ‘safe and
sound’). The word is probably of Pre-Greek origin.
otBivn [f.] ‘hunting spear, javelin’ (Alex. D. S., AP). <LW>
VAR Also -ng [m.]; ovpivn (pap. III*); also (Bivn (LXX, Ph. Bel.).
DER Diminutive oiBdviov [n.] (Plb.), Ci- (H.).
eETYM Clearly a word of foreign origin; cf. MoP zopin, Arm. savin, and Syr. swbyn
‘javelin’. According to Fur.: 247, these words show that the original form was ovBivn,
which was possibly metathesized to oiB0vn on the basis of other words for
instruments in -0vn, like kopvvn, topvvn. Compare also » otyov(v)ns ‘hunting
spear’, which however cannot be related. Taken over into Latin as sibyna (sub-, syb-).
otya [adv.] ‘silently, in silence’, also interj. “be quiet!’ (trag.). <>
*DER otydw (Hom. only ipv. oiya; ind. since h. Merc.), fut. oryjjooua (S., E, Ar.),
-tow (AP, D. Chr.), perf. ceotynka (Aeschin.), pass. oty-dopat (S.), aor. -Ofvat (Hdt.,
E.), -aOijvat (Theoc.), fut. -nOrjoopat (E.), perf. ceoty-nuat, Dor. -dapat (Pi. E.) ‘to be
quiet, keep secret’, pass. ‘to be kept secret’, sometimes with kata-, etc., whence oty-
Moc, Dor. (Pi.) -dAdc ‘silent’ (Hp., S., Arist.), -npdc ‘id’ (Men., LXX), -nth¢ [m.]
‘silent person’ (Latium II?), -rntixdc ‘silent’ (Hp.), -nuovac: otydc ‘keep silent’ (H.),
otyt, Dor. -& (Pi.) [f.] ‘silence, secrecy’ (Il; Hom. only oty#; cf. below); otyog [n.] ‘id’
(late innovation, An. Ox.), whence oty-ahéog ‘silent’? (AP, Orph.), -4¢w (Pi, X.,
D.C.), kata- (Arist. et al.) ‘to make silent’, kataotyaivel, gloss of mpaivet (H.), ovy-
apvnc [m.] ? (Call. Epigr. 45, 6), cf. Schwyzer RAM 75 (1926): 447 and 77, 105.
*ETYM It is probable that the interjective adverb oiya formed the basis for all these
words. First, the ipv. otya and instrumental dat. otyfj were formed, on the basis of
which the verbal and nominal paradigms were built (Schwyzer: 722, 726, Schwyzer
1950: 257’, Chantraine 1942: 357). The origin of otya is unclear, however. The
Hesychius gloss piya: owra ‘keep silent! (H.) has been analyzed as Flya and taken
to point to a pre-form *ofty-. Frisk s.v. suggests a connection with OHG swigén ‘to
be silent’, but this is formally impossible: the latter would reflect *sueig'-, which
would regularly yield Gk. **eix-. Therefore, it is probably of onomatopoeic origin.
Cf. also > clwndw, -1).
oiyaddets [adj.] epic epithet of ryvia, xttwv, eiuata, Opdvos, etc., ‘brilliant, gleaming’
vel sim. (Hom.), later of aubydada, uvia (Hermipp., Numen. apud Ath.). <?%>
DER veo-otyahog ‘with a new brilliance’, of tpémoc (Pi.), after the pattern maimtaddetc
: ToAv-Ttaimahoc, etc. (Leumann 1950: 214°); otyaddow [v.] ‘to smoothen, polish’
(Apollon. Lex. s.v. otyaddevta, sch. Pi.), oryaAwpa [n.] ‘polishing tools of a cobbler’
(Apollon. ibd., H. s.v. otyaddev), also ‘border, edging of a pelt’ (H. ta neptantopeva
Taig Matc), oladdwua ‘iron mountings of a Roman longshield’ (Plb. 6, 23, 4; H.), with
loss of the y, cf. Schwyzer: 209.
eETYM Formation like ai®addetc, dupaddetc, etc., which are also epic epithets. The
technical noun otyahwua belongs to a different style category and cannot be derived
from otyaddeic directly, but may be formed on the basis of otyahdow (if this verb is
not a construct of grammarians), or forms an enlargement of an unattested noun
1328 otyad@oi
*oiyahog (like e.g. détwpia to detdc). Etymology unclear. Older, unconvincing
attempts in Frisk s.v.
otyaAdgoi [m.] - of dpwvor Kai oi Gypior téTTLyE< ‘wild cicadas that do not make any
sound’ (H.). <PG?>
eVAR Cf. oiytov- eidog tétttyoc ‘a kind of cicada’ (sch. Ar. Av. 1095).
eETYM The reading of this word is not fully certain; some scholars prefer a reading in
-ahoi (cf. Frisk s.v.). Because of the muteness of this type of cicada, this word was
connected already in classical times (Plin. HN 11, 92) with otyr ‘silence’ (see > otya),
which could make sense. Strémberg 1944: 18 rather connects the word with oi{w ‘to
hiss’. Fur.: 369 compares the words adtydg: tpwkadnic. bnd LkvO@v ‘grasshopper
(Skythian) (with prothetic vowel?) and etydpn 6 téttiE mapa Ldrytatc ‘id.
(Sidetian) (H.), which would point to a Pre-Greek origin. This would be supported
if the word should indeed be read otyaA(A)oi, as Furnée cites it, since words in
-aAXo- are Pre-Greek (Beekes 2008).
oiytotpov [n.] ‘chest’ (Eust. 956, 6; 1604, 10). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
oiyXoc [m.] weight and coin (in X. = 7.5 Att. obols), ‘shekel’ (Att. inscr. end IV*%, X.),
also used as an ear-pendant (e.g. in olyAo-pdpoc Com. Adesp. 792); in this meaning
also oiyAat [f-pl.] (PMasp. VI, Poll.). <Lw Sem.>
eVAR OikAog (LXX, J.).
*ETYM Loanword from Semitic; cf. Hebr. Sekel, etc. Taken over in Latin as siclus.
oiypa [n.] indecl. name of the letter (Pl., Arist., etc.). <?>
eVAR Also -i-.
DER oly l(at)o-etdrj¢ ‘sigma-shaped’ (late), oryptatiCw ‘to write with a sigma’ (Eust.).
*ETYM The name of this letter is without an evident Semitic precursor (Hebr. samekh
is formally remote). Therefore, it is more probably a verbal noun from the verb oilw
‘to hiss’ (Schwyzer KZ 58 (1931): 186ff.).
ciypat - THV dypiwv ovdv oi BpayeEic Kai outoi ‘small and snub-noised wild swine’ (H.).
<PG(V)>
*ETYM Pre-Greek, in view of the gloss cixa: dc. Adkwvec ‘swine (Laconiany (H.).
otydv(v)nc [m.] ‘hunting spear, javelin’ (Hdt. 5, 9, Opp.). <PG(V)>
VAR -o¢ [m.] (A. R., AP), -ov [n.] (Arist. Po. 1457b 6, AP), -ujtvov (Lyc.).
*ETYM According to Herodotus and Aristotle (l.c.), the word is Cyprian, whereas a
sch. on A. R. 4, 320 states it is Scythian. The word resembles the ethnonym Ztybvvat,
-ol, -\vvot (Hdt., A. R., Str.), a people on the other side of the middle Danube, which
must have been Iranian (Scythian). According to Herodotus, retail dealers (xamnAo1)
were called otybvvat by the Ligyes in the neighborhood of Massilia, clearly after the
people (cf. Dunareanu-Vulpe in Bonfante BSL 37 (1936): 78 and Kretschmer Glotta
27 (1939): 245). Fur.: 247 assumes that otybv- reflects *otyufv-, which is a variant of
olyutv-, with the typical Pre-Greek alternation -{t/F-. Cf. » o.Bbvn, which however
cannot be cognate.
oilw 1329
oidn [f.] ‘pomegranate (tree) (Emp. Hp., Thphr, Nic. also i by metrical lengthening);
also the name of a Boeotian water-plant = vujtgaia (Thphr., Nic.). <PG(v)>
*VAR EitiBat- poral. Aiodeic ‘pomegranates (Aeolian) (H.). Also -a (Boeot.),
Schwyzer: 30; -éat [pl.] (Halaesa), perhaps after ovxéat; oiBdn (Call, H.), ofApia:
cidta ‘pomegranate peels’ (H.).
*DER o15-tov [n.] ‘pomegranate peel’ (Hp. Ar. Thphr.), oiAfta- of6ta (H.) with -to-
etdrj¢ ‘oidtov-like’ (Hp.), -twtdv [n.] ‘medicine produced with o.’ (Paul. Aeg.), -detc
(Nic.), -etog (Hdn. Gr.) ‘from the pomegranate peel’; Xid-ovc, -obvto¢ (X.), -detc,
-devtoc (Euph.) [m.] TN near Corinth.
eETYM Cf. PNs like Zidn, Lidvpa, and also Alb. shegé ‘pomegranate’, etc. See also on
> oidnpoc. On the by-forms oifSn and EipiBat, see also Brandenstein 1958: 80ff. with
references. Fur. (index) accepts all forms as real, including EipiBpa (286). Analyzing
oiBdn as < *oufd-, he argues that the group is Pre-Greek. The gloss Pueee potai
peyaAat. dpetvov dé Sa tod & EiptBoat (H.) is unclear.
oidnpog [m.] ‘iron, steel’, also ‘iron tool, sword, iron weapon, etc.’, metaph. ‘(iron)
toughness’ (II.). <UNKNOWN>
eVAR Fem. in Nic. Th. 923; Dor. -dpoc.
*COMP E.g. oldnpd-ppwv ‘iron-minded’ (A., E.), otdnpo-Kdévtpa [f.] ‘hunting spear’
(Gortyn, Sagalassos), dAo-cidnpos ‘made completely of iron’ (Attica, Delos, etc.).
*DER Doric forms are not indicated separately: o.dijp-tov [n.] ‘iron tool’ (IA, Cret.),
-ioxocg [m.] a medical instrument (Crete V-IV*), formation like dfeXioKog, etc., cf.
Chantraine 1933: 408; -eia, -etov [n.] ‘iron mine’ (Arist., Delos, etc.), -eb¢ [m.] ‘iron
smith’ (X. et al.), -itn¢ [m.], -ttic [f.] ‘made of iron, iron’ (Pi, Eup. et al.), also name
of a stone (Plin., Orph.) and several plants, “vervain” (J., Dsc.), because they are
supposed to heal stab wounds, cf. Strémberg 1940: 89; -e(t)oc, -ovc, -toc [adj.] ‘iron’
CIL.), -rets “id” (Nic.), -detg (EM), -edeic (Ep. Alex. Adesp.), -w6ng ‘id, (sch.), -doptau,
-dw ‘to be provided with iron’ (Th, inscr., etc.), whence -wotc [f.] ‘ironwork’ (Att.
inscr., etc.), -@pata [n.pl.] ‘iron mountings’ (pap. V?), -wtdc¢ ‘studded with iron’
(Edict. Diocl.)), -ebw [v.] ‘to work with iron, forge’ (Poll.), whence -eia [f.] ‘ironwork’
(X.); -“iGw [v.] ‘to resemble iron, contain iron’ (medic.).
eETYM Origin unclear. The Greeks got to know iron from Asia Minor, the Pontus
and Caucasus, and it is likely that they took over the word for it from these areas as
well. In that sense, the resemblance with the Caucasian word (Udian) zido ‘iron’ may
be relevant (cf. also Fur.: 105). Some scholars assume that cidnpos originally referred
to meteoric iron, and is derived from Lat. sidus ‘constellation’ (cf. Kretschmer Glotta
26 (1938): 64). Others assume that the word refers to the redness of the metal, and
assume a connection with oidn ‘pomegranate’ (Deroy Ant. class. 31 (1962): 98ff.,
Crepajac KZ 80 (1966): 249ff.). Still others assume a connection with words for
‘silver’, like e.g. Lith. sidabras ‘silver’ (because both metals have a white color); cf. e.g.
Mallory & Adams 1997: 313-4.
oitw [v.] ‘to hiss’ (t 394, com., Arist.). <ONOM>
VAR Only the pres. stem is securely attested; aor. cia (Theoc. 6, 29) is a conjecture,
further only émoiEn (Ar. V. 704 v.1.) besides -citn.
1330 o(ka
eCOMP Rarely with ém-, dta-.
*DER otyudc [m.] (Arist. Phid., Plu.), ovopd¢ [m.] (Suid.), oi&tc [f.] (Arist.) ‘hissing’;
also > oiypa?
*ETYM Onomatopoeic, just like Lat. sibild, etc. Cf. Schwyzer KZ 58 (1931): 186ff.
oika - bc. Adkwvec (H.). =oi¢ and ot ypat.
oixepa [n.] a kind of fermented drink (LXX). «LW Sem.>
eETYM Loanword from Semitic; cf. Hebr. Sekar.
oixtv(v)ic, -t80¢ [f.] ‘dance of the satyrs’ (S. fr. 772, E. Cycl. 37, D. H.). >nkic, knkiw.
ova [f.] ‘bottle-gourd, Lagenaria vulgari8! (Hp., Arist, Thphr. etc.), metaph.
‘bleeding cup’ (Hp., com., Pl, etc.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Ion. -0n (cekova H.).
*COMP otkv-MAatov [n.] ‘patch of gourds, cucumbers’ (Hp.), -1patov (pap.).
*DER cikvoc (otkvdc) [m.] ‘cucumber or melon, Cueumis (sativus) (Hp., com.,
Arist., etc.), oikug [f.] ‘id’ (Alc., Dsc., Gal.). Diminutive otcv-diov [n.] (Phryn. Com.,
pap. II-III’), -wén¢ ‘cucumber-like, etc’ (Hp., Thphr.), -nddv ‘like a cucumber’
(medic.), -wv [m.] ‘cucumber patch’, -wvn [f.] = oikvocg dyptocg ‘wild bottle-gourd’,
also ‘bleeding cup’ (Hdt.), formation like kpotwvn, etc. -wvia [f.] = KkodokbvOn
‘round gourd’ (Hp., Plu.). Also Xixkvwv (Lekv-), -@voc [m., f.] “cucumber city”, city
not far from Corinth (I1.) with -@vioc, -wvikéc.
From the second meaning: -vatw ‘to cup’ (Arr.), with -daotc, -vao-dc (late).
*ETYM For other plant names in —vc, compare e.g. paguc, Kaxpuc; for plant names in
-ba, compare oiova, dotpva, etc. The Hesychius gloss cexova: ouxvda, as well as the
toponym Xkvwv/Zexv@v, shows an alternation otx-/oex-, which cannot be
explained from an IE point of view. Together with the forms ovxta = oikba (Edict.
Diocl., cf. Fur.: 367), k0kvov: Tov otkvdv (H.), and xvxvila: yAvKeia KoAOKUVTA
‘sweet round gourd’ (H.), as well as Lat. cucumis ‘cucumber’ and ORu. tyky
‘pumpkin’, we seem to be dealing with a Wanderwort that might also have Semitic
syy = €
cognates, e.g. Hebr. gisSu’d ‘cucumber’. Exact origin and preform unclear.
ouxxdc [adj.] ‘disgusted, picky, especially concerning food’ (Arist., Plu., Ath.). <2>
*COMP d-otKkyos ‘not picky concerning food, not easily causing satiety (of food)’
(Plu.), see Frisk 1941: 16.
DER oikyx-o¢ [n.] “disgust, tedium’ (Sm.), formed like e.g. udxpoc [n.] from paKpdc,
cf. Schwyzer: 512; -otn¢ [f.] ‘id’ (Eust.), -aivw, -aivojtat [v.] ‘to feel disgust or tedium,
to detest’ (Call., Plb, Arr.), whence -avtéc ‘provoking disgust’ (M. Ant.), -aocia,
-aoytdg (gloss.), ouxxaCdptevoc: okwttdLevoc ‘being mocked’ (H.).
*ETYM The cluster -xx- makes an IE origin unlikely. Further unclear.
oid [f.] - ciS0¢ méppatog <éx> KpLBijc, or}OdUNS Kai [UKWvog ‘a kind of cake made of
barley, sesame and poppy’ (H.). <PG?>
eETYM Neumann 1961: 98 compares this word to Hitt. siluha- ‘a kind of cake’, which
may have variants in siluya- and Siliya-. If cognate, it is clearly a loanword or a Pre-
Greek word. Yet the -B- of ofAB1 is difficult to reconcile with the Hittite forms.
oikovpoc 1331
otnnopdéw [v.] ‘to behave with vulgar arrogance’ (Sophr. 164, Posidon. 36 J., H.,
Phot.). <?>
eVAR Dor. otAG-, aor. -ijoat.
*DER otAnnopdia [f.] (Luc. Lex. 21).
*ETYM The element -nopdéw is clearly cognate with » mépdopau ‘to fart’; compare
also MoGr. totAnmovpde ‘to spring, leap, kick with the heel (of young horses); to
fart’ and totAnnovpsdiopia ‘farting (of horses)’. The first element, otAn-, is of unclear
origin. On the basis of the toponym IIopdootArvn (an island), it has been suggested
that otAn- must belong with » XtAnvoc.
oidtyvov [n.] ‘winter wheat’, Lat. silig6 (pap. II-VIP). <Lw Lat>
eVAR Also o€h-, -tov.
*DER otAtyv(t)-dptog [m.] ‘baker or seller of o.’, also othtyivdptog = Lat. siligindrius
(ibid.); cidtywg (o€A-) [f.] ‘flour made of o.’ (Chrysipp. Tyan., Gal. etc.), -itns
(Gptoc) “bread made of o.’ (Gal. inscr. Ephesus I-II?), -iag [m.] ‘id.’ (Eust.).
*ETYM Loanword from Lat. silig6, -inis [f.] with transformation to the o-, to-, and t-
stems.
oidXog [m_] ‘satire, satirical poem’ (Str., Ael., D. L. et al.). <?>
*COMP otAdo-ypagos [m.] ‘poet of o” (Ath, Jul.).
*DER otA\-aivw (rarely with dta-, kata-, émt-) ‘to mock, ridicule’ (Hp., Herod., Ael.,
Luc.), -dw (dta-) ‘id.’ (Com. Adesp., Gal., D. C.), PNs e.g. Zihdog, -a€, -evc.
*ETYM Unclear origin. According to Solmsen IF 30 (1912), it is derived by
hypocoristic gemination from a preform *oiAdc (= Lat. silus ‘pug-nosed’), besides ot-
Log ‘snub-nosed’, through the meaning ‘with a turned-up nose > mocker’ (Xt\-nvdc
would belong here as well, then). Kretschmer Glotta 4 (1913): 351ff. rather derives
oiAAoc from XtAnvos, referring to dvaoiAAoc ‘having erect hair, with which Satyrs are
often depicted’ (compare also othhéa: tpixwpia ‘hair growth’ H.). Both etymologies
are formally unattractive. The interpretation of the hapax oiAXog ‘squinting’ in Luc.
Lex. 3 is unclear: the word is preceded by dc, and may therefore be a cazrupt spelling
for tA\dc ‘squinting’, but compare also ot\Adw, which according to Phot. (from
Archipp. 52) = tod d6pBahpodc rpéia Mapagépetv ‘to gently turn away the eyes’.
oiAAvBov [n.] an edible thistle (Dsc., Ruf. apud Orib., H.). <?>
DER oiAAvfa [pl.] ‘fringes, tassels’ (Poll., H.), otA\AvBos ‘strip of parchment or paper
attached to scrolls’ (Cic. Att.), othAvuBiav (cod. oikvAdav)- TO Tob Kpocdods
anooeieo Bat ‘to shake the tassels, fringes’ (H.).
*ETYM Origin unclear. For the formation, compare plant names like dpofoc,
okoAvBoc, dx8oiBoc, KdoujiBoc, etc., which usually have no etymology (cf.
Chantraine 1933: 261 f.). Fur.: 67 compares Lat. titulus, originally an appendix to the
scroll, and reconstructs *tit(o)l-ob’- > sisl-ub-.
oikovpos [m.] a big river fish, probably ‘catfish’ or ‘sturgeon’, Lat. silarus (mid. com.,
Hell. pap., Str., etc.). <PG(S)> ;
DER othouptotoc [m.] “serving a 0.’ (Diph.).
1332 oiAgn
eETYM In the older literature, it is derived from ovpa ‘tail’ and an unclear first
element (compare ped dv-ovpos for the formation), the first element being connected
by Solmsen IF 30 (1912): off. with *othog, as in » ciAAOc and » LtAnvoc. However, the
word is rather formed with the Pre-Greek suffix -ovpoc.
oidgn [f.] an insect, ‘cockroach, carrion beetle’ (Arist., Gal., Ael., AP). <PG(V)>
eVAR Tiken (Luc.).
eETYM Etymology unclear. The variant tidgn in Luc. could be an artificial Atticism
(cf. Schwyzer: 319) or show a Pre-Greek alternation t-/o-. The form formally and
semantically resembles » oépqoc, a small winged insect, ‘gnat, winged ant’. Fur.: 167,
etc. connects Lat. delpa (an insect) as well,all of which would point to Pre-Greek
origin.
oidgtov [n.] a plant known especially from Cyrene, ‘silphium’. <PG(v)>
eVAR o€ATIOV: oiAgtov (H.).
eDER olAgwwtdc (Ar.), cecthpiwmptévoc (Philox., not certain) ‘prepared with o.’,
olAgideic ‘made of o.’ (Nic.).
eETYM The variants cikgtov, o€Anov, together with Lat. sirpe ‘id’, point to a
loanword of unknown origin. Fur. 163, etc. also mentions Berb. aselbu ‘iuncus
maritimus’.
oiptBAog [m.] ‘beehive’ (Hes., Ar., Arist., Theoc., A. R.). <PG?>
VAR -a (H.), plur. also -a (Opp.).
DER outBA-rloc, [f.] -r[ic “belonging to the beehive’ (A. R., AP), -toc ‘id.’ (Dsc., Ruf.
apud Orib.; uncertain), -ebw [v.] ‘to seek shelter in a beehive’ (AP), -wotc [f.] an eye-
disease (Hippiatr.).
*ETYM Origin unclear. Older proposals (cf. Frisk s.v.) are all uncompelling. Fur.: 286
compares words like own ‘box for keeping flour and bread’, civic ‘id.’, oPaia
‘wallet’ and Lat. simpulum ‘a small ladle’, sim puvium ‘vessel for offering liquids, a
sacrificial bowl’. Also uncertain.
otixiov [n.] musical instrument with five strings (Poll. 4, 59). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
oiptdc [adj.] ‘having an impressed, pouting nose, snub- or flat-nosed’ (opposite of
ypumtdc), ‘bent upward, rising, concave, hollow’ (opposite of xvptdc), metaph.
‘impudent, mischievous’ (IA). <PG? >
ecomP Also with modifying or further characterising prefixes like dva-, év-, bm0-.
eDER out-dtn¢ [f.] ‘snub-nosedness, upward bending’ (Pl. X.), oyt-dotal, -dw ‘to
become snub-nosed, bend upward, bend off (Hp., Th., X., Arist., etc.), also with
ano-, émt-, bio0-; thence -wotcg [f.] ‘“snub-nosedness’ (Gal.), ano- ‘bending off course
of a ship’ (App.), -a@ta [n.] ‘curved upward prow of a ship’ (Plu.)), -aivw [v.] ‘to
bend the nose upward’ (Call. Iamb.), cijuov- aiyraddc ‘sea-shore, beach’ (H.), PN
Lipl-og, -bAos, -txos, etc., also -iac, whence the appellative *oytiac [m.] probably “flat-
nose”, ‘monkey’ (taken over in Latin as simia ‘monkey’), HN Zytdetc, -evtog (Il.
etc.), appurtenance uncertain.
otvdav, -Ovoc 1333
eETYM Oxytone adjectives in -dc¢ are rare (Chantraine 1933: 151), but note that e.g.
Beppdc and Soyytdc are both of IE origin. The word oytdc may theoretically be Indo-
European, and Janda 2005 derives it from *tih,-mé- literally “struck” > ‘flattened
(nose), from the root *tieh,- ‘to strike’, which he also assumes for ofa ‘sign, mark’
< *tiéh,-mn “what is carved”, ota ‘corpse’ < *tidh,-mn “the kilied one” and oitoc
‘grain, food’ < *tih,-td- “threshed”, and which is attested as such in Hitt. zah-' / zahh-
‘to hit, beat’ < *tioh,- (cf. Kloekhorst 2008: 1019). This construction seems highly
improbable in view of the wide range of attested meanings, and the fact that a
meaning ‘strike’ is not attested in Greek. Moreover, neuters in *-mn do not regularly
take the o-grade, so o@ta must be left out in any case.
Older connections with Germanic words like OHG swinan, ON svina ‘to disappear,
decrease’ or MHG swimen ‘to stagger, be suspended’, ON svima ‘to float, stagger,
swoon’ (Pok. 1041) are formally impossible (*sy- does not yield Gr. o-) and
semantically remote. In conclusion, otd¢ is most likely Pre-Greek, although there
are no further indications for this. It was taken over in Latin as simus ‘id.’
Gittoc [m.] a fish (Opp., Ath.).
eDER Diminutive ot-dpiov (pap. VI-VIIP).
*ETYM Sometimes connected with oludc ‘snub-nosed, bent upward’, with which it is
formally identical, apart from the opposite accentuation. Nevertheless, semantically
such a connection cannot be proven.
oivant [n.] ‘mustard, mustard plaster’. <PG>
eVAR OivnTL, -amv, -amttc, -nMuc (Hell and late). A variant is » varv.
eCOMP *olvarto-mnkt may be found in Lat. sen pecta (late).
DER olvamtiov (EM, gloss.), -iStov (Alex. Trall.), voc “of mustard’ (Dsc., Gal.), -npdc¢
‘spiced with mustard’ (pap.). -ifw ‘to apply a mustard plaster’, whence -tojtdc
(medic.).
eETYM Xivani(c) / oivamv(c) cannot be separated from vanv ‘mustard’. An
alternation ot-/ zero is also found in loans from Egypt (oiht : oéoeXt, opt : cioapov),
on the basis of which Egyptian origin for this word has been suggested (Hehn-
Schrader 1911: 211, André Latomus 15 (1956): 296ff; rejected by Mayrhofer Sprache 7
(1961): 185ff.). Instead, the words can be better explained from a Pre-Greek form
*s’napi. Pre-consonantal palatalized consonants yielded both Ci and C (e.g. kvoy :
Kiv@mtetov < *k’n-, Kacttdg : Adotat < *las’t-); cf. Beekes 2008. In this case, *s’napV
yielded both oivam- and *ovan-. In initial position, *ov- regularly yielded Gr. v- (cf.
e.g. PIE *sneh,ur- > Gr. vedpov ‘sinew’). Gr. varv is taken over in Latin as napus
‘turnip’ (Plin.) and oivamti(c) as sinapi(s) ‘mustard’, from which Go. sina(s), OHG
senf ‘mustard’, etc., have been borrowed.
atvdov, -dvoc [f.] ‘fine woven cloth, fine linen, garment; blanket, etc. made thereof
(Hdt., Th., trag., Hell. and late). <Lw Sem. (Anat.?)>
*COMP otvdovo-@dpoc [m.] ‘wearer of ao.’ (Delos, Tegea).
eDER otvddév-tov [n.] ‘garment, etc. made of o.’ (Hell. and late), -ioxocg [m.]
diminutive (Samos IV*), -itnc, Dor. -itac [m.] ‘wearer of an o.’ (Str.), ‘garment made
1334 oiviov
of o.’ (Hell. and late), also attributive (teAapwv, xitwv (Poll., Phot.), -1afw ‘to cover
in o.’ (pap.).
*ETYM Possibly a loanword from Semitic, e.g. Hebr. sddin ‘linen undercloth, kind of
shirt? (Lewy 1895: 84f., E. Masson 1967: 25f.), although the formal connection is
rather weak. Taken over in Latin as sindon ‘id’.
oviov [n.] - KdoxKtvov ‘sieve’ (H.). <PG(V)>
*VAR = oevviov (PRyl. 139, 9 [I?])? oeivioc tém0<¢ ‘sieving, winnowing area’ (pap. IV?).
*DER Aor. otvidoat ‘to sift, sieve’ (Ev. Luc. 22, 31, H., Phot., EM, Suid., gloss.), whence
otvi-aopa [n.] ‘recrement, detrimentum’, = pumapia tod citov ‘waste product of
grain’ (gloss.), -atiplov- KdoxKtvov ‘sieve’ (H.)&
*ETYM A connection with > ofOw, caw, > Siattdw ‘to sieve’ < PIE *kieh.- seems
phonetically impossible. Instead, the alternation ov- : oevv- : oetv- rather points to a
Pre-Greek origin (Fur.: 357).
civopat [v.] ‘to rob, pillage, destroy, damage’ (Od., epic, Sapph., Ion., X., Hell. and
late, also Argos, Crete, Herakleia; Hdt., Hp. also -€opat; not in Att.). <?>
VAR Very rarely attested in aorist: éoivavto (Hdt.), émecivato (Nic.), mpooivavtec:
BAawavtec ‘disabling, hindering’ (H.).
eDIAL Rarely with émt-, kata-, Mpo-.
*COMP otv-ddwv, -d50v¢, -ovtoc [m.] a fish (Arist, Dorio), folk-etymological for
ovv-ddwv (see Strémberg 1943: 45). Unclear however is orvdttwpoc ‘harmful, baneful,
wicked, mischievous, sweet-toothed, lustful’ vel sim., with -ia, -éw, -evpa (Ion., com.,
Arist. et al.); because of its short t, it is not derived from the verb, but from the noun
oivoc.
*DER oivoc [n.] ‘damage, harm, disaster’ (Ion. A., Arist.), whence d-otvric
‘unharmed, harmless’ (A 110, Sapph., Ion., A., Pl. X., Hell. and late), with opposite
émt-ouvnc (Thphr.), oivtng [m.] ‘destroyer, robber’, mostly of beasts of prey, ‘thief
(il, Hell. and late epic), oivtwp [m.] ‘id’ (Crete IV*, AP), Xivttec [m.pl.] EN of the
old population of Lemnos (Hom. et al.) (appurtenance uncertain, according to
Kretschmer Glotta 30 (1943): 117 lit. “the robbers” and to be distinguished from the
Thracian Livtot), Zivic, -Sog [m.] PN of a mythical robber (B., E, X.), also
appellative ‘robber, destroyer’ (A. Ag. 217, Call. Lyc.), oivapdc ‘damaged’ (Hp.),
formation like pumapds, etc. otvotiys [f.] “damage, flaw’ (gloss.), émicivioc: ntiBovdoc
‘treacherous’ (H.), olvéw (mpo-) = oivoptat (Man., Vett. Val.), whence olvwtikdc¢
‘harmful’ (late), civSpwv = movnpdc ‘toilsome’ (Phot.), also ‘slave born of a slave’
(Seleucus apud Ath.), also PN, olvépav- novinpa@v, PAartiK@v ‘toilsome, hurtful,
mischievous’ (H.).
*ETYM Because of itslong -1-, the present oivoytat is best regarded as a yod-formation
*oiv-ropat (the present otvéojtat must be secondary, for which cf. Schwyzer: 721;.0n
the unclear form oivovtat Sapph. 26, 4, see Hamm 1957: §217). If it is of IE origin,
oivoptat must contain a presential -v-, just as KAivw and Kpivw, which spread not only
to the aorist forms (quite possible in view of their rarity), but also to nominal
derivatives like oivoc, civtne, etc. (which is more problematic). Assuming a preform
*tri-v-1e/o-, the verb has been connected with OE pwinan, etc. ‘to become weak,
oioapov 1335
disappear’ (Wood Mod. Phil. 5 (1907): 268), but these should rather be derived from
the root *d'g”"ei-, together with dwinan ‘id.’, Gr. » pBivw ‘to decline, decay’. Further
etymology unclear.
civwv, -wvog [m.] ‘stone parsley, Sisum amomum’ (Dsc., Plin.), civwv dypiog =
mevKedavov ‘sulphurwort’ (Ps.-Dsc.). <?>
eVAR V.1. ciowv.
eETYM According to Dsc. 3, 55, this plant is at home in Syria (cf. André 1956 s.v.
sinon). Origin unexplained.
oiov [n.] name of several marsh- or meadow-plants, ‘Sium’ (Speus. apud Ath., Theoc.,
Dsc.), also identified with ovobuBpiov and dviooov (Dsc., Ps.-Dsc.). <?>
eDIAL Myc. TN si-jo-wo-te /sijo-wontei/.
eETYM Unexplained. See CEG 3 = RPh. 72 (1998): 138.
GiTaddc =o1phdc.
OiNMLOV SOTUTTETOV.
ointaxdpac [m.] ‘lac-tree, Schleichera trijuga’ (Ctes.). <Lw Orient.>
*ETYM Oriental loanword.
oinbn (-ba) [f.] “box for keeping flour and bread’ (com., AP, Poll.). <PG(v)>
*VAR ovmbn (pap. II"), outvic [f.] (Hp.), inva (H.), cinvdvoc (Orac. apud Luc. Alex.,
cf. Fur. 177); note hopooervot (inscr. Selinous, RPh. 69: 128, |. 3).
eETYM Taken to be a loanword from Semitic by E. Masson 1967: 44f., based on
comparison with Hebr. sap, etc. This may explain variants like oipvic ‘id.’ (Poll., H.)
and otBaia = mypa ‘wallet’. Perhaps Lat. simpulum, simpuvium belong here as well.
The variation may also be explained by Pre-Greek origin.
cipatov [n.] ‘boiled wine’ (Antiph., Alex. Nic.); also as adjective: cipatoc oivoc. <?>
*ETYM Perhaps derived from ceipdw (see » Leiptoc). Fur.: 255 considers,this word to
be Pre-Greek because of the element -atov.
oipdc [m.] ‘pit for keeping corn, silo’ (Att. inscr. V’*, S. Fr., E. Fr., D., Hell. and late),
also (metaph.) ‘pitfall’ (Longus) and = Seopwtiptov ‘prison’ (H.). <PG>
eVAR The quantity of -t- is unstable: usually short, later also ceipdc.
*COMP otpo-ttdoti¢ [m.] lit. “seeker of pits”, ‘probe, gauge’ (Ph. Bel., LXX).
*ETYM Technical word without etymology. The variation between oip-, oip-, oeip- is
hard to explain from an JE point of view. Connection with » opdc ‘stub-nosed, bent
upwards’ through a meaning ‘bending in, falling in’ (thus Solmsen IF 30 (1912): 11 et
al.) is improbable.
cicapov [n.] ‘Pastinaca sativa’ (Epich., Diocl. Fr. Dsc.). <?>
VAR -tov [n.] piece of jewelry (com. after Poll. 5, 101, H., Phot.).
eETYM The word recalls doapov ‘hazelwort’, ydvoapov ‘axe-weed’. Strémberg 1940:
157f. interprets cioapov as a reduplication of odpov as attested in Call. Del. 225, but
this is semantically improbable (cf. Frisk s.v.). WH s.v. siser compares odpt [n.]
(Thphr.), a kind of rush. Unclear.
1336 o1obuBpLov
ctovuppiov [n.] “bergamot mint, Mentha aquatica’ (com, Arist, Thphr., Dsc.),
‘watercress, Nasturtium officinale’ (Dsc., Plin.), (metaph.) a piece of jewelry (com.
after Poll.). <PG?>
*DER oiovpiBp-ov [n.] ‘id’ (Nic. AP, back-formation), -tvoc ‘made of o.’ (Antiph.,
Thphr.).
*ETYM Etymology unclear. Stromberg 1940: 158' regards the word as a reduplicated
formation from » ®oubpa, a sweet-scented plant, with dialectal development of 8 > o.
Sometimes seen as a variant of »oicvpiyyiov [n.] ‘barbary nut, Iris sisyrinchium’.
Probably a Pre-Greek word.
otovpa [f.] ‘thick, villous cloak (made of goat fur), fleece cloak’ (Ar.). <PG(s)>
*VAR oioupva (also -v1, cf. Solmsen 1909: 259), -voc [m.] (H.), also -o¢ and cioug
(H.).
*COMP E.g. olovpvo-@dpog ‘wearer of ao.’ (Hdt.), of the Iranian Naxtvec.
DER otovp-wtdc ‘made into a o. (Athen IV*), -vwdng ‘like a o.’ (S. Fr. 413).
*ETYM Unclear etymology; according to Fur:: 215, it is of Pre-Greek origin.
otovpiyxtov [n.] ‘barbary nut, Iris sisyrinchium’ (Thphr.). <PG?>
*ETYM Etymology unclear. Strémberg 1940: 158' regards the word as a reduplicated
formation from > odptyé ‘quill, flute, syrinx’ with a y-suffix. Sometimes connected
with > o1ovptBptov ‘bergamot mint, watercress’. Probably a Pre-Greek word.
oiowv =oivwv.
oitAa [f.] ‘pail’ (Ulp., Alex. Trall.). <Lw Lat.>
eETYM Borrowed from Lat. situla.
sitos [m] ‘corn (especially wheat), bread, food’ (Il.), see Moritz Class. Quart. 49
(1955): 135ff. for the semantics. <?>
eVAR Plur. oita [n.].
eDIAL Myc. si-to.
«COMP Numerous compounds, e.g. ott-aywydc ‘conveying corn’ (Hdt., Th.), ott-
npgo.ov [n.] ‘provision of grain, (money for) victualling, pay’ (X., D., Hell. and late),
cic-citoc [m.] ‘table companion, messmate’ (Thgn., etc.), whence ovooit-ta [pl.],
-(a, -LKOG, -€W, -NOLC.
*DER ottia [n.pl.], rare -iov [sg.] ‘bread, fare, provision’, also ‘corn’ (IA prose, com.),
diminutive ott-dpiov [n.] ‘corn, bread’ (Hp., pap.), -aviag (mvpéc) [m.] ‘kind of
wheat’ (Thphr.), formation like xpiGaviag; -@pata [pl.] ‘provision’ (pap. II?, cf.
Chantraine 1933: 186f.), -dv, -@voc¢ [m.] ‘granary, cornfield’ (Plu. et al.), - [f.]
epithet of Demeter (Hell. and late), oit-npdc (Hp. Arist. etc.), 4Ko< (Hell. and late),
-tvoc (late) ‘concerning the corn’, -aia [n.pl.] ‘corn-rents’ (Olymos), -w6ng ‘cornlike’,
ott@dy [n.pl.] ‘corn’ (Thphr., etc.), ott-éoprat [v.] ‘to feed’ (w 209 [ottéckovto]), also
with xata-, etc; thence -notc [f.] (public) maintenance’ (IA); also -ebw, -evouat [v.]
‘to feed, supply’ (Hdt., Hell. and late), whence -evtdc (X., etc.), -Evolc, -EvO\YLOG,
-evtic, -eia (Hell. and late); -iCw, -iCopat ‘id’, often with ém-, whence értt-ott-topLog
‘victualling’ (X., D., etc.).
cipapos (cet-) 1337
*ETYM Often explained as a loanword from other IE languages, e.g. from Ru. Zito
‘corn’, OPr. geits ‘bread’ (Wiedemann BB 27 (1902): 213) or from Go. /Hvaiteis ‘wheat’,
etc. (Meyer 1892: 517), or as a substrate word (taken with e.g. Basque zitu ‘corn,
harvest’ or Sum. zid ‘flour’).
Nevertheless, the word looks IE, and Janda 2005 has suggested to reconstruct it as a
substantivization of an adjective *oité- ‘threshed’ derived from *tih,-td-, literally
“struck”, a *-to-ptc. from a PIE verbal root *tieh.- ‘to strike, hit’ as attested in Hitt.
zah-' / zahh- ‘to hit, beat’ < *tioh,- (cf. Kloekhorst 2008: 1019). This root *tieh,- would
also be visible in » ofa ‘sign, mark’ < *tiéh,-mn “what is carved”, » oWpa ‘corpse’ <
*tidh.-mn “the killed one”, and »oittdc ‘snub-nosed’ < *tih,-md- “flattened”. As
explained under > oijtdc, this etymology is of doubtful value.
oitta [interj.] cry of herdsmen (Theoc.). <PG>
eVAR Also witta (sch.); similar yitta (E. Cyc. 49, Luc., AP); pitta (Poll. 9, 122 and
127) cf. Fur.: 329.
*ETYM Elementary interjection; see Schwyzer KZ 58 (1931): 170ff. and Kretschmer
Glotta 21 (1933): 172.
oittn [f.] ‘kind of woodpecker or nuthatch’ (Arist., Call.). <PG?>
eVAR Dial. also itta, tmta (H.).
*ETYM Clearly onomatopoeic; cf. Thompson 1895 s.v. with important details. Fur.:
325 also connects Pittakosg, wittaKos ‘parrot’.
oittvpar [f.] Seppdtivat otoAai, Ta pUKpad ipavtdpia ‘leather garments, the small
halyards’ (H.). Further oittuBa [n.pl.] - yitwv éx deppdatwv ‘frock made of hide’
(Poll. 7, 70), oittvBov- TO puKpdv Sépya ‘small hide’ (Hdn. Gr. 1, 378) and cittupor
Kpooool, ipavtec, GUcavot ‘tassels, leather straps, fringes’ (Phot., Eust.). <PG(s)>
sETYM Cf. Grogelj Ziva Ant. 5 (1955): 230.
oittvBos [m.] a kKakKafBoc-like cauldron (Antiph. 182, 7). <PG(V)>
eVAR oittvPov, -a, -at ‘skin, leather, leather strap, leather jacket’ (Hs, Poll., Phot.,
Hdn. Gr.), ciovBot = Kpooooi, ipdvtec, Ovoavot ‘tassels, leather straps, fringes’
(Phot., Eust.).
*DER Besides oittvBov, -a, -at as expressions for ‘skin, leather, leather strap, leather
jacket’ (H., Poll., Phot., Hdn. Gr.). Also ciovBot = Kpooooi, iptavtec, Bdcavor (Phot.,
Eust.); in the same mg. also » ciAAvfa, probably through contamination.
*ETYM If we assume that the original meaning of this word was ‘leather bag’, which
developed into ‘kettle, pan’, then the appurtenance of oittuBov ‘skin, leather’ and
oiovBot ‘leather straps’ makes sense. See Frisk s.v. for improbable attempts at
etymologizing. This word is clearly Pre-Greek instead, reflecting *sit”ub-.
cigapos (cei-) [m.] ‘topsail, topgallant sail’ (Arr.), ‘curtain in the theatre’ (Ephesus).
<PG(V)>
*VAR Also oinapog (v.l. Arr. Epict. 3, 2, 18).
*ETYM Technical word without etymology. The variations otg- : cetp- : oln- clearly
point to a non-IE origin (cf. Fur. 163). Perhaps connected with Sem. Sap*rir, Assyr.
Suparraru ‘to spread out’ (Frisk s.v.). Taken over in Latin as sip(h)arum, -rium.
1338 ouphdc
ouphédc [adj.] describing physical and psychological defects, ‘crippled, lame’ vel sim.
(nd5a oiphdc A. R.), ‘blinded, foolish (TAadKoc, Eleg. Alex. Adesp. 1, 2; of fishes
Opp.); also ‘porous, hollow’ (vap@nf, Eust.). <PG(V)>
VAR oinadds, oipvoc, see below.
*DER oipdwoetev [aor.opt.], verb used in a curse (E 142), oigdog [m.] ‘infirmity’
(Lyc.), -wpta [n.] ‘porosity, hollowness’ (Eust.).
*ETYM For the formation, compare tu@ddc, ywAds, etc. (cf. Chantraine 1933: 238).
Besides oipddc and derivatives, we also find opvdc: kevdc ‘empty, void, bereft’ (H.),
oipvvet- Kevoi ‘empties’ (H.), o1pvets [m.] ‘mole’ (Lyc.), although these words with
v-suffix could be derived from >» cigwv ‘tube’. More importantly, we find otmahdc
‘blinded(?), maimed(?Y (Call. Fr. anon. 106, H., Eust.). Because of the variants o1ph-
/ oipv- / oinah-, the word is probably of Pre-Greek origin. The late meaning ‘hollow’
may have been based on the formal similarity with oigwv [m.] ‘tube, etc.’.
Gipvets [m.] ‘mole’. =o1pAdc and ciguwv.
cigwv, -wvoc [m.] ‘tube (especially for draining water), fire-engine, fountain, wine
siphon, siphon, etc.’ (Hippon., E., Hell. and late); also plant name = aiyihwy ‘oat-
grass’ (Ps.-Dsc.). <?>
*COMP oipwvo-hoyia ‘weeding of o.’ (pap.).
*DER o1pdv-iov [n.] = cipwv (H.), -itw ‘to draw off wine with a siphon’ (Ar.),
oupvets [m.] ‘mole’ (appurtenance uncertain, perhaps through “digger of tubes”?),
oupvoc: Kevdc ‘empty, void, bereft’ (H.) (appurtenance uncertain).
*ETYM Technical term, formation like &Bwv, S6dwv, etc. (cf. Chantraine 1933: 162).
Etymology unclear; possibly onomatopoeic?
otwrdw [v.] ‘to be silent, keep secret’, also ‘to silence’ (Hom.). <PG(V)>
evAR Aor. -fjoat (IL), fut. -foopat (Att), -ow (Aeschin., Hell. and late), perf.
ogolWmKa, pass. clwnnPijval, -nOrjoopat (Att.); also owndaw in dtacwnhaootat,
oeownapévov (Pi.), evownia: hovyia ‘rest, quiet’ (H.).
eCOMP Also with xata-, dta-, mapa-, etc.
*DER own-H [f.] ‘silence’ (Pi, Att.), often attested in dat.sg. -f ‘in silence, silently’
(also Hom.); -nddc (E., Arist. Call. etc.), -npdc (X. AP) ‘silent’, -rotc [f.] (also anto-,
mapa-, b10-) ‘taciturnity’ (Rhet. et al.).
*ETYM Although superficially resembling otyaw, oly, »otya, a connection is
unlikely. Because of the alternation own- / own-, an IE origin is improbable
(connections with e.g. Go. sweiban ‘to stop, suspend’ (see references in Frisk s.v.) <
*syiop- are unconvincing. It is rather of Pre-Greek origin, reflecting *s’op- or *Sup-
(cf. Beekes 2008).
oxatw [v.] ‘to limp’ (IL, epic poet., also Hdt., LXX). 415 *sken‘- ‘limp, be slanting’ or
IE *skend- ‘jump’>
*COMP Also with ém-, bm0- (only pres. and ipf.).
*DER okaoytdc [m.] ‘limping’ (Aq.).
*ETYM The noun oxaoytoc is attested very late (II), and can easily be a back-
formation on the basis of oxaCw. The verb itself can go back to earlier *oxdy-tw ‘or
oxadabvpw 1339
*oxad-1w. Usually reconstructed as *sky‘g’-ie/o- and connected with Skt. khan jati ‘to
limp’, OHG hinkan ‘to limp’ < *(s)ken'g-e-, ON skakkr ‘limping’ (thus Frisk s.v.,
LIV’ s.v. *(s)ken‘g)-). Alternatively, one could assume a connection with Skt. skdndati
‘to jump’, Lat. scando ‘to ascend’, Olr. sceinnid ‘to jump’ < *skend- ‘to jump’, which
would mean that oxdw reflects *skud-ie/o-.
oKatoc 1 [adj.] ‘left, western’ (especially epic poet., rarely attested in this meaning since
11.), ‘unfavorable, left-handed, inapt’ (IA). <IE *skeh,-i-uo->
*DER oxKat-oupyéw ‘to do wrong’ (Ar.), okatd-t1¢ [f.] ‘improper behavior, inapt’ (1A),
-ovva [f.] ‘id? (S. [lyr.]).
*ETYM Formally and semantically identical with Lat. scaevus ‘left, inauspicious’, on
the basis of which we can reconstruct *skeh,iuo-. According to Steinbauer 1996
(unpublished presentation, cited in Janda 2000: 118 and Stiiber IJDLLR 3 (2006): 61-
72: 68), this word could be identical to oxatdc ‘shady’, derived from PIE *sk(e)h,-ieh,-
‘shade’ as attested in Gr. » oxté [f.] ‘shadow’, Skt. chayd- ‘shadow, reflection’, YAv. a-
saiia- [adj.] ‘that does not cast a shadow’, etc. The semantic development may have
been ‘shaded’ > ‘western’, and when referring to hands, ‘shaded hand’ > ‘improper
hand = left hand’. Cf. also the rhyming word > Aatdc ‘left’.
oKatdc 2 ‘shady’. =oKtd.
oxaipw [v.] ‘to hop, jump, dance’ (epic Il.), only pres. and ipf. «IE? *sker- ‘jump’>
*VAR KapOjLoi: Ktvijoetc ‘motion, dance, movement’ (H.).
eCOMP Also with ava-, dta-, br0-, etc.
*DER okap-O}16c [m.] ‘jump’ (Hell. epic), also in compounds, e.g. év-, toA-cKapBL0¢
‘with fair, many jumps’ (Il.); oxdapog [n.] ‘id’ (EM), whence d-oxapéc: akivntov
‘unmoved, motionless’ (H.), oxapia: matétd ‘childish play, amusement, fun’ (H.),
diminutive -tov [n.] (pap.). oxap-iCw [v.] ‘to hop, tap, flounce’ (Gp.), whence -toptdc
[m.] (Eust., H.), doxapifw (Hp., Cratin.). Perhaps also oxdapoc [m.] ‘Scarus cretensis,
parrot-fish’ (Epich, Arist, pap. etc.), if named after its lively movements, cf.
Stromberg 1943: 52; oxapitic [f.] a stone (Plin.), if named after its color, cf. Redard
1949: 61. See » doxapic and > oxiptdw, and cf. also » oxapdapioow.
*ETYM Etymology unclear. LIV? (s.v. 1. *(s)“er-) connects W cerddaf ‘to walk’, and
reconstructs oxaipw as *s‘kr-ie/o-. Although the latter reconstruction would indeed
regularly yield the Greek verb, the interpretation of W cerddaf as reflecting *ker-ie/o-
is not ascertained. Moreover, the semantic connection is quite weak. Other
connections, e.g. as mentioned in Frisk s.v., do not make more sense. The alternation
oxapilw / doxapitw is unexplained.
oxahabipw [v.] Cf. oxakaBtpwv- dkodactaivwv, 6 oKahebwv ‘licentious, stirring,
poking’ (H.). <GR>
*DER okaAdauppatia [n.pl.] ‘petty quibbles’ (Ar. Nu. 630).
eETYM The verb is used as a euphemism for ‘to copulate’ in Ar. Ec. 611, and is
possibly built on a combination of oxddhw, oxadevw ‘to stir, hoe, poke’ and a8tpw
‘to play’ (cf. Schwyzer: 645 on the type of compound). See » oxahhw.
1340 oxadandler
oxadandte [v.] péBetat ‘roams, rolls about’ (H.), oxakndcewv: peubwdac Badietv ‘to
wander about roamingly’ (H.). <PG>
*ETYM The alternation oxadam-/ oxaAm- is suspicious, and if the noun » KdAmn ‘trot’
is cognate (thus Fur.: 379), we probably are dealing with a Pre-Greek word.
OKaAIVvos ~oKahAw.
oxaNiac [m.] ‘fruit shell of the kaxtog (Thphr.). <PG>
eETYM Frisk s.v. connects OHG scala ‘shell, pod’, but Fur.: 373 rather adduces
dokahia, doxadnpov ‘fruit of the artichoke’, which would point to a Pre-Greek
origin. * .
oxaXidptc [f.] a speckled water-bird, probably ‘redshank, Scolopax calidris’ (Arist. HA
593b). <PG(V)>
eVAR Also kahidpte (v.1.).
*ETYM The variation ox-/ k- may point to a Pre-Greek origin.
oxadXiov [n.] a small cup (Philet. apud Ath, H.). <?>
eETYM According to Bechtel 1921, 1: 125 possibly connected with ON skalli [m.]
‘brain-pan, skull’. Quite uncertain, however.
oKdAdw [v.] ‘to stir up, hoe’ (Hdt., Arist, Thphr., LXX). <1E *skelh,,,- ‘split, tear’>
VAR Only pres. and ipf. (aor. ipv. mepioxkadov Gp.).
°COMP Rarely with d1a-, etc.
*DER oxad-ic, -idoc [f.] ‘hoe’ (Att. inscr. IV%, Str., J.), whence -t6evw ‘to hoe’ (gloss.),
-otc [f.] ‘hoeing’ (Thphr.), -d¢ [m.] ‘id.’ (pap. III?), -t6¢ [m.] ‘thole’ (h. Hom., A., E.,
Arist., Plb.), -uidtov [n.] ‘id’ (Com. Adesp.), -un [f.] ‘short sword, knife’ (S. Fr. 620),
= udxalpa @pakia “Thracian knife’ (H.), -1;vdc (-1)vijc) ‘craggy, rough, uneven’, (of
numbers) ‘odd’, (of triangles) ‘scalene’, (of cones) ‘slant’ (Democr. apud Thphr., Hp.,
Pl. Arist., etc.); thence -1via, -1vdopat (Plu.); d-oxahog ‘unhoed’ (Theoc.), probably
metrical for doxddevtoc; verb oxah-ebw ‘to hoe, scrape, stir up’ (Hp., Ar., Arist.),
aor. oxaAeboal, also with ava-, éx-, bm0-, etc. Thence oxah-evc [m.] ‘hoe’ (X., Poll.),
-evoc [f.] ‘scraping’ (Aq.), -evpa [n.] ‘scrapings’ (sch., H.), -ev@pov [n.] ‘poker’
(Poll.), -eia [f.] ‘hoeing’ (Gp. tit.). Also oxad-i(w (a-) [v.] ‘id’ (Phryn.), whence
-topdc [m.] ‘hoeing’ (pap., Eun.), -tot1-ptov [n.] ‘hoe’ (sch.).
eETYM This verb has generally been connected with Lith. skeliu, skélti ‘to split; strike
fire, Arm. celum ‘to split, tear’ and Hitt. iskalla-' / iskall- ‘to slit, split, tear’. The
acute intonation of the Lithuanian verb points to the presence of a laryngeal, *skelH-,
and Kloekhorst 2008: 3990f. argues that on the basis of Hittite the laryngeal cannot be
*h, which means that the root must have been *skelh,,,-. The geminate -AA- of
okaAhw seems to go back to either *oxaA-tw (with a yod-present as in Lith. skiliu ‘to
strike fire’) or *oxaA-vw (with a nasal present like in Lith. skjlit ‘to split off, separate
oneself’). In the first case, we could assume loss of *H before *i (Pinault’s Law), thus
*sklh.),-ie/o- > *skl-ie/o- > *oxdA-tw. In the latter case, we could assume that an
original *skl-ne-h,,- first yielded *oxadva-/*oxadvw-, on the basis of which a
thematicized *oxaAv-e/o- was formed (similarly in » BaAAw; note, however, that the
latter derives from a root in *-h,, and that a nasal present from a root *skelh,- would
okavdahov 1341
be easier for oxdhAw). It is unnecessary to assume that oxa)Aw reflects a laryngeal-
less root *skel-, pace LIV’. The derivatives of oxdA)w all show a stem oxad- with
single -\-, but this need not reflect an old situation; compare ogah- from opdAdw
and @a- from OdA\w, etc. See on » oxahabbpw; appurtenance of »ok@Aocg and
> okoAoy is uncertain.
okdhow =oKdhow.
oKxauBdc [adj.] ‘crooked, bandy-legged’ (LXX, Hell. pap., Gal.). <PG(s)>
*DER oKaubo-mouc ‘with crooked feet’ (Ps.-Archyt.), oxapBdopat ‘to curve’ (Aq.),
oxduBuKec: oKdAoTEc, xapakec ‘pointed object, stake’ (H.), oxayBdadrv& oxapBdc,
otpeBAdc ‘crooked, twisted’ (H.), oxauPipitovtec: OdtoBaivovtes ‘slipping and
falling’ (H.).
eETYM This word cannot be separated from » oxiuBdc ‘lame’, and the variation
oxaup-/ oxiB- as well as the derivatives with the non-IE suffixes -vk- and -a)- point
to a Pre-Greek origin of this word (unless Olr. camm ‘crooked’ < *kamb- points to
an European substrate word). Etymological proposals as mentioned in Frisk s.v. are
unconvincing.
oxappudsdes [f.?]’mdpvat ‘prostitutes’ (H.). <PG?>
*ETYM No etymology. Given the meaning, it is probably a Pre-Greek word.
oxau(ujwvia [f.] kind of scammony, ‘Convulvulus scammonia’ (Eub., Arist.).
<PG(V)>
eVAR Also doKapwvia (Gp.).
*DER -wwlov (Nic. Al. 565) ‘juice of the o.’, -vitn¢ olvoc (Dsc., Plin.), also kawv (Nic.
Al. 484).
*ETYM On the formation, cf. Chantraine 1933: 208. The variants oKau-/ oxapp-/
aoKau- point to a Pre-Greek origin for this word. Not related to » kiuivov.
oxdvdaXov [n.] ‘trap’, usually (Semitism) ‘temptation, scandal’ (LXX, NT;PCair. Zen.
608, 7; ITI* [-dvwv gen. pl.]). <PG?, LW IE? > ;
*DER oxavda-ilw ‘to tempt, be offensive, annoy’, -iGopat ‘to be tempted to sin, to be
offended’ (LXX, NT), whence -totr¢ [m.] an acrobat, e.g. ‘trapeze artist’ (SIG 847, 5
(II?}), -6w ‘id? (Aq.), okav6aA-n [f.] ‘stick of a trap’ (Alciphr. 3, 21, 1: Kpeddtov Tijc
OKavddahn¢g dmaptioac; reading not quite certain), oxdvdadoc: éunodiond¢
‘hindering’ (H.), oxavSéAnOpov [n.] (Ar. Ach. 687: oxavddhn Op’ iotac énwv,
according to sch. ad loc. 1 év taic mayiot émKapmic EbAov ‘the crooked stick in a
trap’; accoding to Poll. 7, 114: tO tH onaptivy Tpoonptnpévov “that which is bound
with the cord’, in Poll. 10, 156 oxavSéAnOpov is identified with nattadtov.
*ETYM Since this noun, on the one hand, means ‘trap’, but on the other hand also has
a derivative oxavSadtotr¢ ‘acrobat’, it is likely that oxavéadov is originally a
technical term, possibly referring to a construction with a piece of wood hanging on
ropes, which could be used as a trap as well as as an acrobat bar. Often interpreted as
an IE word and connected with Lat. scando ‘to ascend’, Skt. skéndati ‘to jump, hop,
hurry’ (cf. Frisk s.v.). Apart from the semantic arbitrariness of this connection, it is
formally problematic as well: Gr. -a- would remain unexplained. Therefore, and
1342 oKavenk, -Ikog
since we are dealing with a technical term, it is not unlikely that it is of Pre-Greek
origin, or alternatively a loan from another Indo-European language.
oxaveit, -ixoc [f.] ‘wild chervil, Scandix pecten Veneris’ (Ar., And., Thphr., Dsc.).
<PG(S)>
eVAR Also oxavdvk (vl. Dsc. 2, 138).
*DER okav6-1KwdSn¢ ‘like 6. (Thphr.), okavéiko-nwAng [n.] ‘chervil-seller’, nickname
of Euripides (Ar.[?] in H.).
eETYM The formation of the noun resembles padiE, tépSE and other plant names (cf.
Chantraine 1933: 382). Clearly of Pre-Greek origin, cf. kaokaveit, a kind of onion,
which could well be a variant of it. %
oxavOapifery oxivOapilerv.
oxanépda [f.] a game at the Dionysia, during which two young men sitting with their
backs to each other try to lift up the other using a cord running through a pole (Poll.
9, 116, H.). <PG(V)>
eVAR oxartapdetoat see below, also kanaps-, oxapmas-.
eDER okartepdevdoat (Hippon. 3, 3), acc. to H. = AotSoprjoat ‘to rebuke’, acc. to Tz. An.
Ox. 3, 351 = ovpytayijoat ‘to help, assist’, kanapdSevoat- pravtevoac8ai ‘to draw
divinations’ (H.), oxapnadedoat Kpivai ‘to separate, decide’ (H.), oxdnapdoc: 6
tapaxwdng Kai davaywyoc ‘disturbing and ill-bred’ (H.), Aaxkooxdnepdov-
AakkompwKtov ‘loose-breeched’ (H.). Also: kai na&v To Svoyepéc oKamépdSa AEyetar
kal 6 ma0xwv oxamépdng, ‘all that is hard to manage is called o., and he who suffers it
is called o.’.
*ETYM It is not clear exactly what the term oxanépda refers to (perhaps to the cord;
cf oxanépdav é\kelv ‘to draw the o.’ in Poll.). If the mentioned derivatives are
cognate, the terms must be Pre-Greek in view of the variants oxanepd-/oxanapd-
/kartap6- (cf. Fur.: 351, 393).
oxdmetog [m.] ‘digging’ (Megara). <PG>
eVAR Also kdmtetog ‘id. (Il., Hp.).
*ETYM Most probably Pre-Greek; see the discussion under » oxantw.
oxantw [v.] ‘to dig, dig out, work the earth’, with kata- ‘to inter, bury’, usually ‘to
demolish, raze to the ground, destroy’ (h. Merc., Pi.). <EUR>
eVAR Aor. oxayau (IA), fut. oxayw, perf. Zoxaga, med. goxapytat (Att.), aor. pass.
oxag-fvat (E., Hell.), fut. -fooptat (J. et al.).
*COMP Often with prefixes, especially kata-.
*DER oxdgn [f.] ‘winnow, bowl, trough, dish’, also ‘ship’ (IA), oxaq@og [n.] ‘hull of a
ship’, poet. also ‘ship’ (IA), rarely action noun ‘digging’ (Hes. Op. 572, Gp.),
diminutive oxag-ic, -i60¢ [f.] ‘cup’ (t 223, Hp., Ar. et al.), also ‘barge’ and ‘spade’
(Hell. and late), -iov [n.] ‘bowl, cup’ (com., Hell. and late), also as a designation of a
hairdress (Ar.), ‘barge’ (Str., Hld.), -i6tov [n.] ‘winnow, ship’ (Hell. and late), oxag-
itn¢ [m.] ‘boatman’ vel sim. (Anon. apud Demetr., Str.), oxagr [f.] ‘digging’ (Hell.
pap. etc. Hdn. Gr. 1, 345), also ‘grave’ (Bithynia), or oxagn?; kata-oxag-n [f]
‘tomb, demolition, destruction’ (trag., also Att. prose), often plur. -ai; kata-oxag-i¢
oxapdapvoow 1343
‘buried’ (S.), oxag-d [f.] “ditch, grave’ (Halaesa I*), oxag-etc [m.] ‘digger’ (E,,
Archipp., Hell. and late), also ‘dish, ocxapnpdpoc’ (Com. Adesp.), oxag-evw [v.] ‘to
empty in a trough’ (Ctes., Plu.), whence -evoig (Eun.); further -evotc, -eia [f.] ‘the
digging’ (Suid.), -efov [n.] ‘shovel’, also ‘bowl, cup’ (= -iov; late Att. Hell.), -eidtov
(Hdn. Epim.), -evti¢ = fossor (gloss.), oxap-ntdc [m.] ‘the digging’ (Thphr., Hell.
and late inscr.), -ntpot [pl.] ‘id’ (pap. IP); NWGr. (Delphi, Troezen, etc.) oxametocg
[m.] ‘grave, tomb’, Megara oxamedoc after damedov, méd0v (Solmsen 1909:196); also
Kanetoc ‘id, (Il, Hp.), also ‘spade’ (Gortyn)?, uncertain oxanétwots ‘the digging’
(Troezen). 8. oxagpahoc: &vtAntip ‘one who draws water’ (H.), like macoahos etc;
an A-suffix also in oxagAetc = oxagetc (Athens IV*)? 9. okan-davn [f.] ‘shovel, spade’
(Theoc., AP), also ‘excavation’ (Thphr.), with -avijtns [m.] ‘digger’ (Zonar.), -avetc
[m.] ‘id. (Lyc., Phld., Str.), -avebw [v.] ‘to dig up’ (inscr. Magnesia, Phld. RA.). 10.
oxdtyta [n.] ‘the digging, ditch, place dug up’ (PI. Lg., Hell. and late). 11. nepioxayc
[f.] ‘the digging up’ (pap. VI’, Gp.). 12. oxartip, -fpos [m.] ‘digger’ (Margites, X.
apud Poll.), see Fraenkel 1910: 107; 2, 55, Benveniste 1948: 39; fem. -tetpa (AP). 13. TN
ZKanti Brn (Thrace; Hdt. et al.) with XkantnovAtkds (Att. inscr.), -itn¢ [m.] (St.
Byz.); on the formation see Schwyzer: 452.
*ETYM The basis of the above forms is either oxan- (with oxag- analogically after
Oantw: Tapoc, Tapivat) or okag- (with oxan- before voiceless consonant, and
analogically before vowel). In the case of oxam-, the relic Lat. scapulae, U scapla
[acc.sg.] ‘shoulder-blade’ has been compared, assuming that it originally meant
‘shovel’ as a primary agent noun (cf. oxd@adocg above). In the case of oxag-, okantw
could formally correspond to a verb for ‘plane, scratch, etc.’ in Lat. scabo, OHG
scaban, Lith. skabiu (beside skobit, skdbti) ‘to scoop out with a chisel, vel sim.’, to
which the Slavic group of Ru. skdbel’ ‘plane-iron’, etc. is connected. Semantically,
oKdgn, OKa@os, etc. fit better with ‘to plane, scoop out’ than with ‘to dig’ (extensive
treatment in Solmsen 1909: 196ff.), but such words may of course easily change their
meaning.
Frisk’s discussion of oxamtw, referring to Pok. 93o0ff., is highly dated. Weynow know,
for example, that PIE did not have an ablaut e ~ a, so the words with -e- (e.g.
> KOmTW, > oKéMapvoc) must be omitted. Connection with > oxryntw and > oxinwv is
formally and semantically unfeasible. The same holds for that with Lith. skobti, 1sg.
skobiu, as Greek has no form with long d (in other words, there is no trace of ablaut).
It seems that the forms kametoc and » oxametoc may be Pre-Greek, and well as other
forms with oxam-, like oxagakoc and the strange oxagAetc. The other forms seem to
be based on *skab'-, as in Lat. scab6 and OHG scaban. I suggest that this root is a
loan from a European substrate language.
*oxapaBatoc =Kapapoc.
oxapdapvoow [v.] ‘to blink, twinkle’ (Hp., E., X., Arist.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Att. -TTw; kapdapvoow, -ttw (H., EM).
*DER okapdauv«-ty¢ [m.] “‘blinker’, -tikdc ‘blinking’ (Arist.), -téw ‘to blink’ (Luc,
Porph.); oxapdapitvy-tdc [m.] ‘blinking’ (Antyll. apud Orib.), a-cxapddtvK-tos (also
1344 oKapipaopat
-ti [adv.]) ‘not blinking, without blinking’ (Ar., X, Luc.), d-oxapdapvx-tn¢ ‘one who
does not blink’ (Hp.), -téw (sch.).
*ETYM The stem of all these words is (o)kapSapvx-. The formation looks non-IE,
and the variation between forms with and without o- may well point to Pre-Greek
origin.
oKapipdopat [v.] ‘to tear up the surface of a body, scratch, make an outline’ (H., sch.
on Ar. Ra. 1497). <EUR >
*DER oKkapig-nopol [m.pl.] ‘scribblings, quibbles’ vel sim. (Ar. Ra. 1497), -yata
[n.pl.] ‘id’ (sch. Ar. Nu. 630, Phot.), verb -etw with -etpata ‘id. (sch., Suid.),
oxdpigos (-ov) [m., n.] ‘outline, sketch, slategpencil’ (H., sch., EM), acc. to sch. also
= Kdpgoc, pptyavov ‘dry stalk or stick’, probably a back-formation to the verb.
*ETYM These words, which show a stem oxapig- < *skarib'-, cannot be separated
from Lat. scribé ‘to write < *skrib'-, Latv. skripdt ‘to scratch, scribble, write down’ <
*skrip-, ON hrifa ‘scratch, tear’ < *krip-, and MIr. scrip(a)id ‘scratches’ < *skrip-,
although these forms cannot be satisfactorily combined under one PIE etymon (the
alternation *b'/p, the long *i, the absence vs. presence of *-a- are all inexplicable).
Weare, therefore, rather dealing with an European substrate word.
oKapos [m.] a fish. >oKxaipw.
OKagN, OKA@os, etc. =oKATTW.
oxagwpn [f.] fox’ (Ael., H.). <?>
eVAR kagpwpn (Suid.) can be haplological for tij¢ [oc] kapwpne.
*ETYM The interpretation as “Grubenwachterin” (thus Frisk s.v.) and connection
with oxag@n ‘grave’ is semantically unattractive. Further unclear.
oxedavvypu [v.] ‘to scatter, spring, drive apart’, med. ‘to disperse, burst, go apart,
spread’ (later Att.). <IE *(s)kd-n-eh,- ‘split, strew out’>
eVAR oxidvapal, -vnpt (IL, epic poet.), oxeddw? (see below), fut. oxeddow (Thgn.),
oxeda (Att.), aor. oxedcoau, -oOijvat (Il.), perf. pass. éoxéSacpat (IA); also without
o- Keddooal, -oOfvat (poet. Il.), see Chantraine 1942: 110; late pres. forms keSavvvpl
(AP), keddwvtat (A. R.), ptc. keddwv (Nic. Al. 283, better than oxeddawv), kedaiopai,
-aiw (Hell. epic).
*COMP Also with prefix, especially dmo-, dta-, kata-.
*DER oxé6-aolc [f.] ‘the scattering’ (a 116 = v 225, Hp. et al.), -aopdc [m.] (Hell. and
late), (Sta-)oxed-aotij¢ [m.] ‘destroyer’ (Ph.), (Sta-)oxed-aotikds ‘scattering’ (Dsc.,
Lyd.), oxed-aotdg ‘dissolvable’ (Pl. Plu.).
*ETYM The present oxeddavvupt is a recent formation from the aorist oxedacat. The
closest cognate is Av. scindaiieiti ‘breaks, destroys’ with nasal infix. Without
anlauting s-, we find the nasal present in ToAB kat*- ‘to strew (out)’, pres. ToB
katnam. Lith. kedinti, 1sg. kedinu ‘to tug, pluck’, kedéti ‘to burst’ are unrelated in
view of the failing reflex of Winter’s Law (the semantics are also weak). The
appurtenance of Alb. canj, aj ‘to split, tear up, plough’, perhaps < *sked-y-ie/o, is
unclear. Several verbal nouns are found in various languages, especially with a suffix
-r-, and verbs built from these: Arm. Sert ‘chip, piece of wood’, if from *sked-ri-
oxéAopat 1345
(anlaut uncertain), Lith. kedinti [f.] ‘splinter’, Latv. skadrs ‘easy to split’, ME scateren,
MoE scatter, MIr. scaindrim ‘to split in two’. Cf. » oxiCw, » kéSuata.
oxeOpdc [adj.] ‘exact, careful (Hp., Gal., Lyc.). <GR>
eVAR -@¢ (A. Pr, E. Fr. 87).
*ETYM According to Frisk s.v., this word is a formation in -@po- from a stem oye- as
found in oyetv ‘to hold’ (cf. »Exw), showing the reflex of Grassmann’s Law. Since the
suffix -@po- is rather rare, the assumption that this word is a -po-derivation from the
verb oxé0w ‘to hold back’ might have more merit (contra Chantraine 1933: 225,
Schwyzer: 481). We must then assume,, however, that in oyé0w the effect of
Grassmann’s Law was analogically eliminated, while it was retained in oxeOpdc.
Semantically, we might think of a development ‘holding back’ > ‘reserved, exercising
restraint’ > ‘careful’.
okeArTepov [n.] viymov ‘infant, child’ (Archil. 582 West). <?>
*ETYM Unclear.
oxéAAoptat [v.] ‘to dry up, wither, languish, grow tired, harden’, act. ‘to dry, parch’
(Epich., Hp., Choeril., Hell. and late). <1E *skelh,- “dry up, wither’>
*VAR KateokéhAovto (A. Pr. 481), oxedAoueva: oKedetevdpeva (H.), fut. 3pl.
oxeAovvtal: oxeAetioOrjoovtat (H.), perf. ZoxAnka, aor. KaTa-, AMO-OKATVaL, 38g. aT-
éokAn (Ar., Men., Alciphr.), opt. dmo-oxhain (Moer., H., Suid.); fut. 2sg. amo-oKAnon
(AP). Only few active forms: aor. opt. oxrAete (¥ 191), subj. évi-oxnAn (Nic. Th. 694),
ind. goxetka (Zonar).
*COMP Most frequent with kata-, dmto-, év- etc.
eDER 1. okedetdc [m.] ‘dried up body, mummy, skeleton’ (Phryn. Com., Pl. Com.,
Phid., Str., etc.), ‘dried up’ (Nic. Th. 696), whence oxedet-w6dn ‘like a mummy’
(Luc., Erot.), -ebw (kata-) [v.] ‘to mummify, dry up, parch’ (Teles, Dsc. et al.), med.
-evoual (Kata-) ‘to dry up, languish’ (Ar. Fr. 851, Isoc., Gal.); thence -eia (-in) [f.]
‘drying up, withering’ (Gal. Aret.), -evpa [n.] ‘that which has withered’ (sch.);
-iCoptat = -evouat (H., Zonar.). 2. okeduppdc ‘dried up, meagre, slender’\(Hp., Erot.
[v.l. -eppdc]). 3. oxAnpdc ‘hard, brittle, harsh, severe’ (Hes., also Dor.), whence
OKANnp-dTN¢, -Vvw, -voLa, -vopdc, -dopal, etc. 4. oxAngpdc ‘slender, weak, small,
thin’ (Pl, Theopomp. Com., Arist.). 5. -oKxeAr¢ in mept-oxedr¢ ‘very hard, brittle,
inflexible’ (Hp, S, Hell. and late), whence meptoxéAeia (-ia) [f.] ‘hardness,
inflexibility’ (Arist. medic., Porph.); kataoxeAr¢ (to kata-oxéAAOpat) ‘meagre’ (of
style), ‘powerless, brittle’ (D. H., Prol.), d-oxeAnc (Hom., Nic.) ‘powerless(?),
incessantly(?)’ (interpretation not fully clear).
eETYM The aorist forms oxrAele and évi-oxryAy must stand for oxetA- < *oxeh-o-,
perhaps with old analogy to ogrjAele (Schwyzer: 756). Forms like éoxAnwtec (A. R.)
are built on the basis of teOvnwtec, éotn@tec (cf. Kretschmer Glotta 3 (1910-1912):
311f.), dmto-oKAain on the basis of teOvain, otain, etc. Because of Dor. oxAnpdc and of
oxedetéc, the forms in oxAat- cannot be old.
The system with perf. éoxAnka, aor.-oKAfjvat beside a present oxéhAop.at (probably <
*oxed-te/o-, but possibly from a nasal present with analogical root vocalism)
resembles e.g. tétAnka, tAnvat beside dava-téAAw. Although the perfect stem
1346 OKEAOG
goxAnka is widely attested, the other stems were ousted by forms of the verbs
Enpaivw and avaivw ‘id’. Although the verb looks Indo-European and could be
projected back to a pre-form *skelh,-, good verbal comparanda are lacking. Nominal
cognates may be MoHG schal ‘faint, vapid’, LG ‘dry, barren’, ME schalowe ‘faint,
tired, shallow’ (E shallow) < PGm. *skala- and, without initial *s-, LG hal(l)- ‘dry,
meager’, MoHG hellig ‘tired, exhausted (by thirst)’, and possibly Latv. kalss ‘meager’,
kalst, 1sg. kalstu ‘to dry up’. The adjective oxAngpds ‘slender, weak, small, thin’ (Pl,
Theopomp. Com, also Arist.) has been influenced in form and meaning by éhagpé6c.
oxé)og [n.] ‘thigh, leg’ (II 314). <IE *skel- “bend, curve’>
*DIAL Myc. ke-re-a, /skeleha/ [p].]. am
*COMP Often as a second member, e.g. tetpa-oKei¢ ‘four-legged’ (trag. etc.).
*DER 1. Diminutives oxeA-ioKog [m.] (Ar.), -bdptov (Herod., Arr.). 2. oxedéat [fpl.]
‘breeches’ (Critias, Antiph.). 3. oxeAilw (Plu., S. E.), usually with bmo- (Pl, D., etc.)
‘to trip up one’s heels, upset, outsmart’, with (bm0-)oKed-toptdcg [m.] ‘tripping up,
supplanting’, -topia [n.] ‘accident’ (LXX); also oxéA[A]topa: Spopnpa ‘running,
course’ (H.). 4. oxedddc ‘bandy-legged, Steotpapytévoc, paibdc’ (sch., H., EM), cf.
otpeBAdc etc.; see also KvAAOc. :
With o-grade: oxodtdcg ‘crooked, bent, twisted, unjust’ (II 387), perhaps from
*oxodAog [m.] after oxatdc etc; cf. cxodoic: Spendvorc ‘pruning-knives’ (H.); oKoAt-
otn¢ [f.] ‘curve, injustice’ (Hp., LXX, Str.), -dopat ‘to be bent, curve’ (Hp., Thphr.),
with -wotc, -wyta (late), -aivopiat ‘to curve’ (Hp.), -aw ‘to be bent’ (LXX); T6 oxdAtov
‘drinking-song’ (Pi.); explanation debated: because the songs were presented in an
irregular order? Perhaps » oxwAné contains a lengthened grade. On oxadnvoc, see
> okdhAw; on oKedic, see > oxeNtc.
*ETYM Formally comparable to Lat. scelus [n.] ‘malice, badness, crime’ < *skel-o-,
which points to an original meaning *‘curvation, deflection’, which in Greek is best
witnessed by e.g. okoAtdc ‘crooked, unjust’. Other formations are *skel-ko-, attested
in OHG scelah, OE sceolh ‘oblique, curved, squinting’, MoHG scheel, ON skjalgr
‘oblique, squinting’, and *skel-no-, attested in Alb. calé ‘lame’. Within Greek,
> KvAAdc and » KWAov are sometimes adduced as s-less variants, but this is unlikely.
oKémavos [m.] a kind of fish, possibly a kind of tunny (Opp.). See Thompson 1947 s.v.,
Stromberg 1943: 128. 4?
eETYM Unknown.
okénapvoc [m.] ‘axe for working wood, chip-axe’ (Od., S. Fr. 797, Hell. and late),
‘surgical bandage (metaph.)’ (Hp.). <PG(S)>
eVAR -ov [n.]
eCOMP As a second member in e.g. cyipt-oxémapvoc ‘smoothed on both sides’
(Milete, Didyma).
*DER oxerndpv-tov [n.] ‘pillar’ (Didyma II*), -nddv [adv.] ‘like a kind of o.-bandage’
(Hp.), -itw ‘to work with a o. (Hero), with (amo-)-toptdc [m.] (medic.).
*ETYM Althoug IE comparanda have been suggested (Ru. scepdt’ ‘to split, crumble,
diminish’, Latv. sképele ‘split off piece, sherd’), the presence of the suffix -apvo- is
awkward from an IE point of view. Attempts to eliminate this suffix by proposing
OKEMTOLAL 1347
metathesis from *oxépm-avoc, connected with MoHG Scherbe, schiirfen, etc. < *sker-
p- (thus Niedermann IF 37 (1916/1917): 149f.), are unconvincing as well. Both
formally and semantically (instrument names), the word is much more likely to be of
Pre-Greek origin.
oxénas [n.] ‘shelter, protection, cover’ (Od., E., Lyc, AP et al.). <2
eVAR oxéna [acc.pl.] (Hes. Op. 532), see Sommer 1957: 147; oxémn [f.] ‘cover, screen,
protection’ (IA).
ecomp As a second member -oxemrj¢ (oxémog only EM), eg. dvetto-oKentc
“screening from wind’ (II 224).
*DER oxémw, only pres. and ipf. (Hp., Plb., mostly late); oxendw, only in 3pl.
OkeTdwol (v 99; oKemdovot v.l. Theoc. 16, 81) ‘to cover, screen, protect (from) (IA,
Hell. and late), also oxem-d{w, aor. -doat; all also with kata-, mept-, émt- etc.
Derivatives from oxénw: 1. oKem-avdc ‘screening, protecting’ (Opp., AP), -avov [n.],
-avoc [m.] ‘cover, protection’ (AP); also (from oxémag, -1?) -etvdc (-1-; -t-) ‘id.’, also
‘protected’ (Scymn., LXX, medic. etc.), on the basis of aimtetvdc, etc. See also
Poxémavoc, a kind of fish. 2. mepioxem-tocg = meptoxemric ‘protected all around’:
Teplokéntw évi x@p@ (Od.) or ‘visible all around’, perhaps to oKémntoptat; 3.
governing compound oxer-wwiov [n.].‘storehouse’ (pap. ITIP).
Derivatives from oxendtw: oxén-aoyia [n.] ‘cover’ (Pl. Arist., etc.), -aotc [f.] (LXX),
-aoptdg [m.] (EM) ‘cover’; -aotij¢ [m.] ‘screener, protector’ (LXX), -aotiKdg (Arist.,
etc.), -aotipiocg (D. S., D. H,, etc.) ‘covering, protecting’, -aotpov [n.] ‘cover, veil’
(Sm.), (1apa-)oxen-cotpa [f.] ‘bandage’ (Gal.).
eETYM Although oxémw seems primary at first sight, it is attested only late, which
may indicate that it should rather be interpreted as a back-formation from the
denominative verb oxendtw (Schwyzer: 684) or from oxémn, oKémac (cf. the
semantically close otéyw beside otéyij). Only the epic verbal adj. nepioxentocg would
contradict this hypothesis, but this form is used only in a standing expression in the
Odyssey and may be better connected with the verb » oxéntoptat, as are later
attestations (Arat., Call. etc.). =
Although the stem looks IE and could be projected back to a pre-form *skep-, no
good cognates are known. Only some Balto-Slavic forms like Lith. kepure, Ru. cepéc
‘cap, hood’ may be connected, although these reflect an s-less stem *kep-.
oxéntopat [v.] ‘to look around, look back, spy, contemplate, consider, survey’ (II.);
Att. has oxoréw, -Eopat instead (see below). <1E *spek- ‘see sharply, spy’>
eVAR Aor. oxéyaoOat (Od.), fut. oxéyouat, perf. Zoxepytou (IA), aor. pass. okepOrjvat
(Hp.), oxe-fvou with fut. -roouat (LXX).
*COMP Often with ém-, kata-, mpo-, dia- etc.
*DER A. With e-grade: 1. oxéyic (émi-, kata-, etc.) ‘contemplation, deliberation,
examination’ (IA). 2. oxét-{ta (rarely with dta- etc.) ‘examination, problem’ (Hp.,
P1.). 3. oxent-oobvn [f.] = oxéyig (Timo, Cerc.). 4. -fptov [n.] “test? (Man.). 5. -ucdc¢
(ént-, Sta-) ‘cogitating, revising’, oi okentikoi name of a philosophical sect (Hell. and
late). B. With o-grade: 1. oxondc [m., f.] ‘spy, guard, scout; goal, purpose’ (Il.),
hypostasis émi-oxomoc ‘hitting the goal’ (Hdt. trag., late), adv. -a; &md6-oKomoc
1348 OKEPAPOG
‘missing the goal’ (Emp.); ox6m-\\L0¢ ‘purposive, appropriate’ (late); as a second
member, e.g. oiwvo-oKxdmog [m.] ‘bird-watcher’ with -éw, -ia, -txdc, -eiov (E., Hell.
and late). 2. prefix compounds: éni-, katd-, mpd-oKxonocg [m.] ‘spy, supervisor,
foresighted, etc.’ (Hom., Pi., IA). 3. oko7tr (kata-, ém- etc.) [f.] ‘spying, watch-tower’
(Att., etc.) with oxomdw (Ar. Fr. 854). 4. oxomtd, Ion. -1 [f.] ‘watch-place (on a
mountain, on a fortress), mountain summit, watch-tower’ (epic Ion. poet., Il, also
Hell. and late prose), with oxon-ttn¢ [m.] ‘summit dweller’ = IIdv (Paus.), -1dGw
(ano-) ‘to spy, look out’ (epic II.), -tdoptcu ‘to perceive’ (Il; only with dta-). 5.
okoréw, -Eoptat iterative-intensive to oxémtopat (Pi., IA), non-presentic forms oKor-
Toa, -foac8at, -jow, -hoopa, géoxdmnpa (late). 6. okomebw (KatTa-, amo-, émt-),
probably secondary for oxoméw (X., LXX, pap., etc.), with oxdm-evotc, -evtii¢ (Aq.),
-eia [n.pl.] (Procl.). See also » okdmeXoc and > oKwy.
*ETYM The old yod-present oxéntopat must derive from *onék-iopiat with metathesis
and be identical to Lat. specié, Av. spasiieiti, and (apart from initial s-) Skt. pasyati ‘to
see’. The aor. oxéwao@at can in the same way be identified with Lat. spext and Skt.
dspasta. The old root noun as found in Skt. spas-, Av. spas- ‘spy’, Lat. haru-spex, etc.
< *spek- is not attested as such in Greek, and seems to have been replaced by oxortéc;
cf. the cognate formulae Skt. siiryam ... spdsam and Hom.’Hédov ... oxomtdv ‘Sun,
the spy’. The noun oxomnn << *spok-éh, agrees, except for the accent, with ON spd [f.]
‘prophesy’ < PGm. *spaho < IE *spok-eh,.
OKépagos —~oxKepBdAdw.
oxepBoAdw [v.] ‘to vilify, slander’ (Ar. Eq. 821, H.; ipv.). <PG(v)>
*VAR oxepBohel (leg. cum M. -dAXet?) anata ‘cheat’ (H.); oxépBodog ‘vilifying,
slandering’ (Call. Fr. 281, H.); also kepBdAovoa (cod. -oAvoca) AoiSopotca,
BAacgnttoboa, anataoa ‘abusing, speaking profanely, deceiving’ (H.).
*DER oxképagoc (oxép-): Aotdopia, BrAaoenia ‘abusing, speaking profanely’;
képagoc: xAevaopdc, KakoAoyia ‘mockery, abuse’ (H.).
*ETYM Sometimes »oxipagos is interpreted as cognate as well. The variants oxep-,
oxep-, kep-, and possibly oxtp- point to Pre-Greek origin.
oxepoc [?] aidotoAeiktyes ‘cunnilingus’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
oxevos [n.] ‘vessel, device’, mostly plur. ‘house or ship equipment, weapon, armor,
luggage’ (IA). <IE?>
*COMP Frequent as a first member, e.g. oxevo-@dpog ‘carrying luggage, luggage-
carrier’ (IA), oxev-wpdc ‘luggage-watcher’ (Cratin.) with -wpéoptal, -wpéw, -wpia,
-Wpntia ‘to look after or through the luggage, to instigate (slyly) (D., Arist., etc.),
later also oxatwpéottal, etc. (after okaidc); as a second member in d-oxevrj¢ ‘without
equipment’ (Hdt.).
*DER oxevur [f.] ‘armor, clothing, wear’ (IA); as a second member e.g. 61t6-oKevoc
‘with equal armor’ (Th.); frequently prefixed napa-, kata-, émt-oKevr etc., as back-
formations to napa-oxevdtw, etc. Diminutives: oxev-dpiov [n.] ‘small device’ (Ar.
etc.), ‘simple wear’ (Pl. Alc. 1, 113e), -bqrov [n.] ‘small device’ (Lyd.).
i
i
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i
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oKnvintw 1349
Secondary verbal formation oxev-dCw, -dCopat expressing different nuances, e.g. ‘to
equip, arm, dress, prepare, etc.’ (IA since h. Merc.), with aor. oxev-doat, -aoac8at,
very frequent with prefix, mapa-, xata-, émi-, etc. Derived from these, mostly with
prefixes: oxev-actc, -douytoc, -acia, -aopta, -aoTdc, -aoti<, -aoTl-Kdc; also tapaoKev-
1H, etc. Denominative verbs émt-, kata-oKev-dw (cf. émt-, KaTA-oKEvT}) = -aGw (Argos,
Crete, Delphi etc.), oxevodoOa = EtoipdCeo8at ‘to prepare for oneself (H.).
*ETYM The preservation of the ev-diphthong before a vowel is hard to explain in an
Ionic-Attic word. No good cognates are known. Connection with Lith. Sduti, 1sg.
Sduju ‘to shoot, shove’, Ru. sovdt’ ‘to shove, sting, push’, etc. < *keuH- is semantically
unlikely.
oxnvij [f.] ‘(roof of a) tent, booth, banquet; stage (building), scene’ (IA, Dor.). <?>
VAR Dor. oxava.
eCOMP Eg. oxnvo-mny-ia [f] ‘tent-building’ (Arist.), ‘the feast of tabernacles’ (LXX,
NT etc.), ob-oxnvoc, Dor. obv-oxavoc [m.] ‘tent mate, housemate, table mate’ (Att.,
Tenedos, etc.) with -ia (X. etc.); with a suffix -to- eg. mapa-oxrv-tov, -ta [n.]
‘room(s) next to the oxnv1y (D.; Delos etc.).
DER 1. Diminutives: oxnv-ic, -i6o¢ [f.] (Plu.), -iStov [n.] (Th.), -bdptov (Plu.). 2. -itn¢
[m.] ‘tent-dweller, chandler, nomad, etc.’ (Isoc., Str., inscr.); also -evtij¢ [m.] (EM,
AB). 3. -eiov [n.] ‘tent-pole, -rod’ (pap. III*). 4 -tkdc “belonging to the stage, actor’
(Hell. inscr, Plu. etc.), -tkevVopa [v.] ‘to perform as an actor’ (Memn.).
Denominative verbs: 5. oxnv-doytat ‘to pitch a tent, camp’ (Att.), also with kata- etc;
oxnv-dw [v.] ‘to feast’ (X.). 6. oxnv-éw ‘to be in a tent, to camp’ (Att., especially X.),
not easily distinguished from -d4w in non-presentic forms; also with dta-, ovv-, amo-
etc; thence -npia (Dor. oxdvoyia) [n.] ‘tent, camp’ (A., X., Epid. II*), also ‘body’
(Macedonian inscr. cf. oxf|voc). 7. oKrVv-dw ‘to pitch a tent, to camp’ (Pl. X., etc.),
often with kata-, mapa-, ovv-, -émt-, dmo- etc; thence -wyta [n.], mostly pl. ‘camp,
dwelling’, also ‘body’ (E., LXX etc.), with kata- ‘cover, curtain’ (A. Cho. 985), also
-wotc (kata-) [f.] (Agatharch., LXX etc.); -wtal- ovoxnvodvtes ‘living in the same
tent’ (H.). 3
Also oxfjvoc, Dor. (Ti. Locr.) oxavog [n.] ‘body’ (= tent of the soul), ‘corpse’ (Hp.,
Democr., Ion. inscr., Nic., Ep. Cor.), see Leumann 1950: 308f.); gender after o@pa, cf.
also » Ktfvoc, > optivoc etc. Unclear is oxiyv: & tivec pév Woxty, tivéc dé paravav
(H.), i.e. ‘butterfly, moth’ (cf. oxrveyta: papilio gloss.).
*ETYM According to DELG s.v., oxnvi originally denoted any light construction of
cloth hung between tree branches in order to provide shadow, under which one
could shelter, sleep, celebrate festivities, etc. Formation with a suffix -v1 (cf. moti,
edvi, PEpvi, etc. see Chantraine 1933: 191f. and Schwyzer: 489), derived from the
root okn-/oKa- < *skeh,-, which is found in »oxtd ‘shade’ as well. See there for
further etymology. Borrowed as Lat. scaena (only in the sense of ‘stage’).
oxnvintw [v.] only éoxrwuype: Sep8etpe, Steoxédacev ‘destroyed utterly, shattered’ and
dtaoknviyat: Stagopijoa, Stacteipar ‘to disperse, scatter about’. dteoknvigOn dé
dteowpatio8n (H.); to this yain ... Steoxrjvupe ‘shattered to the floor’ (Nic. Th. 193).
<>
1350 OKHTMTOLAL
eETYM Popular expressive contamination of oxrytw and the words discussed s.v.
>Kviy, especially xvumetv- oeiev ‘to shake’ and oxvintetv. vicoetv ‘to prick’ (H.).
DELG objects that the words quoted do not fit the meaning. Cf. » oxnpimtotat.
oKyztopat [v.] ‘to support oneself, lean, pretend something, use as a pretention’, act.
‘to throw down, sling’, intr. ‘to throw oneself down, fall down’ (IA), émt-oxrrttw also
‘to impose, command’, med. (Att. juridical language) ‘to object, prosecute, raise a
complaint’. <EUR?>
eVAR Act. oxyntw, fut. oxHwo, aor. oKhWat, pass. okngOivat, perf. ét-Eoxnga, pass.
ént-€oxnpua. Fut. oxrwoptat, aor. oxrpyaoPa.
COMP Frequent with prefix (almost only act.): kata-, émt-, dm0-, év-.
*DER oxic [f.] ‘excuse, pretention, pretext’ (IA), énioknytc [f.] ‘objection,
complaint’ (Att.); andéoxnpia- amépetopta ‘prop’ (H.) (A. Fr. 18 = 265 M.), énioknptpia
= énioxnwis (Lex. Rhet. Cant.).
Beside this, several expressions for ‘stick, etc.: 1. oxamoc: KAdSoG, Kat AvEttog TOLdG
‘branch, a certain wind’ (H.); for the latter meaning, cf. oxnmtdc below. 2. oxnit-dvn
[f.] (AB) with -aviov [n.] ‘stick, scepter’ (N 59, = 247, Call. Fr. anon. 48, AP),
oxandaviov: Baxtnpia, dAAot oxinwva ‘staff, crutch’ (H.). 3. okantov [n.] (Dor.) ‘id’
(Pi.), IA oxirtov in oKntt-odxo¢ ‘stick-, scepter-bearer’ = ‘ruler’ (Hom. etc.), with
the Persians and other Asiatic peoples who have a high office at the court (Semon.,
X., etc.), with -ia [f.] (A. etc.). 4. oxAtpov [n.] ‘id.’ (IL. epic poet.); like Baxtpov, etc.
Semantically more remote: 5. oxnmtdcg [m.] ‘thunderbolt, lightning, suddenly
breaking storm’ (trag., X., D., Arist. etc.); cf. ppuxtdc, oTpemttdc.
*ETYM The root of all these words is oxam-, with the system oxrntw < *skap-ie/o-,
OKijwal, okamog comparable to eg. KdmTw, Kowal, Kdm0¢ and TUnTW, THWal, TUTOG.
The noun oxamoc can be equated with Lat. scdpus ‘shaft, stalk’ and Alb. shkop ‘stick,
scepter’, pointing to *skeh,p-o-. Zero-grade forms may be attested in the Germanic
words for ‘shaft, spear, lance’, OHG skaft [m.], ON skapt [n.], etc. < *skh,p-.
Although formally the words could certainly be of JE origin, the distribution of
forms and the semantics rather point to a European substrate origin.
oxnpintopat [v.] ‘to support oneself, uphold oneself (Od., Nic., Ph.), act. (secondary,
Wackernagel 1916: 131) oknpintw ‘to support, uphold’ (A. R.). <2
VAR Only pres.
*COMP Also with dta- (AP), ém- (H. s.v. émoKrntw).
eETYM Expressive cross of oxryttopat and otnpi—aoGa1, gotrptktat (pres. otNpifoptau,
-w first in tragedy). Cf. » oxnvintw.
oxta [f.] ‘shade’ (Od.), also ‘variegated hem or edging of a dress’ (Hell. inscr. and pap.,
Men.), see Wilhelm Glotta 14 (1925): 82f. <IE *skeh,-ih., gen. skh,-ieh,-s ‘shadow’>
eVAR Ion. -t?.
*COMP E.g. oxta-tpogéw, -Eoptat (Ion. oxtn-), Att., etc. also -tpagéw, -Eopat (to oKta-
tpagric like evtpagric etc. to tpagivat) ‘to live (raise) in the shadow or indoors, to
grow up pampered’ (IA), after Bov-xohéw etc., see Schwyzer: 726; BaOd-oxtocg ‘with
deep shadow, deeply shaded’ (h. Merc. etc.), kata-, émi-oxtoc etc. beside kata-, émt-
oxihAa 1351
oxiatw; on dodtxy6-oxtoc, see Sodtydc (acc. to a different interpretation, it means
‘with long ash’, see Treu 1955: 119f.).
*DER 1. oxtdc, -d5o¢ [f.] ‘shade roof, tent-roof, pavilion’, also name of a @6Xo¢ in
Athens, etc. (Eup., Theoc., Att. inscr.). 2. oxtda6-tov [n.] ‘sunscreen’ (com., Thphr.). 3.
-toxn [f.] ‘id’ (Anacr.). 4. oxi-atva [f.] (Arist.), -atvic [f.] (Gal; v.]. oxtvic), -adevc
[m.] (Hell. and late) fish name (after the dark color, Strémberg 1943: 27, see also
oxiatva, Thompson 1947); to this oxtaGic ‘id.’ (Epich.), perhaps from the island name
ZXKiaBoc (Stromberg l.c.). 5. oxt-detc ‘rich in shadows, casting shade, shaded’ (II., epic
poet.); -detc (Hdn.; also Pi. Pae. 6, 172). 6. oxt-epdc, also -apdc ‘id.’ (especially epic
poet. since A 480, see Schwyzer: 482, Chantraine 1933: 230). 7. oxl-w6ng ‘shadowy,
dark’ (Hp. E. Arist.). 8. oxt-axdc ‘provided with shade’ (wpoAdylov Pergam. II*;
Hdn.). 9. oxt-wtd¢ ‘provided with a hem (oxid)’ (Peripl. M. Rubr., pap.).
Denominative verb oxidw (Od., Hell. and late epic), oxdtw (IA) ‘to shade,
overshadow, shroud in darkness’, forms: oxidoa (D 232; after éAdoai etc, see
Chantraine 1942: 410), fut. Att. oxi@, late oxiaow, perf. pass. €oxiaoptat (Semon., S.),
aor. oxtaoOijvat (E., Pl., Arist.), also with émt-, kata-, ovv-, TEpt-, amo-; thence (bm0-,
ov-)oKiaolc, (€7tl-, etc.)oKlaopldc, (€7tt-, etc.)oKlaopia, oKtao-ti\¢, -tiKd¢ (almost
always late); the bahuvrihis kata-, émi-oxtoc etc. function as back-formations. On
oxtd and derivations in Homer and in Aeolic lyric, see Treu 1955: 115ff., 2136f.
sETYM Skt. chaya [f.] ‘shadow’, also ‘image, reflex, resemblance’, Av. a-saiia- ‘who
casts no shadow’ (cf. Gr d-oxtoc) , MoP saya ‘shadow’, and Latv. seja ‘face’ must
reflect *skeHieh,-. On the other hand, Gr. oxtd, together with ToB skiyo and Alb. hie
‘shadow’, must be interpreted as reflecting *skiHeh,-, from older *skHieh,- with
laryngeal metathesis. On the basis of » oxnvij, Dor. oxava ‘tent’ < ‘cloth to provide
shadow’, the root can be identified as *skeh,-, which means that we are dealing with
an original ablauting proterodynamic *ih,-stem *skéh,-ih,, *skh,-iéh,-s. In Indo-
Iranian and Baltic, the full-grade stem was generalized, whereas in the other
branches the zero-grade stem spread throughout the paradigm. The Slavic forms,
OCS sénv and Ru. sen’ [f.] ‘shadow’, reflect *skeh,-i-n-, with an extra suffix -n-. The
hapax Pp oxatdc ‘shadowy reflects *skeh,-i-uo-, and perhaps oxotdc (in H.: oKxoid:
OKOTELVd, OKOLOV: ... GVOKtov) can be regarded as an o-grade variant *skoh,-i-uo-.
The relation with » oxétoc ‘darkness’ is unclear.
oxKiyyos [m.] a lizard found in Asia Minor that is used as medicine (Dsc. 2, 66 Welm.).
<PG(V)>
VAR Also oxiyKoc and kikepog = Kpokddethog xepoatos ‘a land lizard’ (H.); Fur.: 277.
eETYM The variantions point to a Pre-Greek origin.
oxdapov [adj.] - dpaudv ‘thin’ (H.). <PG(v)>
eETYM Fur.: 368 connects d-Kt6voc, which has a- instead of o-. This looks like a Pre-
Greek variation.
oxddaen, oxivSagos =Kidagoc.
oKidvnu SoKeddavvoptt.
oxiAAa [f.] ‘squill’ (Thgn., Hippon., Arist., etc.). <PG?>
1352 OKIpLaAICo
DER OKIAA-itNG, of olvoc (Ps.-Afric., Colum.), see Redard 1949: 99; -ttikdc, of dE0¢
(Dsc. et al.), voc ‘made of o.’ (Dsc. et al.), -w5n¢’o.-like’ (Thphr. etc.).
eETYM Unexplained foreign word, probably Pre-Greek (*ski?a?). Borrowed as Lat.
scilla.
oxmaritw [v.] ‘to jeer, flout? (Ar. Ach. 444, Pax 549, D. L. 7, 17); acc. to gramm.
(Moer., Phryn., H.) = katadaxtvdilw; acc. to sch. Ar. Pax ad loc. ‘to hold up the
middle finger’ (sens. obsc.). <PG(S)>
*DER oxipaddoc (PLond. = Aegyptus 6, 194), probably designation of a finger.
*ETYM The verb oxuytadifw seems to be derived from a noun *oxipaAoc, which may
be attested as oxijiahAog (with geminate -\A\-). The formation resembles those of
KOBadoc, okitahoc, and other comedic words (cf. Bjérck 1950: 46f., 259f.). Since all
words in -aAA-(oc¢) seem to be of Pre-Greek origin (Beekes 2008), these words are
likely to be Pre-Greek, too.
oxutBdc [adj.] = xwAdc, oxatBdc ‘lame, crooked’ (H., sch. Ar. Nu. 254). <PG(V)>
DER oxutBacet- xwAevet ‘is or becomes lame’ (Ar. Fr. 853, H.), to which oxyiBaopdc:
cptrLtatog eidoc ‘kind of kiss’ (H.). Semantically unclear is oxyiBdadec: bAn ebOetoc
gic Toixwv é1tiBeotv, oes Xaptv (H.). Seemingly primary is oxiyat- okAdoat. Ayatoi
‘to squat (Achaean) (H.). Without o-: xyiPdatet: otpayyevetat (otpat- cod.) ‘to
loiter’ (H.); Oxum-Batewv (6- hardly from oxAdletv?) dtatpipev kai otpayyevecBat
(otpat-cod.) ‘to wear away, loiter’ (H., Phot.).
eETYM Although an IE origin has been suggested (connections with e.g. ON skeifr
‘slanting’, Latv. skibs ‘id. in Pok. 922), the alternation between oxuyiB-, oxtB-, KytB-,
and oxuyiB-, as well as oxatB-, in » okapBdc ‘crooked, bandy-legged’ clearly points to
a Pre-Greek origin (cf. Fur.: 154, 286).
oxitimtouc, -t0d0¢ [m.] ‘low bed(stead) (Ar., Pl., X., Gal.). 42>
DER -7166t0v [n.] (middle com., Luc.).
*ETYM Interpreted as *oxtuné-novcg *‘supporting the foot’ and connected with
> okitittopiat. A connection with oxytBdc ‘lame, crooked’ (thus Schwyzer: 263) is
semantically unlikely.
oxitittopiat [v.] ‘to throw, sling, throw oneself down, fall down, uphold (oneselfy
(Call. POxy. 2080, 49 [o]kty[topevo]v H, also act. oxkipmtet); Kipwavtec:
épeioavtec, otnpitavtes ‘who leaned, propped’ (H.). Details in Solmsen 1909: 206f;;
see also Bechtel 1921(3): 331. <?>
eVAR Aor. oxipupyaoOat (Pi.), pass. oxytpOrjvat (Hp.), perf. pass. an-eoxitipOat (Pi.),
mostly with év(1)- : év(1)-oKipwat (P 437, Pi, A. R., Nic.), -oxupOrvat (II 612 = P
528).
eETYM Epic and poetic verb, on the one hand reminiscent of oxrttw (-opat), on the
other of xpipmttw (-ouat; cf. Nic. Th. 336 évi-oxinyy with vl. -ypiwyy and -oxryywn),
perhaps arisen from a cross of both (cf. Giintert 1914: 29). Usually connected with
> oKiitwv.
oxivak, -dKoc [m.] designation or epithet of the hare, \aywoc (Nic.). <PG>
oxivdawdc 1353
*ETYM Often compared with » kivéaé, although this is semantically rather gratuitious
(the meaning of oxivak is unclear). If connected, the variation between oxw- / ktv6-,
as well as the presence of the suffix -ax-, points to a Pre-Greek origin.
oxivap [n.] ‘body’ (Nic. Th. 694). <PG?>
*ETYM Often connected with oxijvoc ‘corpse’ (see » oxrv1}) which, if correct, could
point to a Pre-Greek origin (variation nt, cf. Fur.: 171’).
oxivdaxioa [v.] = 10 viktwp émavaotivai tim doedy@c ‘sexual arousal at night’
(Phot.) and oxivdapov. mpookivnia: Kal TO viKTwp émavaotivat aKoAdoTtws
oxtvdaxioat ‘movement towards (i.e. a woman); sexual arousal at night’. In H. 1.
oxivdapevecBat- KakooxyodsvecOat, daxtvdAitec8at, oxtptadiCeoBar ‘to play
mischievous tricks; to be pointed at with the finger; to hold up the middle finger’; 2.
oxivdapicoat Ta avbtd ‘id’; 3. oxtvddp(ehoc: Spxnotc obtw Kahouplévy ‘a dance’? 4.
oxivdapot Ta 71pockvvi}ptaTa (leg. 71pocKt-, cf. Photius s.v. oxivSapov); 5. oxivdapoc:
1 Enavdotacts vuKTOs d@podioiwv éveKa ‘arousal at night for sex’. <PG>
eETYM The verb is a demominative of *oxivéat, a doublet of xivéaé. Cf. Taillardat
REA 58 (1956): 191ff. See » kivéak for an etymology.
oxivdadtidc, oxtvddAauoc [m.] ‘splinter, hair-splitting, etc. (Dsc., Alciphr.), also
oxivdddaptog (Ar., Luc. et al.), also oxivdadttdc, oxiSahaptds etc. (v.l. Hp. Mul. 2, 133).
<PG(S,V)>
*DER oxtvdU\ov [n.] ‘shingle’ (Delph. II*), dva-oywwdvAebw [v.] ‘to pierce’ (Pl),
-oxivourebw, -oxivdaretw (H., EM, Phryn.), after oxvAebw, oxadetw etc,
oxtvdvaAnotc [f.] ‘split? (Hp. apud Gal.). 2. See > oxidapdv « dpatov ‘thin’ (H.). 3. See
> oKOidoc.
eETYM Frisk groups all these words with oyitw ‘to split’, but this is incorrect: oyitw
never shows ox- nor -v6-. The root variations, oxtvd-/oKxid-/oyxtvd-/oxt5-, as well as
the presence of the suffixes -aA- (cf. » opOahtdc; Beekes 1969: 193f., Beekes 2008)
and -vA- rather point to a Pre-Greek origin. The second a in oxtvdddAaqtog is a
secondary prop vowel, which is frequent in Pre-Greek (Fur.: 378-385). See B oyilw.
oxtvddptov [n.] name of an unknown fish (Anaxandr. 27, 4). <PG?>
eETYM Since the meaning is unknown, etymologizing is useless. Nevertheless,
formally the word seems Pre-Greek.
oxivdapoc [m.] ‘an obscene gesture’ (H., Phot.). <PG(v)>
eDER oxtvOapiCw ‘make obscene gestures’ (H.). Zkitahor ‘demons of lewdness’ (Ar.
*ETYM The variation is typical of Pre-Greek. Cf. s.v. » oxtvdakioat.
oxivdagos =Kidagoc.
oxtvdayocg [m.] name of a four-stringed musical instrument with thorn-like
appendices (middle com. etc.), also designation for a senseless word (Artem., S. E.
etc.); name of an ivy-like plant (Clitarch,; cf. Dawkins JHS 56 (1936): of.). <PG(V)>
eVAR Without initial o-: xvdapdc (Timo, H.).
DER oxivdayiCoptevoc (opvyttoc) ‘vibrating like a 0.’ (Gal.).
1354 oxiv8apiCw
*ETYM A foreign word like x.8dpa, Bapfitoc, and many other instrument names. It is
of Pre-Greek origin, in view of the interchange o-/zero.
oxv0apivw >oKtvdapoc.
oxivOoc [m.] ‘jumper, swimmer (Thphr H. P. 4, 6, 9); translated as naufragus by
Pliny. <?>
*ETYM Unknown.
oxiovpos [m.] ‘squirrel’ (Opp., Plin.). <PG?>
*ETYM The interpretation of this word as a bahuvrihi compound of oxid and obpa,
“who generates shade with his tail” (thus e.g. Frisk), looks like a folk etymology
rather than a serious explanation. The suffix -ovpoc could point to Pre-Greek origin
(from -ar’-o-?). Borrowed as MLat. *scuriolus, which is the source of MoFr. écureuil,
MoE squirl, etc.
oxinwy, -wvoc [m.] ‘staff, stick’, also ‘crutch’ (Hdt. 4, 172, Cratin. [lyr.], Ar. [anap.], E.
[anap.], Call., AP, Hp., Epid. IV*). <?>
VAR V.Il. oxrynwv (after oxAmTpov?), oKitimtwv (after oKiurttopat?).
eCOMP As a first member e.g. in d-oxiztwv ‘staffless’ (AP).
*ETYM Ionic poetic word, built like kbqwv, 56hwv, and other tool names (Chantraine
1933: 161f.), and almost identical with Lat. scipio, -6nis [m.] ‘staff (as a sign of power
and dignity, like oxintpov). The further similarity with oxnndwov, oxittpov, and
cognates (see » okrTopat) has been observed for a long time; however, the forms
cannot be combined under one pre-form.
It is unlikely that » oxiymtopat is a denominative nasal present (like oxryntopat from
oxamoc); for a different explanation, see s.v. Further, connection is considered with
the semantically unclear oxoinoc: 4 cEoxt tov EvAwv, éq’ wv eiot of Képatot (H.),
probably of the supporting beams on which the tiles rest. Connection with
oxKiTTpov, etc. seems impossible (DELG refers to Benveniste 1935: 167 and to
Szemerényi 1980: 133). It is unclear how to assess the similarity of the Latin form.
oxipagog [m.] meaning uncertain; in Hippon. 86 = 129a [pl.] explained as ‘treachery’
by Masson; after Hdn. 1, 225, 13 = akdAaotog kai KuBevti¢ ‘undisciplined, gambler’
(2, 581, 27 a. k. KuBtoTHG), acc. to EM 717, 28 = dpyavov kvufevttkov ‘tool used in
gambling’ (alternative supposition). <?> ,
eDER OKipag-etov (-tov) [n.] ‘gambling-house’ (Isoc., Theopomp. Hist.), -evtr¢ [m.]
‘dice-player’ (Amphis 25), -w619¢ ‘treacherous’ (AB).
eETYM Because of the unclear meaning, without etymology. According to Hdn.
(l.cc.), amo TOV év Xkipw (suburb of Athens; see on oxipov, known as a home of
prostitutes and gamblers) dtatpiBdvtwv. Or is it a variant of kipagocg = ahwmné? Cf.
dhunexilerv data ‘to deceive’ (H.).
oxipov [n.] a white parasol or canopy, which was carried at processions from the
Acropolis to a place called Xkipov (Zkipov) (later a suburb of Athens) on the holy
road to Eleusis in honor of Athena Skiras and other deities (Lysimachid., sch. Ar. Ec.
oKvimds, oKviy 1355
18); plur. Xkipa name of a women’s festival in honor of Demeter, Kore and Athena
Polias (Ar. inscr. et al.). <?>
*COMP As a first member in Zxtpo-gdpia [n.pl.] ‘id’ (H., Phot, Suid.); hence
XKIPOPopLov, -@voc [m.] Att. month name, = June-July (Antipho, inscr., etc.).
*ETYM Etymology not fully certain. Comparison with oxida ‘shade’ is semantically
attractive, but formally somewhat difficult: oxida reflects *skh,-ieh,-, the *-i- of which
belongs to the suffix and cannot therefore be equated with the -i- in oxipov, which
would have to be from *skh,-i-ro- (vel sim.).
Often equated with Alb. hir ‘grace of God’ (Jokl 1923: 67, following Bugge) through a
semantic development comparable to the one in the Germanic adj. for ‘clear,
gleaming, bright’, e.g. Go. skeirs, ON skirr, MoHG schier, which would have a basic
meaning ‘(subdued) shine, reflex’ (Pok. 917f.). Deubner 1932: 4off. argues that the
interpretation of oxipov as ‘parasol’ is a late learned construction, and interprets
oxipov as a designation of several ritual items.
oxipos [m.] ‘induration, callus, hard tumor’ (medic.), ‘hard, scrubby ground, scrub’
(Tab. Heracl.). <PG(V)>
eVAR Also -pp-, oxip-; oKipoc [m.], -ov [n.] ‘crust, rind, cheese-rind, hardened
grease’ (com.); also ‘hard, white matter, gypsum’ (sch. Ar. V. 921, Suid.), in this
meaning also oxippa (Suid.), yi) oxippac (sch. Ar. V. 921); yr} Aevkt) doTtep yO-oc
‘white earth, like gypsum’ (Su.).
*DER oxippitns [m.] ‘gypsum-worker’ (Zonar.). Abstract formation oxtpp-in [f.]
‘induration’ (Aret.), akpooxip-iat [f.pl.] ‘high scrubby lands’ (Tab. Heracl.); adj.
oxtp(p)-6¢ ‘hard’ (Plu., Them.), -@5n¢ ‘callous’ (Gall., Poll.); verb -dopiat ‘to harden,
take root’ (Sophr., medic.), also with émt- etc, whence -wpa [n.] ‘induration’ (Dsc.);
-wots [f.] ‘id? (Sor., Gal.).
*ETYM Fur.: 387 suggests that the word is Pre-Greek, comparing » oxbpoc (cf. op.cit.
366). This seems quite probable.
oxiptaw [v.] ‘to jump, hop’ (especially epic poet. Y 226, 228, also late prose), -éw
(Opp.). <?>
VAR Only pres. and ipf.
«COMP Also with prefix (mostly late), e.g. dva-, éml-, KaTa-.
*DER oxipt-rya [n.] ‘jump’ (A. E. et al.), -rjouc [f.] “the jumping’ (Plu.), -1)6,16¢ [m.]
‘id’, -rytrj¢ [m.] jumper, dancer’ (Mosch., Orph. etc.), -17tKd¢ (Plu., Corn.); ZKiptoc
[m.] name of a satyr (backfomation; AP, Nonn. etc.), -twv, -t@voc [m.] ‘one who is
exalted’ (Eun.).
*ETYM Iterative-intensive formation in -téw from » oKaipw < *skr-ie/o-. The +- is
thought to be a secondary prop vowel, but this makes the etymology formally less
certain.
oKAnpdc, oKAngpds >oKédAopLaL.
OKwmds, oKviy —KviY.
1356 oKoidoc
oxoidosg [m.] = ocikovojtoc, tajtiac, etc, designation of a Macedonian official (Hdn.
Gr., Poll., H.), epithet of Dionysus (Men.); oxowdia [f.dat.] ‘“educatress, housekeeper’
(Naxos I-II?). <2
eETYM According to Frisk s.v., related to oyiGw, as if from an IE root *skid-, which
cannot be correct; see on > oxtvdahdc. Otherwise unexplained.
okoiktov =o.
OKOINOG = OKITWV.
OKOALOG >OKEAOC.
OKOAAvg, -voc [m.] ‘fringe of hair, a haircut in Which a tuft of hair was left on the head’
(Pamphil. apud Ath. 1, 494f., Dsc., H., Poll. etc.). <PG?>
*ETYM Perhaps connected with »oxoAtmntetv, although a Pre-Greek origin seems
more likely.
oxolorak, -axoc [m.] name of a bird, usually identified with doxadwnag (-nac?) [m.]
(Arist.) and explained as ‘woodcock, Scolopax rusticola’; cf. Thompson 1895 s.vv.
<PGe>
*ETYM On the basis of the equation with doxahwmac (-mdc?), it is considered to be a
Pre-Greek word by Fur.: 344. The resemblance with oxodoy ‘pole’ (referring to the
long beak of the snipe?) might be due to folk-etymological adaptation.
oxoddnevipa [f.] ‘millipede, sowbug’; also name of an animal of the sea (Arist. etc.).
<PG>
*DER okoddrevdp-ov (Thphr.), -tov (Dsc.) [n.] plant name, after the form of the
leaves acc. to Strémberg 1940: 42; -wd1j¢ ‘resembling a o. (Str.).
*ETYM The etymological proposal by Guasparri Glotta 76 (1998): 199-201, who
suggests a derivation from oKodAom- ‘biting’ and évtepov, also ‘earth worm’, is
formally untenable and therefore unconvincing. Rather a Pre-Greek word.
oKddoy, -omoc [m.] ‘pointed pole, palisade, prickle’ (epic ion. poet. Il, Hell. and late
prose), for Att. yapag, otavpdc, -wyta. <PG(V)>
*VAR Also oxdhogpov: Opaviov ‘bench’ (H.), perhaps after Sigpoc; cf. ckdAvOpov.
*DER Diminutive oxoAdm-ov [n.] (Antyll. apud Orib.), -17i¢ toipa “the destiny of
being impaled’ (Man.), after BaotA-nic etc; -ifw ‘to provide with a o.’ (Stad.) with
-toytdg [m.] ‘the impaling, the spearing’ (Vett. Val.); often dva-cxoAoritw ‘to stick on
a pole, impale’ (Hdt., etc.) with -to1c [f] (sch. Eust.), dmto- ‘to remove the poles’
(Aq.).
*ETYM Often derived from > oxd\dw ‘to stir, hoe’, but the formation is peculiar. The
interpretation of oxd\om- as a disyllabic stem cognate with e.g. Lat. scal po ‘to scratch,
cut with a sharp instrument, etc.’, OHG scelifa ‘membranous shell’, Lith. sklempti,
sklembti ‘to plane, etc. (Pok. 926) is formally even more unlikely. The variant
oxddogpov with -gp- rather points to a Pre-Greek origin; cf. Fur. 107.
oKoAvOptov [n.] ‘footstool’ (Pl. Euthd. 278b, Poll.). <PG?(v)>
eVAR KOAvOpov (Telecl.).
oKOoTteAOc 1357
*DER ok6AvOpo¢ ‘low’ (H., Phot., Suid.), oxoAvOpwv- tanetvov. and oKoAdOpwv
dippwv (H.).
*ETYM Diminutive of an unattested word *oxdAvOpov, which seems to be a variant of
KOAvO@pov. This could point to Pre-Greek origin. A connection with oxoAtrttelv
(thus Frisk s.v.) is formally and semantically unlikely.
ox6Avpoc [m.] name of a kind of thistle with an edible flower base, ‘Scolymus
hispanicus, artichoke, Cynara scolymus’ (Hes., Alc, Arist. etc.); on the mg, see
Dawkins JHS 56 (1936): 6. <PG(V)>
eVAR oKOAvpov (Zonar.). On oxdAvBos, see below.
*DER okoAyt-worj¢ ‘like o.’ (Thphr.).
eETYM A variant of this word can be found in oxdAuBoc: 6 éa@tdtevocg BodBdc ‘edible
onion’ (H.). The variation B/{t is a well-known Pre-Greek phenomenon.
oxoAvnterv [v.] - éxtiAXetv, KoAovetv ‘to pluck out, cut short’; cokoAdyal: KoAOdDOaL,
KodoP@oat ‘to cut short, shorten’; dvacxodbyac: yuptvwoas ‘having stripped’ (H.).
<PG(V)>
VAR Beside oxoAvBpa: oxv8pwmt) ‘sad’ (H.) we find oxodvepa: oxvOpwat), okAnpa,
épywdrc, Svoxepris ‘sad, hard, difficult, intractable’.
*COMP Often with dmo- ‘to skin, strip off, circumcise’ (Archil. 124, S. Fr. 423, Ael.
Dion. etc.).
*ETYM The variation between oxoAvm- and kodof- in » koAoBdc ‘curtailed, cut short’
points to a Pre-Greek origin. A connection with » oxdA)w ‘to stir, hoe’ (thus e.g.
Frisk) is therefore unlikely. Also, the variation between -Bp- and -p- in oxodtBpa
and oxoAte@pa (whether or not they are really connected with oxodvrtetv; the
semantics are quite far) points to a Pre-Greek origin of these words (Fur.: 171).
oKxouBpos [m.] ‘mackerel’ (Epich., Ar., Arist. etc.). <PG?>
*DER Diminutive oxoptBpidec: ixOvec ‘fishes’ (H.); also Arist. HA 543b 5 (vl.
oxopmidec). Additionally, the apparently denominative oxopBpicat- yoyytoal. Kai
madiag doedyovc eidog ‘to murmur, grumble; kind of wanton spvrt’, also
oxoptPpiterv as an explanation of paSanvyitetv ‘to slap the buttocks’ (H.).
*ETYM Origin unclear. The word may well be of Pre-Greek origin; cf. Fur.: 124. The
word was borrowed as Lat. scomber.
oKovuta =Kdvula.
oKomeXoc [m.] ‘cliff, rock, mountain peak’ (mostly epic poet. B 396), ‘watch-tower’
(pap.), -ov [n.] ‘earthen wall, hill’ (LXX). <?>
*DER oxomted-iCw [v.] ‘to set up a watch-tower’, with -toptdc [m.] (Ulp. in Dig.).
eETYM Although within Greek the meaning ‘watch-tower’ seems to be a later
development out of original ‘cliff, rock, mountain peak’, an etymological connection
with oxomn ‘watch-tower’, oxomd ‘watch-tower, cliff, etc. (see » okéntojtiat) might
suggest that a meaning ‘watch-tower’ was the’starting-point of this word after all.
Older etymological connections (e.g. in Frisk s.v.) involving an alleged PIE root
*skep- ‘to cut’ (thought to be attested in »oxémapvoc) are outdated, as such a root
does not seem to have existed. Borrowed as Lat. scopulus.
1358 OKOTIEW, OKOTILG, OKOTIOG
OKOTEW, OKOTIA, OKOTOG >OKENTOLLAL.
oKxopakivw —Kdpak.
oxopdivaopat [v.] ‘to stretch (drowsily), yawn’ (Hp., Ar., Poll.). <?>
eVAR Ion. -éojtat.
DER okopdiv-npa [n.] (kopé- v.l. Erot.), -nopdg [m.] (Hp., Gal.).
eETYM Presumably from a non-attested noun *oxdpd.vov, -oc. A more primary form
is probably represented by oxopddCew- onaoOa (H.). Hardly related to >» kdpdak,
> kpaddaw; no further etymology.
oKopdvAn =KopdvAn. "
oKxopopviog [m.] kavOapoc ‘dung-beetle’ (H.). <PG(v)>
eETYM Clearly connected with »xdpafBoc. The word therefore seems to continue
*okap(a)$-vA-, with o from a before v in the next syllable.
oxdpodov [n.] ‘garlic, Allium sativum’ (Milete VI’, Ion., com., Thphr. et al.). <PG?>
eVAR Hell. and late also oxdpdov (see Schwyzer: 259); there is also oxopadov (inscr.
Cyrene), which may be secondary.
*COMP A number of compounds, e.g. oxopod-aAun [f.] ‘salty garlic-broth’ (com.), cf.
Risch IF 59 (1949): 58; Opto-oKxdp(o)dov [n.] kind of wild garlic (Gal., Ps.-Dsc.); cf.
Stromberg 1940: 33.
*DER oxop06-tov [n.], -ifw [v.] ‘to feed or to spice with garlic’ (com.), oxopodoiv:
ovvovoidtetv ‘to have intercourse with’ (H.); on the mg., see Specht KZ 62 (1935): 215.
eETYM Related to Alb. hurdhé [f.] ‘garlic and Arm. xstor, dial. sxtor ‘id’. The
Albanian form can be reconstructed as *skord-, the Armenian word as *skodor-,
which was metathesized from *skorod-, but the details regarding the developments
of initial cluster are obscure (Acaryan in Martirosyan 2010). Given the alternation
*skord- ~ *skorod-, the word must be non-Indo-European, i.e. Pre-Greek or adopted
from a local language in the Pontic area. For other names for onion and garlic, cf.
> KpOLLVOV and » mpdoov; see also » BoABdc.
oKopmiog [m.] ‘scorpion’ (A. Fr. 169 = 368M.); often metaph. as epithet of a fish (com.,
Arist. et al.), after the poisonous stings, see Stromberg 1943: 124f., Thompson 1947
s.v.; also oxdpm-atva, -ic, on which see below; of a plant (Thphr.), see Strémberg
1937: 50f.; of a constellation (Cleostrat., Hell.), see Scherer 1953: 170; a war machine
for firing arrows (Hero et al.), whence oxopmi(w (see below); of a stone (Orph.), also
oxKopmitic, -itn¢. <PG(V)>
eCOMP As a first member e.g. in oxopmi-ovpos (-ov) plant name (Dsc.).
*DER 1. Substantives: oxopm-iov [n.] plant name (Dsc.), -idtov [n.] ‘small slinging-
machine’ (Plb., LXX), -ic [f.] (Arist.), -atva [f.] (Ath.) fish name (see above); -tttc [f.],
-itn¢ [m.] name of a stone (Plin., late pap.), after the color and shape, Redard 1949:
61); -LWv, -\voc [m.] month name in Alexandria (Ptol.). 2. Adjectives: oxopn-1wdn¢
‘resembling the o.’ (Arist., Ph. et al.), -1ioc, -etocg ‘belonging to the o.’ (Orph., Man.),
-tetc ‘id.’ (Nic.), -taKxdg ‘id.’ (medic.), -tavéc “born under the sign o.’ (Astr.). 3.
Verbs: oxopm-itw ‘to scatter’ (Hecat.[?], Hell. and late), also with dia- etc., -taivopiat
_ OKOTOG 1359
‘to be enraged’ (Procop.), oxopmiottat- dayptiaivetat, épeOiCeta ‘gets angry, is
provoked’ (H.).
eETYM The scorpion is widely distributed in the southern parts of Europe, but there
are isolated populations as far north as the Isle of Sheppy in Great Britain. The Indo-
Europeans, whose homeland was probably located to the North of the Black Sea, did
not have a word for the scorpion, and the Greeks must therefore have adopted it
from a different language when they arrived in the Mediterranean. Acc. to Fur. (see
his index), » KapaBoc, KapapiPoc, » *oxapaBaioc, > kepapBvk, KepdpiBnrov, Knpagic,
and » ypayatoc all continue the same Pre-Greek word, which seems possible. It is to
be noted that most forms can easily be reduced to a structure *kara™p-, except for
ypawatoc and oxoprtioc. The word does not derive from PIE *skerp- ‘to scratch’, seen
in OE sceorfan ‘to scratch’ and Latv. skérpét ‘to cut grass’. The Greek word was
borrowed as Lat. scorpius, -id.
oKdtog [m.] ‘darkness, dark’, also of the dark before the eyes = ‘swindle’ (Il.). <IE
*sk(e)h;t- or *skoto- ‘shadow, dark’>
VAR Also [n.] (since V*), after e.g. pac, see Egli 1954: 64f.
*COMP Some compounds, eg. oKoto-prv-log “having the moon in the dark”,
‘moonless’, epithet of v0& (€ 457), univerbation of oxdtoc and prv(n); besides the
abstract oxoto-jtnv-ia [f.] ‘moonlessness, moonless night’ (Hell.), also okoto-ujWvn
‘id’ (Democr.[?], LXX) and (after the nouns in -atva) oxotd-ptatva [f.] ‘id’ (AP et
al.). Further oxoto-étv-ia, Ion. -in [f.] ‘swindle’ (Hp., PI.), with -dtvidw [v.] (Ar. PL);
also -dtvoc [m.] ‘id. (Hp.), after Sivoc.
*DER A. Adjectives: 1. oxdttog ‘dark, secretly, illegitimate’, in Crete also = dvnfoc ‘not
grown-up’ (especially epic poet. since Z 24), cf. Ruijgh 1957: 108 against Leumann
1950: 284; oxotiac Spanétyg ‘runaway’ (H.). 2. oxot-aiog ‘in the dark, dark’ (IA),
after kvepaioc etc. (Schwyzer: 467). 3. -etvdc ‘darkness’ (A.), after @aetvdc etc., with
-e.votn [f.] (PL), -ertv@dec (H.), see vv8d6dec. 4. -detc ‘id’ (Hp., Emp., Hell. epic);
XKotova(o)a (-decoa) [f.] town in Thessaly (Hell.). 5. -wdnc¢ ‘dark, dizzy’ ee with
-w6ia [f.] (late). 6. -epdc ‘dark’ (Hell. poet.).
B. Substantives: 1. oxotia [f.] = oxdétoc (Ar., LXX, NT et al.); cf. Scheller 1951: 38. 2.
oxotapia: Céo@oc. Axatoi ‘darkness (Achaean)’ (H.). 3. Zkotitac [m.] epithet of Zeus
(Paus. 3, 10, 6); explanation debated; cf. Redard 1949: 212. 4. Xkotia (-td) [f.] epithet
of Aphrodite (H., EM), see Scheller 1951: 129.
C. Verbs: 1. okotdoptat ‘it becomes dark before my eyes, I’m passing out’, -dw ‘to
make pass out, to darken’ (Att. etc.), also with dmo-, ovv-; on the mg., see
Chantraine Sprache 1 (1949): 147f3 thence ox6t-whta, -wotc (Hell. and late). 2. ém-
oxot-éw [v.] ‘to shroud in darkness, darken’ (Hp., Att.), like ém-Ovjt-éw, -xelp-éw
etc.), with -notg [f.] (Plu. et al.), -o¢ adj. (Pi. Pae. 9, 5 v.1.). 3. okotéw in 3pl. ckotéwot
‘their sight becomes ‘darkened’ (Nic.). 4. okot-GGw ‘to become dark, darken’ (Att,
etc; in the older language only impersonal), mostly with ovv-, whence -aoytd¢ [m.]
(late). 5. -ifw ‘to darken’ (Hell. and late), also with émt-, amo-, kata-, whence -top16c,
-toic (late). 6. okotevel- Spanetevet ‘runs away (H.), cf. okotiac above sub A. 1.
eETYM The word ox6toc has a close cognate in a Germanic word for ‘shadow’: Go.
skadus, OE sceadu (also ‘darkness’), OHG scato, -(a)wes, from PGm. *skadu- (after
1360 oxptBritns
the opposite *haidu-, originally ‘appearance in the light’ in Go. haidus ‘art, manner’,
etc). Beside these, we find Celtic forms with an apparent lengthened grade, e.g. Olr.
scath [n.] ‘shadow’. We may reconstruct either IE *skoto-, -tu (Greek and Germanic)
beside *skoto- (Celtic), or an ablauting root noun *sk(e)h,t- (Matasovic 2008 s.v.
*skato-). Cf. also on > oxid.
oxptBritN¢ [m.] ‘cheesecake’ (Chrysipp. Tyan. apud Ath. 14, 647d). <LW Lat.>
*eETYM From Lat. scriblita [m.] ‘id.’, which itself seems to have been taken from Greek
CotpeBXitis : otpeBAdc?); see WH s.v. and Redard 1949: 91.
oxtPadov [n.] ‘waste, offal, refuse, muck’ (Hell and late). <PG(v)>
VAR Also *oxbBdAov as in oxvPAiCw? *
*DER oxufad-wdne¢ ‘muck-like’ (late), -ucdg ‘dirty’ (Timocr.?), -i€w [v.] ‘to treat +t like
or regard as waste’ (LXX, D. H. et al.), also with dva-, dmto-; to this -toptd¢ [m.] (Plb.),
-topta [n.] (Ps.-Phoc.), -totg [f.] (sch.); -evopat ‘id’ (sch.).
eETYM Neumann 1961: gof. and 107 compared Hitt. iShuyai-' ‘to throw (away), shake
(away)’. Fur.: 148 compares kimeAAa: Ta Tic LaCNS Kal TOV dptwv emi Tig Tpamélng
kataheiiata ‘whatever dough and bread is left over on the table’ (Philet. apud Ath.
11, 483a); if correct, then the word is Pre-Greek. See DELG Supp.
okvdtaivw [v.] ‘to rage, grumble’ (2 592). <?>
VAR Backformation oxvdttatvoc: oxvOpwrdc ‘sad- or angry-looking’ (H.).
*COMP With dmo- (2 65).
*DER oxv(otat ‘id’ (Hom.), also with émt-, aor. opt. émoxvooatto (1 306), ind.
émoKkvoa (EM) ‘id’; act. oxvGovo: jovyi] bmo@8éyyovtal, wo7tep KbvEec ‘speak
quietly in an undertone, like dogs’ (H.); oxv(dw ‘id’ (Poll.). Perhaps also PN
XKvdpoc (Delos IV"); cf. Bechtel 1917b: 501. With a suffix -@po- or -po-: oxvOpdc
‘grumpy, murky, gloomy’ (Men., Arat.), whence oxv8p-da¢w [v.] ‘to be grumpy,
murky’ (E. El. 830), -iwv [m.] PN (Tanagra IV*); on oxvOpaé: teipak, EpnBoc ‘young
boy, adolescent’ (H.), see oxupOdAtoc. Especially in oxv@p-wmdc ‘with a gloomy look’
(Hp., Att; cf. Sommer 1948: 7 and 9), whence -witdtn¢ [f.] (Hp.), -wrdtw [v.] ‘to
look gloomy, etc.’, -wmaodg [f.] (Plu.).
eETYM Like in éptduaivw beside épitw, oxvdpaivw beside oxv{optat has its -t1- from
Tiyaivw, Oeppiaivw, etc. For oxv@pdc, there is no reason to assume a pre-form
*oxvd-8poc (whence *oxvo-Opdc and, with dissimilation, oxv8pdc).
There is no certain etymology. Lith. (pra-)skusti, 1sg. -skundu, pret. -skudai ‘to
become nervous, tired, begin to feel pain’, Latv. skundét ‘to grumble, commiserate,
blame, grudge’, etc. (Pok. 955) cannot be related, as the accentuation points to *-d"-.
oxvta [f.] ‘lust, heat’ (Philet. 27 [?; see Powell ad loc.], SEG 4, 47 (Messana II’[?];
personified as a woman). <PG?>
*DER oxvGdw (ava-, éx-) [v.] ‘to be in heat’, of dogs, horses et al. (Cratin., Arist. et al.)
with -notc [f.] (Ar. Byz.).
eETYM Unexplained. The word could be Pre-Greek (note the meaning), from a pre-
form PG *skuf"a.
oxtfonat >oKvdpaivw.
oKkbvAw 1361
oKvOpdc =oKvdptaivw.
oxtAak, -&Kog [f., m.] ‘doggy, puppy’ (Od.), also ‘whelp, cub’ in general (E. [lyr.], Nic.,
Luc. et al.); metaph. “collar, neckband’ (Pl. Com., Plb.). < PG?>
*COMP Also as a first member e.g. in oxvAako-tpdqgos ‘breeding dogs’, with -ia, -tkdc¢
(late).
*DER 1. Diminutive oxvAdk-tov [n.] (IA). 2. Fem. -atwa (AP), -) (Orph.). 3.
Substantive -itic [f.] ‘protectress of cubs’, epithet of Artemis (Orph.), see Redard
1949: 212; -evc [m.] = oxvAa— (Opp.), rather metrical enlargement than back-
formation from -evw (cf. BofShardt 1942: 71 and Kretschmer Glotta 11 (1921): 228). 4.
Adjective -eioc ‘of puppies’ (Hp. S. E.); -wdng (X.), -evtixds ‘belonging to a puppy’
(Ph.), analogical enlargement. 5. Verb -etw act. ‘to mate, copulate’, of dogs (X., Arr.),
pass. ‘to be raised’ (Str., Max. Tyr.), with -eia [f.] ‘dog-breeding’ (Plu., Poll.), -evpa
[n.] ‘offspring’ (Epigr. apud Plu., AP), -evtij¢ [m.] ‘dog-breeder’ (Him.).
*ETYM Words for young animals often end in -a€ (cf. pteipag, dér@ak, noptak; see
Chantraine 1933: 377ff.). Therefore, oxvAak could be related to oxvAtov [n.] name of
a shark (Arist.) and to oxbA\a fish name (Nic. Fr. 137 Schn.); see Solmsen 1909: 20’;
forms with a geminate are oxUA(A)oc = oxbAak, kbwv (EM, H.), oxvAhic: KAnatic
(H., Strémberg 1940: 31), and kvAAa: oxvAak (kbAAac: KvAaE cod.). "HAeiot (H.).
XKVAAN; Att. ZKvAAa (“the bitch”), name of the well-known sea-monster (Od.), is
perhaps related.
There are no certain cognates outside Greek. Arm. c‘ul, gen. c‘J-u ‘young bull’, from
IE *skul- or *skdl-, was compared by Meillet BSL 26 (1925): 20f. Comparison with
Lith. skalikas ‘barking dog’ (from skdlyti ‘to bark hunting’) and kalé ‘bitch’ go back
to *(s)kol-. Schwyzer KZ 37 (1904): 150 pointed at oxw{ovotv (H.) and oxvdttaivw
(does this contain a root *sku-? Cf. » oxtjtvoc). In view of the lack of an etymology,
the word could well be Pre-Greek.
oKvAXw [v.] ‘to lacerate, tear up, flay’, mostly metaph. ‘to pester, tire, bother, trouble,
vex’, med.-pass. ‘to strain’, aor. act. ‘to infest, plunder’ (pap., inscr., NT, late prose;
rarely poet.: A., Nic., AP). <?>
eVAR Aor. okvA-al, pass. -ijvat (-178Ajvat Eust.); fut. -oopat, perf. med. ZoxvAttau.
With metathesis EvANeo8at if ‘“oxbAeo8ar’ (SIG 56, 3; Argos V*%; cf. Schwyzer: 329).
°COMP Rarely with amo-, émt-, Mpo-, Ovv-.
*DER oOKvA-{L6c [m.] “bothering, tribulation’ (Hell. and late), ‘rending, mangling’
(sch.), -pwdn¢ ‘troublesome’ (Vett. Val.); -ta (twice with Koc) [n.] ‘hair plucked
out’ (AP), cf. oxvAtat (Kdptn) ‘is tousled’ (AP); oxbAcic: Ovjidc, odAoc, Tapaxr
‘spirit, a tossing motion, disorder’ (H.), -tixdé¢ ‘vexatious’ (Vett. Val.). Further
oxvAog [n.] (pl. oxvAa in Nic. Th. 422) ‘stripped hide, skin’ (Call. Theoc., AP; cf.
déppa to dépw), ‘nutshell’ (Nic.); as a first member in oxbAo-déync¢ [m.] ‘tanner’
(Ar.), -6¢ ‘id’ (D.). Also oxddocg [n.] (Herod. 3, 68 with 0 after oxdtoc, if not a
misspelling). See >» kookvAttatia ‘cuttings of leather’.
eETYM Together with its derivations, oxvAdw is especially known from the later
colloquial language and in the metaphorical meaning ‘to pester, etc... Through
adaptation to »oKtAa, the aor. oxdAat may have obtained the meaning ‘harass,
1362 oxvAa
plunder’ (but see s.v.). Only pres. oxdAAovtat ‘they are stripped of their flesh’, of
warriors drowned by fish (A. Pers. 577 [lyr.]), and oxbAo0-déwng (Ar.) are attested
early.
Traditionally connected with the group of » oxdA)w (see s.v. and Pok. 923f.), where v
in oxvAAw was supposed to be a reduced vowel (Schwyzer: 351). This scenario is
impossible, but Vine 1999b: 565ff. regards oxvAAw as an o-grade formation *skol-
ie/o-.
oxddAa [n.pl.] ‘war-booty, especially weapons’, also -ov ‘spoil, booty’ (S., E., Th. et al.).
<PG?>
eDER *oxvAaioc in oxvAaiac: Ta oKdAa Kal Adpupa. oi 6& tac MavomAiac ‘arms and
(other) booty from an enemy; a hoplite’s full armor’ (H.). Denominative verb oxvA-
evw ‘to rob a slain enemy of his weapons (Hes. Sc. 468, IA); oxvAedpata [n.pl.] =
oxvdAa (E., Th.), -eia [f.] ‘plundering’ (LXX), -evotg [f.] (Cilicia), -evpidc [m.] (Eust.)
‘spoils’, -evtrj¢ [m.] ‘one who strips a slain enemy’ (Aq.), -evtiKdc ‘plundering’ (Tz.).
Also oxvA-dw, -fjoat (UPZ 6, 15; 21, AP 3, 6[?], Eust.) ‘id’, -1)tp1a [f.] ‘she who strips a
slain enemy’ (Lyc., Eust.).
*ETYM The root specifically refers to the stripping of a slain enemy of his weapons
and armor. Probably a derivative of the root of » okUAAw ‘to lacerate, tear up, flay’,
even though the meaning of oxtAa may have influenced the aorist oxbAat ‘to
plunder’. Other etymologies, such as comparison with oxdtoc ‘prepared skin,
leather’ and éruokbwov ‘skin of the brows’ (Pok. 951 ff.), oxbAog, are less attractive. It
is noteworthy that odAov (see on » cvAdw) has a similar meaning; does this point to
a Pre-Greek interchange o-/ox-? Fur.: 393 connects €vANopat, but see > oOKDAAW.
oxvpvos [m., f.] ‘cub, whelp’, especially ‘young lion’ (epic Ion. poet. 2 319, also Arist.
etc.). <PG?(S)>
*DER Diminutive oxuptv-iov [n.] (Arist.), -ebw [v.] ‘to breed’ (Philostr.), -etog ‘of a
whelp’ (Suid.).
*ETYM The word has been connected with oxtAak ‘puppy’, but the variation of the
suffix remains unclear on this account. The suffix -uv- could point to Pre-Greek
origin.
oxvpOdAtog [m.] - veavioxoc ‘youth’ (H.). Also oxvpOdAta (-1G¢ cod.): Oed~pactocg
tovs éprBouc obtw gyoi KaAeioBat, Atovictoc dé tobcs pElpaxac ‘adolescents are
called this way acc. to Theophrastus, and young boys acc. to Dionysius’ (H.).
<PG?(V)>
eVAR oKupOdvia: tod< eprPoug oi Adkwvec ‘adolescents (Laconian)’ (Phot.). With
metathesis. oxbOpak: peipat, EprBoc ‘young girl or boy, adolescent’ (H.). Without o-
(and Lac. -o- from -8-) in kupoiov: petpdaKtov ‘boy’ (H.), Lac. kvupodviog ‘id. (Ar.
Lys.).
eETYM Formation like vwyg-dAtoc, etc. Has been compared with Skt. krdhu-
‘shortened, mutilated’, d-skydho-yu- ‘not shortened, not needy’, which is further
connected with the Lithuanian group of skurstu, skurdau skursti ‘to lack, lag in
growth, languish’, nu-skurdes ‘impoverished, neglected’. These words derive from a
root *sker-d'-. Since oxup9- is semantically remote and cannot reflect a zero grade,
OKvPOS 1363
nor an o-grade, the etymology is incorrect. There is no better etymology, but Pre-
Greek origin is probable (note the variant without o-).
oxvpov [adj.] = Goxvpov ‘St. John’s wort’ (Nic. Th. 74). <PG>
eETYM See > GoKkupov.
oxdpog [m.] ‘stone-chippings, rubble’ (Epid. IV*, H., Poll., sch. Pi.). <PG(v)>
*DER oxupwtd ddd¢ ‘road paved with o, (Pi. P. 5, 93), Ta oxvpw[ta] [n.pl.] (Delos
III"), oxvpw0dot- MOwOaotv ‘petrify’ (H., from Hp.?), oxvpwéng¢ ‘consisting of o.’
(Eust.).
*ETYM Perhaps the island name Xxipoc is related (after the marble quarries?). Fur:
366 takes the word to be a variant of » oxipoc and concludes that it is Pre-Greek.
oxbtaAn [f.] ‘stick, club, spar, drum’ (Archil., Pi.), especially a staff used as a cypher to
read dispatches, more generally also ‘(Spartan) dispatch’. Metaph. a snake (Nic. et
al.), or a fish (Opp.), see Stromberg 1943: 36. <?>
eVAR oxbtaAov [n.] ‘stick, club’ (Pi, Hdt., Ar., X.).
*DER Diminutive oxvtd\-tov [n.] (Ar., Hell. and late), -ic [f.] ‘stick’ (Hdt., Hell. and
late); further -iac [m.] a type of long cucumber (Thphr.; Strémberg 1937: 91); -wtd¢
‘provided with a o.’ (Hero, EM); -toudc [m.] ‘club-law’ in Argos (D. S., Plu.); -dopat
[v.] ‘to be clubbed’ (EM, H.), hence -wotc (Troezen).
*ETYM No etymology. Borrowed as Lat. scutula.
oxbtn [f.] - kepadt ‘head’; oxvta- tov tpdynAov. Zcedoi ‘neck, throat (Sicilian) (H.),
see further LSJ s.v. about the attestations. <PG>
*ETYM Fur.: 359, 362 compares Kot(T)ic, (mpo)-Kdtta ‘head’ and assumes Pre-Greek
origin.
oxitos [n.] ‘prepared skin, leather, leather thong’ (& 34). <IE *(s)keh,u-t->
*COMP okvto-tTdpLo¢ [m.] ‘leather-worker, cobbler’ (H 221); as a second member in
dwdexa-oxvtos ‘consisting of twelve leather strips’ (Pl.).
*DER Diminutive oxvt-dptov [n.], -ic¢ [f.] (Hell. and late); adj. -tvoc ‘leather’ (1A),
-iK6¢ ‘pertaining to leather(-work) or cobbling’ (Pl. Arist. et al.), -wdn¢ ‘leather-like’
(Arist.); -ebc [m.] ‘cobbler’ (Att.), -eiov, -ebw, -eia, -evoic (Hp., Att, etc.).
Denominative oxvt-douat in éoxvtwpevos ‘coated with leather’ (Att. inscr., Plb. et
al.).
*ETYM Probably related to the PIE word for ‘skin’ *keh,u-ti-: with a zero grade, OHG
hut, Lat. ctitis, and ToA kdc; with a full grade, OPr. keuto and Lith. kidutas ‘case,
envelop, shell’ (see, e.g., De Vaan 2008 s.v. cutis). The initial *s- of Greek may be
shared by MW eskit, Co. eskit, esgis ‘shoe’ < *ped-skuHt-. The root *(s)keh,u- may
also have been preserved in » émoxbviov ‘skin of the brows’ and » KUtos ‘hollow (of
a shield), vessel’.
oxv@og [m., n.] ‘cup, mug’ (€ 112, rare in Arist., Hell. inscr., etc.). <PG?(v)>
*DER Diminutive oxvg-iov [n.], also ‘skull’ (Paul. Aeg.), -idtov (EM?), -dptov (gloss.);
adj. -(€)tog ‘o.-like’ (Stesich.); oxi@-wpa [n.] = oxb@oc (A. Fr. 184 = 308 M.; on the
1364 OKWANE 1, -NKOS
suffix, see Chantraine 1933: 186), -wv, -@voc [m.], meaning unclear (Gal.). oxvEipdv-
okv@ov (H.) is doubtful.
*ETYM No etymology. The form oxtgoc is similar to oxd@os, -1) (see » okanTWw), but
the vocalism is unexplained. Fur.: 176 compares ktBoc ... [Idiot 5& TO TpvBALOv ‘a
drinking vessel’ (H.), etc., which could be a Pre-Greek variant.
oK@Ané 1, -nKo¢g [m.] ‘worm, larva’ (N 564). <?>
COMP As a first member eg. in oxwAnkd-Bpwtos ‘eaten away by worms’ (Thphr.,
etc.).
oe Diminutive oxwAnK-tov [n.] (Arist. etc.) -(tm¢ [m.] (Knpd¢ or oTbpak) ‘wax or
resin in the shape of a worm’ (Dsc.); -5ng;worm-like’ (Arist.); -Gopat [v.] ‘to be
eaten away by worms’, -wotc [f.] (Thphr.); -taw [v.] ‘to suffer from worms’ (Orib. et
al.), -iaoic [f.] (Sm., Thd.); -iCw [v.] ‘to have an irregular pulse’ (Gal.), cf. puppnKiCw
‘id’, okwAyKiCovtat- KtvodvTat we oi oKMAIKEG ‘Move or stir like worms’ (H.).
*ETYM Usually regarded as derived from a lengthened grade formation to the root of
> oxéAog ‘thigh, leg’ (see there for PIE etymology) and oxodtdc ‘bent, twisted’. The
suffix -1)k- is also found in » o@yg, > wwppnf, etc; the thematic formation is perhaps
found in oxddotor Spenavoic, Sta tiv okoMdtrta ‘scythe, after its curvedness’ (H.;
if this is not rather related to ox@Aos ‘pole’), okwAUTTOPAL ‘to curve, wind’ (Nic. Th.
229), and MoGr. (Pontic) oxod)og ‘upper shank’ < *oKddoc or *oKdhos. In view of
the lengthened grade and the non-IE suffix, this analysis is dubious.
OKMANE 2. [2] - TO KvALGLLEVov Kia ‘wave rolling along’ (H., Pl. com., Phryn.). kai ano
Tic GAw TO Stwwnev Kai ovvayGév eic AtkuNtdv ‘from the threshing-floor, what is
whirled and put together into winnowing’ (H.). <?>
eETYM A metaphorical use of oxwAné ‘worm’, after the way of movement (Phryn.).
ox@Ao¢ [m.] ‘pointed pole’ (N 564), ‘thorn, prickle’ (Ar. et al.). <IE?>
eVAR Also ox@Aov, pl. -a ‘id.’ (EM, H.), metaph. ‘stumbling block’, whence -dopat
[v.] ‘to be offended’ (LXX; Aq., Al.).
eCOMP okwAo-BatiCw [v.] ‘to walk on stilts’ (Epich.), -Batng “(kind of) weevil’ (H.).
eETYM The word resembles » oxdAow ‘pointed pole’ and, outside Greek, Alb. hell
‘spit, icicle’ < *skol-o-; without *s-, Lith. kudlas ‘pole’ < *kdl-o- and OCS kolz ‘pole’ <
*kol-o-. These words probably all derive from PIE *kelH- ‘to hew’; see Pok. 545-547
ands.v. » k\dw. Another possible cognate is » okdAAw ‘to split’.
oxentw [v.] ‘to mock, jest, flout, taunt’ (h.Cer. 203). <?>
eVAR ok@yat (IA), fut. okayouat (Ar.), pass. aor. okw@Oijvat (X.), perf. Eokwppat
(Luc.).
eCOMP Also with dno-, émi-, kata- etc. As a second member in @tho-oKWpLLWwv, -ovoc
[m.] ‘fond of mocking’ (Hdt., Plu., Luc. et al.), -oovvn (Poll.).
*DER ok@pyla (éri-, d76-) [n.] ‘mockery, jest’ (Att.), -attov [n.] (Ar.); ox@yic (émi-)
[f.] “id” (Alex., Plu.); oxwmtnys [m.] ‘mocker’ (Archig. et al.), piAo-oxwntigs fond of
mocking’ (Arist. et al.), -éw (Ath.); fem. ok@ntpia (Procop.); oxwrtikds ‘id.’ (Plu.,
Luc., Poll.); oxwmadéoc, meaning unclear (Hdn. Gr.); deverbal oxwnt-dAn¢ [m.]
opdpaydoc 1365
‘mocker’ (Ar. et al.), -mAdc¢ ‘mocking’ (Zonar.). On oxwnevpia, okwriac, names of
dances, see » OK.
eETYM An unexplained formation that must be recent in the prehistory of Greek. The
root may be that of » oxéntopat ‘to look about’ or » oxantw ‘to dig’, but neither is
immediately obvious. Perhaps the verb is related to > oxwy ‘little horned owl’.
oxdp [n.] ‘muck, excrement’ (Epich., Ar., Stratt.). «IE *sk-or ‘excrement’>
eVAR Or oxwp, cf. Schwyzer: 377 and 384; gen. okatdg (Poll.).
*COMP As a first member e.g. in okato-payoc ‘muck-eater’, with -éw (com.).
*DER oxwp-ia [f.] ‘metal slags’ (Arist. et al.), see further Scheller 1951: 49; diminutive
-(d5tov, -aCw (late) ‘to turn into oxwpia’, -attic [f.] ‘stool’ (Ar.), after dytic ‘chamber
pot’.
*ETYM From the PIE heteroclitic *sok-r/n-, found in Hitt. sakkar, gen. Saknag
‘excrement’, Lat. miscerda ‘mouse droppings’, and ON skarn ‘muck’ (cf. Schindler
BSL 70 (1975): 1-10 and Kloekhorst 2008 s.v. Sakkar). The form oxwp reflects a
collective *sk-6r, while oxatdc reflects quasi-PIE *sk-n-to-s . An IE word with similar
formation is reflected by » kémpocg ‘excrement’.
oxwpvvgiav [f.] = 16 oxavdarov <”Eyappoc>, év Mnoiv: év dé Tptakdotv ta do1wdn
xpéa ‘trap, stumbling-block; bony meat (if to be read as ta 60TwWSn Kpéa)’ (H.). <2
eETYM Meaning uncertain; etymology unknown.
oKoy, oxwrd¢ [m.] ‘little horned owl’ (e 66, Epich., Arist., Theoc. et al.); metaph. as a
fish name (Nic. Fr. 18), probably after the colors (Strémberg 1943: 114); name of a
dance (Ael., Poll.), with in the same mg. also oxwmevjta (A. Fr. 70 = 20 M.) and
okwriacg (Poll.); as a name of a dance also connected with oxoneiv (Ath, H.).
<PG(V)>
eVAR Also kwy.
*COMP As a second member in dei-oxwy a kind of owl (Arist.), which acc. to Arist.
was not a migratory bird. a
*ETYM Formation as mtwt, kdwy, etc. (Chantraine 1933: 2), but unexplained.
Connected with oxwntw by Ath. and Ael., which is probably folk etymology. The
same holds for the modern comparison with oxéntopat, after the sharp view and the
protruding circle around the eyes. A by-form kww is often mentioned (see
Thompson 1895 s.v. okwy); also, ywrac: KoAotovc. Maxeddvec ‘jackdaw (Maced.y
(H.). Given these variations, the word is probably Pre-Greek. Other words for ‘owl’
are » yAabé, » ot¥E and Wtos (s.v. » oc).
oudpaydos [f., m.] ‘emerald’ (Hdt., Pl, etc.). <Lw Orient.>
°VAR Also paipaydoc (Men., Hell. inscr.), also Cudpaydos, -tov (inscr., pap.).
*COMP ojtapaydo-xaitns ‘with emerald-green hair’ (Tim. Pers.).
*DER optapayd-tov [n.] (M. Ant.), -itng [m.] (Ai®oc; Hell., Plin.); voc ‘of emerald,
emerald-green’ (pap. et al.), -etoc ‘id’? (Hld.), -wd1¢ (sch.); -i{w [v.] ‘to be emerald-
green’ (D. S., Dsc.). .
*ETYM To be compared with Skt. marakata- (also marakta-) [n.] and Akk. barraqtu,
Hebr. bareqet ‘id’, whose original source may be Semitic (cf. brq ‘gleam, flicker’).
1366 opapayéw
For the Greek reflex o-, cf. ZpépSic beside OP Bardiya, etc. (Schwyzer: 311); we also
have to reckon with influence of opapayéw. The form jtdpaydoc, which is attested
only later, may have been borrowed from Indic. From Greek, in turn, were borrowed
Lat. smaragdus and Pers. and Arab. zumurrud, whence Osman. ziimriid was taken,
which was again borrowed as Ru. izumrud. Cf. Mayrhofer EW Aia s.v.
opapayéw [v] ‘to drone, roar, thunder’, of the sea, thunder, etc. (epic Il., also Hp. Mul.
2, 154). <PG(V)>
eVAR Aor. -fjoat.
COMP As a second member (directly referring to the verb) in épt-opapayoc ‘droning
loudly’, of Zet¢ (Hes.), later also of 84Aac0%, etc.; also moAv-, Bapu-, GAt-opLapayoc
etc. (Opp. Nonn.). opapayitw [v.] ‘id.’ (Hes. Th. 693), oprapdoow (EM), papacow
(Erot.).
*DER optapay-1 [f.] ‘the droning’ (Opp.), -o¢ [m.] name of a chthonic god (Hom.
Epigr.).
*ETYM The word ojtapayéw is an onomatopoeic formation like AaAayéw, Natayéw,
opapayéopat, pabayéw, etc, beside which we find AaAdayr, Matayoc, opapayos,
paBayoc, etc; spapacow is formed like eg. nmatacow and pabdoow. Fur.: 227
considers opdpayos to be a variant (with interchange @p/ ), and takes the two words
to be Pre-Greek. In any case, it is unrelated to opapayéopat (pace Giintert 1914: 159).
opapdixov [n.] - otpovGiov ‘sparrow; lewd person’; opapdicor@Aatr oi tovs
otpovdodc nwAodvtes ‘those who sell sparrows (H.). <PG(V)>
eETYM As per Groéelj Ziva Ant. 7 (1957): 228, opapdtxov is related to > opopdoby:
ovvovoiatetv ‘to keep company, have intercourse with’ (H.). Fur: 226 instead
compares omapdotov = dpveov epepec otpovd® ‘bird resembling a sparrow’ (H.),
which would give us a typically Pre-Greek variation between m and u. If opopdobv is
indeed related, the interchange a/ 0 would also point to Pre-Greek origin.
opapic, -iSo¢ [f.] name of a small fish resembling the jratvic, ‘Sparus smaris’ (Epich.,
Arist., Opp., Marc. Sid. etc.), see Thompson 1947 s.v. <PG(V)>
*ETYM Fur.: 226 convincingly compares o7tdpog ‘a small sea-fish, a kind of bream’,
which proves Pre-Greek origin for this word in view of the variation p/ 7. A
connection with oynpitetv ‘to plane’ (Hero) is implausible (pace Stromberg 1943: 87),
because opapic generally has short & (long a only Marc. Sid.).
Gpdw, oudopat [v.] ‘to rub (off), wipe off, med. also ‘to rub oneself with ointment’.
<1E? *smeh,- ‘rub’>
eVAR OL, oat (Hdt. and late); opf, opto (Att. com.); opfv (Luc.), aor. optfjoat,
-rjoac8a1 (mostly Ion. Hell. and late), Dor. pte. opacaptéva (Call.), perf. med. pte.
mpo-eltinoptevos (pap. ITP),
«COMP Also (especially act.) with ano-, éx-, etc.
*DER oytija, Dor. (Theoc.) oppo. [n.] ‘cleanser, soap, ointment’ (Ar. Fr. 17, Hell. and
late). With a velar enlargement (Schwyzer: 702; Chantraine 1942: 330): A. OLX,
-opiat ‘id, (since ¢ 226), aor. optfEat, -ac8ar (Hp. Hell. and late), pass. opnxOfivat
(Ar.), perf. med. ptc. éopinyptévoc (Dsc.), also with &mo-, dia- etc. Hence 1. ved-onk-
\
{
1
OUF|Vos 1367
toc ‘newly polished’ (N 342 et al.). 2. optffyua = optipia, with -watw@dn¢ (Hp., late). 3.
ones (an6-) [f.] ‘the rubbing off, cleaning’ (Str., Dsc. et al.). 4. optr}K-tny¢ [m.] ‘one
who rubs off (gloss.); -tpic [f.] ‘kind of fuller’s earth’ (Hp., com.), -ttkdc ‘cleaning’
(medic.). B. oftwyw ‘to bray, grind’ (Ar., Nic.), aor. ot@&at, perhaps after ow xu,
WOXw.
*ETYM Etymology uncertain. Possibly related to Lat. macula [f.] ‘stain, blot’ (from
*smH-tla; see De Vaan 2008 s.v.). In any event, it is unrelated to Go. bi-, ga-smeitan,
OHG smizan, etc. Although one would first think of reconstructing a root *smeh.-,
LIV’ s.v. *smeh,- follows DELG in taking the a-forms as secondary, and deriving the
verb from *smeh,- instead. The preservation of initial *sm- in some Greek words is
problematic. See also on » op@dtE and >» opwvn.
opepdaréosg [adj.] ‘terrible, frightening, fearsome’, of appearance, cry and shouting
(epic Il.). <?>
eVAR oytepSvog ‘id.’ (IL, h. Hom., A. Pr. 355, Nic.).
eETYM optepdadgoc can be compared with Aevyahéoc, apyahéog etc; optepdvdc is
formed like e.g. detvdc. The pair optepdaréoc : optepdvdc shows an interchange of
suffixes like in ioyaA£og : ioxvdc, etc; see Benveniste 1935: 45f. A corresponding s-
stem (like in 8apoadéoc : Bdpooc) is found in opépd[vloc: Apa, PwpN, Svvapuc,
Spttnpa “will, vigor, power, impulse’ and evoytepdrc- etjpwotos ‘robust, strong’ (H.),
for the meaning of which cf. detvdtng, also ‘power, force, dexterity’.
The word opepdadéoc is traditionally connected with OHG smerzan, OE smeortan
‘to hurt’ and OE smeart ‘painful’, MoE smart ‘biting, stinging, sharp, witty, elegant’.
However, the Germanic word may rather be related to Lat. mordeo ‘to bite’, and
within Greek dépdw ‘to deprive of (thus LIV’ s.v. *hmerd-). In this case, opepd-
has no etymology, unless we assume that PIE *h,merd- interchanged with *smerd-
(on the problem, see Beekes 1969: 84). Cf. also » opopdodv.
opépdoc [?] ix8voc eidoc ‘kind of fish’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Etymology unknown. am
Ouijvos [n.] ‘beehive, skep’ (Hes. Th. 594, IG 1’, 326: 15, Pl. Resp. 552c, Arist.), “swarm of
pra ial swarm in general’ (A. Pers. 128 [lyr.], S. Fr. 897, com., Pl., Arist., etc.),
<PGS>
eVAR Dor. (Theoc.) opavoc; plur. optfjva (Orac. apud Plu. 2, 96b), optvat (leg. -1?)-
TOV LLehtooWVv of KNpOdSSXOL, TToL ai Oat ‘the wax containers of bees, the cells’ (H.);
improbable conjecture by Feyel Rev. arch. (1946): sff. to read 2jtfvat for oettvai in h.
Merc. 552.
*COMP oltnv-oupydc [m.] ‘beekeeper’ (Ael., Poll.), @tAd-optnvoc (UéAtooa) ‘loving
swarms, appearing in swarms’ (Nonn.).
*DER Diminutive opnv-iov [n.] ‘beehive’ (Dsc.), = mpdztoAtc “‘bee-glue’ (H.); -wv,
-@voc [m.] ‘station (stand) of beehives’ (Olymos I*; ¢t-), -uwv ‘id’ (Apollon. Mir.),
-n6dv ‘in swarms’ (Hdn. Epim.).
*ETYM The formation can be compared with voc, Ktijvos, épvoc, téLtevoc etc.; the
original meaning was probably ‘swarm (of bees)’ rather than ‘beehive’. The
etymology of opfjvoc is unknown. Fur.: 376 compares ioytfjvat- OfjKat, axdAov8ot
1368 opfipey§
‘cases, followers’ (H., see Latte); although this does not yet prove that the word is of
Pre-Greek origin, it is nevertheless is a good possibility (pace DELG, which assumes
IE origin without argumentation).
opfipey’ seiprys.
ounpitw [v.] ‘to abrade, smooth, polish’ (Hero). <?
*DER Diminutive -pdtiov [n.] (Hero Spir.); opjptota [n.] ‘airtight ingrained tube’.
*ETYM Although a connection with opptyé is formally attractive, the semantics are
not clear (originally *‘to depilate’?). Alternatively, we might consider the possibility
that it is an extended variant of ota, perhaps after otnpiCw.
OuNptvOocg = Inpvozta.
OuTw >oLLaw.
OpLKpdcs =LUKpOc.
opidat [f., m.] “Taxus baccata, common yew tree’, also the name of an ivy-like weed
and a leguminous plant (Att. Hell.), in Arcadia the name of an oak, ‘Quercus ilex’
(Thphr.). <PG(v)>
eVAR OAtt. pda, -axog; also pidoc (Cratin., Thphr.), optihog (Call., Nic, Dsc.) [m.]
‘taxus’.
*DIAL Myc. mi-ra; has been intepreted as /(s)milia/, denoting the material a table is
made of.
*DER opthdx-tvoc (Poll.), -etog (Theognost.) ‘made of yew’. -
-ETYM For the relationship between (o)iAak and (o)MiAoc, one may compare oioak :
olaoc or dpdpak : dpoBos. Because of the OAtt. variants pihak and piAos, optirak
cannot be related to ouiAn; the variants prove Pre-Greek origin for this word (Fur.:
390).
opidn [f.] ‘knife, wood-carving knife, scalpel, chisel’, instrument for artisans,
physicians, sculptors, etc. (IA). <?, PG?
VAR -& (AP), -1) (Hdn. Gr.).
COMP As a first element in opuAt-yhbgot (téxvat) ‘working with chisels, sculptural
(Epigr. Galatia), which does not contain a Caland 1, see DELG s.v. against Schwyzer:
448.
eDER1. Diminutive opwA-tov [n.] with -wtdc, -aptov [n.] (late medic.); 2. -tvoc ‘acting
as a knife’ (late medic.); 3. amo-, da-optAetw [v.] ‘to smooth with a chisel, plane’
(late) with opiA-evpia [n.] ‘chipping’ (Ar.), -evtdc (AP), -evoc, -eta [f.] (Hdn. Epim.).
*ETYM Doubtful analysis of opin as an instrument noun in -An (like jhAn, XnAh
TpwyAn, etc.) in Chantraine 1933: 240. On the assumption that the long i of opitAy
was introduced secondarily on the model of the nouns in -iAn, -tho-, the word has
been connected with the Germanic word for ‘carpenter, smith’, ON smid, OE smip
(> MoE smith), OHG smid, from PGm. *smipu-, *smidu- < IE *smi-tu. However, this
etymology is shaky; cf. the initial reflex of *sm-. Alternatively, Pre-Greek origin
might be considered. Cf. » optvin, » opivOoc, and > pLiKpdc. ;
|
optopdSovv 1369
opidos =oytthak,
outvdvpidia [n.pl.] a kind of women’s shoes (Poll. 7, 89). <GR>
eETYM Named after Zptvdupidne of Sybaris; cf. Hdt. 6, 127.
opivOocs [m.] ‘mouse’ (A. Fr. 227 = 380 M., Lyc., Str., AP); optivOa: 7 KatotKkidtog pic
“domestic mouse’ (H.). <PG(S)>
DER Duv0-evc¢ (A 39, Str.), -tog (Ael.) [m.], epithet of Apollo (honored in the Troad
and on the islands as a protector against destructive field-mice); ZpivOtoc as a month
name on Rhodes; ta ZpivOia name of a festival (Troad, Lindos).
eETYM A Mysian word, according to sch. A 39, but in any case Pre-Greek or
Anatolian (cf. Chantraine 1933: 371 and Schwyzer: 510). It may be somehow
connected with Etr. ismin9ians, an epithet of Mars (Kretschmer Glotta 20 (1932): 221,
Kretschmer Glotta 30 (1943): 133). The form otic: ttb¢ (H.) was probably invented on
the basis of actually attested otc (a cross with ric), to follow the alphabetical order.
oputvo0n [f.] ‘two-pronged mattock (Att. inscr., com., Pl.). <?, PG?>
*VAR Gen. (0-stem) opuvboto (Nic. Th. 386); acc.pl. opuvbdac (Ar. Fr. 402b; probably
for oLuvvac).
DER optvvdtov (Poll. 7, 148 ex Ar.).
*ETYM An instrument name, comparable in its formation to omvn, dotpbn, d~pvn,
etc., opivbn is generally considered to be a verbal abstract in -vv(@) from a root
*smei- ‘cut’, which was thought to be attested in > outAn. However, the etymology of
outiAn is uncertain, and it is perhaps Pre-Greek. Accordingly, we should be careful in
deriving ouivin from such a root, and consider Pre-Greek origin for this word as
well.
opotdc [adj.] meaning doubtful; see below (Hdn. Gr., H., Theognost.). <PG(v)>
VAR OLtotog (LSJ; -6¢ DELG). Also ovis, ttotdg (H.) = xahendc, poBepdc, otvyvoc,
oxvOpwrdc ‘difficult, fearful, hated, sad- or angry-looking’.
eDER PN 2nolog (Ar. Ec. 846)
eETYM The form ototds is probably related to »dotoc, which adds yet another
variant for the initial: opt-/ dyt-/ ,t-. This variation points to Pre-Greek origin. The
word > |tottoc is unrelated.
opoKkopd- >o,L0pdotv.
opopdodv [v.] - cvvovotdtelv ‘to keep company, have intercourse with’; op.dpSwvec
(cod. -ovevc)- bmoKoptoTIK@> amd TMV LLopiwv, wc MO08wves ‘hypocoristic for
“members”, as in “having a large penis” (H.). <2, PG?>
*ETYM Bechtel Herm. 55 (1920): 99f. also adduced opoxopdobv: td oxnpativecBat tac
yvvaikac ‘to assume the posture of a woman’ and opoxKdpdovc: tod tac dgptc
éykothouc éxovtas ‘who have sunken or concave eyebrows (H.).
Both glosses derive from a noun *opdpdo¢ of unknown meaning, identified by
Specht KZ 62 (1935): 215 with Lith. smdrdas, Ru. smorod, etc. ‘bad smell, stench’,
from IE *smordo-, Lith. smirdéti ‘to stink’ with zero grade. von Blumenthal 1930: 45
compared oj1epdad£éoc, assuming IE *smerd- ‘rub’.
1370 OLLVYEPOG
However, cf. » opapdtkov, which could point to a Pre-Greek word if we understand
it as ‘lewd person’.
opvyepdc [adj.] ‘painful, toilsome, miserable’ vel sim. (A. R. perhaps S. Ph. 166 for
otvyepdc). <PG?(V)>
*DER émt-opWyepos, adv. -wc ‘id.’ (Od., Hes. Sc. 264, A. R.), perhaps with ém- after
ént-Ttovoc.
*ETYM It is meaningless to assume an expressive contamination, e.g. from ptoyepdc
and otvyepéc. Attempt at a morphological explanation by Strémberg 1946: 90.
Fur.: 363 compares |oyoc and otoyepdv- oxAnpov, émiBovdov, pox8npdv (H.), as
well as opvyepdv- éninovov, oiktpdv, ox8npdv, nMovnpdv, émiPovAov, avapdv,
xaAendv (H.). This would show that the word is Pre-Greek.
opvAn [f.] name of a fish (Alex. Trall., Gp.). <?>
*ETYM Can hardly be separated from optv0AAa: oavpa “tpdxoupos, a fish’ (H.); see
Stromberg 1943: 121. No etymology.
opvAixn [f.] - tod Cvyob 16 tpFpLa év @ 6 iotoBoebs KaOrppootat ‘the hole in the yoke
in which the carriage pole is fixed’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
opts, -t50¢, -ews [f.] ‘emery-powder for abrading and polishing’ (Dsc., late medic.).
<PG(V)>
eVAR Also ottiptc.
*DER oyupitns AiPoc [m.] (LXX), optpteia [n.pl.] (spelled (pupptera) ‘emery-powder’
(Imbros II*).
eETYM Compared with » wtpov and with a Germano-Celtic word for ‘grease, fat’ in
OHG smero, OIr. smi(u)r, etc.; this is semantically not very convincing, as the Greek
word denotes a highly specific substance. Moreover, the frequent variant with 1
remains hard to understand (it is not due to vowel assimilation). Acc. to von
Blumenthal 1930: 45, it belongs to optaw, optijv, and Frisk asks if opwWpt¢ could be due
to the influence of uvpov. Fur.: 366 takes the variation v/t as proof of Pre-Greek
origin, which is the most likely option.
ontpvn [f.] ‘myrrh’ (Hdt., Arist.). <GR>
eVAR optbpva (Hp., Arist, Thphr., etc; cf. Solmsen 1909: 254), also Guvpva (Hyp.;
inscr., pap.), gen. ouvpvng (S.; E. et al.).
*COMP (uLvpv6-[teAav (-avov, -dviov), -avog [n.] ‘mixture of myrrh and ink (PMag.),
advk6-optupva [f.] ‘kind of myrrh’ (Hippiatr.).
DER oytpvivoc (LXX, pap.), -atocg (AP) ‘made of myrrh’; -iCw [v.] ‘to treat or season
with myrrh, to resemble myrrh’ (Ev. Marc., Dsc.) with -totc [f.] (Aét.), -1aGw (?, Alex.
Trall.); -etov (Nic.), tov (Dsc., Gal.) [n.] plant name (after the scent of the seeds acc.
to Stromberg 1940: 62).
*ETYM Probably a back-formation from Xptvpvaia (udppa) “the Smyrnaean’; cf.
Heubeck Beitr. z. Namenforsch. 1 (1949): 272f. with criticism of the interpretation
that opttpva is a by-form of ttWppa.
oopéw 1371
Opdpos >L0patva.
optdxw [v.] ‘to cause to carbonize, be slowly consumed in a fire, smolder away’, med.
‘to carbonize, smolder’; on the use in Homer, see Graz 1965: 250ff. «IE? *smeug(")-
‘smoke’>
*VAR Aor. opd§au (epic since Il, late prose), pass. opvy@fjvat (Theoc.), quite
uncertain anoopwyévtec (Luc. D Mort. 6, 3; see Pisani RILomb. 73:2 (1939-40): 31ff.),
perf. kateopvypévn (Hld.).
eCOMP Also with kata-, b7o- et al.
*ETYM Formation like tpbyw, you; the late form anoopvyévtes, if it belongs here at
all (see above), is an analogical formation (cf. Schwyzer: 760).
Beside the primary verb optbyw, we find a noun in Arm. mux, gen. mxoy ‘smoke’. In
Celtic, OIr. muich, MW mwg ‘ire’ may go back to IE *muk-. In Germanic, there is a
primary verb with a diphthong and a root-final IE voiced stop, e.g. OE sméocan ‘to
smoke, fumigate’ < IE *smeug-, beside the zero grade soca [m.] ‘smoke’ < IE *smug-
on-, smocian ‘to smoke’. An Indo-European reconstruction for all these forms is
difficult, as a voiceless aspirate *k" (PIE *(s)muk'o-; Meillet MSL 8 (1894): 294,
followed by Frisk) is not reconstructed anymore for PIE.
Lith. smdugti, isg. smdugiu ‘to strangle, string together, plague’ should probably be
explained differently (Fraenkel 1955 s.v.), while for Ru. smuiglyj ‘dark, brown’ etc.,
other interpretations are possible (Vasmer 1953 s.v.).
op@dt§ [f.] “bloodshot bruise, bloody weal’ (B 267, Y¥ 716, Opp. H. 2, 428). <PG(V)>
eVAR Plur. -tyyec. Also p@diE: prey, pruxtic ‘blood vessel, boil’ (H.).
DER OLLwSiKa Pappaka (Gal.).
*ETYM The derivation from a noun *opw6(o)-, and further connection with Ltt},
OLX ‘to rub’, still maintained by Frisk, is formally and semantically unconvincing.
It is rather a Pre-Greek word; note the suffix -tyy- and initial o-/ zero (Fur.: 279f.).
ouwvn [f.] ‘gust of wind’ (Hdn. Gr., H. [cod. optwon, alphabetically misplaced], EM).
<>
*ETYM Connection with opwyw (see > otGw) is semanticaly improbable.
OLMXKW = OLLaw.
coPéw [v.] ‘to scare away, chase away’, intr. ‘to walk in a pompous way, strut’ (Att.
Hell. and late), pass. ‘to be agitated’ (late). <?>
VAR Aor. oofijoat, fut. coBijow, perf. ceodbnka, pass. ceodPnptat.
eCOMP Also with prefix, especially ano-.
*DER o6f-notc [f] ‘violent movement’ (Plu.), -ntpov [n.] ‘fly whisk (Ph. v.l.),
ATOGGB-nhLa, -NOIG, -NTI}<, -NTIptoc, -ntIKdc (sch. et al.). Backformation odfn [f.]
‘horse’s or bull’s tail’ (Hippiatr., sch. Suid.), more usual pv(i)o-o6Bn ‘fly whisk’
(Delos since III’, Men. et al.).
ooBapdc ‘blowing along violently’ (of the wind etc.), usually ‘haughty, proud’ (Att.),
probably from ooféw after the numerous adj. in -apdc, with fem. coBdc, -dd0¢
‘insolent, capricious’ (Eup., Ph.), ‘kind of dance’ (Ath.); also ZéPor = Latvpot (Ulp.).
eETYM An old causative or iterative-intensive from the root of » céBoztat.
1372 OOyKOG, GOyXOG
odykoc, odyxo¢ [m.] ‘sow thistle, Sonchus aspera’ (Antiph., Thphr., etc.). <PG> .
*DER ooyKwon ‘like a o.’ (Thphr.), coyxitne [m.] ‘hawkweed, iepdaktov 16 péya’ (Ps.-
Dsc.).
eETYM Unexplained. Considering the variation, clearly a Pre-Greek word. Fur.: 134f.
compares Basque tsokoro ‘silver thistle’.
ooéw >oebw.
o6xKko¢ [m.] ‘lasso’ (in Malalas, about the Huns). <?>
eDER ooKketw [v.] ‘to catch by the lasso’.
eETYM Unknown. 7
oodtov [n.] ‘sandal’ (pap II?); also ‘seat’. <Lw Lat>
*ETYM From Lat. solea, solium.
cokorilw [v.] ‘to speak (write, think) with flaws, unskillfully’ (Hdt., D., Arist., etc.),
‘to behave in an uneducated, awkward manner’ (Zeno, Plu. et al.). <GR>
*DER oodotk-topdc [m.] ‘flawed manner of expression’ (Arist., Phld.), -totr\¢ [m.] title
of a dialog by Luc; back-formation odAotkoc ‘speaking with flaws’ (Anacr., Hippon.,
et al.), ‘behaving in an uneducated, awkward manner’ (Hp., X., etc.).
eETYM Formed like dttikilw, etc. after the Cilician town =dAot, whose inhabitants
spoke a bad form of Greek (Str. 14, 2, 28; D. L. 1, 51). It has also been supposed that
XdAotKoc was derived from X6Aot1, as in Mooovvoiko. Borrowed as Lat. soloecismus,
soloecus, -ista.
codottbnos pvdpoKtimos [sic] Kai yaAKdc tic Ev Kimpw ‘forging red-hot iron, copper
(Cypr.) (H.). <GR>
*DER oodottvT [in] Call. fr. 85, 11, cf. Pfeiffer ad loc.
eETYM The gloss explains that the first element is the loc. of odXo<g, or of Soloi in
Cyprus, where bronze was worked.
oOXo¢ [m.] ‘iron mass, used as a discus’ (Y 823, 839, 844; Hell. and late epic). <?>
*ETYM Unexplained foreign word (cf. Schwyzer: 62). The word has been compared
with Hitt. Suliia- ‘lead’; see Gusmani 1969: 509.
Gougds [adj.] ‘spongy, loose, porous’, also metaphorically of sounds (Hp., Alex.
Arist., etc.). <?>
*COMP Also év-, b16-, yavv6-.
*DER oopig-wdrj¢ ‘id. (Thphr. et al.), -otn¢ [f.] ‘porosity’ (Arist.), -dopat [v.] ‘to
become spongy’ (Aét.).
*ETYM Traditionally connected with the Germanic word for ‘fungus’ in OHG swamp,
-bes, swam, -mes, OSw. svamper, ON svoppr, Go. swamm [acc.], OE swamm [m.].
However, the development of initial *sy- to o- cannot be assumed for Greek, in spite
of » oéAac. DELG thinks that a “Wanderwort’ is improbable. See » ondéyyoc.
oopéAn [f.] oxG@ppd Tt EmtywptdCov eic tobs y€povtac, a6 Tic Copod “customary jest
about the elderly, called after the urn’ (H. = Ar. Fr. 198). <GR>
ood 1373
*ETYM From oops, like copo-Saiptwv with similar meaning (Com. Adesp. 1151), but
with an unclear ending -\A- (a diminutive? Cf. Schwyzer: 485 and Chantraine 1933:
252).
oopwea [?] ebCwpov ‘rocket, Eruca sativa’ (H.). <PG>
*ETYM Pre-Greek (Fur.: 360), like pouiea.
oopoa [f.] maktovpov eldoc ‘kind of Christ’s thorn, Paliurus australis’ (H.). <PG?>
eETYM Fur.: 230 reads the second o as f, and compares Lat. sorbus ‘sorb-apple’.
Probably a Pre-Greek word.
oopdés [f.] ‘burial urn, coffin’ (since Y 91), also degrading for an old woman (com.).
<IE *tuerH- ‘fence (in)’, *tuorH-o->
eVAR On the gender see Schwyzer 1950: 34”.
*COMP oopo-nnydc [m.] ‘coffin maker’ (Ar., AP), evpb-copos ‘having a broad coffin’
(AP).
*DER o6p-(e)ov (-etov) [n.] ‘id’ (inscr.), -idtov [n.] (late), -wiov [n.] ‘mummifying
linen’ (pap. III*), perhaps after j1vwiov, Eg. name of a container?
*ETYM Probably from *tydro-, an old agent noun belonging to a verbal root ‘to seize,
enclose, etc.’ in Lith. tvérti, 1sg. tveriu ‘to enclose, fence in, grasp’, also ‘to form,
build’. The word odpoc is formally identical with Ru. tvor ‘creature, form, shape’ (to
tvorito ‘to create, do, build’); cf. also Lith. aptvaras ‘fence’ (to ap-tvérti). See » ceipa.
66¢ [pron.] ‘tuus’, possessive pronoun 2sg. «VAR Dor. etc. tedc. =a0.
covoov 1 [n.] ‘lily, lotus (ornament)’ (Ath. 12, 513f5; uncertain Arist. Mir. 838a 23; see
Dugas BCH 34 (1910): 116ff.). «LW Orient.>
*DER oovotvog ‘made of o., like o. (Hp, Thphr., Dsc. et al.).
*ETYM An Oriental loanword; cf. Hebr. saan ‘lily, lotus’, from Eg. sssn > ssn ‘id’; see
Masson 1967: 58f.
oovoov 2 [n.] ‘cable (ofa ship)’. <?>
eVAR As a vil. beside obcov (@ 390 [for bmAOv] and Antim. Fr. 57, 2 W. = Coll. Alex.
p. 250); ovoov [n.] ‘id’ (Lyc., Alex. Aet., H.).
*ETYM Unexplained. It is assumed that the initial variation o-/ zero goes back to a
scriptio continua in @ 390.
oovxtvov [n.] ‘amber’ (Aet.). <Lw Lat.>
*DER oovxKivog ‘(made of) amber’ (Artem.).
*ETYM The words go back to Lat. sucinum.
oo@os [adj.] ‘clever, skillful, able, shrewd, wise’ (Hes. Fr. 193). <PG?>
eCOMP As a first member e.g. in Zo@o-kAfjc; very often as a second member, e.g.
tAd-oogos ‘friend of a cogdv, who loves 16 cogév, tiv cogiav, eager for
knowledge, friend of the sciences, philosopher’ (Heracleit., Att.) with piAocog-ia [f.]
‘(scientific) study, education, philosophy’ (Att.), -éw [v.] ‘to be eager for knowledge,
study’ (IA); éni-ooogocg name of an annually changing official (Thera), on which see
> WE@eEL.
1374 onddié, ond dtov, onddwv, oTradwWv, onaTOS, etc.
*DER oog-ia, Ion. -in [f.] ‘skillfulness, virtuosity, knowledge, cleverness, shrewdness,
wisdom’ (since O 412). Denominative verbs: 1. cogi{ojtat ‘to practice a form of art,
think up, concoct’ (since Hes. Op. 649), also with prefix, especially xata-; act. -ifw
‘to instruct’ (LXX, christ. lit.), whence o6@-topta [n.] ‘clever trick, piece of cunning’
(Pi, IA), whence -toptdtiov, -topatwdne, -topiatiKdc; -totc [f.] (sch.); -tot¢ [m.]
‘artist, learned man, teacher, sophist’ (Pi., IA), with -iotpta, -totiKdc, -totrptov,
-tO TEU, -LoTEla. 2. copow = cogiCw (LXX).
eETYM Unexplained. If » Liov@oc, > capa, and > wéget are related, this would point
to a substrate word.
onddit, onddiov, onddwv, onadwv, omatoc, etc. =Oondaw.
onaOn [f.] designation of several flat and oblong oblects, e.g. ‘tool of a weaver for
striking home the threads of the woof, blade (of a sword), blade of an oar, spatula,
flat rib (shoulder blade?), spathe, especially of the palm, stalk of the palm leaf (Alc.,
IA). <IE? *sph,-d'(h,)- ‘blade, spade’
> «DER 1. ona0-ic, -i5oc [f.] ‘spatula, garment of closely-woven cloth’ (com,, inscr.).
2. -lag Kteic ‘flat rib’ (Opp.). 3. -itn¢ [m.] ‘palm wine’ (Alex. Trall.). 4. -tva [pl.]
‘garments’ (Aq.), -ivn¢ [m.] ‘young deer’, after the shape of the horns (H., Eust.,
sch.), cf. 2Aagivi etc. 5. -4ptocg [m.] ‘guard (equipped with a o.)’ (Lyd., Cappadoc.
inscr.), -apia [f.] ‘fighting contest’ (EM), -apixov [n.] ‘thin upper garment’ (Sm.). 6.
onaG-dw ‘to strike with a o., seal up, hatch, dissipate, waste’ (Ar. D., Hell. and late),
rarely with dta-, év-, kata-, whence -nta, -rotc, -ntéc. 7. -iCw ‘to stir up with a
spatula’ (Opp.), also with nept- etc, whence onaGiopata: onadoviopata (H.). é
*ETYM Related to PGm. *spad-an, -6n- ‘spade’: OS spado [m.], OE spade, spadu [f.],
MoHG Spaten [m.], and perhaps also Skt. sphyd- [m.] ‘shoulder-blade’, Khot. phvai
‘spade, shovel’. The IE root must have been *sph.-, with a suffix *-d"(h,)- in Greek
and Germanic. The root is perhaps also found in » omaw. Borrowed as Lat. spada,
spatha, spatula.
onaipw [v.] ‘to sprawl, flounder’ of living creatures, etc. (rare examples in Arist. A. R,,
Plb., D. H., AP). 4IE *TsperH- ‘kick with the heel’>
VAR Only present.
DER omtapiCw (Eust.).
*ETYM Formal cognates are Lith. spirit, spirti ‘to push with the foot, kick backwards,
etc.’, Skt. sphurdti ‘to push with the foot, jump up’, with nasal Lat. spern6 ‘to reject,
spurn’, OHG spurnan ‘to kick out with the foot or the heel’, and probably also Arm.
spa?nam ‘to threaten’, Hitt. isparra-i / iSparr- ‘to trample’; see LIV’ s.v. *sp"erH-.
Because of the late and rare ocurrence of onaipw, Giintert 1914: 146 explains it as a
contamination of earlier and commoner >» doraipw with oxaipw. Cf. » opupdv and
Poneipw, as well as monvupOitw. Lubotsky 2006 discusses the irregular
correspondences in the anlaut of the IE verbs, and reconstructs *TsperH- ‘to kick
with the heel’; this may be an original compound of *pd- ‘foot’ and *per(H)- ‘to beat,
Kick’.
ond\a8pov [n.] (Poll.) = oxaAevOpov ‘oven rake’ (Poll.). <PG(v)>
oTlapacow 1375
eVAR omdAav8pov (Phot., also H. [cod. onabAa8pov alphabetically misplaced]).
*DIAL Myc. qa-ra-to-ro /sk“alat*ron/.
*DER OMAAVOOETAL: CTAPAGOETAL, TIVAOGETAL ‘is torn, is shaken’ (H.).
eETYM Perhaps from > ondAaé; see » oKddhw.
omddak, -axog [f, m.] ‘mole’ (Arist. etc.), also as a plant name ‘meadow saffron,
Colchicum parnassicum’ (Thphr.). < PG(v)>
eVAR opaAak ‘id. (Paus. 7, 24, 11) for dopddak (Babr. etc.), folketymologically after
o@pdaAAw because of the undermining activity of the mole?
*DER onahakia: vdoog mepi tobc dpbarttovc, mHpwoicg ‘disease of the eyes,
blindness’ (H.); also omahakdc as a color term (pap.). See » domdhak,
*ETYM The variation betrays a Pre-Greek word; see Fur.: 159.
ondavic, -Ews [f.] ‘rarity, scarcity’ (IA). <PG(V)>
eVAR Ion. dat. -1.
*DER 1. Omdvioc ‘rare, scarce’ (IA), but omavo- in composition, e.g. onavooitia [f.]
‘lack of grain or provisions’ (X., Arist., inscr. etc.), omavt- (Delos III*), onavonwywv,
-wvocg ‘with scant beard growth’ (Ion. Hist. pap.), shortened omavéc ‘id.’, also
‘eunuch’ (Ptol. etc, Byz.); omavi-dxic ‘infrequent’ (Luc. etc.), -dtn¢ [f.] = ondvic
(Isoc., Ph.), also onavia ‘id’ (E. Rh. 245 [lyr.]; from ondviog or enlarged from
omdvic). 2. omaviCw, -opat ‘to lack, be sparse, be missing’ (Pi. IA), also with b10-;
hence onavotdc ‘meager, sparse’ (S. etc.), -tottKdc ‘id. (Vett. Val.); onavitw also
factitive ‘to exhaust, spend, dispense’ (LXX, pap. Ph. Byz.); back-formation to the
verb is onavov: titwov, MoAAODd GEtov éottv ‘valued, costly’ (H.).
*ETYM Etymology disputed. Frisk suggests a derivative in -vt- to omdw ‘to draw’. Fur.:
378, however, may be right in connecting tava, -vei- dnopei, onavilet, dpinyavet ‘is
without resource’ (H.); he assumes a prothetic o- and a prothetic a-, which was
lengthened to 1)-. If so, the word is Pre-Greek.
onavéc [adj.] ‘grey’ (pap.) <PG(V)>
eETYM Fur:.: 339 etc. connects ondvic.
onantipwtas [m.] probably name of a priest (Pamphylia, Schwyzer: 686, 17 and 24,
Sillyon); cf. Bechtel 1921, 2: 823. <?>
eETYM Unknown.
onapdo.ov [n.] dpveov eupeptc TH otpovd@ ‘bird resembling a sparrow’ (H.).
<PG(V)>
eETYM ontap-cdotov is a diminutive, like kopdotov from kdp1). The forms with -y- (see
on Pomopyikoc) have a counterpart in a Germanic and Baltic word for ‘sparrow’:
MHG ssperke, OPr. spurglis, also spergle-wanag<is> ‘sparrow-hawk’ (“sparrow-
vulture”?). If from *onapf-dotov, onapaoiov may be compared with a widespread
Germanic name of the sparrow, e.g. Go. sparwa, OHG sparo, ON sporr < PGm.
*sparua(n)-. Fur.: 226 compares opdpdikov- otpovbiov (H.).
onapdoow [v.] ‘to rip, tear, shred, attack’ (IA). <?>
eVAR Att. -4ttw, aor. -dEau, fut. -d&w, -dEoptat, perf. med. gondpaypau.
1376 onapyaw
¢comP Also with dta-, kata-, etc.
*DER ontdpay.ia [n.] ‘torn or ripped piece, scrap’ (trag., Arist. etc.), -aypid¢ [m.]
‘ripping, tearing, convulsion’ (trag. etc.), -ayptwdnj¢ ‘convulsive’ (Hp.; Plu.), -aétc [f.]
‘convulsion’ (medic.), -axtov [n.] ‘crumbled rock, rubble’ (Hero), dtacnapaktoc
‘torn’ (E., Ael.).
*ETYM Expressive formation in -doow like tapdoow, tivacow, nataoow, and others,
without a certain etymology. If -4oow is only an enlargement, the word could be
connected with onaipw, etc. Others have regarded the velar as part of the root (-cow
is analogical for -Cw, according to Debrunner IF 21 (1907): 224), connecting
onapadcow with Lat. spargo, ON spark [n.] ‘kick’, and Gr. onapyaw, opapayéopa,
inter alia. Yet this would not explain the second a of onapacow. Persson 1912(1): 418
has compared Arm. p’ert‘ ‘torn off piece’ (-rt‘ < -rkt-), ON spjorr [f.] ‘strip of cloth’ <
PGm. *sperr6. Yet another conjecture was put forward by Thierfelder (apud Frisk):
derivation from omdw on the model of tapdoouw, dpdoow, yapacow, etc.
onapydw [v.] ‘to be bursting, swell (of milk, etc.), be full of desire and lust, desire
intensely’ (IA). <IE? *sperg- ‘strew, spout’>
eVAR Only pres., -yedoa [ptc.f.] (Q. S. 14, 283).
*DER omdpy-notc [f.] ‘swelling’ (Dsc., Sor.), also -wotc [f.] ‘id.’ (Dsc.), as if from
onapyow; cf. MoGr. onapywvw. Also (back-formation?) onapyai- dpyai, oppai
‘impulses’, with -o- (Aeolic?) onopyai- épetoptoi ic TO texetv ‘impulse to breed’
(H.); hence Znapyetc [m.] name of a centaur (Nonn.).
eETYM Several IE forms have a similar form and meaning, and could go back to a
preform *sp(e/o)rg-; yet a definite etymology cannot be established. Compare Lat.
spar go ‘to strew (around), sprinkle’, Av. sparaga- [m.] ‘barbed hook’, frasparaga- [m.]
‘sprout, twig’, ON spark [n.] ‘kick’, sparkr ‘vivid, stirring’, Lith. spurgas ‘knar, tassel,
etc.’, sprogti ‘to advise, place’. See » o~apayéoytat, as well as » onapdaoow.
*ondpyw [v.] ‘to swaddle (a child)’ (h. Ap. 121). <?>
eVAR Only 3pl. aor. omdpEav.
*DER ondpyava [n.pl.], rarely sg. -ov ‘nappy’ (poet. since h. Merc., Pi.),
onapyavwtys [m.] ‘child in swaddling clothes’ (h. Merc.), -tov [n.] plant name
‘Sparganium ramosum, branched bur-reed’ (Dsc., Plin.), -6w ‘to swaddle’ (Hp. E.,
Arist., etc.), also with év-, kata-, dmo-, whence -wyta, -wotc (late); also -dw (PI. Lg.
789e), -iCw (Hes. Th. 485: aor.ptc. -icaoa).
eETYM Primary verb *spr-g- from the root *sper- of »ondptov, > oneipa, with an
enlargement -y- of unknown origin; perhaps by contamination with a verb of similar
meaning, e.g. eipyw (Frisk)?
onapvéc [adj.] ‘sparsely sown, scarce’ (A., Pl. Com., Call.). <GR>
*COMP omapvomdAtoc: OALyortOAtog ‘with a sprinkling of grey hairs’ (H.) (cf. omapto-
mtOALoc, see > oTteipw). ,
*ETYM Poetic and rare verbal adj. from >» oneipw; antonyms muKvdc, ovyvoc.
onapog [m.] ‘lesser sea bream, Sargus annularis’ (Epich., Matro, Arist.). <PG(V)>
omatiAn 1377
*ETYM Origin unknown. Has been connected with Lat. sparus, -um ‘short spear’,
OHG sper ‘spear’, and onaipw. Not very convincing. Fur.: 226 compares ojtapic ‘a
small worthless seafish’ (and rejects Lat. sparus). Borrowed as Lat. sparus, -ulus.
onaptov [n.] ‘rope, cable, cord, string’, also ‘plumb line’ (B 135); ondptoc [m., f.] (rare
omdptn, -tov) also name of a shrub used for snares ‘Spartium junceum, kind of
broom’ (PL, X., etc.). <?>
*VAR ondptny [f.] (Ar. Av. 815 [wordplay with the TN =ndptn], unclear Cratin. 110),
ondptos [f.] (Hero).
*COMP onaptddetocg ‘bound with o. (Opp.), Awwoonaptov [n.] plant name = ondptoc
(Thphr.).
*DER Diminutive onaptiov [n.], also as a plant name (Att., Hell.), -tvoc ‘made of 6.’
(Cratin., Poll.), -ivn [f.] ‘rope, cable’ (Ael.).
eETYM Appears to be a verbal noun in -to- with a zero grade root. Although a basic
verb derived from *sper- / *spr- is not attested in Greek, it has been supposed on
account of the y-enlargement in *ondpyw, omdp&at ‘to envelop’, and also of oneipa,
onupic. Comparison with Arm. p‘arem, p‘arim ‘to enclose, embrace’ poses phonetic
difficulties (p‘ cannot come from PIE *sp-). Borrowed as Lat. spartum ‘Spanish
broom’.
omatayyne, -ov [m.] ‘kind of sea urchin’ (Sophr. 102, Ar. Fr. 409, Arist.). < PG(V)>
*VAR matayyas [acc.pl.] ‘id’ (Poll.). Note also patdyyne ‘pangolin’ (Ael.) (Fur.: 11158,
164, 281; not in LSJ).
*DER onatayyiletv: tapdooetv ‘to agitate’ (H.).
eETYM Unexplained. Hardly related to ondw ‘to suck’ (cf. on onatan). The variation
shows that the word is Pre-Greek.
onataAn [f.] ‘lavish, lascivious way of life, debauchery, luxury’, also of luxurious
objects, ‘adornment, bracelet, anklet’ (LXX, Hell. inscr., AP, etc.). <PG(V)>
eDER Diminutive Lat. spatalium [n.] ‘bracelet’ (Juba apud Plin. inscr.).
Denominative verb onataAdw (kata-) ‘to live lavishly, lasciviously’ (Plb., LXX, NT
etc.), aor. -fjoat; thence -nua [n.] (AP). Backformation omatahdc (-ahoc) ‘lavish,
lascivious’ (AP etc.).
eETYM If originally an abstract, onatadkn may semantically be compared with
KpatmdAn, Sattadevc; further connections are uncertain. Perhaps from ondw ‘to
draw in, suck’, of wine, etc; e.g. gonacev divotiv Ehxboac (E. Cyc. 417); cf. also
ondoet mtivetv (Arist.). On the -t-, cf. onatiter ... €Axet (H.). To be rejected is the
explanation by Neumann 1961: 88f., viz. that onataddc is a loanword from Hitt.
*iSpatalla- ‘who gladly and often eats to the full’. Fur.: 154, 179 convincingly connects
Batados ‘lascivious man’, so the word is Pre-Greek.
omatiAn [f.] 1. ‘thin excrement’ (Hp, Ar. Pax 48, D.C.); onatikovpor oi tiv odpav eic
thy onatiknv éktiWévtec ‘secreting urine into ordure’ (H.);_ unclear
onatihokoAyigev (Sophr.) (PSI11, 1214 d 4). 2. ‘leather waste’ (sch. Ar. l.c.). <PG?>
eVAR Also natidn (An. Ox.).
1378 omdatoc
eDER Also nmaotikn = 1) teAevtaia htépa tod éviavtod ‘the last day of the year’ (Hdn.
Gr. 1, 322, 19).
*ETYM In the second meaning, it belongs to »omdtoc. The meaning ‘thin excrement’
may also be combined with ‘leather waste’ as a euphemistic metaphor (to which the
phonetic similarity with tt\oc, tAdw may have contributed). However, since Meillet
MSL 13 (1905-1906): 291f., the word has usually been connected with oionwtn.
omatos [n.] ‘hide, leather’ (Hdn Gr. 1, 322). <?>
*ETYM The word is supposed to be Boeotian. No etymology. See » ondw.
ondw, omdopat [v.] ‘to draw’, e.g. a sword, ‘to pul out, tear, drag, suck in, slurp down’
(S., Ar. etc.) <IE *(s)peh,- ‘draw’>
eVAR Aor. omdoat, omd0(0)ac8at, pass. amicenval C11.), fut. omdow, -opou, perf. med.
gortaopiat (IA), act. Zomaka (Ar., Arist. etc.).
*COMP Very often with prefix in different shades of meaning, e.g. dva-, amo-, dta-,
eTll-, KATA-, TIEPL-.
eDER A. From the unenlarged root: 1. ondotc, mostly to prefixed verbs, e.g.
avdottaocic (to ava-ondoat, -onav) ‘pulling in’, etc. (Hp., Arist., etc.). 2. omaopdc¢
(émiomacpdc, etc.) [m.] ‘wincing, spasm, violent movement’ (IA), whence
OTaGLwWdNG, KATACTIAGLUKOG. 3. OTdoLLA (AndoTIAaoLLA, etc.) [n.] ‘spasm, sprain, shred,
scrap’ (IA); 4. -omaotog in énionactog “brought upon oneself, incurred’ (Od. etc.);
OTMAOTIKOG (KaTa-, Tept-) ‘pulling in, slurping in’ (Arist.). 5. -omaotp, -fpoc [m.] in
émiomaothp (Hdt., AP; -onatip inscr.), motiomaoctip (Epid. IV-III*) “attractor”,
‘thong which draws the door, bird string, net’; énionaotpov [n.] ‘id’ (LXX, D. S.
etc.).
B. With 6-enlargement: 1. napaondc, -d5o¢ [f.] ‘shoot torn off and planted’ (Thphr.),
amo- ‘twig torn off (AP, Nonn.). 2. onddié, -Ikog [m.] ‘(torn off) twig, especially a
palm twig’ (Nic., Plu, etc.). 2. omdd.ov [n.] ‘race-track’ (Argos, H; “the lenghty one”;
cf. otaddtov). 3. onadwv, -dvoc [f.] ‘spasm, convulsion’ (Hp., Nic.), whence -ovifw,
-OVlGLLOG. 4. OTA 5wv, -wvocg [m.] ‘eunuch’ (LXX, Plb. etc.), also onadoc (Eust.).
C. With t-enlargement: omdtog [n.] (removed) skin’ (H., sch. Ar. Pax 48 [Boeot.]),
omdteiog in onateiwv- depptativwv ‘leathern’ (H.), as a first member in
2X<ma>toAnaotai [m.pl.] guild of fullers in Argos (Roman era).
D. Derived verbs: ondCer oxvla. Axatoi (H.); onadi—ac aor.ptc. of onaditw ‘to
remove’ (Hdt. 5, 25); onatilet: tov <o>natéwv éAxet, TOV depudtwv, TOV TITOd@V
(H.).
*ETYM Klingenschmitt 1982: 132 has connected Greek ondw with Arm. hanem ‘to pull
out’, if from a pres. *pda-n-, built secondarily from the aorist. Garcia-Ramon fthc.
now suggests that it is cognate with Ved. pa-, ud-pipite ‘rises against’ and Hitt. pippa-
‘/ pipp-, and reconstructs *(s)peh,- ‘to draw, set in motion (violently). The Greek
verb may have been derived from the aor. onao(o)a- or from *sph,-eie/o-. Thence,
the whole tense system developed within Greek. Adams 1999: 368 still considers
plausible the suggestion by van Windekens that ToB pdss- ‘to rip off (the skin)’
continues *peh,-s-. See » omd8n.
omteipw 1379
oneipa [f.] ‘twist, coil’, for instance of a snake; ‘network, spiral’; designation of several
round or circular objects, e.g. ‘rope, belt, bead, round base of a pillar’ (Ion. poet., also
Hell. and late prose; v.l. ¢ 269); also as a military term = Lat. manipulus (Hell.), see
Debrunner IF 48 (1930): 244; later = cohors (inscr. and pap., Act. Ap. et al.). <IE?
*sper- ‘turn, wind’>
*COMP Some compounds, e.g. ometpo-Kégadov [n.] ‘base and capital of a column’,
b76-o7etpov [n.] “what lies under the round base”, ‘square slab, mAivOoc’ (inscr.).
*DER ontetp-iov [n.] ‘little column base’ (Hero); -tkdcg “belonging to a o.” (Hero); -itn¢
(scil. Xi80c) “stone for a column base’ (inscr. Didyma), other interpretation in
Redard 1949: 647°; -aia [f.] ‘privet’ (Thphr.); -nddv ‘in convolutions, in a circle’
(Opp., AP).
Denominative verb ometp-dopat ‘to convolve’ (Hell. and late), also with mept-, etc;
older ov-omeipdopict ‘to wind, pull together’ (Pl. X., Arist., etc.), also act. ov-, mept-
omeipdw ‘to wind, pull together’ (Hell. pap., D. S. et al.); hence oneip-aia, Ion. -npa
[n.] ‘twist, coil, for instance of a snake, band, etc.’ (A, Arist., Nic., etc.), see further
Chantraine 1933: 184). Also (ov-)omteipdopat ‘to wind (together) (Hp., Thphr.), act.
aor. oTteip@oau ‘to swathe’ (Call.), from onetpov?
eETYM From quasi-IE *sper-ieh,. It is uncertain whether the root was originally verbal
or nominal (cf. Schwyzer: 474 and Chantraine 1933: 98f.). Related formations are
found in » ondptov, » omeipov, and perhaps in » omdpyavov.
oneipov [n.] ‘cloth, burial shroud, sailcloth, shroud’ (Od., Euph.). <IE? *sper- ‘turn,
wind’>
*DER ometpo-popog [m.] ‘bearer of a o.’ (Ephesus); heteroclitic plur. omeip-ea (Nic.
Th. 882), after pryyea, etc. a metaphor for the onion skin, cf. -wdn¢ ‘rich in layers’
(Nic.). Uncertain is the appurtenance of omeipia [n.p].] ‘garments’ (X. HG 4, 5, 4;
rather oeipta with Dindorf). Denominative aor. oneip@oat = onapyav@oat ‘to
swathe’ (Call.), if not from » oneipa.
*ETYM From *sper-io-, from the same verbal or nominal basis‘as omeipa, originally
‘winding’. A similar formation is found in Alb. fier, thier ‘fern’, acc. to Bonnet RPh.
2000: 283.
oneipw [v.] ‘to sow, seed’, also (especially with prefix) ‘to spread, scatter, distribute’
(IA). <IE *sper- ‘strew’>
eVAR Aor. omeipa, fut. onepw@, aor. pass. omap-ivat, fut. -roojtal, perf. med.
gomtappat (IA), act. Zomapxai (late.).
eDIAL Myc. pe-mo, pe-ma.
*COMP Often with prefix, eg. dta-, kata-.
eDER The following derivatives have a full grade of the root: onépjta [n.] ‘seed,
sowing, stem, sprout’ (€ 490); as an o-stem in e.g. omepjio-Adyosg ‘rook’ < *‘picking
corn’ (Ar., Arist.), ‘chatterbox’ (D., etc.).
Hence the diminutive onep-ttdtiov [n.] (Thphr., etc.), -pratiag (ovdc) [m.] “seed
bearer’ (Cratin.), -atitnc, -ywatitic “bearing, bringing forth seed’ (late), -patikdc
‘seminal’ (Arist. etc.), -watwdn¢ ‘seed-like’ (late); omeppaivw [v.] ‘to sow, bring
forth’ (Hes., Call., Plu. et al.), onep-tratitw [v.] ‘to sow, bear seed’, -patifoptat [v.] ‘to
1380 oméAeB8oc¢
be sown, pregnant’ with -pattoyid¢ [m.] ‘production of seed’ (LXX, Thphr.),
-[aTdojtat ‘to come to seed’ (Thphr.), with -piatwotc ‘seeding’ (Phan. Hist.).
onépadosg [n.] = onépyta (Nic.), like yépadoc.
With an o-grade of the root we find the following derivatives: ondépoc [m.] ‘seed,
sowing’ (Att.), -utog ‘fit for sowing’, ta -a ‘sowing fields’ (X., Thphr., LXX et al.).
onopa [f.] ‘sowing, seed, procreation, descent’ (trag., Pl., Thphr. et al.), -atog ‘sown’
(Babr.); often with prefix, e.g. Siaomopa [f.] “dispersal, exile’ (LXX, Ph., Plu. et al.).
From ondpoc or omopd: d6-omo0poc ‘of the same seed, kindred’ (poet. h. Cer.);
onop-evcs (Kata-, dta-) [m.] “sower, begetter’ (X., pap. et al.). onopytdc [m.] “sowing,
seed’ (A., X., Thphr.), after dhontdc, duintos, etc. omopdc, -ddo¢ ‘dispersed’ (IA), at
Unopddec group of islands, with -45nv ‘dispersed’ (Att, etc.), -adixdg ‘id. (Arist.),
-doat [aor.] ‘to disperse’ (inscr.). émuonop-in [f.] “second sowing’ (Hes.), émiomopoc
(A.); teptomép-ta [n.pl.] ‘suburbs’ (LXX).
The zero grade of the root is found in the following derivatives: onap-tdc ‘sown’ (A.
et al.); oi Xmaptoi [m.pl.] lit. ‘the sown ones’, of the dragon seed of Cadmos (Pi. et
al.); see also » onapvoc.
eETYM Cognate with Hitt. ispdar-' ‘to spread out, strew’ < *spor-ei. On the details of
the Hittite reconstruction, see Kloekhorst 2008 s.v. No further cognates are known;
Arm. sp ‘i7 ‘strews’, sp‘rem ‘spread out’, p‘arat ‘spread out, separated’, is unrelated, as
it cannot be connected on formal grounds. See further LIV? s.v. 3. *sper-, and cf. also
the litt. on » onaipw.
omé\e8oc [m.] ‘dung’ (Ar. Ec. 595). <PG(V)>
*VAR mtéhe8oc (Ach. 1170, S. Ichn. 414).
eCOMP b-oméAe8oc ‘pig’s dung’ (D.C. 46, 5, Poll. 5, 91), meAe80-Bay [m., f.] ‘who
washes away ordure’ (Hdn. Gr. 1, 246, 12; H.).
eDER on€AAN Et orteh€Oo1c, neddia- onéde8or (H.).
*ETYM For the final syllable, cf. ontpa8oc, dv80c; on the anlaut, see Schwyzer: 334.
Connection with PIE *spelH- ‘to split’ (cf. LIV’ s.v.) in omoAdc, (a)omdAak, etc. is
semantically possible; cf. e.g. MoHG scheifen < *‘to separate’, related to oyiCw ‘split’.
The second -e- would then reflect *h,. Alternatively, the geminate -\)- in the variants
may point to Pre-Greek origin, in which case the root could reflect *(s) pab-.
onévdw [v.] ‘to offer a libation, pour, bestow’ (Il.); ‘to agree on a ceasefire (while
performing a libation)’; also ‘to reassure, promise; to secure sth.’ (Gortyn), see
Willetts Glotta 43 (1965): 251ff. <IE *spend- ‘libate’>
eVAR Aor. oneioat (Il.), fut. omeiow (Hdt, etc.), perf. Zomeixa (Plu.); med. onévdoyta,
oneicaoBar, omteicoptat, Eomtetopiau (IA).
eCcomP Also with prefix, e.g. Kata-, ém-.
*DER onovdn [f.] ‘libation, offering of wine’ (B 341 = A 159), plur. usually ‘ceasefire
agreement, truce, peace treaty, pax dei’ (IA, etc.). onovdo0-pdpoc [m.] ‘herald of the
truce, the pax dei (Pi.); bn6-omovdoc ‘under a ceasefire agreement, under safe-
conduct’ (IA).
onové-eiog ‘belonging to the offering’, also metrically ‘spondeus’ (D. H. et al.), -eiov
[n.] ‘libation vessel’ (Hell.); also -eraxdc, -e1dCw, -eragytdc (late); -ixdc “belonging ‘to
omtevdw 1381
the offering’ (pap.); -jouta [n.pl.] ‘id’ (Philem.), after Ovi-otpoc, etc; cf. also
Tapaonovdnots (Plb.) from mapacnovd-éw to napd-onovdoc; onovd-itic (otaywv)
‘id? (AP); ondvdixec: of Tag omovdac yéovtec ‘those who libate’ (H.). See especially
Citron 196s.
eETYM Cognates: Hitt. ispant-' / ispant-, 38g. Sipanti, ispanti ‘to libate’ (Kloekhorst
2008 s.v.); Lat. sponde6 ‘to pledge, promise’, ToB spdnt- ‘to trust’, all reflecting a PIE
root *spend-.
oréoc [n.] ‘cavern, cave’ (epic II., also Cypr. inscr.). <PG>
eVAR Also onetoc; gen. oneiouc, dat. onti, plur. onéoot, onrecot, etc. (details in
Chantraine 1942: 7, 11, 101, Schwyzer: 102, Ruijgh 1957: 126f.).
*ETYM Cf. » omjAatov. The word is no doubt Pre-Greek (Fur.: 123).
onépyovAos =omTopyiroc.
onépxopat [v.] ‘to come rushing in, huddle, be upset, be impassioned’; act. onépyw
with ém-, kata- ‘to press, incite, spur’, also trans. (mostly epic poet., Il.). <IE *sperg"-
‘hurry’>
*VAR Only in present stem, except aor. pass. ptc. omepyx@eic (Pi, Hdt.) and fut.
onépEoptat: op yioOrjoopau ‘will be provoked’, aor. gonepEdutnv: WtetAnoa, wpyioOnv
‘promised or threatened, was provoked’ (H.).
*COMP Mostly with ért-, kata-, mept-.
*DER In mep1-, értt-omepxiie ‘hurried’ (S., X. et al.) to mept-, ém-onépxw; but a-onepxéc
‘vigorous, intense’ (Hom.) from *onépxoc [n.], beside which onepx-voc ‘swift, hasty,
violent’ (Hes. Sc., Hp., A. et al.) like in e.g. EpeBoc ‘darkness’ to épeuvdc ‘dark’.
onépySnv: éppwptévus ‘vigorously’ and kataonepxadnv ‘urgently’ (cod. -4tnv) (H.)
(see Latte ad loc.); onepyvAAddnv Kéxpayag ‘shouting vehemently’ (Com. Adesp. 30).
Also in PNs like =mepy-bdoc, -wv, -1¢ and the HN Unepy-eldcg (like Adgetdc,
TInvetdc).
*ETYM The form onépyoytat reflects a full grade *sperg’-, while the zero grade of this
root is attested in Av. a-sparazata [ipf.] ‘he was diligently exerting himself’, Skt.
sprhayati ‘to be zealous, zealously desire’. OHG springan ‘jump’, OCS -preze ‘tighten’
< PIE *spr-en-g'- probably does not reflect a nasal present of this root, in view of the
non-palatal velar of Slavic and the remote semantics; see further LIV’ s.vv. *sperg"-
and *(s)preng’-.
onevdw [v.] ‘to hurry, hasten, strive, exert oneself’, trans. ‘to drive, quicken, ply, aspire
after’. <IE *speud- ‘press, drive, hurry’>
evAR Aor. onedou, fut. onevoopat (Il.), onevow (E. et al.), onevoiw (Cret.), perf.
tonevka (Hell.), rare med. onev-Sopat (A.), pass. Eomevopat (late).
-coMP Also with prefix, eg. éml-, kata-, ov-. Further in xevd-onov6-o¢ ‘seriously
prosecuting frivolities’, also -éw, -ia (Hell.). katdéonev-oig (to kata-onevdw) [f.]
‘hurry’ (Thd; onedoic gloss.), onevo-t6¢ (Phryn.), -ttkdg (ém-) ‘hurried’ (Arist.,
Eust.). :
*DER ontov6-1) [f.] ‘haste, zeal, labor, seriousness, good will’ (II.), hence -aiog ‘zealous,
striving, serious, good’ (IA), -otdtng [f.] (Pl. Def, LXX et al.), om006-a&: ddetpiBavocg
1382 omrAatov
‘pestle’ (H.) (cf. below); onovd-a¢w [v.] ‘to be quick, carry on seriously, etc.’ (IA),
also with émt-, kata-, ov-, etc; thence -aoua, -aopdtiov, -aojtdc, -aoTi\c, -aoTdc,
-QOTIKOG.
eETYM The only certain cognate is Lith. spausti < *spaufd-ti ‘to press, squeeze’, also
‘to push, drive on’, intr. ‘to hurry’ (see LIV’ s.v. *speud-). A trace of the meaning
‘push’ has also been sugested for onovdak = ddetpiBavog ‘pestle of a mortar’. The
word onov6dr] has a formal cognate in Lith. spauda [f.] ‘pressure, literature’. There is
also, with zero grade and a long vowelas a result of Winter’s Law, spuda [f.] ‘throng,
urgency, pressure’ and spudéti ‘to be oppressed, thrust down, pain oneself, meddle’.
Perhaps Alb. puné ‘work, business’ is also peated, if from *spud-nd.
ontAaiov [n.] ‘cave, cavern’ (Pl, LXX, NT et al). <PG(V)>
*DER ommAaiwdrs ‘cave-like’, -aitn¢ [m.] ‘god of caves’ (Paus.), -ddtov [n.]
(Theopomp. Com.), after the diminutives in -adtov; not -adtov; cf. Hdn. Gr. 2, 488,
12. Also onijvyé, -vyyos [f.] ‘id’ (Arist., Theoc., A. R. et al.) with omnvyy-wdrc¢
(EM), -oetdi)¢ (sch.).
*ETYM Both onrAatov and onijAvyé are enlargements of a root omnd-: for oniAvyé,
cf. the semantically close ofjpay& ‘hollow rock’, pdpayé ‘cleft’, and also pdpuyé
‘throat’, Adpvy— ‘larynx’; onrjAatov may be formed after bm6-yatov ‘underground
chamber’. Borrowed as Lat. spélaeum and spélunca (see WH s.v.), and as Alb. shpellé
‘rock, cave’. Fur.: 123 reconstructs a Gr. form *oniAvE, -dKoc, from Lat. *spéliica. He
further adduces mfjAv— = paydc ‘fissure’ (H., Phot.) and refers to Etr. spel(a) ‘cave,
tomb’. The word is no doubt Pre-Greek (note the prenasalization and the suffix
-vyy-).
onijAvyé, -vyyoc o7Aatov.
omidtoc [adj.] ‘extensive, wide’ (omidtov tujKoc 6500 ‘length of a road’ A. Fr. 378 = 733
M.), om668ev = |taxpd0ev ‘from afar’ (Antim. 77); omtdvdv- ttuKvdév, ovveyxéc,
memnyoc ‘close or compact, holding together, fixed’; omddev. ptéAav, mato,
OKOTELVOV, TUKVOV, L1éya ‘black, wide or broad, dark, close or compact, great’ (H.).
<2>
DER Cf. further omdéoc [gen.sg.] (A 753) beside v.l. damdéocg; if correct, probably
from *omidvc; see also » éAcoridac and » donic 1. Verbal derivative oni(w = ékteivw
‘stretch out’ (sch. Ar. V. 18, Eust.).
*ETYM An obsolete group of words, which seems to have lived on only in the learned
and poetic language. The authors were obviously no longer certain about the
meaning (cf. H.’s explanation of omtddev). The root omd- can be compared to Lat.
spissus ‘laborious, slow, dense’ (< *spid-tos or *spit-tos; see De Vaan 2008 s.v.). Lith.
spisti, 1sg.pres. spintu ‘to begin to swarm (of bees), to gather’ < *spit- is probably not
related, in view of the different dental. The word > ondw is not related.
onitw [v.] ‘to squeak, chirp’, of birds (Arat., Thphr.). < EUR>
eVAR Also onivoc [m.] ‘finch’ (com., Thphr., Arat.) with omtv-iov, -i6tov (com.);
byforms: oniva- 6 onivog ‘siskin’, omtvOia: eidoc dpwOapiwv ‘kind of bird’, onivor
ontvOr/p, -f\pos 1383
‘siskins; oniyyov: onivov ‘id.’; also miyyav: vedcotov. Attepiac ‘young bird’, onbyyac:
dpvic ‘bird’ (H.).
eDER onita [f.] ‘common chaffinch’ (S. Fr. 431, Arist, Timo), omia: Ta dpvea
a&navta ‘all birds’ (H.); om{-iac [m.] ‘sparrow hawk’ (Arist.), = eiSoc iépakoc ‘kind of
hawk or falcon’ (H.), -itn¢ [m.] (Arist.), = ei60c¢ aiy8ahov dpvéov ‘kind of titmouse’
(H.); 6p6-ontCoc [m.] ‘brambling’ (Arist.).
eETYM Cf. similar » tpiCw ‘to buzz, gnash, squeak’. The other forms, including onitw,
oni{a, but with the exception of miyyav, can be derived from *omtyy- and connected
to OHG fincho, OE finc ‘finch’ < PGm. *fink(i)an-, *finki-, which lacks the initial *s-.
Within Greek, this etymon resembles omtyvov: tuxpdv, Bpayt, and onikavov-
ondvov. The connection with Germanic may point to a European “Wanderwort’.
om Oat [f.] ‘span, the range between the stretched thumbs and the little finger’ (1A).
<PG?>
*COMP Tpt-omi8ajtoc ‘measuring three spans’ (Hes. Op. 426 et al.), cf. den Boer
Mnem. 4:9 (1956): 3-
*DER omtOqt-taioc ‘one span wide’ (Hp., Arist. et al.).
eETYM For the formation, cf. »maAdun ‘palm of the hand’, »ddy,1n ‘a hand’s
breadth’, > nvyju} ‘distance from the elbow to the knuckles’; for the suffix -0-, cf. also
omiBiat- cavides vews ‘planks of a ship’ (H.). No known cognates; probably Pre-
Greek.
omAdsc [f.] ‘storm, squall’ (Plu., Hld. 5, 31, AP 7, 382). <PG(V)>
eDER Kata-omihdtw [v.] ‘to storm’.
*ETYM Fur. 373 connects comthoc: xeiLappoc tnd Maxedévwv ‘torrent (Maced.)’
(H.); the word is Pre-Greek in view of the variation.
onidoc1 [f.] ‘rock, reef (Ion. Trag., Arist., Lyc., Peripl. M. Rubr. et al.). <PG?>
eVAR Additionally (favored by the meter in the oblique cases) omtAdc, -ddo¢ [f.],
mostly plur. -4dec ‘id’ (Od.); also of métpa (A. R.); -adwdng ‘rocky’ (Str.). PN ZmAa-
diac (Eretria III’; see under omthdc, Bechtel 1914).
*COMP dta-ontAoc (Peripl. M. Rubr.).
*DER omAWwSng¢ (Arist. Plb.) ‘rocky’.
*ETYM No cognates outside Greek; probably Pre-Greek.
omidoc 2 [m.] ‘spot, stain, blemish’. <?>
eVAR -i- (Hdn. Gr.). Also omtAdc, -a60¢ [f.] ‘id’ (Ep. Jud.[?], Orph.).
eCOMP d-omthoc ‘spotless, without blemish’ (Hell.).
*DER omthdojta, -dw ‘to become stained, make stains, stain, besmirch’ (Hell.), ckata-
omthaCw ‘to stain, conceal’ (H., EM).
*ETYM No etymology.
omtvOrp, -ipos [m.] ‘spark’ (A 77, Ar. Arist., Plb, etc.). <PG?>
*DER omtvO-npitw ‘to sparkle, cause sparks’ (Thphr., Plu.), amo- ‘id.’ (Arist), -LO}Lot
(H. and Suid.). Also omvOapidec [pl] (h. Ap.), -apuyes [pl.] (A. R.), omivOpak, -cKoc
[m.] (Sext. Ca.) ‘id’.
On the bird names omtvOapic = Lat. spin-turnix see Thompson 1895 and WH s.v.
1384 OTULVOG
*ETYM For omtvOrp, cf. dotp ‘star’, ai®rp ‘ether’; omivOpak, like &vOpak ‘charcoal’;
omtvOap-idec, like éoxdp-a ‘fireplace’; omvOdpvuy-ec, like papptapvy-ai ‘sparklings’.
Reminiscent of Lith. spindziu, spindéti, Latv. spidét, spidét ‘to gleam, beam’ < *spyd-,
Latv. spuédrs ‘white, gleaming’ < *spond-ro-, but formally impossible to connect. The
Baltic words reflect a root *spend-, without *-i- and with root-final *-d- because of
the acute accentuation. On the attempt by Niedermann IF 26 (1909): 58f. to connect
Lat. scintilla with omvOyp from a Mediterranean form *stint’-, see further Pariente
Emerita 20 (1952): 394ff.
omtvoc [adj.] ‘meager’ (Procl.). <?>
*DER o7ttvwdng¢ (Ptol.). 4%
*ETYM Formation as in ioyvdc ‘withered’. Though the attestation is late, probably an
old word, and connected with »omidtoc. Hardly related to Olr. séim ‘meager’ <
quasi-IE *speimi-; see Matasovi¢ 2008 s.v. *sfémi-.
onivos ‘finch’. =onilw.
onmhayxva ort.
omAeKow [v.] ‘to copulate’. <?>
eVAR o7thekoov (Ar. Lys. 152 Dindorf ex H. et Poll; codd. mAekobv), Steomhe-Kwpévy
(Ar. Pl. 1082), kataonmeKk@oat (cod. -doat)- katehdoat ‘to drive or push down’ (H.).
eCOMP Also with dta- and Kata-.
*DER omAéxwya [n.] (sch. Ar. Pl. 1082).
*ETYM The well-attested form mAexovdv may have lost its o- secondarily (cf. Schwyzer:
334); no further etymology.
omdnddc [f.]? ‘ash’ (Lyc. 483, Nic. Th. 763). <?>
eVAR OMAN dw: o71050¢ AentTH, Kdvic ‘fine ashes, dust’ (H.).
eETYM Perhaps a contamination of o7toddc and another, semantically close word
(xAij}50¢?). No cognates outside Greek.
onmAiv, omAnvos [m.] ‘spleen’ (IA), metaphorically ‘compress’ (Hp.), cf. -iov; aiyoc
omAt a plant name ‘mallow, cheeseweed’ (Ps.-Dsc.). <IE *spl(é)g"-n- ‘spleen’>
*COMP d-onAnv-ov [n.], -o¢ [m.] ‘miltwaste’ (Dsc. et al.), supposed to cure the
spleen. See Strémberg 1940: 86, where a- is wrongly interpreted as prothetic; cf. Vitr.
1 4,10.
*DER omAnv-iov [n.], -ioxov [n.], -ioxog [m.], -aptov [n.] ‘compress’ (Hp., Dsc.,
Samos IV*); -iov also as a name of several plants (Dsc.; cf. domAnvov). onAnv-itne,
fem. -ittc ‘belonging to the spleen, disease of the spleen’ (medic.); omAnv-ixdc
‘belonging to the spleen, splenetic’ (Hp., Hell. com., etc.), -wdn¢ ‘id.’ (Hp.). o7tAnv-
tdw ‘to be splenetic’ (Arist. et al.). Furthermore om\dyxva [n.pl.] ‘interior organs
(heart, liver, lungs, kidneys), intestines’ (Il.), sing. rarely also secondarily as
designations of individual organs (A., Pl. Arist.), metaphorically (plur. and sing.)
‘heart’ = ‘mental state’ (trag.), ‘compassion, commiseration, charity’ (LXX, NT).
In compounds, e.g. omdayyvo-payoc ‘eating intestines’ (LXX), et-ondayyvoc
‘having healthy intestines’ (Hp.), ‘compassionate’ (LXX, NT), omAayyv-idta [n.pl.]
omt066c 1385
diminutive (Diph.), -ién¢ (UPZ 89, 3 and 13; form and mg. doubtful, cf. Wilcken ad
loc.), -tkdc ‘belonging to o.’ (Dsc., pap.); -iCoptat ‘to commiserate’ (LXX, NT); -iCa,
-evw ‘to consume intestines’ (Cos IV’, LXX, Ar. et al.), -toudc¢ [m.] (LXX); -evu,
-evottat ‘to predict from intestines’ (Str.).
*ETYM An n-stem is found in other names of body parts, like ppryv, adrv, avdyrjv, etc.,
but these all inflect with root ablaut. Several IE subfamilies show similar words for
‘spleen’, but the differences between them are too substantial to be able to
reconstruct a single IE word for ‘spleen’. We find Lat. lién ‘spleen’ (< *lihén <
*(spylihén) < *(s)lig'-én-; CS slézena ‘spleen’ < *s(p)lég*-n- or *s(p)leh,g’-n-; MBret.
felch ‘spleen’ < *spelg"-; Skt. plihdn-, Av. sparazan- < *(s)plh,g’-n-. It is probable that
Arm. p‘aycain is somehow related, as well.
The exact reconstruction of the Greek forms is unclear. We should start from
*omAny-, *omAax- (= Av. sparaz-an-), an n-stem like Lat. lién, etc. Anticipation of the
nasal gives onAayxyv-. The form oxArv may have arisen haplologically for *omAny-tv
(after monosyllabic gprjv), or is it from *spléng’? On omArv and omhdyyva, see
further Egli 1954: 44ff. and Schwyzer: 489’. Borrowed as Lat. splén (>> MoE spleen,
etc.).
ondyyos [m.] ‘sponge (for wiping off), metaphorically also of sponge-like objects, e.g.
‘gland’ (Il.). < EUR?>
VAR Also o@oyyos (certain in Hell. and lateinscr.), see Hiersche 1964: 207f.
*COMP omtoyyo-8rjpac [m.] ‘sponge hunter or gatherer’ (Plu.).
*DER Diminutive onoyy-iov [n.] (Ar., Dsc.), -dptov [n.] (M. Ant. et al); +a [f.] =
ondyyocg (Ar. Aeschin., Arist., Aret. et al.), on the accent see Scheller 1951: 73; -iac
[m.] ‘id’ (Ar. Fr. 856); -evc [m.] (-letc) ‘sponge gatherer’ (Arist., Thphr.); -wén¢
‘spongy, porous’ (Hp., Arist., Dsc.); -itic ‘id’ (Plin., Aét.); -ifw ‘to wipe off (Hp.,
Att. etc.), also with dito-, éx-, etc.; -totiKT] (téx vn) ‘wiping’ (P1.).
*ETYM An old Wanderwort, identical to Arm. sunk, sung ‘mushroom, cork-tree’ and
Lat. fungus ‘mushroom, sea-, tree-emushroom, mushroom-like ulcer’. Borrowed as
Lat. spongia (from onoyytd), with spongidsus, etc.
onoddc [f.] ‘ash, ember, metal ashes, dust’ (Ion. t 375, trag., etc.). <PG(V)>
*COMP omodo-etdrj¢ ‘ash-colored’ (Hp. Arist. et al.), év-omodoc ‘id.’ (Dsc.), see
Stromberg 1946: 128 and 130.
*DER o7106-t4, Ion. -11 [f.] ‘heap of ashes, ash’ (e 488, Hp., E. Cyc. 615 [lyr.], Pl. Com.,
LXX, AP et al.), see Scheller 1951: 67; thence -wdng ‘ash-colored’ (Erot.), -taiog ‘id.,
gilvus’ (gloss.), -tac [f.] ‘wild plum, Prunus insititia (?)’ (Thphr-).
Further -tov [n.] ‘metal ash’ (Poseidon., Dsc.), with -taxdc ‘made of 0.’ (late medic.);
-(e)iog ‘of ash(es)’ (Semon. et al.); -@5n¢ ‘ashlike’, of color and taste (App., Gal.);
-itn¢ Gptoc ‘bread baked in ashes’ (Hp., Diph.); also onodevc ‘id.’ (see s.v. on
> OITOAGG).
Denominative verbs: omod-douat ‘to be burnt to ashes’ (Hp. Lyc., AP),
ovveoTodwHevov: OvyKEeKoptevov ‘concise’ (H.); -woac8at ‘to bestrew with ashes’
(LXX); -i€w ‘to roast in the ashes’ (PL, Ar.), intr. ‘to be ash-colored’ (Dsc.), also with
bito-; o7t0déw ‘to crunch, smash, grind’, also sensu obsc. of food ‘to consume,
1386 omoNdc, -460¢
swallow’ (often in Ar., com., A., E.), also with kata-, amo-, dta-; cf. kata-o710déw “to
stretch down in the dust’ (A., Ar.); here also omto5-6pyng¢ [m.] ‘eunuch’ (Eust.), see
Maaf RAM N. F. 74 (1925): 432ff.
eETYM Fur.: 154 convincingly connects doBoAog ‘soot, dust of coals’ and *o7oXdg in
omtodevc (according to Frisk s.v. omoAdc, wrong for *o7todetc). The word would then
be Pre-Greek.
onondc, -dd0¢ [f.] ‘leather harness, jerkin’ (S. Fr. 11, Ar. X.). <PG(V)>
eETYM A formation in -dc¢ from a verbal noun *omdXoc or *o7toAr. Related to
> domdAak? Perhaps from a verb for ‘split, tear off (IE *spel-), in which case it may
be related to on6Ata: Ta TapaTIAAGpLeva epidia ad TOV OKEhWv TMV TPOBaTwV ‘wool
plucked off the legs of sheep’, ciomtahov: oxdto<¢ ‘skin, hide’ (H.), but hardly to Thess.
omdAog ‘pole’ (IG 9(2), p. XI [II*]), if = ‘split wood’. The word onodetc ‘kind of
bread’ (Philet. apud Ath. 3, 11.4e) may belong here, or be mistaken for onodevc (see
> o7066c).
From other languages: Lat. spolium ‘skin, hide; arms, spoils’ (= onddia), Lith. spdlis
‘beard (= part of the stalk of flax), pl. spaliai ‘parts of the stalk’, OCS pols ‘sex, half,
MoHG spalten ‘to cleave’, Go. spilda ‘writing tablet’, all reflecting a root *spel(H)-
‘what is split, stripped off (see also LIV’ s.v., but Skt. phalati ‘to burst’ is probably
unrelated). Cf. further »otéAAw and manic. If Lat. spolium can be a loan from
Greek, the Greek forms may also reflect the Pre-Greek root that is also seen in
donahov ‘mole’.
onovdvAN, ondvdvAOS =PovdvAN, cPdvddAOc.
onopyidosg [m.] a bird, probably ‘sparrow’ (Ar. Av. 300 with allusion to a PN). <?>
*DER omépyovdAog (also 11-): dpviWdpiov dyptov ‘small wild bird’ and oxapdotov-
dpveov éLipepéc otpovO@ ‘bird resembling a sparrow’ (H.). Also otpovOdc stupyitis
‘house-sparrow’ (Gal.).
*ETYM The word onopy-idoc is formed like dpxitoc, tpoxihoc, and other bird names;
onépyovkoc is dialectal for *omepy-vAozg, like krpvaAos, etc. (Chantraine 1933: 249 and
251). The forms with -y- have a counterpart in Germanic and Baltic: MHG sperke,
OPr. spurglis, spergle- ‘sparrow-’, which may point to a European substrate word or a
Wanderwort. See also Thompson 1895 s.v. Cf. also » wap and > oiapdotov.
onopOvyyes =ortbpa8ol.
onvpaGot [pl.] ‘droppings of goats and sheep’ (Hp., Dsc.). <PG? < EUR>
eVAR 1tUpa8ot (Nic.).
*DER Diminutive omvpaia [pl.] (Dsc.); collective opupaGia [f.] (Poll; cf. Kompia
‘dunghill’); adj. onvpaOwéng ‘like sheep’s droppings’ (Hp.). Further omvpadec [f.pl.]
‘pills (Hp.), opupadec [fpl.] = ombpaSor (Ar., Arist.). Also ondpOvyyec ai
OVVEOTPALIWEval LETa PUitOv Tpixec ‘hair matted with filth’ and onopOvyyia: tpibora
‘water-chestnut’. ta dtaywpr<pa>ta tov aiyWv, & tivec onvpddac Kahodolv
‘excrement of goats’ (H.). Note also onipSapa ‘dung’ (Poll. 5, 91).
*ETYM For the formation of ombpaot, cf. (o)mé\e8oc ‘dung’, dv8o¢ ‘id’, wapta8or
‘grains of sand’; omupddec is like MOdde¢ ‘stones’, ioyddec ‘dried figs’, etc.
OTASLOG 1387
Similar words are found in Lith. spiros [f.pl.] ‘droppings of goats, hares, and other
small animals’ < *sprH-, Molc. sparé [n.] ‘droppings’, sperdill [m.] ‘kind of sausage’ <
*sporH-to-, but they can only be related if Greek onvp-/ opup- reflects earlier
*sporh,-. The Greek alternations in (o)n/pup-a0/5- could very well point to Pre-
Greek origin.
onvp@itw [v.] ‘to kick, lash out (of a donkey)’ (Ar. F r. 857). <?>
eVAR omup@ivev: ondo8at Kai dyavakteiv. mudapifetv kai opvletv ‘to be drawn, be
irritated; to dance, throb or beat violently’ (H.).
*ETYM If onup- reflects *spor-, it derives from the same root as » o7taipw. Cognates
with the same suffix *-d'- may be seen in Skt. spdrdhate ‘to compete, dispute’, sprdh-
[f.] ‘competition, dispute’, Go. spaurds [f.], OE spyrd [m.] ‘running-match, course’.
onvupic [f.] ‘basket’ (IA, etc.). <PG(v)>
eVAR oupic (Hp. v.L, Hell. and late), -idoc.
*COMP onuptdo-@dposg ‘basket-carrying’ (pap. II’).
*DER Diminutives onvp-idtov (com. et al.; o@- Hell. pap.), -ixviov (Poll, like kvAiyvy
et al.); also -16dn7¢ ‘basket-like’, -16dv [adv.] ‘shaped like a basket’ (sch.).
eETYM The word onvp-ic is formed like oxagic ‘bowl’, etc., either from a noun
(‘onvpdc vel sim.) or directly from a verb. It is hardly related to omdptov ‘rope,
cable’ via a meaning *‘twine’, as the variation on-/o@- shows that the word is Pre-
Greek. Fur.: 241 further compares ovpixoc (Alex.), otpiccoc (Poll.), ovpickoc (H.),
bptydc (Ar.), Bptcxog (Phryn.), bpickog (H.), bpicooc (H.), all ‘twined basket’, if from
*oFUpLXoc.
otaywv -oTdalw.
otadnv =otddtoc.
otadtov [n.] ‘racecourse, stadium’, secondarily also a measure of varying length, in
Hdt. 2, 149 = 100 opyviai or 6 mA€8pa (Thgn,, Pi, IA). <?>
eVAR Plur. -1a and -tot (scil. Spdytot).
*COMP otadto-dpdptog [m.] ‘racer’ (Simon., Att.), later otadta- ‘id. (Hell. and late
inscr.), a hypercorrect formation after the plur. otddéia; often as a second member,
especially after numerals, eg. dkta-otddio¢ (also OkTw-) ‘measuring eight o. (Plb.,
Str.).
*DER otadi-evc [m.] ‘racer’ (PIb. et al.), -ebw ‘to run for the wager’ (Arist. et al.),
-atoc ‘measuring one o.’ (Plb., D. H. et al.), -aoyidc [m.] ‘measuring by stadia’ (Str. et
al.).
eETYM Perhaps an original folk-etymological transformation of onddiov (Argiv.; see
Pondw), after otdd10¢? Bechtel 1921, 2: 473 assumes that otddtov is original and that
onddwov arose through dissimilation. Borrowed as Lat. stadium ‘race-course’.
otadtos [adj.] ‘upright, standing still, firm, immobile, lying on the balance = weighed,
etc.’ (IL, Pi. Hell. and late epic, D..C.), in the II. only dat. otadin as an attribute of
bdopiivy ‘fight’ or, on its own, ‘in close combat’; év abto-otadin (N 325) ‘id.’ cf.
Triimpy 1950: 112f. and Krarup Class. et Med. 10 (1949): 7. <GR>
1388 otalw
eVAR otadia: Avxvia ‘lamp’ (H.).
*COMP op80-oTddtov [n.] ‘chiton running straight downwards’ (Ar. et al.), aie
oTAd10G, OTATOG XITWV.
*DER otadaiog ‘id’ (A., Ti. Locr. et al.), also Th. 4, 38 vl. of otadia.
eETYM Adjectival derivative from the adverb otd-d1v ‘in standing posture’ with the
suffixes -to- and -ato-, like éxtd6-t0¢ from éxtd-dry (from éx-teivw); see Chantraine
1933: 39 and Schwyzer: 467 and 626. See > fotnpu.
otatw [v.] ‘to let drip (in), shed’, intr. ‘to drip’ (post-Hom.). <?>
eVAR Aor. otdEat (IL), fut. ota&w (Pi., etc.), aor. pass. otax@rjvai (Hp.), otayfvat
(Dsc.), perf. pass. Zotaktau (Od.). %,
*COMP Also with amo-, Kata-, év-, ém.-, etc.
*DER otay-@v, -dvoc [f.] ‘drop’ (trag. Hp, middle com., Hell. and late), hence
-oviac, -ovitic, -oviaiog (late); also otday-ec [pl.] (A. R. 4, 626), which is probably a
back-formation, cf. below.
otay-etdc [m.] ‘id’ (Aq.), like betdc, etc; otay-tia (éni-) [n.] ‘the dripping, drop,
aromatic oil’ (A., Gal, pap. et al.), ém-, kata-otaypdc [m.] ‘dripping of the nose,
sniffing’ (late medic.). otd&tc (am6-Kata-) [f.] ‘the dripping’, especially of blood from
the nose (Hp., Gal.). otaxtdg ‘dripping’ (IA), -t1 [f.] ‘myrrh oil’ (Antiph., PIb. et al.),
-ta [n.pl.] ‘resins’ (medic.); évotaxtov [n.] ‘the dripping in’ (Gal.); ota<x>tikdv:
TELYLATIOV TAAKOvVTOELSEG. GAOL SE Ayyeia SivAiGovta NeiAwov bdwp ‘small cake;
vessels filtering water from the Nile’ (H.). émt-otdxtn¢ [m.] ‘woolen thread for oil-
dripping’ (late medic.); otaxtepia (for -trpia) [f.] “bottle for myrrh oil’ (pap. VI-
VII). otdy-dryv ‘drop by drop’ (Hp., Aret.). Ztafovea [f.] source in Sicyon (Krahe
Beitr. z. Namenforsch. 2 (1950-1951): 230).
eETYM The present otdCw reflects *otay-1w and forms the basis of the other forms.
The form otayec is probably a backformation from otayéveg (Schwyzer: 424). Often
connected to Lat. stagnum ‘standing water, pool’ and OBret. staer ‘river, brook’ <
*stag-ra. The semantics of this etymology are not obvious, but the connection
remains possible.
otab_epds oT hOiU.
otaG_eww [v.] ‘to scorch, roast, fry (Ar., Arist., Thphr.). <PG(V)>
DER -evtd¢ ‘scorched’ (A. Pr. 22), -evotc (v.l. otat-) [f.] ‘scorching’ (Arist.).
eETYM Perhaps the word contains the synonymous evw, but the rest is unclear. Fur.:
191, on the other hand, compares otdtevoic (Arist., Alex. Aphr. in Mete. 186) =
otd8evoic, which would indicate Pre-Greek origin.
otd8un [f.] ‘directive, carpenter’s line, finish line, plumb line, rule, norm’ (since O
410). <GR>
eCOMP brootdOun (to bn0- otijvat) [f.] ‘sediment, lees, foundation’ (Pl, Hp. et al.).
otaGut-odxoc¢ [m.] ‘owner of goods, etc. (A. Fr. 226 = 376 M., Antiph, pap. et al.),
émt-otaOpog [m.] ‘quartermaster’ (Isoc.), ‘military quartered on another’ (pap.;
Mayser 1906-1938, I: 3: 175); vab-otaQtov [n.] (Th.), secondary -ocg [m.] (Plb. D. S.,
otahdoow 1389
Plu.) ‘anchorage, fleet station, fleet’; originally a substantivized adjective like Bov-
otaQhtov.
*DER oTaOut-dojtcat (Ion. -éoptct) ‘to measure (by the directive), estimate, gauge,
weigh’ (Pi., IA), also with dta-, ém-, dvtt-; thence -npta, -101¢, -11TiKd¢ (late). otaGpt-
(Cw ‘id’ (Agq., Sm.), also with d1a-. otaQud¢ [m.] ‘location, stable, farmstead, night
lodgings, travel stage, day’s march; pillar, post, jamb; balance, weight, heaviness’ (II.);
plur. also -14 [n.] (after taAavta, Cvyd), to which sing. -ov ‘weight, balance’ (1A),
poet. also ‘homestead, farmstead; jamb, etc.’ (trag. et al.). ota®p-iov [n.] ‘balance,
weight’ (Hell. and late); ~xdc¢ ‘of weighing’ (Gal.); -wéng¢ ‘rich in sediment’ (Hp.), cf.
drootaGn; otaGt-iCw ‘to weigh’, also with dta-, ovv-, etc; hence -totc [f.] ‘the
weighing’, -totr¢ [m.] ‘weigher’, -toti [adv.] ‘by weight’, -totiKdc ‘for weighing’ (late);
otaQu-evw ‘to take up or have quarters, etc.’, also with kata-, ém-; also -eia [f.]
(late).
eETYM Formation like Ba®ttdc, OeQidc, PvOptdc, etc. A derivative of the root of
>iotnpu, PIE *steh,-, with the suffixes -0- and -10-. The suffix -0- also appears in ev-
otadrc ‘standing firm, quiet’ (Ion. Hell. and late since I].), which was probably built
on the aor. éotd@nv (Risch 1937: 82). The synonymous and later attested form
otaQe_epdc (A. Fr. 276 = 479 M., etc.) may have been built from pavepds (or a similar
example) under the influence of 4-pavijc.
otaic, otaitdc [n.] ‘wheat flour turned to dough with water’ (Jon., Eup., Arist.,
Thphr.,, etc.). <IE>
eVAR otaic.
*COMP oTalt-oupydc (written otet-) [m.] ‘mixer of 0.’ (Ostr.).
*DER Diminutive otatt-iov [n.] (PMag. Par.); -.voc ‘made of o.’ (Hdt.), -itag [m.]
‘bread of o. (Epich., Sophr.), -wdn¢ ‘o.-like’ (Poll.), -tjta- mépytatog eidog ‘kind of
small cake’, ota<t>tiac: dptov etdoc ‘kind of bread’ (H.).
*ETYM The connection with the IE word for ‘dough’ in SCr. tijesto ‘dough’, Olr. tdis
‘id’ < *th,eis-to-, OHG theismo ‘leaven’ is semantically appealing. If related, the
anlaut must have been influenced by otéap ‘fat’ (Pedersen 1909: 56). See also > tr}kw.
otaddoow [v.] ‘to drip, shed drops, drop’ (Sapph., E. et al.). <?>
eVAR Also -dw (Hell. and late epic, AP, Luc.), -4Gw (Aq., Plu., Luc.), -4ttw (Porph.),
aor. -&at (Ar., Lyc., LXX).
eCOMP Also with amo-, év-, etc.
*DER otaday-td¢ [m.] ‘dripping, drop’ (trag., Ar., Hp.), hence -utatog ‘calculated by
the drop (of the water-clock)’ (Vett. Val., etc.), -uitn¢ plant name (Hippiatr.); also
-ta [n.] ‘drop’ (A., S, Scymn.). Lat. LW stalagmia [n.pl.] ‘ear-drops’, stalagmias [m.]
‘kind of copper-vitriol’ (Plin. HN).
*ETYM Formation like nakdoow, pabdoow, aipidacoow; the form otakdw is metrically
conditioned (after yaAdw, etc.), to which belongs otaAenddovec: otadaypoi (H.),
perhaps metrical for ota\e6- or ota-And-?
The form otaddoow is an enlargement of otd(w. Usually derived from a root
*(s)tel(h.)- ‘to drip’ (see LIV? s.v. *stelh,k-), whence also » téhua ‘puddle’ and MoE
stale ‘urine’ are derived. This seems possible, but is not very convincing in view of
1390 ota, -tkoc
the limited distribution, the vague semantics, and the s-mobile. See further on
> dvactarvlw.
ota\té, -ixog [f.] ‘plug or post for fastening a hunting-net’ (Theoc., Plu., Opp., Poll)
<e>
*DER otdhtidac (-idac?)- tobs KdptaKag i} xdpakac ‘vine-props or -poles, pointed
stakes’ (H.), otahidwv (X. Cyn. 2, 8 codd.; cyadidwv Steph.).
*ETYM The suffix alternation recalls xhdik-, from Knid- ‘bolt, key’ (cf. s.v. » KAgic);
see Schwyzer: 496. Further analysis uncertain; the root could be that of either
Potéhhw or & iotnpu (with a suffix -\-).
otawives [m.p].] ‘vertical side-beams of a ship*(Poll. 1, 92, H., EM). <PG?>
eVAR Acc. -tvac (Moschio apud Ath.), dat. -iveoot (e 252, Nonn. D. 40, 446).
eETYM Perhaps from »iotnu, with a formation like épyiv-, pnypiv-, bopttv-, and like
these words a derivation in -iv- from a stem in -p- or -(e)v-. Cf. also Pot&pvoc. The
short i in otativeoot may be due to the meter; see Debrunner REIE 1 (1938): iff.
otauvos [m., f.] ‘big jar, especially a wine-jar’ (IA). <IE *sth,-mn-o- ‘standing’>
*DER Several diminutives: otatv-iov, -aptov [n.], -icxog [m.] (com., Hell. and late).
PN Xtaytviac [m.] (Ar.). Denominative verb: otav-iw, only with kata- and ovv-,
‘to pour into a jar, transfuse’ (Thphr., Nic. et al.).
*ETYM Formation like épvpvdc (from gépupia), Aivn (from Autry), etc. (see Sacer
524 and Chantraine 1933: 215). Probably from a noun *otdla, *otaptyv or the like,
‘stand, standing place’; the jar would thus be a large, standing one. Probably related
to otatocg [m.] (substantivized from otatéc) ‘big jug’ (Hell. inscr., H.), OHG stanta
‘jug to be put somewhere’, Lith. statiné ‘barrel, cask’. A zero grade u-derivation is
also supposed in »otapivec; comparable formations in other languages are ToB
stam, A stam ‘tree’ (cf. stém- ‘to stand’), OHG stam, gen. stammes ‘stem’, which may
reflect PGm. *stamna- (IE *sth,-mn-o-). Cf. also »otrpwv. Borrowed as Alb.
shtémbé, shtémbé [f.] ‘bottle’ (Mann Lang. 17 (1941): 23). Fur.: 227, 245 compares
oTa@os ‘trough’ with variation |1/@; uncertain.
otacdvy [f.] yyon, bn0OrKn ‘surety, mortgage’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM No etymology.
otdois [f.] ‘standing, standing still, stand, location, position, political opinion, party,
division’ also ‘placement, weighing, defrayal’ (Alc., Thgn., Pi, IA), on the mg. see
Bolling AmJPh. 82 (1961): 162f. <1E *steh,- ‘stand’, *sth,-ti->
*COMP otaoi-apxoc [m.] ‘party leader’ (A. et al.), Fevé-otaotc ‘inn for strangers’ (S.).
Often with prefix as a derivation of prefixed verbs, e.g. dvaota-otc (to av-iotaptat,
-iotnpt) ‘standing up, removal, making to stand up, expulsion’ (IA).
*DER oTdo-\\Wloc ‘standing (firm or still), quiet, weighable’ (IA), ‘stilling, blocking’
(Hp.). Also -twéng ‘partial, rebellious’ (X., Arist. et al.), -wty¢ [m.] ‘party member’
(1A), hence -twtikdc, -twteia (after matpiwtyc, oTpatiwtng, etc.); oTao-LaCw ‘to form
parties, divide, quarrel’ (IA), also with prefix, e.g. dvtt-, dta-; otao-ilw ‘id.’ (Crete
III*).
{
i
i
Fl
:
:
i.
i
OTAPUAT 1391
eETYM Old verbal noun *sth,-ti- of » iotnpu ‘to stand’, identical with Skt. sthiti- [f.]
‘stand, standstill’, Lat. stati ‘standing place’, frozen accus. statim ‘fixed, on the spot’,
Go. staps [m.] ‘position, place’, OHG stat [f.] ‘id.’. From the full grade *steh,-ti-: Av.
staiti- ‘standing, stand, position’, Latv. statis [p].] ‘turning point (of the sun), and
Ru. stat’ ‘build of the body’.
OTATHP, -ijpos [m.] designation of a weight and of a coin, ‘stater (IA). <IE *steh.-
‘stand’>
*VAR otatijpec is also the opposite of dmodotiipec ‘returners’ (Epich. 116), acc. to Et.
Gen. = ypewotat ‘debtors’, cf. 6BoAo-otatip (Hdn. Gr.) = dfpodo-otatng¢ ‘obol
weigher, usurer’ (Ar. et al.).
eCOMP Thematicized in bahuvrihi compounds: dexa-otdtnp-og ‘concerning ten o.’
(Arr.), -ov [n.] ‘sum or weight of ten o.’ (Att. and Cret. inscr.).
*DER otatnp-lokoc (-top6c?) type of tax (pap.), -taiog ‘worth or weighing one o.’
(Theopomp. Com., Hell. and late).
*ETYM Derived from iotnu in the sense ‘to put on the balance, weigh off. See also
Benveniste 1948: 50. Similar, but independent, formations are found in Lat. Stator,
-oris epithet of Jupiter, Skt. sthatar- [m.] ‘driver of a car’ < *steh,-ter-. Borrowed as
Lat. statér. See > iotnU.
otatuov [f., m.] ‘station’. <LW Lat>
eDER -Gptoc (inscr.).
*ETYM From Lat. statid; see Drew-Bear Glotta 50 (1972): 93.
otatés [adj.] ‘standing (still)’, of a horse (Z 506 = O 263), of water (S. Ph. 716 [lyr.]);
Hell. of jars ‘made or fit for standing’ (Delos, pap.); subst. otatoc [m.] ‘vessel’
(Delos, Oropos, H.), with otdtiov [n.] ‘id.’ (Delos II*). <IE *steh,- ‘stand’>
*DER oTat-iK6c ‘belonging to weighing’ (Pl.), on the mg. cf. » otdotc; ‘standing still’
(Arist.), ‘stilling’ (Hell. and late); otat-ifw, -iCopat ‘to stand, set, establish’ (S., E. et
al.).
*ETYM Old verbal adjective of » fotnpt ‘to stand’.
otavpdc [m.] ‘pole’ (O 453), ‘cross’ (D. S. NT et al.). IE *steh,-u- ‘pole’>
*DER otavp-iov [n.] (Theognost.), -ixd¢ ‘belonging to the cross’ (Tz.); otavp-dw ‘to
provide with poles’ (Hdt., Th., etc.), ‘to crucify’ (Plb., NT et al.), also with dva-, etc,
thence -wya [n.] ‘fraise, palisade’ (Th., X. et al.), -wotg [f.] ‘impalement, crucifixion’
(Th. et al.), -wotmoc ‘belonging to the crucifixion’ (Christ. lit.).
*ETYM Identical to ON staurr [m.] ‘pole’ < *steh,u-ro-, which is probably also the
basis of Lat. instaurdre ‘to renew, restore’ (whence restaurdare ‘id.’). See further on
POTOd, P OTDAOG, PoTUpat, and m oTbw.
otagis =daotagic.
otagvAn [f] ‘grape’ (Il), metaphorically ‘swollen uvula, uvula inflammation’ (Hp.,
Arist., etc.), also otagbAn (accent after kotbAn, KavOUAn?) ‘lead in the balance,
plummet of a level’ (B 765). <PG(v)>
1392 otaxavn
*COMP E.g. otapvdAo-toptéw ‘to cut off grapes; to perform surgery on the uvula’ (late), -
épl-otd@vaAog ‘with big grapes’ (Od., epic). .
*DER Diminutive otagvd-ic, -idoc [f.] (Theoc., Hp.), -tov [n.] (M. Ant., pap.); -ivocg
[m.] ‘carrot’ (Hp., Dsc.), metaphorically as the name of an insect (Arist.), see
Stromberg 1937: 52; -itn¢ [m.] epithet of Dionysus (Ael.); -wya [n.] name of an eye-
disease (medic.), after yAavkuta, etc. From otapvaAn: otagvrifetv: TO ovvi<o>dletv
Tac das Tov ivatiov ‘to ?? the fringes of the mantle’ (H.). PN Zta@vdog [m.].
eETYM Probably the zero grade form of > otétpvAa. The similarity with » dotagic
‘dried grapes’ is probably not accidental, but the exact relation of the words is
unknown. The group of words is Pre-Greek (cf. Chantraine 1933: 251, Schwyzer: 485,
and Fur.: 342, 373). It has been argued that otagvhivos ‘carrot’ is not related to
otapvaAn (Greppin Glotta 64 (1986): 248-252, Hansen KZ 102 (1989): 211). The latter
argues that the meaning ‘carrot’ comes from Sanskrit sta(m)bh- with stambha- ‘post,
pillar, column’, so that it was ‘the pillar plant’, or ‘the plant with the pillar root’.
otaxavn [f.] only in the expression Stxaidtepog otayavng (Zen., Lib. et al.), where it is
understood as ‘balance’. <PG?>
eETYM Formation like tpvtadvn and other instument nouns. Perhaps as a technical
expression from » otdxuc¢ ‘ear’, due to some specification of the meaning, but more
likely a Pre-Greek substrate word.
OTAXUG, -vOG [m.] ‘ear (of corny (¥ 598), metaphorically ‘offshoot’ (poet.), as a plant
name (Dsc. et al.), ‘surgical bandage’ (medic.). <PG(V)>
eVAR -0c (E. HF 5), -bv (Call., A. R.).
*COMP otaxvo-Bodéw ‘to put forth ears’ (Thphr.), mohv-otaxus ‘rich in ears’ (Theoc.,
Str.).
*DER otaxv-npdc ‘bearing ears’ (Thphr.), -wdng ‘ear-like, full of ears’ (Thphr.
Nonn.), -ivog ‘of ears’ (Olympia), -itic [f.] (also -itn¢ [m.]) plant name (Ps.-Dsc.),
-dojlat ‘to develop into an ear’ (Dsc.).
*ETYM Traditionally connected with ON stinga, OE stingan ‘to sting’, nominal OHG
stanga [f.] ‘stick, pole, bar’, MHG stunge ‘prickle’, Lith. stangus ‘stiff, fixed’, stanga
[f.] ‘effort’, sténgti ‘to be able’, stingti ‘to harden’, Latv. stifigt ‘id’. The Germanic
words reflect *steng'-u-, of which ot&yvc¢ would be a zero grade *stng'-u-. The
appurtenance of the Baltic forms is doubtful, since their accentuation seems to
require a reconstruction *steng-, in which case they cannot be related. However, the
variant » Gotaxuc (see s.v. and Kretschmer Glotta 21 (1933): 89) rather suggests that
the Greek word is of substrate origin (see also Fur.: 373). Cf. » ot6vv— and » otdxoc.
otéap, otéatog [n.] ‘(standing) fat, tallow’ (the opposite of » mteAN), also ‘dough’ =
otaic (Od., Hp., X., Arist., etc.). <IE *steh,-ur>
VAR otéap (com., see LSJ Supp.), otip, otto (Hell. pap. et al.).
«DER Diminutive otedt-tov [n.] (Alex., Paul. Aeg.), -wdng ‘tallowy’ (Hp., Arist. et al.),
voc ‘of tallow, of dough’ (Aesop.), -wya [n.] ‘tallow formation, fat tumor’, hence
-wtatiov [n.] (medic.), -itat 1Aaxobvtec ‘flat cakes’ (H.) as a gloss to miovec; oteat-
dopa [v.] ‘to be tallowed’ (LXX), ‘to suffer from a fat tumor’ (Hippiatr.); also ote-
aCw ‘to tallow’ (Al.).
i
\
i
\
oteiBw 1393
eETYM The word otéap < *otij-Fap < PGr. *sta-yr. A heteroclitic noun like miap,
ob8ap, etc. (Schwyzer: 518, Benveniste 1935: 19, 27 and 169), from *steh,- ‘to stand’;
see > iotnut. No exact correspondences outside Greek. The words » otaic ‘dough’
and ayytotivos (s.v. » dyyxt) are unrelated.
otéyw [v.] ‘to cover, defend, avert, keep closed, bear, sustain’ (post-Hom.). <IE *(s)teg-
‘cover, roof >
eVAR Also aor. otéEat (PIb. et al.), otexOFvat (VIP).
eCOMP Also with duto-, etc. Further in otéy-apyoc [m.] ‘housemaster’ (Hdt. et al.);
often as a second element, e.g. in b16-oTeyoc ‘under a roof, covered’ (Emp., Pl., S. et
al.).
*DER oTey-vdc ‘covered, waterproof, clogged’ (Ion., E., X., etc.), hence -vétng¢ [f.]
‘thickness, stoppage’ (Hp.), -véw (amto-, etc.) ‘to thicken, stop’, -vwotc [f.], -vwtiKdc¢
(Hell. and lat). Substantivized otéyvn, Dor. Aeol. -a [f.] ‘roof, cope, covered place,
house, room’ (Alc. Gortyn, IA). Also otey-avdc ‘covering, watertight’ (Att.),
-avotng [f.] (Eust.), -avéw ‘to cover’ (Hell. and late), -avmpata-: ta év Tots Toixotc, ot
AEyOpEvot ovvdeoytot ‘things in the walls of a house, the so-called bonds’ (H.); -avn
[f.] ‘cover’ (AP); -avioat (cod. -f-)- otéyy bnodexOrjvat “be received in a room’ (H.).
Furthermore otextikéc ‘for keeping the water out’ (Pl. etc.), otéywots [f.] (to an
unattested *oteydw) ‘the roofing’ (pap. IIIP), cf. otéy-vwotc, -ao(o)tc.
otéyoc¢ [n.] ‘roof, house’ (trag., also Hell. and late prose); in compounds adapted to
otéyw (cf. Schwyzer 513): obpavo-oteyrc¢ ‘bearing the sky’ (A. Fr. 312 = 619 M.).
Derivations from otéyn (otéyoc): otey-vAdov [n.] ‘hut’ = ‘workshop’ (Herod.); -ttic
[f.] = mdpvn (Poll. H.); otey-dlw, -doat ‘to cover, roof (IA), also with ano-, kata-,
etc. thence -ao(o)tc, -aktc (aio-) [f.] ‘covering’ (Epid., Delos IV-II’*, etc.), see
Schwyzer: 271, Chantraine 1933: 281), -aopla (dato-, Kata-, 71p0-) [n.] ‘cover, cope’
(PL. X., etc.), -aotip [m.] ‘coverer, tile’ (Poll., H. as a gloss on owArjv), -aotpic [f.]
‘covering, cope’ (Hdt. et al.), -aotpov [n.] ‘covering, cope, container’ (A., Antiph.,
etc.).
Also téyog [n.] = otéyoc (Od; not in trag.), hence téy-eot (OdAcytot Z 248, Sdptor
Emp. 142) mg. not quite clear: ‘under a roof (= ‘upstairs’), ‘roofed’; cf. S$. Schmid
1950: 39; tey-idtov [n.] designation of a garment for women (Tanagra and pap. III");
also téyn [f.] = téyoc (Vett. Val., H.).
eETYM The form otéyw is a primary thematic present; non-present forms are late
and rare. It derives from PIE *(s)teg- with s-mobile (see LIV’ s.v.), attested in the
Latin thematic present tego ‘to cover’, perf. téxi, and in Olr. teg, gen.sg. tige ‘house’ <
*tegos- [n.], OHG dah, ON pak [n.] ‘roof < *togo-, OPr. stogis, Lith. stégas [m.] <
*stogo- with Winter’s Law. Skt. sthagati (Dhatup.), sthagayati ‘to cover, conceal’ are
unrelated (Kuiper 1954: 249). Borrowed as Lat. stega ‘cover’ (from otéyn), segestre,
-rum, tegestrum ‘cover made of skin’ (from otéyaotpov).
oteiBw [v.] ‘to tread (on something), densify by treading, trod, trample’ (A 534, Y 499,
epic poet.). <IE *steib- ‘get stiff, fix’>.
1394 otetheth
eVAR Only pres. except aor. kat-goteiwac (S. OC 467; not quite certain), verbal adj.
otintdg (v.l. -et-) ‘trodden solid, solid, hard’ (S., Ar.), d-otimtoc ‘untrodden’ (S.; also
OGI 606°).
*COMP Rarely with prefix, e.g. ém-, kata-.
*DER otoifr [f.] ‘stuffing, cushion, bulge, etc.’; often as a plant name ‘Poterium
spinosum’, the leaves of which were used for stuffing (Hp. Ar. Arist. Epid. [IV*],
etc.), otoiB-iov ‘id’? (Dawkins JHS 56 (1936): 10), -dg = otiBdc, -nddv ‘crammed’
(comm. Arist.), ototB-dlw ‘to fill, stuff (Hdt, LXX et al.), rarely with dta-, whence
-AGTOG, -AGTI|<C, -a0lc, -Ao1poc, -acia (Hell. and late).
Zero grade of the root in: otiBoc [m.] “(trodden) road, path, footstep, trail’ (epic Ion.
poet. since h. Merc.), fuller’s workshop’ (pap. III*), whence otBac, -45o¢ [f.] ‘bed of
straw, reed or leaves, mattress, bed, grave’ (IA), -détov [n.] ‘id’. (Hell. and late),
-adevw ‘to use like straw’ (Dsc.). Further otiBevc [m.] ‘hound’ (Opp.), ‘fuller’ (pap.),
= ddevTii¢ (H.), -ebw ‘to track’ (D. S., Plu, H.), = mopeveo8at (H.) with -eia [f.]
‘tracking, etc.’ (D. S. et al.), -eiov [n.] ‘fuller’s workshop’ (pap.), -evtr¢ [m.] ‘hound’
(Sostrat. apud Stob.); also -in = -ela (Opp; metrically conditioned). oiBixy [f.]
‘fuller’s tax’ (pap. III*); oiBdCw ‘to enter, track, etc’, -aotc [f.] (late); éotiBntat
[perf.pass.] ‘has been tracked’ (S. Aj. 874; to ottBéw or -dw); d-ot1B-o¢ ‘unentered’
(AP), often -1¢ ‘id’ (A, S,, also X. et al.), -1tog ‘id’ (Lyc. et als cf. gotiBytat); ZtiBwv
name of a dog (X. Cyn.).
otipapdc ‘solid, compact, massive, strong’ (Il., epic poet., also Hell. and late prose);
like Bptapdés, etc.; -apnddov [adv.] ‘compact’ (late).
With a long vowel we find otiBn [f.] ‘ripe’ (Od. Call.), -et¢ (Call.); on the mg, cf.
TAO, TAX vy to > mIyVuLL.
*ETYM Related to Arm. stép, gen. -oy ‘frequent, incessant, permanent’ (adj. and adv.),
with stip-em ‘to press, urge’, -aw, -ov ‘quick, diligent(ly)’ < PIE *stoibo- or *steibo-.
Perhaps also related to Lith. stiebas ‘mast(tree), pillar, stalk’, stdibis ‘lower shank,
supporting post’, if the accent, which points to root-final *-b-, is old. Similar words
with root-final *-p- in other Indo-European languages resemble the Greek root: Lat.
stipdre ‘to compress, surround’ (sometimes connected to the Corinth. PN Xtinwv, IG
4, 319); Lith. stipti, 1sg. stimpw ‘to stiffen, grow rigid’, stiprus ‘strong’, stiépti ‘to
stretch’; OE stif, MHG stif ‘stiff, erect’ < *steifa-, MLG stivele ‘support’, ON stifla ‘to
dam’. With *-b'-, we find CS stoblo ‘stem, stalk’, Latv. stiba ‘staff, rod’ and, within
Greek, otipoc, with a mg. that resembles that of oteiBw. The exact relation between
the roots *steib-/*steib'-/* steip- is uncertain.
otetheu ote\ed.
oteipa 1 [adj.] ‘infertile’, of cows, goats, women, also metaph. (Od. Hp., Hell. and
late), ‘virginal (Lyc., Luc.). <1E *ster-ih, ‘infertile’>
VAR Secondary oteipoc (E. Andr. 711 as v.l. to oteppdc), ebvobxoucs oteipouc (Man.),
katdotetpoc (Vett. Val.), cf. kat-toxvo<, etc.
*DER otetp-wdn¢ “(looking) infertile’ (Hp.), oteip-dopcu, [v.] ‘to become infertile’
(LXX, Phld, Ph. et al.), with -wotc, -wtikdc; -ebw [v.] ‘to be infertile’ (Gal.).
otelyw 1395
*ETYM Formation like mieipa, yipaipa, poipa, etc. (Schwyzer: 494, Chantraine 1933:
98). An old term for an infertile animal, also used for infertile women. Similar
formations are reflected in Arm. sterj ‘infertile’ < *ster-i- (cf. anurj beside évetpoc)
and Skt. stari- ‘infertile cow’< *ster-ih,. Further cognates are Lat. sterilis ‘infertile’,
with -ilis from gracilis, fertilis, etc. (Leumann Glotta 42 (1964): 118), Go. stairo [f.]
‘infertile woman’, Alb. shtjerré ‘young cow, lamb’. See » otepedc, » otéptpoc.
oteipa 2 [f.] ‘foremost part of the keel, stem’ (A 482 = B 428), = 10 eéyov tij¢ mpmpac
EVAOV Kata tiv tpmtv ‘wood of the prow projecting towards the keel’ (H.). <GR>
VAR Enlarged oteipwya = tpdmic ‘keel’ (H.).
*DER diva-otelpoc ‘with the prow pointing up, with a high stem’ (Plb.).
*ETYM An old feminine formation (cf. especially semantically close mp@pa), beside
potepedc ‘stiff, hard’; thus perhaps originally denoting the “hard, solid part” vel
sim.? The word may be identical to » otetpa 1 ‘infertile’.
oteix [v.] ‘to march (in), rise, draw, go’ (IL. epic Ion. poet., also Aeol. prose). <IE
*steig'- ‘stride’>
eVAR otixw (Hdt. 3, 14; conjecture in S. Ant. 1129 ex H.), them. aor. ottyeiv (sigm.
aor. Ttepi-otetEac 5 277).
eCOMP With prefix, e.g., amo-, dta-, émt-, mpoo-. As a second element e.g. in povd-
ottxo< ‘consisting of one verse’ (Plu.), as -ototyoc in e.g. tpi-ototxog ‘consisting of
three rows’ (1 91), -ei [adv.] ‘in three rows’ (K 473), weta-otoryei mg. unclear (‘Y 358
and 757); ov-otoixoc ‘belonging to the same row, coordinated, corresponding’
(Arist., etc.).
*DER From this, probably deverbative, comes ottxdopat ‘id’ in 3pLipf. gotty6wvto
CL, Theoc., Nonn.), also with mepi-, ovv-; pres. ottydwvtat (Orph.), act. ottydwot,
ptc. ntr.pl. -6wvta (Hell. and late epic); dprootixdet [3sg.pres.] ‘escorted’ (O 635),
from *6u6-ottxo¢ or for Guod ot.?
Nominal derivations: A. otixec [f-pl.], ottydc¢ [gen.sg.] ‘rank(s), file(s)’, especially of
soldiers, ‘battle array, line of battle’ (epic poet. since I].).
B. otixoc [m.] ‘file, rank’, of soldiers, trees, etc., often of words, ‘line’ in verse and
prose (Att., etc.). otty-ac¢ [f.] ‘id’ only in datpl. ottyddeoo (Epigr.). Diminutive
-idtov (Plu.); -daptov ‘coat, tightly fitting garment’ (pap.). Adjectives in -tvoc, -tkdc,
-Npns and -npds, adv. -nddv (late). Hence otty-ifw [v.] ‘to arrange in rows’ (LXX; v.1.
OTOLX-), -LOTIS, -topLdc (Tz.); meptotiyi{w ‘to surround’ (A.), also meptototxiCw ‘to
fence in all around with nets (net-poles), to ensnare’ (D., Plb., etc.).
C. otoixoc [m.] ‘file or column of soldiers, choir members, ships, etc., layer of
building stones, row of trees, poles, etc.’ (IA), hence ototx-dc [f.] ‘arranged in rows’,
of éAaat (Sol. apud Poll. et al.), -45e¢ (vijoot) name of a group of islands near
Massilia (A. R., etc.); here also the plant name otoryac¢ (Orph., Dsc.) and -aditnc¢
oivoc ‘wine spiced with o.’ (Dsc.). Cult names of Zeus and Athena: -atoc (Thera),
-adev¢ (Sikyon), -eia (Epid.), referring to the arrangement in phylai. Further
adjectives in -taiog ‘measuring one row’ (Att. inscr.), -tkd¢ (late); adverb -nddv
(Arist., etc.), -ndic (Theognost.) ‘line by line’. Verbal derivations: ototy-éw ‘to form a
row, to stand in file and rank, to match, agree, be content, follow (X., Att. inscr.,
1396 oteAed
Arist. Hell. and late), also with mept-, ovv- etc., hardly deverbative in view of the mg;
-oTolxyovvtwe ‘matching, consequent’ (Galatia, Aug. time). otovy-ifw ‘to arrange.in a
line, order’ (A. Pr. 484 and 232, X. et al.), often with mepi-, also dia- and Kata-;
thence -toudc (Poll.).
D. ototxeiov, often plur. -eia [n.] ‘letters in free-standing, alphabetical form’ (of
ypdppata: ‘character, script’), also ‘principles; component, element’ (PI. Arist., etc.),
‘heavenly bodies, elementary spirits, natural demons, magic means’ (late and Byz.);
also ‘shadow-line’ as a measure of time (Att. com.), cf. oxida dvtiototyoc (E. Andr.
745); the original meaning is ‘object in a row vel sim. (on the formation cf. onpeiov,
Lvietov, édeyetov, etc.); on the development of the mg, which is in many ways
unclear, see Burkert Phil. 103 (1959): 167ff. with references. grolxer -w6rj¢ ‘belonging
to the ototxeia, elementary’ (Arist., etc.), of barley ‘in several rows’ as opposed to d-
otoixoc mupdc (Thphr.), so either the same as otoly-wdr¢ or a misspelling of it.
otolxel-dw [v.] ‘to introduce to the principles’ (Chrysipp. et al.), ‘to equip with
magical powers, charm’ (Byz.), also -wotc, -wua, -wti¢, -wttkdc (Epicur., Phld. et
al.), -wuatixdc (Ps.-Ptol.), see Mugler 1958-1959: 380f.
*ETYM The full grade thematic present oteiyw agrees exactly. with Go. steigan ‘to go
up’, OIr. tiagu ‘to stride, go’ < IE *stéig'-. A nasal present is reflected in Lith. stigti ‘to
lack, be absent’, 3pres. stifiga < *stig'-, OCS 1sg. po-stigno ‘to get in, reach, hit’ <
*steig'-, and a yod-present in Lith. steigti, 3pres. steigia ‘to organize, (dial.) want,
hurry’. Further, OHG steg [m.] ‘small bridge’, ON stig [n.] ‘step’ < PGm. *stigaz <
PIE *stig'-o- (= otixoc), OE stige [m. i] ‘going up, down’, ON stigr [m.] ‘path’. Also,
Alb. shteg ‘footpath’, Go. staiga, OHG steiga [f.] ‘mountain-path, road’, Latv. staiga
[f.] ‘course’ < *stoig'-o-.
oteAed [f.] ‘shaft of an axe, hack, hammer, etc.’ (Hom.), ‘cavity for the shaft’ in -er (@
422) and -ea (Aen. Tact.), acc. to Bérard REGr. 68 (1955): 8f. and Pocock AmJPh. 82
(1961): 346ff. with Eust., H. and EM. <IE *stel- ‘stalk, shaft’>
eVAR -er} (A. R.), otetAett (@ 422; vl. Nic. Th. 387); -e6v (Aen. Tact. Babr.), otetAeiov
(e 236) [n.]; -ed¢ and -e1dc [m.] (Att. inscr.); -ed¢ or -edv (Hell. and late); otethed¢
(Hp. with v. IL); otethetdc (Aesop.), gen. -etob (Nic. Th. 387 as a v.1.).
DER otet\et-dptov (Eust.) and the denominative ptc. goteAewpévoc ‘provided with a
shaft’ (AP).
Further otéAexoc [n., m.] ‘the end of the stem at the root of a tree, stump, log, stem,
branch’ (Pi, IA); on the mg. see Strémberg 1937: 95ff. Also in moAv-oteA£éy-19¢
(Thphr.), -og (AP) ‘with many stems’ (cf. Stromberg 1940: 103f.). From this otedéyta-
mpéu<v>ta ‘stumps’ (H.), -wdn¢ ‘stem-like’ (Thphr., Dsc.), -taioc “serving as a stem’
(Gal.), -r56v ‘according to the kind of stem’ (A. R. 1, 1004 as a v1. for otorynddv).
otdAoc [m.] ‘rostrum’ (Pi. trag.), ‘outgrowth, stump, appendage’ (Arist.), if not
related to ot6Xoc ‘equipment’, see s.v. » oTéAAW.
*ETYM For the formation of oteAed, cf. dwped, yeved, and for -edc, -edv, cf. KoA-€0¢,
-€0v; oTetA-etr is like aip-etr, vevp-etr] (otetA- may be due to metrical lengthening;
see Schwyzer: 4693, Risch 1937: 131, and Chantraine 1933: 51 and 91). For otéAeyxoc,
which may also be a metrical variant, cf. téuaxoc, etc. (Schwyzer: 496, Chantraine
1933: 403).
OTEAAW, -OpAL 1397
Both oteAed, -e6c, -edv, and otéAexoc are based on an unknown, probably nominal
basis, perhaps an s-stem *otéAoc (Schulze 1892: 175), which may be related to Arm.
stetn, pl. stetun-k‘ ‘stem, shaft, stalk, twig’ and to OE stela [m.] ‘stalk of a plant’, ON
stjol ‘stalk’ < *stel-; see further s.v. » otéAAw and > oTHAN,.
otéAXw, -optat [v.] ‘to put in order, make ready; to equip or dress with weapons,
clothes, etc.; to prepare (for a journey), dispatch’; also ‘to furl, take in the sails, tie up,
constrain’; med. especially ‘to summon, fetch, prepare (for a journey), set off (also
act. intr.), also ‘to put on (clothes)’ (I1.). <1E *stel- ‘put in order’; also *spel- ‘split’?>
eVAR Aor. oteiAau, -ao8au (Il.), Aeol. ano-, émt-otéAAau, fut. oteA-Ew (B 287 et al.), -@,
-obdpat (Att.); aor. pass. otaA-fvat (Pi., IA), -Ofjvat (Hell.), perf. pass. ZotaApat (IA),
act. ZotaAka (Att.), ZotoAa (gramm. _).
eCOMP With the prefixes amo-, dta-, émt-, Kata-, MEpt-, Ovv-, bmo-. As a second
member e.g. in i6t6-otoAog ‘having one’s own equipment, equipped at one’s own
expense, making one’s own journey’ (Plu. et al.), nuyo-otéAoc epithet of yuvy (Hes.
Op. 373); on the mg. see Martinazzoli Par. del pass. 15 (1960): 203ff.; vav-otoA-éw [v.]
‘to send on a ship; to navigate, steer (a ship) (Pi, S., E., late prose), vat-otoAoc only
A. Th. 858 (lyr.); cf. vav-paxéw, oivo-xoéw etc. in Schwyzer: 726); dxpo-oTdA-tov [n.]
‘decorated end of the rostrum’ (Callix., Str., D. S., etc.); dm60T0A-o¢ (to d710-oTEAAW)
[m.] “envoys, fleet expedition’ (IA), ‘apostle’ (LXX, NT). As a second member e.g. in
ueAavo-otoAog ‘with a black garment’ (Plu.).
*DER otOAo¢ [m.] ‘equipment (of a campaign), campaign by water and by land, fleet,
army, troop, legion, march’ (Pi. IA). otoAn [f.] ‘armor’, usually ‘dress, garment’
(1A), ‘obstruction, pressure, constraint’ (Epicur., medic.), on Aeol. ond\a cf. below;
also amo-, dta- 7tl-oToAt etc. (to dmo-otéAAw) ‘sending, extension, mission, letter’
(IA, etc.), with dmootoA-evc [m.] ‘official for equipping and dispatching the fleet’
(Att.), etc., see BoShardt 1942: 53f.
From otoAn derive the diminutive otdéA-tov [n.] (Delos II*, AP et al.), otoA-dec [f,]
‘jacket’ (Ael.); otoA-ic [f.] ‘dress’, plur. ‘folds’ (E., Arist., etc.), further -idtov, -16wd196,
1ddopat, -iSwpa, -dwtdc.
From otoAn and otddoc: otoA-ilw [v.] ‘to put in order, equip, dress’ (Hes. Op. 628,
E., Hell. and late), also with xata-, ovv-, bmo-; thence -tolc, -loua, topdc, -LOTT<,
-LoTHptov, -toteia; otoA-dCopat [v.] ‘to dress’ in éotoAddavto (metrical inscr.
Marathon II?; cf. Schwyzer: 672). otoAudc [m.] ‘equipment, clothing’ (A., E.).
otéApa- OTépoG, OTEULA “crown, wreath, garland’ (H.); oteApovict: Cwpata ‘loin-
cloths’ (H.) (= X. Cyr. 6, 1); cf. appovia, etc. ént-, did-, antd-otaApa [n.] ‘public
mission, etc.’ (Thphr., pap.). dtactad-pd¢ [m.] ‘assessment’ (pap. VI’). otdA-otc [f.]
‘obstruction’ (Gal.), d1d-otdA-otc ‘destination, treaty (LXX). dva-, dia-, mept-, etc.
-otadtikoc (late).
*ETYM A few attestations, at least some of which appear to be Aeolic, show initial on-
: omeAAGuEeval: oTetAdpeval; omoAEioa: otTaAeioa; evomoAOV: Eveitova, evotadéa;
kaonéhXet (cod. -éAn): otopvvet (all H.); oda = OTOAT (Sapph.); caomoA€éw (-oreh-
2?) brootopéow (Sapph., H.). This has been taken to indicate that IA oteA-, Aeol.
oned- reflects PIE sk”el-. Bechtel 1921, 1: 125f. (cf. Hamm 1957: 15°) proposes that the
PIE roots *stel- ‘send’ and *sk”el- ‘equip’ merged in IA, but the evidence for a root
1398 otehbrnyv
*skel- is very meager. The forms on6\a and etorohoc may instead reflect PIE *spel-
‘split’ (see » omoAdc).
A PIE root *stel- is attested in Arm. stetc-anem, aor. stetc-i [v.] ‘to prepare, create’
(with unexplained c), Alb. shtiell [v.] ‘to wind up, reel up, collect’ < PIE *stel-n-, OCS
po-stolati, 1sg. po-steljp ‘to spread’, OPr. stallit ‘to stand’; see LIV* s.v. *stel- and
Derksen 2008 sv. *stolati. Perhaps PGm. staljan- ‘to put, etc” (in G stellen and
cognates) is related as well, but it may also be a denominative from PGm. *stalla-
‘place, etc.’, which could derive from *sth,-d'lo- instead.
otehbnny [f.] aopodehov ‘asphodel’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Unknown. The gloss is doubted by BELG. The suffix -um- may indicate Pre-
Greek origin (cf. Pre-Greek, suffixes).
otéupw [v.] = Kiv@ ovveyac (EM), ‘to shake ceaselessly’ (A. Fr. 440 = 635 M., also EM
et al. as an explanation of doteprs), ‘to abuse, vilify’ (Eust.). <PG?(v)>
*VAR Enlarged otepiPaterv: hotSopetv, xAevatetv ‘to revile, jeer at’ (H.), -a&ar- bBpioa
‘run riot? (EM), -doec: hodipiat ‘railers’ (H.); dotéuBaxtov (Khéoc, Euph.) =
axivitov i BéBatov # tetyNLEVOV ‘motionless or immovable, firm, honored’ (Et.
Gud.); unclear dotéBaxta ty1wpovpévn (Lyc. 1117); also dotepBri¢: &BauBric;
&tapayos ‘fearless, calm’ (H.).
*DER ot6foc: howSopia, SvetSoc ‘jeering, reproach’ (Lyc., H.), otoBatew- kakodoyeiv
‘to slander’, -aopatwv- howdopiav ‘jeering’ (H.), (ém-)otoBéw ‘to mock, taunt’ (A. R.,
Epic. anon., EM).
With aspirate: dotepgric¢ = apetaxivntoc (H.), ‘unshakable, firm’ (epic Il.). On
> otégviAa [n.pl.] ‘squeezed olives or grapes, mass of olives or grapes’ (IA), see s.v.
otoupoc [m.] ‘bombastic, high-flown speech’ (Longin.), -@&, -axoc [m.] ‘bombastic
speaker, loud-mouth’ (Ar. Nu. 1367; from Aesch.), -40w [v.] ‘to speak bombastically,
talk big’ (Ar. et al.), also -aopidc, -aotiKdc (Eust.); ctopp-dw ‘id.’ (Phid.), -odn¢, -6¢
(sch.). ot6pBog = Bapbrxos, BaptpSoyyoc ‘deep-voiced’ (Hp. apud Gal.).
eETYM The word otéiBw preserves the meaning ‘to push violently, shake ceaselessly’.
This yielded ‘to maltreat, revile, ridicule’ in otéiBw, -4Cw, otdBoc, and -éw. Hence
the meaning of otd,1@o<, -ak, etc.
Possibly related to the Germanic deverbatives OHG stampfon, MLD stampen, OSw.
stampa, etc. ‘to smash’ < PGm. *stamp- < PIE *stomb-. The Greek forms without a
nasal may point to a nasal present. For the forms with an aspirate, influence of
> otépw ‘to honor’ has been assumed. More plausibly, the variants with and without
a nasal and the variants with an aspirate could be interpreted as evidence for Pre-
Greek origin. See > dotetprc.
otéugvdov [n.] mass of olives from which the oil has been pressed (Ar.). <PG?(V)>
eVAR oTépvAa [n.pl.] (rarely sg.) “squeezed olives or grapes, mass of olives or
grapes (IA), with otetipvdA-itidec tpvyec ‘mass of grapes for wine’ (Hp.), -ic¢ ‘id.’
(Ath.), -iag oivoc (pap. II*).
eETYM A full grade variant of » otagvAn ‘grape’. No further etymology; perhaps Pre-
Greek, if the -p- is interpreted as prenasalization.
otévio 1399
otevoc [adj.] ‘narrow, close, small, tight, slim’ (IA). <?>
eVAR Ion. otetvéc, Aeol. (gramm.) otévvoc.
*COMP Often as a first member, e.g. otevw1dc, see > O71}.
*DER oTevo-tn7¢ (Ion. -et-) [f.] ‘narrowness, tightness’ (IA); back-formation otetvoc
(epic Il.) for otévog (A. Eu. 521 [lyr.]) [n.] ‘narrowness, narrow room, throng,
distress’.
Denominative verbs: oteivoptat ‘to be narrowed, crowd, be crowded’ (epic IL), rarely
with év-, digit, mept-, a back-formation with only present and ipf. forms. Act. oteivw
‘to narrow, crowd’ (Nonn., Orph.) is rare and late. otevdouat (-el-), ‘to become
narrow’ (Hell. and late), also -6w ‘to make narrow’, often with amo-; thence -wotc,
-Wila, -wtiKdg (late.). otevvypéc¢ ‘narrow (Ion.) with otevvyp@oat [aor.] ‘to
contract’ (Hp. apud Gal.); TN Ztevb-KAnposg ‘narrow piece of land’ (Hdt. 9, 64).
Probably also otdver <o>teivetat, ovpBéBvotat ‘to become narrow, cram’ (H.), with
unclear root vocalism.
*ETYM The alternation otevdc : otetvdcg : otévvoc (and also Att. otev(F)6-tEepoc,
-Tatoc instead of --) points to PGr. *otevféc, a thematic enlargement of the u-stem
otevv- continued in otevv-ypdc and Ztevb-KAnpos (Chantraine 1933: 122).
No cognates outside Greek are known. Cf. Chantraine 1933: 226, Fur.: 226 (“nicht
sicher erklart”), and DELG (“L’étymologie de ce groupe de mots reste obscure.”).
The form otevvypéc may have a Pre-Greek suffix (see Pre-Greek, Suffixes under yp:
tavaypic, Badkaypos, yrAtypos).
otévw [v.] ‘to moan, drone, groan, lament’, also trans. ‘to mourn, bewail’ (IL, epic
poet., also late prose). <IE *(s)ten- ‘groan’>
VAR Rarely med. -opat, only pres. and ipf.
ecOMP Also with prefix, eg. dva-, ém-, Lleta-, bmo-. Compounds eg. dyd-otovoc
‘moaning loudly, roaring’ (Od. et al.).
eDER A number of root enlargements is found, part of which is metrically
conditioned (Schwyzer: 105, 736; Chantraine 1942: 112): otev-dCw, aor. -d&ou, fut.
-4&w, also with dava-, é7u-, etc. (poet. also Hdt. D., LXX, Plu.); otev-dyw, -dxoptat,
-axéw, -axfjoat, -axilw, -ayilopicu, also with dva-, ém-, mept-, etc. (mostly epic I1.), all
meaning ‘to sigh, groan’; on these formations see Schwyzer: 702, Chantraine 1942:
330.
The following words derive from otévw: Ztév-twp [m.] PN (E 785; Benveniste 1948:
54). otdvoc [m.] ‘moaning, etc.’ (Il. epic poet.); ctovd-etc (otovéfecav [f.sg.] Core.
VIF) ‘full of moaning, causing moaning, woeful (Il., epic poet.).
From otevatw: otevay-[tdc [m.] ‘the moaning, sighing (Pi. trag., Pl.), -wwdnc (Paul.
Aeg.); -wa [n.] ‘id’ (S, E, Ar.), -atwdnc (Gal.).
From otevaxw: otovaxn [f.] ‘id.’ (epic poet. I1.), verb otovaxéw, -ayxijoat, -axifw, also
with émt-, mapa-, etc. (epic poet. Il.), further, often as a v.l., otevayéw, -ayxiCw.
eETYM The full-grade thematic otévw agrees exactly with Skt. stanati ‘to drone,
thunder’, Lith. 1sg. stent, OE stenan ‘to moan, groan’ < PIE *sten-. A yod-present is
reflected in OCS stenjg, and with zero grade in OE stunian, ON stynja ‘id.. Further,
Skt. stan reflects an athem. ipf. < PIE *sten-t.
1400 OTEpydvoc
Perhaps related s-less forms are attested in Aeol. tévver otével, Bpdyetat ‘groans,
roars’ (H.), possibly < *ten(h.)-ie/o- (as per Pinault 1982: 267), Skt. tanyati ‘to sound
loudly, thunder’ < *t(e)n-ie/o-, OE punian ‘to sound, resound’ < *tn-ie/o-, OE punor
‘thunder’, Lat. tonere ‘to thunder’.
otepyavos [m.] - Kémpwv ‘place for dung’ (H.), at an alphabetically incorrect position.
<°>
*ETYM No etymology; not related to Lat. stercus [n.] ‘excrements’, W trwnk ‘urine’,
etc. On the accent, see Schwyzer: 520.
otépyw [v.] ‘to show affection, cherish sympathy, love tenderly’, of family members, of
subordinates towards superiors and vice versa, etc. (rarely of physical love); ‘to be
content, content oneself (Thgn. IA). <I1E *sterg- ‘love, tend’>
eVAR Aor. otépEat, fut. otépEw (IA), perf. Zotopya (Hdt.), pass. Eotepypat (Emp.,
AP), aor. otepyOrvat (Lyc., Plu. et al.).
«COMP arto-otépyw ‘to cease to love, abhor’ (Terp., A. Theoc., LXX et al.). As a
second member, e.g. in gtAd-otopyos ‘cherishing sympathy, loving tenderly’, with
-€w, -ia (Att., Hell. and late).
*DER oTépy-1]9pov [n.] ‘love potion, love herb’ as a plant name (Dsc.), see Str6mberg
1940: 92 and 147, ‘love’ (A, E.); -yya [n.] ‘love charm’ (S.); atopy [f.] ‘affection,
love’ (Emp., Antipho, rarely Hell. and late).
*ETYM Possibly related to OCS strésti, strégo ‘to guard, tend’, but the *-t- of the Slavic
forms may be secondary in view of Lith. sérgéti ‘to watch over, guard’, in which case
the Greek form cannot be related. Sometimes also connected to Olr. serc, MW serch
ove’, MBret. serch ‘concubine’ < PIE “sterk-eh,, but the different velar poses a
problem.
otepeds [adj.] ‘stiff, hard, firm, tenacious, steady, solid, normal’, also of money and
measures (II.), ‘cubic’ (see Mugler 1958-1959: 378f.), rarely ‘infertile’ (E., Arist.). <IE?
*ster- ‘stiff, fixed’>
eVAR Att. also oteppdc.
comp As a first member in otepeo-petp-ia [f.] ‘the measuring of cubic bodies,
stereometry (Pl. Epin., Arist. et al.).
*DER otepe-6t17¢ (-pp-) [f.] ‘hardness, firmness’, also ‘infertility’ (PL, Arist. etc.);
otepe-dopat (-pp-), -dw [v.] ‘to become, make firm, hard, to harden’ (Hp., X., Arist.),
also with &no-, kata-; thence otepé-wpa [n.] ‘firmness, solid component, firmament’
(Hp., Arist. etc.), -wotc [f.] ‘to harden’ (LXX, Str. et al.), -opatia, -wtikdc, “wT.
Enlarged otepé-ivoc ‘hard’ (pap. I’), after métptvoc, EvALvoG, etc.; OTEPLPOG hard,
firm, infertile’ (Att, Arist, etc.), hence otepip-dtn¢ (sch.), -Gopat [v.] ‘to solidify
(Ph.), -@pata [n.pl.] ‘solid foundation’, -evopéviy napS_evevopévn ‘brought up as a
maiden’ (H.), otepéuwos ‘hard, firm, solid’ (Pl. Epin., Epicur., Phld. et al.), -1wd1¢
(Porph.), -tdopat (Zeno).
+ETYM The word otepedc, whence Att. oteppdc (Scheller 1951: 114; differently Forbes
Glotta 36 (1958): 260f.), probably reflects *otepefdc, a formation which agrees with
éte(F)oc, Keve(F)Oc, etc. Leumann Glotta 42 (1964): 118 derives otepipos ‘unfertile
OTEPOPAL 1401
from the root of oteipa, enlarged with the suffix -~o- that designates animal names
(cf. Epipoc, EAag@os, etc.), with a semantic change from ‘infertile’ to ‘hard’.
The formations above are based on the IE root *ster-, attested in e.g. OHG stara-blint
‘blind’, OHG starén ‘to stare’, MoHG starr ‘rigid’; ToB scire ‘harsh’ < *ster- and ToA
stare ‘effort’ < *storo-. The words »oteipa 1 ‘infertile’ and »oteipa 2 ‘stem’ also
belong here. Numerous further words may belong to the same family, with various
formations and different enlargements: »otéppoc, PotTpIviic, Pm» otdépOvyé,
Potnpilw, > otpipvic.
otépvov [n.] ‘breast, chest’, in Hom. always of the chest, also as a seat of emotions,
‘heart’ (Il, poet., also medic.). <1E *sterh,- ‘spread out’, *ster(h;)-no->
eVAR Often plur. -a.
*COMP evpv-otepvoc ‘with a wide chest’ (Hes. et al.), otepvo-tumnc ‘beating the
chest’ (E. [lyr.]), mp6-otepvocg ‘in front of the chest’ (A.), to which mpootepv-idiov
[n.] ‘harness (of horses) (X. et al.), also otepvidtov ‘id’ (late).
*DER Verbal derivations from hypostases or univerbations, e.g., bmootepv-iopat ‘to
fix under the chest’ (Plu.); trdéotepvov. bmoydotptov ‘paunch’ (H.). Further
derivations are rare: otepvitidec: mAevpai ‘sides (of a person, animal)’ (Poll.),
otépwt: évtepiwvn ‘inmost part’ (H.), like poAtg, piyvig, etc; unclear is otépviov
‘meat that is difficult to digest’, cf. LSJ s.v.
*ETYM Related to OHG stirna [f.] ‘forehead’ < *ster(h,)-n-ieh, and Ru. storond
‘region, side’ < PIE *stor(h;)-n-eh,. The root is probably that of >» otépvuut, ice.
*sterh;-. One might, however, also consider a reconstruction *ster-no- from the root
*ster- ‘lay down’ without a laryngeal, reflected in Skt. stynoti ‘lay down, destroy’; see
Narten MSS 22 (1967): 57-66, LIV? s.v. *ster- and s.v. »otpatdc. The latter
reconstruction has the advantage that it would account for the absence of a reflex of
a laryngeal in otépvov. However, the semantics seem to favor the former
reconstruction, even if the exact semantic development remains uncertain. The loss
of the laryngeal would be regular in this position, acc. to Van Beek 2009.
otépopat [v.] ‘to be robbed, lack, lose’ (Hes., IA). <IE? *ster- ‘steal, rob’>
VAR Ipv. otapéotw (Delph. IV’)? Full grade with n-enlargement in ptc. otepeic (E.),
otep-1)8rvat (Pi, LA), fut. -hoopat, -Orjcopat (Att; otepodpat And.), perf. éotéprypat
(IA); act. ‘to rob, snatch from’: aor. otep-fjoat (otepéoat v 262, pap. et al.), fut. -"jow
(otep@ A. Pr. 862, -ow pap.), perf. gotépryka (Att.); pass. otepéw, simplex only ipv.
otepeitw (Pl.), otherwise with dmo-, hence med. otepéopat (Hell. and late); also
otepiokw, -opat (Hdt., Att.), dmo- (S.), aor. otepioat (metrical inscription Eretria IV-
III’, AP; cf. anootepitw Hp.).
*DER (dno-)otépijotc [f.] ‘robbery, confiscation’ (Hp., Att. etc.), also -eotc (pap.),
after aipeotc, etpeotc etc., with otep-tolpoc, -Eooc ‘which can be confiscated’ (pap.
inscr. II-III°), -nua [n.] ‘id’ (Ps.-Callisth.), (amo-)otepntixds ‘robbing, removing,
negative, privative’ (Ar, Arist. Hell. and late), oteprytic [m.] who snatches or
withholds sth. from sbd., deceiver’ (Pl., Arist, et al.), fem. -1ytpic (Ar. Nu. 730;
parody).
1402 OTEPOTIT]
*ETYM The above forms probably all go back to the them. present otépojtat. The
isolated ipv. Delph. otapéotw, which Bechtel 1921, 2: 231 regards as a zero grade root
aorist, is better explained as regular from otepéo@w (with € > a before p in this
dialect). First, the then-intransitive aorist otep-fvat, -roopat was formed from
otépouai (if it were old, we would expect zero grade otap-), and then -nOijval,
-nPijcouai; later also the active otep-fjoat (otepéoat after odéoal, etc.), -how, etc.,
and finally otep-éw, -ioxw (cf. e.g. edp-tow, ebp-ioxw). There are no certain
cognates. A possible connection is with MIr. serb ‘theft’, which can reflect *ster-ua.
otepont [f.] ‘lightning, gleam, shine’ (epic II.).
*VAR Ltepdnc [m.] name of a Cyclops (Hes,, Call.); otépoy ‘glittering, lighting’ (S.
[lyr.]) is a back-formation after aifoy.
*COMP otepor-nyepérta, epithet of Zeus (H 298, Q. S. Nonn.), after vepeAryyepéeta
(cf. Risch 1954: 394).
eETYM See » Gotepomtn.
otépgos [n.] ‘skin, fur, hull? (A. R., Lyc., AP). <IE *sterb’- ‘become solid, get fixed;
skin’>
eVAR Also tépqoc (Nic.); also otpépoc: otpéupa, Séppa, Bipoa. Awpieic ‘band, skin,
hide (Doric) (H.) and > épqoc.
*COMP otep@d-nemAog ‘with a mémAocg made of skin’ (Lyc.); uncertain peha<v>-
otep@os ‘with a black skin’ (A. Fr. 370 = 721 M.).
*DER otepgiva: deppativy. of dé déppata Sveia ... ‘leathern; the skin of an ass’ (H.);
cf. otéppviov: oKANpdov, otepedv ‘hard, firm’ (H.). Denominative verb: otep@-dw ‘to
dress with skins’ (sch.), hence -wtijpa [acc.] “dressed in skins’ (Ibyc.); also otpéqwoig
(for otép@-?)- KaAvIc ayyeiwv Séppatt yrvopévny ‘covering of vessels made of skin’
*ETYM For the alternation between anlauting ot- and t-, cf. on (o)téyog, etc; for the
formation, cf. eipoc, dépoc, méxoc, etc. Usually connected with the group of
> otepeds ‘hard, firm’; cf. Boéng ... otepefjot (Il.), oteped Séppata (Pl.). Cognates
outside Greek are Ru. stérbnut’ [v.] ‘to become solid or hard; to die’ < *strb'-, OCS
(u)strabiti ‘to get better, recover’ < *storb'-, ON stjarfi [m.] ‘lockjaw, tetanus’, stirfinn
‘stubborn’, OHG sterban ‘to die’ (< *‘to become stiff) < *sterb’-, MIr. ussarb ‘death’
< *ud-sterb'-eh,, srebann [m.] ‘skin’.
otedtat [3sg.pres.] usually translated ‘to announce formally, declare oneself ready,
promise, threaten, affirm’, but cf. Meier-Briigger in DELG Supp. s.v., who pleads for
a translation ‘to be manifest’; see below. IE *steu- ‘be manifest’>
eVAR Ipf. otedto (Hom, A. R, A. Pers. 49 [anap.]), 3pl. otedvtat (Maiist.), 1g.
otebpat (conj. Orph.).
*DER Myc. te-u-to [m.] PN = *Ztevtwp (Meier-Briigger Glotta 70 (1992): 1)?
eETYM An archaic epic word, corresponding to Skt. stduti ‘to praise, declare’, stative
stave ‘is praised’, sigm. aor. astosta. Greek replaced the old stative ending *-o(7) with
middle *-to(i) in otedtat. The original meaning is found in Hitt. istuyari [3sg.pres.]
‘to be manifest; be announced’ < *stu-6-ri (Kloekhorst 2008 s.v.). On the formation,
see Narten 1968: 9-19.
oTi80¢ 1403
otépw, -oplat [v.] ‘to surround closely, enclose tightly, encase, wreathe, honor (with
libations)’, in prose often otepavow. <IE *steg”"- ‘crown’>
eVAR Aor. otéwat, -ac8ar (Il.), pass. otepOijva, fut. otéyw, -opal, perf. EoteypaL
(IA), €oteOuévoc (Milete VI*); cf. oté8pata below.
eCOMP Also with mept-, éml-, kata-, etc. As a second member in ypvoo-otegrc
‘consisting of a golden garland’ (S.), but mostly verbal, e.g. kataoteg-tj¢ ‘wreathed’
(to kata-otépw, S., A. R.).
*DER otégocg [n.] ‘wreath, garland’ (Emp., trag., late prose), metaph. ‘honoring
libation’ (A. Ch. 95); otéupa, mostly plur. -ata [n.] ‘band, wreath’ (Il.), also as an
ornament of Roman statues of ancestors, ‘family tree’ (Plu. Sen., Plin.), ‘guild’ (late
inscr.), with -patiac epithet of Apollo (Paus.), -yatiaiov mg. uncertain (H., AB),
-Watow ‘to wreathe’ (E.); on the byform otéOuata: ta otépata “wreathes’ (H.), see
Schwyzer: 317. otéyic [f.] “wreathing’ (pap. III’); otentix6v [n.] ‘wreath-money, -toll’
(pap. ITIP). otentrjpta: otéypata, & oi oikétat éx tov KAGSwv éFFntoVv ‘wreaths which
the slaves fastened from the branches’ (H.); Ztentrptov [n.] name of a Delphic
festival (Plu.). otepwv [m.] ‘summit’ (Ephesus III*), = bynAdc, andxprvos ‘high,
sheer’ (H.); after xoAo@wv, etc. otepavry [f.] ‘fillet, edge of a helmet’ also ‘helmet’
(Triimpy 1950: 43 and Hainsworth JHS 78 (1958): 52), ‘edge of a rock, pinnacle of a
wall’ (IL, epic poet., also Hell. and late prose). otépavog [m.] ‘wreath, frame, wreath
of victory or honor, honor’ (since N 736) with several derivations: -tov, -icxoc, -ic,
-\Kd¢, -taioc, -itys, -itiKdc, -iGw, -iGal; especially otépav-dopat, -dw ‘to form a
wreath, wreathe, crown, decorate, honor’ (Il.), also with mept-, etc; thence -wya,
-WHATIKOG, -WOlG, -wTij¢, -wtic and -wtpic, -wtiKkdc.
*ETYM Not related to Skt. stabhnati ‘to prop up’, as is traditionally thought, since the
Sanskrit word reflects *styib'-, it is neither related to OHG stabén ‘to be fixed or
stiff, ON stafr ‘staff, and cognates, since the mg. is hardly compatible. Lidén 1924:
224ff. connected MoP taj ‘corona, diadema regium’, Arm. t‘ag ‘id.’ < PIE *(s)tog”"-o-,
which is followed by LIV’ s.v.
Oti80¢ [n.] ‘breast, chest’, also as the seat of emotions, ‘heart’ (Il.), metaph. ‘ball of the
hand, foot’ (medic.), ‘sandbank’ (PIb., etc.). <?>
eVAR Frequently plur. -ea, -1.
*COMP otnOd-deop0c, -ic, -la, -1) ‘breast-band’ (Poll. LXX, Hell. pap.), peyadd-,
UKkpd-oT1]90¢ ‘with wide or narrow chest’ (Mnesith. apud Orib.).
*DER Diminutive o19-iov (Alex., Arist., etc.), -iétov (Phryn.), -bvov (middle com.,
LXX); cf. yeAdviov ‘lip, jawbone, etc.’. ot8-aiov ‘breastwork’ (sch.); perhaps
otnGiac- dpvic mods ‘some bird’ (H.); ot18-tKdg (Arist.), -tatog (inscr. IV, sch.)
‘belonging to the breast’; -totnp [m.] ‘breast-plate of a horse’s harness’ (gloss.), cf.
Bpaxtowotip ‘armlet’, etc.
*ETYM As oti80c is also Dor. and Aeol. (Sicyonic ota@80c may have a < 1} see
Thumb-Kieckers 1932: 129), the connection with »fotmpt (Chantraine 1933: 421,
Benveniste 1935: 200) must be given up. The similarity to otrjviov- otf80¢ (H.), Arm.
stin, Skt. stdna- [m.] ‘female breast’, etc. is hardly coincidental. If cognate, the
relation between otrjviov and otij80c¢ would be like that of Lat. plénus ‘full’ to
TAMVoc ‘multitude’.
1404 oTHAN
otmAn [f.] ‘column’, e.g. for fixing a peace treaty, hence ‘law, treaty’; also ‘buttress’ (IA
since I].). <1E *sth,-sleh,->
eVAR Dor. otdAa, Aeol. otaA\a.
*COMP otnho-ypagéw ‘to write on a column’ (Hell. and late).
*DER Diminutives otnA-iov, -idtov, -ic, -idoc, -bdptov (Hell. and late). otnA-itns, fem.
-ittc ‘whose name is written on a column as a denouncement, publicly dishonored’
(Att), “column-shaped, belonging to columns’ (Luc., AP), also -itebw, -itevpa (late).
OTNA-6w, -doptau ‘to erect (a column), designate by columns, demarcate, write on a
column’, also with dva-, kata-, év-, Ttept-; thence -wotc, -wua (Hell. and late).
eETYM Traditionally reconstructed as PGr. *otdh- -va < PIE *si]-n- (on the treatment
of the group -Av-, see Schwyzer: 283f.), from » oté\Aw with a zero grade like in éni-
otah-tta (see also »otd\é). The same formation is found in OHG stollo [m. n]
‘scafold, upport, post’. Risch 1937: 110 gives an alternative and more plausible
reconstruction *ota-oAd from the root of »iotnt, with the same suffix as eg. Lat.
scalae < *skand-slai. Borrowed into Lyc. as sttala (Kretschmer Glotta 28 (1940): 103).
OTi]MAa OTH Lwv.
OTIwy, -ovos [m.] ‘the warp in the upright loom, thread’, also of a single thread
(Hes.). <IE *steh,- ‘stand’, *steh,-mon->
eVAR Dor. -d- (AP).
*COMP OTHMOVO-vyTLKT] TEXvN ‘the art of spinning’ (Pl.), ypvoo-otrwwv ‘with golden
threads, gold-stitched’ (Lyd.); an o-stem is found in otnjto-ppayéw ‘to be unraveled
into threads’ (A.) and ptav6-otnttoc ‘with thin warp’ (A.).
*DER othta [n.] shaft or bearing in which the axle of a slip-hook works (Hero), ‘the
exterior part of the membrum virile’ (Ruf., Poll.). Diminutives otnjt6v-tov (Arist.),
-tag Kixtvvog ‘thread-like curl’ (Cratin.), -txd¢ ‘belonging to the warp’ (pap. III),
-Wdn¢ ‘warp-like’ (Plu.), -iGojtat ‘to lay down the spokes of a web’ (Arist.). Besides
otntv-iov ‘yarn, (weaving-)thread’ (Delos III’, Hell. pap.), cf. Aytév-tov to Aiuvy
(Schwyzer: 524); with loss of the v: otnpt-(ov (late pap.).
eETYM From PIE *steh,-mn-, related to Lat. stdmen [n.] ‘thread, loom, warp’, Skt.
sthaman- [n.] ‘standing-place’, Go. stomin [dat.] = Gr. bné0 tac, OSw. stomme [m.]
‘scaffolding, frame’ < *stam-, and Lith. stomuo ‘body shape, stature’. Cf. the o-grade
in otwput Soxic Evdivn ‘wooden plank’ (H.); with a zero grade, »otdpvoc and
Potaplivec. See > tothLU.
otiyva [n.pl.] ‘festival in Athens before the Thesmophoria, where women uttered
curses and insults’ (Ar., H. , Phot.). <?>
*DER OTM@oat PAaoentoat, AotSopfjicat ‘to slander’ (H.).
eETYM No etymology; the relation to » otrwov is unclear.
OTIvLov [n.] - otHO0c ‘breast’ (H.). <IE *psten-o- “breast’>
eETYM The word has been connected to Arm. stin < *pste/én- and Skt. stdna- ‘breast’,
Av. fstana-; probably related to » otfBoc.
otnpitw, -optat [v.] ‘to support, establish, attach; to found, stand up, lean. on’
(Democr,, E. et al.) <?>
otilw 1405
eVAR Aor. -iEat, -iFao@a (Il), also -icat, -ioacOat (Hell. and late), pass. -tyOfjvat
(Tyrt., etc.), fut. -i&w, -iEoptat, -iow, -t@, pass. -yOrjoopat, perf. med. éotrptytat, plpf.
éotiptkto (I1.), inf. €otnpicBat (LXX), act. Zotrpixa (pap.).
eCOMP Often with prefix, e.g. dvtl-, d70-, év-, ém-.
*DER otijptyg, -tyyoc [f.] ‘support’ (Lys., X., D. S. et al.), a back-formation like
oddmy— (:-ifw), otpdgry—, mAdotty—, etc. (avtt-, ano-, ém-, bro-)otprypa [n.]
‘support’ (Hp., E., etc.), -typid¢ (avtt-) [m.] ‘support; standing firm, still’ (Arist, D.
H., D. S. et al.). -t¢ (ao-) ‘establishment, support’ (Hp.). -txtrj¢ [m.] ‘support’
(sch.). -uxtiKéc ‘standing firm, still’ (Procl.).
eETYM As otiptyé is clearly a back-formation, the original formation may be
preserved in otijpa: ta AiOtva mpdO8vpa ‘stone doorways’ (H.), but the mg. of the
gloss is rather specific. Cf. also the PN Ztijpic (Milete, Bechtel KZ 46 (1914): 375).
Probably related to otepedc and cognates, but the details remain unclear. Cf. also
> oxnpintopat, which has a similar formation.
otra [f.] = yovi ‘woman’ (Theoc. Syrinx 14, Dosiad. Ara 1). <GR>
*ETYM Jocular formation, created by scholars from A 6 dtactrtnv (Leumann 1950:
112, Ruijgh 1957: 100f.).
otia [f.] ‘small stone, pebble’ (A. R. 2, 1172). 4?
eVAR otiov [n.] (Hp. apud Gal. 19, 140).
*COMP MoAU-otloc ‘rich in pebbles’ (Call., Nic.).
*DER ottwdng ‘like a pebble, stone-hard’ (Gal.), omidfet- AiBorg BaAAEt ‘throws with
stones’ (H.).
*ETYM This item formally agrees with Skt. stiyah [pl.] ‘standing waters, but the
semantics are quite different. An intermediate meaning could be sought in Skt.
styana- ‘curdled, stiff. Other possible cognates are Go. stains [m.] ‘stone’ < PGm.
*staina- < *steh,i-no-, OCS sténa, Ru. stend [f.] ‘wall’ < *steh,i-neh,.
ottPapds, otifn, otifpoc, etc. soteipw.
otipt SoTiLU.
otitw [v.] ‘to stitch, tattoo, brand’ (IA). <IE *(s)teig- ‘sting’>
eVAR Aor. otiEau, pass. oT Ofj}vau, fut. otiEw, perf. pass. Zotrypat.
*COMP Also with prefix, e.g. kata-, mept-, dta-. Also in meptottyris ‘variegated’ (Nic.).
DER otiy-pa [n.] ‘stitch, mark, brand’ (Hes. Sc. 166, IA), also = diyayta (F) as sign
for the number 6 (attempt at an explanation by Pisani RILomb. 73:2 (1939-40): 53)
with -1atiac [m.] ‘branded one’ (IA). (émt-, dta-)otty-Lu} [f.] ‘mar, spot, point, tittle’
(IA) with -juatoc ‘including just one point, without extension’ (Hell. and late); -udc
[m.] ‘stitch, brand’ (A. [lyr.]). oti€tc (61d-) [f.] ‘stitching’ (late). otty-et¢ [m.]
‘stitcher, brander’ (Hdt.), ‘brandiron’ (Suid.), probably directly from the verb;
likewise -wv, -wvoc [m.] ‘branded one’ (Ar. Fr. 97). otiyocg [m.], -ov [n.] ‘point’
(Archim.). otix-tn¢ [m.] ‘stitcher, brander’ (Herod.); -té¢ (Katd-) ‘spotted,
variegated’ (trag., Arist., etc.).
*ETYM From PIE *(s)teig- ‘to prick, sting’ (see LIV’ s.v.): Go. stiks, OHG stih < PGm.
*stiki- [m.] “stitch’, MoHG stechen ‘to sting’, Distel ‘thistle’ (< PGm. *pihstila-);
1406 otiABw
denominative Lat. instigdre ‘to incite, provoke’ < *steig-, stingu6 ‘to extinguish’ <
*steng- + -u-; Skt. ati stig- ‘to penetrate’, stegd- [m.] ‘which stings’, Y AV. stija [ins.sg.]
‘with the tip (of the tusk)’, Skt. tejate ‘to sharpen’ < *teig-e-to-, tiksnd- [adj.] ‘sharp,
keen-eyed’, téjas- [n.] ‘sharp edge (of knife), sharpness’, Y Av. bi-taéya- ‘having two
sharp edges’, tiyra- ‘cutting, pointed, sharp’.
otiABw [v.] ‘to shine, gleam, shimmer’ (I1., epic poet., late prose). <PG?>
eVAR Rare and late aor. otiA wat.
*COMP Also with duto-, etc.
eDER oTiAB-n [f.] ‘lamp’ (com.), Attkoi dé goontpov ‘mirror (Att.) (H.); -dov,
-Ovo¢ [f.] ‘brilliance, shimmer’ (Thphr., Phld. et al.), cf. hapmndav; otihyc [f.]
‘sparkling’ (Tz.); otthB-dc (yi) ‘shimmering’ (late), -aiocg = coloratus (gloss.), -d6v
[adv.] ‘gleaming, sparkling’ (Suid.). otiAB-wv, -ovtoc, -wvoc [m.] name of the planet
Mercury (Arist. et al.), see Scherer 1953: 89f.
Further ottABdc ‘gleaming’ (Gal.), hence -dt1¢ [f.] (v.l. for ottAmvotns Plu.); -dw ‘to
make shine’ (LXX, Dsc.), hence -wotc, -wpta, -wOpov, -wtt¢ (LXX, Dsc. et al.). With
-1t- also ottArtvdc ‘shining, sparkling’ (& 351, Arist. et al.), hence -6tn¢ (Gal. Plu. et
al.), -6w ‘to polish’ (Arr., Gal.), -wtij¢ (Lyd.); for the suffix cf. Oadmvdc ‘warming’,
tepnvoc ‘delightful’, etc; PN =tiAnwv.
*ETYM A connection to PCI. *stil-n- (MIr. sellaid, -sella looks’, Olr. sell ‘eye, iris’; W
syllu ’stare, gaze’) seems far-fetched; no further cognates are known. If the root
variant otlAm- is not secondary from otidw-, the variation between -1- and -B- may
point to Pre-Greek origin.
otiAn [f.] ‘drop’ (Ar. V. 213), metaphorically ‘small thing, moment’. <?>
*ETYM Hardly related to Lat. stilla ‘drop’ (see De Vaan 2008 s.v.); no other
etymology.
ottAnvdg =oTiABw.
oti [n.] ‘powdered antimony, kohl, black make-up’ (Ion trag., Antiph., LXX, Dsc.,
pap. et al.). <Lw Eg >
eVAR Also -tyL-, -t¢ [f], also otiBt [n.].
DER oTyu([L)-ifw, -iCoptat, oTtBiCopat ‘to make oneself up with kohl’ (LXX, Str. et al.),
-totta [n.].
*ETYM Borrowed from Eg. stim, Copt. oOr[t, otrt (Lewy 1895: 217). Borrowed from
Greek as Lat. stimi, stibi(um).
otigos [n.] ‘crowd packed closely together, troop of warriors, ships, etc.’ (Hdt., A., Ar.,
Th,, X. et al.). <PG>
*DER ottppdc “packed closely together, tight, compact’ (Ar., X., Arist., Hell. and late)
with -dtng [f.] ‘compactness’ (middle com.), -dw ‘to harden’ (Ath., Eust.).
eETYM For the alternation otigoc : otippdc, compare e.g. aioxoc : aicypdc, Kddoc :
xvdpdc. The long root vowel may be secondary, like in otiBn ‘hoarfrost’. Sometimes
compared to *stib"- in CS stublo ‘stem, stalk’, Latv. stiba ‘staff, rod’, and perhaps also
Skt. stibhi- [m.] ‘bunch of flowers, bundle’. The semantics are, however, hardly
compelling. Semantically close to »oteifw, but the different root-final poses a
OTOAOKPOG 1407
problem and is perhaps best understood in terms of substrate origin; see further the
discussion s.v. » oteiBw. Cf. also » otpipvdc.
otixoc =oTeixw.
otAeyyic, -iSo¢ [f.] ‘scraper for scraping off oil and dust, curry-comb’ (Hp., Att.), often
metaphorically of a splendid head ornament, a kind of tiara (X., Plb., Hell. inscr. et
al.). <PG?>
eVAR Also oteyyic, oteAy(y)ic, oteAeyyic, otAtyyic, otpeyyic, otepyic; cf. Kretschmer
KZ 33 (1895): 472f,, Brugmann IF 30 (1912): 375. Also otAayyic (Nic. apud sch. PI.
Chrm. 161e).
DER otheyy-idtov (Hell.), -iov (sch.), -iGoptat ‘to scrape off (Suid.), hence -topa [n.]
‘scraped-off dirt’ (Arist., Lyc.), -totpov [n.] = otAeyyic (EM).
eETYM A loanword from an unknown source, Neumann 1961: 94f. points to Hitt.
istalk-* ‘to level, smoothen’. The variant with a may also point to substrate origin.
otieyyue¢ [?] ‘kind of corn’ (Thphr. H.P. 8, 4, 3).
*ETYM No etymology. The lemma is often deleted, see e.g. Amigues RPh. 75 (2001):
156 and DELG Supp. s.v. otheyyic.
otod [f.] ‘colonnade, portico, storage room’, also as a name of the Stoic school, otoa
moikidn (Att.). <IE *steh,-u- ‘stand’,> *stoh,-u-ih>
eVAR Also otowd (Ar. [anap.], inscr.), otou) (Erythrai, Hdt.), otwid (Cnossos,
Mytilene).
*COMP 71po-otwov ‘portico located in front (of the rooms), porch’ (Att.), hypostasis.
*DER Diminutive otwidtov, ototéiov [n.] (Delos, Str. et al.), adjective otw-ixdc
‘belonging to the Stoic school, Stoic’ (Hell. and late), hence -txevoptat ‘to act like a
Stoic’ (late); disparagingly Xtdak (Xtwak?) ‘miserable Stoic’ (Herm. Iamb. 1; Bjorck
1950: 48 and 263).
*ETYM From *otwFf-ta, a collective formation in -td (with shortening of the w in
otold, and subsequent loss of the 1 in otod; see Schwyzer: 244, 349, 469; on the
phonetic development, see also Adrados Emerita 18 (1950): 408ff.). The Indo-
European proto-form would be *stoh,-u-ih, An e-grade is found in » otaupdc, and a
zero grade in »otiAoc. Further related to Lith. stovéti ‘stand’, stova [f.] ‘stand,
position’, OCS staviti ‘to place, put’, OE stéwian ‘to keep from’ (see Kortlandt
Baltistica 25:2 (1989): 104-112). The root is *steh,- ‘to stand’. See > toth LU.
ot6Bosg =oTELBw.
ototpy =oteipw.
OTOLXEIOV, GTOIXOG SoTEiXW.
OTOAN, GtOAOG >oTEAAW. .
otOAO0KPO¢ [adj.] ‘with horns not yet fully grown’ (H. s.v. k6Aov); ‘with shortened hair’
(H.); 16 otdAOKpov = KopSvAN ‘club, cudgel’ (Phot.). <GR?>
1408 OTOMA
eETYM Recalls »@adaKpdc ‘bald-headed’. The first part may be otddog .(see
> otéAAw), although the semantics are difficult. The second part -kp-oc¢ may be from
képacg; cf. » dixpoc, and see also Nussbaum 1986: 73.
otoua [n.] ‘mouth, muzzle, front, peak, edge’ (Il.). «IE *steh;-mn- ‘mouth’>
eVAR Aeol. ottpua (Theoc.), -atoc.
*DIAL Myc. To-ma-ko, Tu-ma-ko /ot6uapyoc/ (Miihlestein SMEA 2 (1967): 43ff;
Killen Minos 27-8, 1992-1993 [95]: 101-7).
*COMP otdu-apyog ‘chattering’ (trag.), to dpydc¢ (Willis AmJPh. 63 (1942): 87ff:
‘shining’ > ‘bright’ > ‘loud’?), if not after yAwoo-apyoc, which could stand for
yAwoo-adyog (see » yAWooa with references); Blanc RPh. 65 (1991): 59-66 analyses
the word as otdpa + jtapyos ‘furious’, see also Blanc BAGB 1 (1996): 8-9; cf. also
I166-apyoc (s.v. » movc); ev-ctopoc ‘with a beautiful mouth, speaking nicely’, also
‘silent’ (Hdt., X., etc.); further rare oto,tat-ovpydg ‘word-making, grandiloquent’
(Ar.). Kako-otdépatog (AP) for kaxd-otopos (E. et al.).
*DER ot6p-tov [n.] ‘mouth, opening, denture, bit, bridle’ (1A), rarely ‘mouth’ (Nic.),
with -ic¢ [f.] ‘halter’ (Poll.); ém-otop-iCw [v.] “bridle, curb’ (Att.), also ‘to shut up
one’s mouth’ (late). otdjt-t¢ [m.] ‘hard-mouthed horse’ (A. Fr. 442 = 649 M,; cf.
Schwyzer: 4623), also -iacg ‘id.’ (Afric. Suid.), otop-wd1¢ ‘speaking nicely’ (S.),
‘savory’ (Sor.); otop-iGopat ‘to take into the mouth’ (Aq.), with prefix, e.g. dso-
otopitw ‘to remove the edge’ (Philostr.). otoy-dw (dava-, etc.) ‘to stop the mouth,
provide with an opening, edge, to harden’ (IA), -wya [n.] ‘mouth’ (A.), ‘hardening,
which is hardened, steel’ (Cratin., Arist. Hell. and late), -wudtiov (gloss.), -wotc [f.]
‘hardening’ (S., Hell. and late), -wtt\¢ = indurator (gloss). Further otopat-tov [n.]
diminutive (Sor.), -uxdc ‘belonging to the mouth’ (medic, etc.), dmto-otopat-ifw ‘to
repeat, interrogate’ (Pl., Arist. etc.). See also » ct6LaXoc, » oOTWLDAOG.
eETYM The PIE men-stem ‘*steh,-mn- was either originally neuter or later
reinterpreted as a verbal noun in -1a (Schwyzer: 524°); cf. the abundant occurrence
of the short stem form otopt- in compounds and derivatives (cf. Georgacas Glotta 6
(1958): 163). Cognates are found in Av. staman- [m.] ‘mouth (of a dogy (on the short
a, see Lubotsky Kratylos 42 (1997): 56f.), W safn ‘jaw-bone’, and Hitt. “istaman- /
istamin- ‘ear’ (see Kloekhorst 2008 s.v. for details). Greek generalized the zero grade
*sth,-mn-, like in é6vopa < *h,nh,-mn-. Go. stibna, OHG stimna, stimma ‘voice’ are
unrelated.
otopaxoc [m.] ‘throat’ (11), ‘gullet’ (Hp., Arist. et al.), ‘mouth (of the bladder, uterus)’
(Hp.), ‘(upper orifice of the) stomach’ (late), ‘anger’ (Vett. Val. pap. II-III?). «GR>
*COMP Compounds eb-, kaKo-otdpaxo¢ ‘beneficial, harmful’, of food (medic.).
*DER otoplax-1Kd¢ ‘of the stomach’, -ikevopat “disorder in the stomach’ (late medic.);
-éw = stomachor (Dosith.).
*ETYM From otopa, with the same suffix as in obpaydc, odpiaxoc (see » ovpa),
KvpuBaxos, etc. (Schwyzer: 498, Chantraine 1933: 403). There is a Lat. LW stomachus
‘gullet, stomach’ with stomachor, -dri ‘to be indignant’, whence by semantic back-
formation stomachus ‘annoyance’; otdpaxog ‘annoyance’ is probably a loan from
Latin.
OTOPVULLL 1409
OTOUGOS ~oTELBW.
OTOVAXT] MOTEVW.
otévvk, -vxoc [m.] ‘peak of a rock, of a fang, of a claw, etc.’ (E. Cycl. 401, codd. ydvvk,
A.R., Opp., AP), otévvxac ta gic Fd Apyovta kai Ta dkpa TOV Ovbywv ‘which ends
in a sharp point, and the tips of claws’, otdvutt- képaot ‘horns’ (H.). < PG(S)>
eETYM Assumed to be a cross of > dvvt and P otéyxoc, Pb oTaxUC or PoTdpBVYE (see
Giintert 1914: 139); uncertain. Rather Pre-Greek, in view of the suffix.
OTOPEVVULLL, OTOPEVG SOTOPVULL.
otdépOvyé, -vyyoc [m., f.] ‘cusp, tine (of an antler), fang, cape, etc. (S., Com. Adesp.,
Lyc., AP et al.). <PG(S)>
eVAR otdpOry TO 0&0 tod Sdpatos, Kai émdopatic ‘the sharp [point] of a spear, tip of
alance or spear’ (H.).
eETYM Like its synonym otdvvt, otdpBvy§& is built like @dpvy& onfAvys,
ondp8vyyec, etc. These words have been connected with » otepeds ‘stiff, hard’ and,
outside Greek, with ON stirdr ‘stiff, unbending’, stord [f.] ‘grass, green stalk’ and ON
stertr [m.] ‘bird’s tail’, OHG sterz. None of the Germanic formations exactly
corresponds to the Greek one, and the semantics of the etymology are vague, so the
connection is at best a possibility. We should better accept that the word is non-
Indo-European (thus Pre-Greek) on account of its suffix.
otopvuut [v.] ‘to stretch out, spread out, make one’s bed; to level, pave, strew, sprinkle’
(p 32 and later). <IE *sterh,- ‘spread out’>
eVAR OTpwvvul (A. Ag. 909 [otopvbvat Elmsley], Hell. and late), otopévvup (late),
all root variants also with -bw, aor. otopéoat (Il.), otp@oai (IA), pass. otopecOFvat
(Hp. et al.), otpwOrjvai (D. S., etc.), perfipass. Zotpwyat (K 155, etc.), €oTdpotat or
-1ytat (Aeol. gramm.), éotdpeopat (late), act. Zotpwxa (Hell. and late), fut. ctopw
(Ar.), otpwow (E., etc.), Dor. otopecetv (Theoc.), otpwvvtow (Ps.-Luc.), pass.
otpwOroopat (LXX), verbal adj. otpwtdc (Hes.).
*COMP Often with prefix, e.g. bm0-, kata-, é7tL-.
*DER otp@pa (kata-, drt6-, etc.) [n.] ‘which is spread out, carpet, bedding, layer’
(IA), -attov [n.] (Hell and late), -atetc [m.] “bed-sack’ (Thphr. et al.), ‘variegated
patchwork’ (Gell.), name of a fish (Philo apud Ath.), after its golden stripes, see
Bofhardt 1942: 62, Strémberg 1943: 28), -atitn¢ épavocg ‘picnic with one’s own
equipment’ (Cratin.), -ati{w [v.] ‘to provide with carpet, plaster’ (Hell. inscr., Poll.,
otpwuvi, Dor. -a, Aeol. -a [f.] ‘carpet, mattress, bed’ (Sapph,, Pi. Att. etc.), with
-dopat in éotpwpvipévos (Phot.); cf. Aiptvn, moipvn.
otpWotc (bmd-, etc.) [f.] ‘the spreading, plastering’ (Hell. and late). otpwtip [m.]
‘cross-beam, roof lath’ (Ar. Fr. 72, Hell. and late), with -rptov, -1npid.ov ‘id.’ (EM, H.,
Suid.); otpwtr¢ [m.] ‘one that prepares the beds and dinner couches’ (middle com.,
Plu.). Furthermore, the isolated otopetc [m.] ‘the lower, flat part of a device for
making fire’ (H., sch.). = yaAnvomtotdc (H.), which is probably derived from *otd6poc
or -4? With o-grade also otdpvn [f.] = Cwvn (Call., Lyc.). The appurtenance of Myc.
1410 otopvvny
a-pi to-ni-jo (of uncertain mg.) is unclear (see Taillardat REGr. 73 (1960): 5ff.). Also
here otopvutéa: kataotpwtéa, Meprorkodountéa (H.). :
eETYM The three root forms in otdp-vuptt : otopé-cat : OTpw-Tdc, é-cTPWw-fLal are
partially leveled: otpwvvuju and otp@oat after otpwtdc, EotpwpLal; oTopévvupt after
otopéoat. We find the same metathesis of the expected full grade otepo- < *sterh,- to
otope-, like in > kopévvuju, Bdpvustat (s.v. » PpwoKw), etc. Cognates with a nasal
present outside Greek are Skt. strnati ‘to spread out, extend, strew’, Lat. sternd ‘to
spread out’, Olr. sernim ‘id.’, Alb. shtrin ‘id’. The zero grade otpwtdc corresponds to
Lat. stratus, Lith. stirta [f.] ‘haystack’; cf. also Skt.stirnd- ‘spread out’ < *strh,-no-. Gr.
OtTp@pa corresponds to Lat. stramentum ‘straw’, while otdpvn corresponds to Ru.
storond ‘region, side’, but both formations aré probably independent innovations. Cf.
further > otépvov and > otpatoc.
otoptvn [f.] designation of a surgical instrument, ‘lancet, katiadiov’ (Aret.). <2>
*ETYM Unexplained; for the formation, cf. » toptvn.
otopxatev [v.] - cig <on>Kovbs KatakAeiev Ta BooKrptata ‘to shut the cattle into the
pen’, otopyaow: ovykAgiow ‘shut’, gotdpyatov: éxAgiov ‘was/were shutting’ (H.).
<>
*ETYM Denominative derivative from an unattested form *otdépyoc, - without
etymology. Cf. » tapx bw.
ot6xocg [m.] ‘erected pillar, post, mark, fixed target’ (E., X., Poll. Att. inscr.), also
‘suspicion’ (A., after otoxdopat)? A very rare word; part of the attestations is
blurred. «IE? *steg"- ‘sting, bar’>
*COMP d-oToxoc ‘missing the target’, eb-otoxoc ‘aiming well, hitting well’ (Att., Hell.
and late), hence 4-, ev-otox-ia, -éw.
*DER otox-dc, -ddoc [f.] ‘raising for the poles of fixing-nets’ (Poll.); also adjective,
mg. unclear (E. Hel. 1480 [lyr.], probably wrong vl. for otoAddec); -avdov [adv.] ‘by
conjecture’ (Theognost.). Denominative otoyd{optia ‘to target, shoot, seek to
achieve, guess, conjecture, explore’ (Hp., Att. Hell. and late), also with xata-, etc;
(KATA-) OTOXAGILOG, -aAOlG, -aAOdTIHC, -aotiKdc; also oTdxaopta [n.] ‘javelin’ (E. Ba. 1205;
cf. Chantraine 1933: 145).
*ETYM No certain cognates outside Greek. Since the original meaning seems to have
been ‘erected pillar, post’, we can compare Ru. stog [m.] ‘heap, heap of hay’ < *stog",
Bulg. stéZer ‘post to bind horses to’, Lith. stdgaras ‘long, thin stalk of a plant’, Latv.
st@ga ‘long bar’. Not related (pace Frisk) is OE staca ‘stake’, which belongs to MoHG
stechen < *stig-; cf. s.v. » oti@w. The following forms from Germanic do belong here,
however: ODan. stag ‘point, germ’; OHG stanga, ON stgng [f.] ‘stick, pole’, ON
stinga, OE stingan ‘to sting’, etc. (on the relation with > otdyug, see s.v.).
otpabdc =otpeBAdc.
otpayé, -yydc [f.] ‘squeezed out drop’ (Arist., Thphr., Men., AP et al.). <PG>
*COMP otpayy-oup-ia, Ion. -in [f.] = 7 Kata otpdyya ovpyotc ‘urination in trickles’
(Gal.), ‘strangury (Hp., Att. Hell. and late), -txdc, -twdng¢, -tdw, -éw; otpayy-itw [v.]
‘to squeeze out drop by drop’ (LXX, Dsc. et al.), also with kata-, éx-, dmo-; otpayy-
OTPATOG 1411
evopiat (also -y-) ‘to hesitate, linger, dawdle’ (Ar., Pl. Hell. and late), with -eia [f.]
‘hesitation’ (M. Ant.).
*DER otpayy-6¢ (also -y-) ‘flowing drop by drop’, also ‘tied together, entangled, by
shocks, irregular’ (medic., etc.), -etov [n.] “drop-bottle’ (medic.). otpayy-iacg (mupdc)
‘kind of wheat’ (Thphr.), cf. Stromberg 1937: 91.
With a suffix -A-: otpayydaAn [f.] ‘cord, rope, noose’ (J., Plu, S. E.), -aAic [f.]
‘entangled knot, induration’ (com. V*, Arist. et al.), -adtd [f.] ‘id’? (LXX, etc.), see
Scheller 1951: 88, -aAtwdnc ‘knotty, entangled’ (LXX, Com. Adesp.), -ahdw [v.] ‘to
choke, strangle’ (Men., LXX), -adiCw ‘id’ (D. S., Str. et al.), also with dmo-; -adtopidc
(gloss.), -addopat “to become entangled, ensnared’ (Ph. Bel. et al.).
*ETYM For the formation of otpay€, cf. otpiy&, Avy KAayy-i, etc; for that of
otpayy-caAn, cf. okvt-adn, etc. Cognates are often assumed in Lat. stringé ‘to string,
tie together’, if from *strengd with analogical i (see sv. in De Vaan 2008); Latv.
stringt < *strng'- ‘to become stiff, wither’; MIr. srengim ‘to draw, drag’; ON strangr
‘hard, rigid’, OHG strengi ‘stretched, stiff, MoE string. The PIE root *streng'-
probably meant ‘to twist, string’, which would have developed into ‘to wrench’. If
related, otpayy- must be a contamination of *otpay- < *strag"- and *otpeyy- <
*streng'-, with *g for *g" from the nom.sg. otpayé. In view of the fact that an Indo-
European derivation requires several analogies and is not evident semantically, it is
not improbable that the word is Pre-Greek. Note the variant forms without nasal,
which may point to prenasalization.
OTPANH, OTPANTW >doTpaTN.
otpatos [m.] ‘troop, department of the people’ (Pi, trag., Crete), ‘troop of warriors,
army, navy’ (Il.), also ‘(military) camp’ (IL); otdptot- ai ta€etg tod MANPovs ‘(battle)
arrays of a multitude (of men) (H.). <IE *ster- ‘camp, spread out’>
eVAR Aeol. otpdtog (Sapph.), Cret. otaptog (inscr.).
*COMP otpat-nydc (IA), -aydc (Dor. Arc.) [m.] ‘army commander’ (cf. Chantraine
1956a: 90), otpato-nedov [n.] ‘army camp, army, fleet’ (IA), see Risch IF 59 (1949):
15; also as a second member, e.g. in deki-otpatog ‘receiving a host’ (B.); in addition,
numerous PNs.
*DER Collective formation otpat-id, -uj [f.] ‘troop, host, army’, also ‘campaign’ =
otpateia (Pi, IA), see Scheller 1951: 84f., with -wtn¢ [m.] ‘warrior, soldier’ (IA),
-LwtiKds (Att.), -twtdpiov [n.] mg. uncertain, perhaps ‘soldier’s sack’ (pap. III?).
otpat-toc, fem. -ia ‘warlike’, also as an epithet of Zeus, Ares, and Athena (Alc., Hdt.
et al.); also -etoc, -efa ‘id. (Mylasa II*). otpatvAAak [m.] disparaging diminutive of
otpatnyoc (Cic. Att; cf. Delph. ZtpatvAdXtc). Denominative otpat-dopat (-dopai?)
‘to troop together’, only in epic ipf. éotpatéwvto (IL, A. R., Nonn.), also with ay@-,
émt-, ovv-; cf. Leumann 1950: 185, Chantraine 1942: 80, 359, 364; otpat-dopat in the
ptc. otpatw0év (otd,uov) ‘consisting of an army’ (A. Ag. 133 [lyr.]; Wackernagel
1916: 125). Further otpat-etw, -evojtat “to wage war, serve in the army’ (IA), also
with ék-, éml-, ovv-, etc; -eia, Ion. -nin [f.] (éx-, ém-, ovv-) “campaign, war-service’
(IA), -evpa [n.] ‘campaign, army’ (IA), -evoic (ém-) [f.] ‘campaign’ (Hdt. D. H. et
al.), -ebouoc, -evttKdc.
1412 otpepidc
*ETYM Probably originally ‘camping army’, reflecting *str-to-, the to-ptc. of the root
*ster- ‘to spread (out)’ reflected in Skt. stridti ‘to lay down, destroy’ (see Narten MSS
22 (1967): 57-66, LIV’ sv. *ster-); cf. further s.v. »otépvov ‘breast, chest’.
Corresponds exactly to Skt. strta- ‘thrown down, sprinkled’, d-strta- ‘“unconquered,
unconquerable’, Av. starata- ‘spread out’, Olr. sreth ‘strewn’. The relation between
the two roots *ster- and *sterh,- is yet to be clarified.
otpeprdc [adj.] ‘turned, twisted, crooked, cunning’ (IA). <PG(V)>
eDER OtpeBA-Otn¢ [f.] ‘crook, perversity’ (Plu. et al.); otpeBA-dw ‘to twist, dislocate,
torture, torment’ (IA),’also with dia-, kata-; hence -wotc, -wya, -wtrplog also -evjta
[n.] ‘perversion’ (Sm.). otpéBAn [f.] ‘winch, roll, screw’, also as an instrument of
torture (A., Arist., Plb., etc.); formation like oikn, among others.
With o-grade we find: otpdBocg [m.] ‘whirl’ (A. Ag. 657, H.); hence otpdB-thog [m.]
‘top, whirlwind, whirlpool, fir-cone’ (Att., Hell. and late), -idtov, -tAitng, -tAéa, -tac,
-\Ae@v, -iAtvoc, -tAwdne, -AiCw, -tAdw (all late). otpoB-iAn [f.] ‘cone made of lint’
(Hp.). otpoB-evc [m.] a fuller’s instrument (sch.). otpof-eia [f.] ‘fullery(?)’ (Delos
III*). otpoBeddc: cofapdc, tpupepdg ‘rushing, delicate’; -ehdv- oKoAtov, KapTUAOV
‘curved, bent’ (H.). otpoBavioxoc: tpimous ‘three-footed’ (H.). otpopatwv- ovvex ac
otpepdpevos ‘turning around continuously’ (H.). Denominative otpofpéw [v.] ‘to
turn around in circles, move violently, distract’ (A. Ar, Hell. and late), also with
déta-, etc. With nasal infix otpdpuBoc [m.] ‘top (E 413), ‘whirlwind’ (A. Pr. 1084),
‘snail-shell, snail, etc.’ (Arist., Hell. poet.) with otpopBo-e1drjc, -wdng (Arist. et al.),
-giov, -thoc, -nddv, -€w, -dw (late).
With zero grade: otpafdc ‘squinting’ (medic.), with -wv ‘id’ (Com. Adesp.), also as a
PN; otpaB-a& PN, -dtng [f.] ‘squint’ (Orib. et al.), -i@w ‘to squint’ (H., EM) with
-todc (Gal. et al.). The original mg. is still present in otpaBo-nd65n¢ ‘with twisted
feet’ (Hdn.). Further otpaBndog [m., f.] ‘wild olive-tree’ (Pherecr. [lyr.]), name of a
snail (S. Fr. 324, Arist. et al.); otpaBaddc 6 otpoyyvAlac kai Tetpaywvoc dvOpwrtoc.
Axatoi ‘the well-rounded and square (i.e., perfect) man (Achaean)’ (H.); otpaBevc:
kwmtevc ‘oar-spar’ (H.) (Chantraine 1928: 17). Further, a number of forms with a root
otpoib- appear to be related: otpoiBoc: Sivoc ‘whirl, rotation’ (H.) (cod. otpoiBdc:
detvdc); Att. PN Ztpoifoc; otpoiPav- dvtiotpégetv ‘to turn to the opposite side’,
otpoiBnroc: Emappa mANyis év Kepads ‘a swelling in the head caused by a blow’
(H.); mtoAv-otpotBoc ‘whirly’ (Nic.), after moAt-pAotoBoc; hence the simplex
otpoiBoc, etc.? Perhaps also with -et- in Thess. XtpeiBovveiot (see Bechtel 1921, 1:
210)? Borrowed as Lat. strabus, strabo, strambus.
eETYM Reminiscent of » otpépw ‘to twist, turn’, in spite of the different labial. The
variant with prenasalization and the frequent occurence wih the non-Indo-European
suffix -\\- point to Pre-Greek origin. The root variant with -ot-, if not secondary (see
above), is unexplained. Often taken together with » dotpafric, which is doubtful.
otpevyoptat [v.] ‘to be exhausted, troubled’ (epic O 512, 1 351). <?>
eVAR Only pres. and ipf.
*DER otpevyedwv [f.] “exhaustion, trouble’ (Nic.), like thke-, onmte-dwv, etc.
OTPEPW, -OLLAL 1413
*ETYM Traditionally connected with ON strjuka ‘to smoothen’, OE stroccian ‘id’,
OCS strogati, Ru. strogdt’ ‘to plane’, strug ‘plane’. However, this etymology is
semantically unlikely and formally impossible: both the Germanic (an original
geminate *-kk- < *-g'n-; see Kroonen 2009) and the Slavic forms (with no trace of
Winter’s Law) point to *streug’-. van Windekens Orbis 11 (1962): 343 compares ToB
sruk- ‘to die’ (ToA sruk- ‘to kill’), but the initial cluster is incompatible. No further
etymology.
OTPEPU, -optan [v.] ‘to twist, turn’, intr. and med. also ‘to run’ (Il.). <PG(Vv)>
eVAR Dor. otpdgw? (Nisyros III’; quite doubtful), Aeol. otpd@w (EM), aor. otpéyau,
-ao8at (Il.), Dor. aito-otpayat (Delph.), pass. otpepOAvat (Hom. [intr.], rarely Att.),
Dor. otpapOijvat (Sophr., Theoc.), otpagrvat (Hdt., Sol., Att.), dv-eotpéproav (late
Lac., etc., Thumb-Scherer 1959: 42), fut. otpéww (E., etc.), perf. med. gotpajytat (h.
Merc.), Hell. also éotpepytévocg (Mayser 1906-1938, I: 2: 196), act. Eotpopa (Hell.),
also géotpaga (PIb.).
*COMP Very frequent with prefixes: dva-, dmo-, é7u, Kata-, feta-, bmo-. The
derivative otpdgog ‘band, cord, cable’ (see also below) occurs in &t-otpo@osg = év-
otpegrs ‘well-twisted, easy to twist or bend’ (N599 = 711, E., Pl, etc), -gia [f.]
‘flexibility’ (Hell. and late); avtiotpo@-oc ‘turned face to face, according’ (Att, etc.),
to davti-otpégw. Furthermore, in oiaxkootpog-éw ‘to turn the rudder’ (A.) from
oiaKko-otpdgog (Pi, A.). otpopo-dtvodvtat ‘to wheel around eddying’ (A. Ag. 51
[anap.]), replacing otpege-divn8ev [3pl.aor.pass.] ‘they turned around, swindled’ (H
792; act. in Q S. 13, 7), probably a combination of otpépopat and divéopar
(Schwyzer: 645); otpewo-dikéw ‘to pervert the right’ (Ar.), otpeyi-paddoc ‘with
frizzly wool’ (Ar.); cf. Schwyzer: 442.
DER With e-grade of the root: otpem-tdc [adj.] ‘twisted, flexible’ (Il.), [m.] ‘necklace,
curl, etc” (IA), -dptov (Paul Aeg.). -tikdc (émt-, jleta-, etc.) “serving to twist’ (Pl. et
al.). otpen-tip [m.] ‘door hinge’ (AP). otpétipa (mept-, did-, etc.) [n.] ‘twist, strain’
(D., medic., etc.), ob-otpepta ‘ball, swelling, round drop, heap, congregation’ (Hp.,
Arist., Hell. and late). otpéy-ic (émt-) [f.] ‘turning, turn’ (Hp., Arist.), -aioc, PN
-ta5nc; otpent-ivda [adv.] kind of play (Poll.). émotpeg-ijc ‘turning to (something),
attentive’ (IA) with -e.a [f.] (pap. ITIP).
With o-grade: otpd@oc [m.] ‘band, cord, cable’ (Od.), ‘gripes’ (Ar., medic.); hence
otpdqg-tov [n.] ‘breast-band, headband’ (com., inscr. et al.), -ic¢ (mept-, etc.) [f.] ‘id.’
(E. et al.), -iohoc [m.] ‘edge, border’ (Hero), -wdng ‘causing gripes’ (Hp. et al.), -wtdc¢
‘provided with pivots’ (LXX), -wta [n.] ‘pivot, door hinge’ with -wudtiov (Hell.),
-wtnp [m.] ‘oar’ (gloss.), -dopat ‘to have gripes’ (medic. et al.), éxotpo~@oat (H. s.v.
eEaykvp@oat tiv Ovpav), -éw ‘to cause gripes’ (Ar.); otpogr (émt-, Kata-, etc.) [f.]
‘twisting, turning around, etc.’ (IA), -atoc epithet of Hermes (Ar. PI. 1153). From
OTpogH or otpdgoc: otpdqg-ic [m.] ‘clever person’ (Ar., Poll.), -eiov [m.] ‘winch,
cable, etc.” (Hell. and late), -dc [f] ‘turning’ (S. [lyr.], Arat. et al.), -4dec vijoot (Str. et
al.), -otpopadnv (only with ém-, mept-, etc.) ‘turning around’ (epic Ion.). Further
otpog-evc [m.] ‘door hinge, cervical vertebra’ (Ar. Thphr. et al.), +y& [m., f.] ‘pivot,
door hinge’ (E, com., etc.).
1414 OTPTVVES
With A-enlargement: otpd@-ahoc [m. ] ‘top’ (V-VIP); -dAyé [f.] ‘vertebra, curve, etc.’ -
(IL, epic), -adifw [v.] ‘to turn, spin’ (0 315, AP).
With lengthened grade: iter.-intens. otpw@-dw, -cojiat (ém1-, [teTa-, etc.) ‘to turn to
and fro, linger’ (Il., epic Ion. poet.), -€opat ‘to turn’ (Aret.).
With zero grade: émotpag-nc = émiotpeg-rc (see above; late). PN XStpayn-pévijc
(Dor.).
*ETYM The root has no Indo-European cognates. Still, LIV? s.v. *streb’- lists the root
as Indo-European. However, as Van Beek suggests (p.c.), a comparison with
> otpeBAdc and cognates strongly favors the conclusion that we are dealing with a
Pre-Greek root (with variation B/@).
otprvéc [adv,] ‘loudly, shrilly’, especially of sounds (A. R., AP). <IE?>
eVAR Also adj. otptyvdc ‘loud, shrill’ (Nicostr. Com.).
*COMP oTpryvd-@wvoc (Call. Com.).
°DER otpryv-vlw [v.] ‘to trumpet’, of an elephant (Juba 37; cod. otpvv-), after O\oA-
ww, etc. Also nominal otprjvoc [n.] ‘recklessness’ (LXX, Apoc., AP), [m.] ‘strong
desire’ (Lyc.), hence otp1jv-taw [v.] ‘to revel, live unrestrained’ (med. com., Apoc.,
pap. III’, etc. Schwyzer: 732). From H.: otpnvvetat otprnwd; dotpryvéc: SvoVetov,
oxatov, O&0 ‘in bad case, mischievous, sharp’.
eETYM The exact semantic relation between otprvéc and otpijvoc is unclear.
Traditionally compared to Lat. strénuus ‘active, vigorous’. This connection may be
correct, although it is not evident semantically (see De Vaan 2008 for an alternative
etymology of the Latin word). The Greek words may also reflect a lengthened grade
derivation of the root of » otepedc, but this remains speculative.
otptpirtxiyé [?] ‘little drop’ (Ar. Ach. 1035). <ONOM>
*ETYM Sound-imitating formation; for the suffix, cf. pdovy& kvorry6, etc., as well as
AiKty— = 1} EAaxiotn Por tov Opvéwv and otpifoc: AertH Kai dEeia Pwvrj (see sch. ad
loc.). See also » otpi(y)é 1.
otpi(y)& 1 [f.] ‘owl (Carm. Pop., Theognost.); cf. otpiyhoc: ...
‘night-raven (vel sim.)’ (H.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Also otAié, acc. otpiyya.
*ETYM Formation like yAadt, oxwy, Avyé, etc, and reminiscent of Lat. strix, -gis
“‘screech-owl’, which lacks the nasal. Either may be a loan of the other; the Greek
word is often assumed to be influenced by or derived from > tpi{w ‘to buzz, squeak’,
but its facultative nasal may point to substrate origin.
oi 6& vuKtoKdpaka
-oTpe 2
eETYM In > Eéortprk ?
otptpvoc [adj] ‘dense, solid, hard’ (Ion. Hell. and late). <?>
*DER -Ot1¢ [f.] ‘density’ (D. H.); also otpipvoc [m.] ‘food that is difficult to chew’
(otpipvos audontos dkatamotog LXX).
*ETYM Reminiscent of otippdc (see » oTipoc), oTEpipoc, and oTpu*Pvdc, possibly a
contamination. Cf. also otpigoc = Miomoc (Suid.). Possibly related to MLG and
MoLG strif, stref ‘stiff, severe, solid’, MHG and MoHG streben ‘to strive’.
:
OTPLPVOG 1415
otpdBos =otpeBAdc.
otpoBvAoc some bird, cf. André 1956 s.v. strophilus.
eETYM No etymology.
otpoyyvAos [adj.] ‘round, spherical, compact’ (IA). < PG(S)>
*COMP Eg. otpoyyvAo-mpdcwnocg ‘round-faced’ (Arist, pap.), bmo-otpdyyvAocg
“somewhat rounded’ (Thphr. et al.).
*DER otpoyyvA-ot19 [f.] ‘roundness’ (Pl, Arist.). otpoyybA-tov [n.] ‘round bottle’
(pap. VIP). otpoyytAdw [v.] ‘to round (off)’, with -ua [n.] (late). 4. otpoyyva-itw ‘id,’
(D. H.) with -topta [n.] ‘terse expression’ (Anon. Fig.). 5. otpoyyvA-dopat [v.] ‘to
be(come) circular’ (Plu. et al.), -wotc [f.] (Hp. LXX et al.), -wjta [n.] (Al.). otpoyyva-
aivw [v.] ‘to make round’ (Hippiatr.), -evwata (H. s.v. yoyyvAevpata).
*ETYM Formation like yoyy-vAoc, Kapim-bAoc, &yK-bAog, etc. Connected to » otpay—
by Frisk, but the meanings of the two words are not obviously connected. If the
etymology is correct, otpoyybAoc was either derived from a form with o-grade in the
root, or it was influenced by yoyy-vAoc (Giintert 1914: 146f.). However, the whole
complex (with or without otpdy&) may instead be Pre-Greek, in view of the suffix -
vA-.
OTpoipoc, otpduBoc oTpEBAdc.
otpov0oc, otpov8dc [m., f.] ‘sparrow, (generally) small bird’ (B 311, etc.), also ‘ostrich’
(= 6. Katdyaloc, o. 1 LeyadAn, etc; IA); name of a flatfish (Ael.), see Stromberg 1943:
117; OTpod<: 6 OTPOVOdc Kai SompLov ‘sparrow, pulse’ (H.). <PG?(V)>
*COMP otpov80-KdrAoc [m.] ‘ostrich’ (D. S. Str. et al.), see Risch IF 59 (1949): 57
and 268.
*DER Diminutive otpov0-iov, -ic, -dptov (Arist., Hell. and late). Further otpov0-iac
[m.] ‘lecher’ (Com. Adesp.), -iwv [m.] = -dc (late, see Chantraine 1933: 165). otpob0-
eto ‘belonging to the ostrich’ (pap.), -(e)tov (LujAov) ‘kind of quince’ (Thphr., Nic. et
al.), also name of a plant ‘Saponaria, soapwort’ (Hp, Thphr., etc.), which is also
called otpov86c, otpov80-Kdndo«; -tvoc ‘made of soapwort’ (Ath.), -dn¢ ‘ostrich-
like’ (sch.). otpov8-wtdc ‘painted, decorated with o.’ (Sophr.). otpov0-itw [v.] ‘to
twitter’ (com., etc.), also ‘to clean with soapwort’, -toptd¢ [m.] (pap.); -taoptdc [m.]
‘scab’ (gloss.). Here also Tpod80c¢ PN (Bechtel 1923: 151f.)?
eETYM Fur.: 182 deduces a variant form *tpovOoc from the PN cited above, and from
detov TpOvO<tov> for @ov oTpPOvO(e)Lov (Sammelb. 7243, 21 [IV?]), as well as a form
*§pov8oc from the PN Apov8ov [gen.] (Telos II*). The variations would point to a
Pre-Greek word, but since the evidence is built mainly on names, this conclusion
remains highly uncertain.
otpopaadtyé, otpdgry— —otpéqu.
otpbpag [2] EvAov pepmXavnptévov év taic Anvoic mpdc Tv TMV OTaPvA@v EKkOhuyev
‘wood built into a winevat for the pressing of grapes’ (H.). <PG?>
*ETYM No etymology, but the semantic field and suffix -ax- suggest substrate origin.
oOTpve~voc [adj.] ‘bitter (of taste), sour, astringent, severe’ (Pl., Ar., Arist., etc.). «GR?
1416 OTPUX VOV
*DER -Otn¢ [f.] ‘bitterness, severity’ (Arist. Plu. et al.), -dw ‘to astringe’ (Plu..v.l.,
Eust.). '
eETYM No convincing etymology. Clearly reminiscent of »otv@w ‘to astringe’.
Perhaps it derives from the same root, with secondary otp- (from »otpipvdc or
Potprvijs)? The comparison with the Germanic group of OS strif ‘upright, stiff,
raw, OHG striabén ‘to be stiff, and with Balto-Slavic words like Lith. struibas ‘cut
short, curtailed’ or OCS stropets ‘rawness, harshness’, Ru. strip ‘scab, crust of a
wound’ etc. is not semantically compelling and formally awkward (root-final *-p/-
b"), and therefore uncertain.
otpvxvov [n.] name of several plants, eg. ‘nightshade, Withania somnifera’ (Thphr.,
Dsc. et al.). <PG(V)> ,
*VAR Also -oc [m.], also tpbyvov [n.] (Nic. Th. v.l.), -oc [f.] (Theoc, Com. Adesp.,
Phot., EM).
eETYM This word gave rise to the name strichnine. MHG strich, MoHG Strauch
(pace Petersson 1923: 18ff.) are unrelated, as they reflect a PGm. long *#. Fur. 135
compares » Sopvkwov (Dsc., Plu.), a plant which may be similar to the otptyvov.
See s.v. for further comments.
OTPWVVUULL =OTOPVULLL.
OTPWHAW —OTPEQW.
otvyéw [v.] ‘to hate, detest, abhor, hold back’ (Il., epic poet., Hdt. and late prose). «IE?
*steug->
eVAR Aor. otvyeiv (Hom., Call. Nic. et al.), otdEou (A 502 (causative), A. R, Opp.,
AP), otvy-fjoat, pass. -nOijvat, fut. -ooptat (trag.), perf. éoTby-nka (Hat. et al.), -npat
(Lyc.), -pat (H.).
*COMP Also with amo-, kata-, further otvy-dvwp ‘hating men’ (A. Pr.), pevoi-otv&
‘hating lies’ (AP).
*DER otvy-ntdc ‘hated, detestable’ (A. Pr., late prose), -nua [n.] ‘object of hate or
repugnance’ (E. et al.), dmo-otby-notc [f.] ‘abhorrence’ (sch.). Furthermore, the
adjectives otvy-epdc ‘hated, full of hate, detestable’ (Il, epic poet.), -vdc ‘id’, also
‘gruesome, sad, etc.’ (Archil. Hp. trag., etc.), hence -votng [f.] (Hell. and late), -via
[f.] (sch.), otvy-vdopat ‘to be somber’ (AP, H.), also with xata-; otbvyvwoov-
xwptoov (H.), otvy-vatw [v.] ‘to be, become overcast’ (NT et al.), also with dta-,
Kata-, ovv-; thence -vaotc [f.] (late). otbytocg ‘hated, detestable’ (E., Plu.); otbyog [n.]
‘hate, object of hate’ (A. et al.). ZTUE, -ydc [f.] river in the Underworld (Hom., etc.),
adj. Ztbytoc (trag., etc.), name of an Arcadian mountain brook with ice-cold water
(Hdt., Str., Paus.); also as a noun, ‘hate, detestation’ (Alciphr.), plur. ‘ice-cold’
(Thphr.); also = » oxwy (Ant. Lib. et al.).
eETYM The name 2tvé is an archaic formation; it cannot be decided whether the
pres. otvyéw or the aor. gotvyov is old, since the latter can be metrically
conditioned; cf. e.g. ExtumMov s.v. » KTUMOG (see also Schwyzer: 721 and Chantraine
1942: 347).
otummetov 1417
There is no ascertained etymology. The root otvy- has been compared to Ru.
stygnut’ ‘to cool down, get cold, freeze’, but the latter is a variant of older *stydnoti
with *-dn- > *-gn-; cf. Cz. stydnouti ‘to cool down’, SCr. stiid [f.] ‘cold’ < *stud-
/*stoud-. Hardly more convincing is the comparison with ToB scono, sconiye
‘enmity’ (van Windekens Orbis 13 (1964): 224 f.), which rather belongs with the
Slavic words above, if from *steud-n- (see Adams 1999 s.v.). LIV’ s.v. *(s)teug-
follows a connection with Skt. toj- ‘to drive, push’, but this may also be related to
*h,teug- in Gr. dt0Gopat ‘to be terrified’.
otbAog [m.] ‘column, pillar, support’ (Dor. Ion., trag., Hell. and late), also = Lat. stilus
‘pointed piece of metal’ (late), cf. Sempoux Rev. belge de phil. 39 (1961): 736ff. <IE
*sth,-u-lo- ‘post’>
*COMP otvAo-Batne, Dor. -tag [m.] ‘foot of a doric column’ < otdAog + BA-vat, with
suffix -ta- (Dor. inscr., Pl. Com. et al.), see Fraenkel 1910: 34 and 200f, tetpa-
otvdog ‘consisting of four columns’, -ov [n.] ‘colonnade of four columns’ (inscr. and
pap. imperial period, etc.).
*DER Diminutives: otvd-ic [f.] (Att. inscr., etc.), -ioxoc [m.] (Hp. Hell. and late),
-iStov [n.] (Str.), -dptov [n.] (pap. II’). otvA-itn¢ [m.] ‘standing on one column,
stylite’ (Suid.), fem. -ittooa (inscr. Amasia), like ®oivicoa, Pacidtooa, etc.
Denominative verbs: otvA-dw [v.] ‘to support with columns’ (Hell. and late), also
bmo-, dta-, dmo-; thence (b70-)oTVA-wua, -woig (Hell. and late); otvA-ifw mg.
uncertain (Ostr.), with brootvA-topdc ‘support’ (pap. TIP).
*ETYM These words are comparable to Av. stina-, stuna- [m.], stund [f.], Skt. sthi-
na- [f.] (with secondary -n-) ‘pillar’ < *sth,-u-no-, with a different secondary suffix
(on the interchange of -I- and -n-, see Benveniste 1935: 43). The root *sth,u- is an
enlargement of *steh,- ‘to stand’; see > iotnpt. It is also found in » oTbw, » oTavpdc,
and > otod. Not related to » otUmoc.
otbmog [n.] ‘stick, shaft, stalk’ (A. R., Nic, Plb.); cf. H.: otbmo¢: otéAexoc, KOppdg
‘stump, trunk’. cai tod dp0aApod TO oG@pa, Kai TO KUTOG (cod. Kfjtoc) ‘the whole of
the eye, vessel or jar’. kal 6 woos tij¢ Bpovtijs ‘the sound of thunder’. <PG(v)>
*COMP Note otumoyAvgoc: EvdoyAveoc. otUT0¢ yap 6 oTéAEXOG Tyovv TO TpE"LVOV
‘stump or trunk’.
*DER oturdtet Bpovta, wooei, wei ‘thunders, sounds, thrusts’ (H.), dmootumdCw ‘to
drive away with a stick’ (Archil.).
*ETYM Traditionally connected with ON stifr [m.] ‘tree-stump’, MLG stive [m.] ‘id’,
Latv. stups ‘old broom’, Ru. stépka ‘wooden nail in the wall’ < *stop-vka, also spica
‘needle’ (see Vasmer 1953 s.vv.), but this seems unlikely in view of the semantics.
Perhaps somehow connected with the root of »tintw. The by-form otvjtoc
oté\exoc, Kopudc (H.) shows variation 1/1, which could indicate Pre-Greek origin;
see Fur.: 222-227. Not related to » ottw ‘to be erect’, » otbAo< ‘pillar’, etc.
otunneiov [n.] ‘oakum, tow, coarse fiber of flax or hemp’ (Hdt, X., D., Hell. and late).
<PG?> ,
eVAR Also -iov, otimmvOV.
*COMP otunmeto-mwAng [m.] ‘oakum-dealer’ (Ar., Critias, inscr.).
1418 oTunTnpia
*DER otumm-Elvoc (-tvoc, otut(7)bivoc) ‘made of oakum’ (Com. Adesp., Hell. and
late). Rare otvnn-n [f.] “oakum, coarse flax’ (J. apud Suid. s.v.), ordmmak [m.] jocular
short variant for otunmeto-n@dng (Ar. Fr. 696); also otbnog = otbnmn (Kdhot amd
otvrov [Gal.]).
*ETYM No known cognates, Fur.: 259f. compares tomtetov ‘cord, rope’ without further
comment. The word is most likely to be of substrate origin. Borrowed as Latin
stuppa, stupa from otbnmn, from a Doric dialect in Southern Italy.
otunthnpia -oTV@w.
otvpak 1, -aKoc [m., f.] ‘resin, gummy’, also the shrub or tree producing it, ‘Styrax
officinalis’ (Hdt., Arist. Thphr., Str. et al.). <Ew Sem.>
*DER otupak-tov [n.] diminutive (pap.), -tvoc ‘made of the storax-tree or of storax’
(LXX, Str. Dsc. et al.), -i§w [v.] ‘to smell or taste like storax’ (Dsc.).
*ETYM For the formation, cf. dppak, Sovak, dvOpak, etc. According to Hdt. 3, 107, it
was introduced in Greece by the Phoenicians, which points to Semitic origin.
Lagarde and Lewy 1895: 41f. compare Hebr. sdri ‘the resin of the Mastix tree and the
terebinth’; doubts in Schrader-Nehring 1917(2): 501. Perhaps related to » otbpak 2; cf.
otupakiva dkovtiopiata ‘javelins made of o.’ in Str. 12, 7, 3. Borrowed as Lat. styrax,
storax.
ottpag 2, -ixoc [m.] ‘(lower end of a) spear-shaft’ (X., Pl. et al.). <PG?>
*DER Diminutive otvpdx-tov [n.] (Th., Aen. Tact.); -iGetv: kevtpitev ‘to goad, spur
on’ (H., EM).
*ETYM Formation like ydpak, xdpag, etc. hardly related to » otavpoc. It is either
identical to the tree name >» otUpaé 1, or Pre-Greek.
otvptow [v.] mg. uncertain, ‘to guarantee’ (pap.)? <?>
*DER OTupiwotc (pap. ).
eETYM Unknown.
otv@av [v.] Bpovtav ‘to thunder’ (H.). <?>
eETYM A by-form of otumdlw; see > oTUTIOG.
otvgehitw [v.] ‘to strike hard, dash, beat, drive away, maltreat’ (IL, epic and lyr.).
<GR?>
eVAR Aor. -AfEa.
eCOMP Also with dmo-, dva-, LteTa-, Mept-.
*DER otvgedtyptoi (vl. -optof) [m.pl.] ‘maltreatment’ (A. Eq. 537 [anap.]).
Furthermore, otvgeddc ‘hard, raw, stony, severe’ (A. [lyr.], A. R., Opp., AP; also
Arcad. Cyren. acc. to sch. A. R. 2, 1005; cf. Leumann 1950: 260f.), secondarily
‘astringent, bitter’ (AP; after otb~w); Kata-otugehdg ‘raw, stony’ (h. Merc., Hes.), a-
otvgeddg ‘not hard, friendly, smooth’ (Thgn., AP); enlarged otvpedwdng ‘hard’ (Q.
S.); also otb@Aog ‘raw, stony’ (trag., Lyc.); katd- (H.), -dptoc (Boeotia III’; PN?).
*ETYM At first sight, epic otvgediCw seems to be a derivation of the later attested
otugeldc, but it is rather the other way around in view of the chronology and the
semantics. The barytone accent of otb@doc is remarkable. It is perhaps a derivative
ov 1419
of > otv@w ‘to astringe’ (through ‘contract > ‘become solid’?). On otvgedilw, cf.
further Ruijgh 1957: 84ff.
otv@w [v.] ‘to astringe, have an astringent effect’, especially of taste; ‘to thicken,
obstruct, treat with a corrosive’ (Hp., Arist. Hell. and late). <?>
eVAR Aor. otbpat (Avactbyat S. Fr. 421), pass. otv@Oijvat, perf. med. EotvpIWLaL.
«COMP Also with ano-, émt-, ovv-, b70-, etc.
DER otbytc (énti-, b10-) [f.] ‘astringence, thickening, corrosion’ (Hp., Arist., Thphr.,
etc.). OTOpYLA (OTUYLA?) [n.] ‘astringent’ (medic.). otumtnpia, Ion. -in [f.] designation
of contracting minerals, ‘alum, vitriol’ (Hdt., Hp., Arist., etc.), also ‘alum monopoly’
(pap.), -Mptoc ‘treated with alum’ (PHolm.), -npiwSn¢ ‘containing alum’ (Hp., Arist.
et al.), -nptakov dépjta ‘piece of soft leather’ (gloss), -npiCovoa ‘water in which alum
is washed’ (gloss); also -npa ‘id.’ (PHolm.), probably after the adjectives in -npdc, e.g.
Taptynpdc (see Mayser 1906-1938, I: 3: 96). otumtIKdc ‘astringent’ (Diocl. Fr, Hp.,
Thphr. et al.). otvgdc ‘id’ (Vett. Val, Gp.), -otn¢ [f.] ‘density’ (Plu.), -wdnc¢
‘astringent, bitter’ (Cat. Cod. Astr.). Possibly also ott@dog (see > otvgedilw) and
OTULLVdG (to oTtpLa; cf. épvjtvdc) epithet of oturtnpia (PHolm.) = oxdnpdc,
avotnpoc ‘hard, harsh’ (Hdn. Gr., H.).
*ETYM Formally similar to » ctw, which may be related (cf. 6tw beside tiqw). Cf.
also » otpu@voc. An ingenious (but unlikely) hypothesis is advanced by Ruijgh 1967a
$92, who argues that Myc. tu-ru-pte-ri-ja (scil. yf) stands for otpuntnpia, the older
form of otuntnpia, which underwent dissimilation; he concludes that otb@w may
have replaced older *otptqw.
ote, -opat [v.] ‘to have an erection’ (Ar., Diog. Ep., Luc., AP). <?>
eVAR Aor. otboal, pass. oTvOijvat, perf. ZoTdKa.
*DER otopta [n.] ‘erection’ (Pl. Com.), otvtikdg ‘causing an erection’ (Phylarch,; v.l.
otuTtt-). On oTUL0¢, see On > OTUTOG.
*ETYM Originally ‘to be stiff, erect’ < *sth,-u-. From the same stem derive » otdAo<c,
> otavpdc, and > otod. Possibly related to » otbqw and » otpag 2.
otwptdrOo¢ [adj.] ‘talkative, conversational, chatty’ (Ar., Demetr. Theoc., Luc. et al.).
<>
*COMP otuxtvAto-ovAdektadng [m.] ‘talk-collector’ (Ar. Ra. 841), see Fraenkel 1912:
20.
*DER otupvA-ia, Ion. -in [f.] ‘talkativeness’ (Stesimbr., Ar., Plb., AP et al.), -4Opa [f.]
‘id’ also personified as an epithet of dattadeic ‘banqueters’ (Com. Adesp., Numen.
apud Eus., Phryn.); after nouns in -70pa like pwro-mep-mtep-fOpa ‘empty braggard’s
talk’; adjective -nOpoc (Aristaenet.).
Denominative verbs: otwAAoztat ‘to be talkative, chat, babble’ (Ar.), rarely -bAAw,
also with kata-; hence -bAuata [n.pl.] ‘chatter’ (Ar.); -vAevopat ‘id’ (Alciphr. Phot.).
*ETYM Traditionally compared with > otdéua, with full grade of the root (*steh,-m-)
anda suffix *-ul-.
ov [pron.] ‘you (sg.)’ (I1.). <IE *tuH ‘you>
1420 ovaypic
eVAR Dor. (also Aeol. in gramm.) tb, Hom. also tbvn, Lac. tovvn. Obl. cases: acc. o€,
Dor. (also Aeol. in gramm.) té, Dor. also TU, Cret. tfé (only in H. tpé: o€, interpreted
as tfé. DELG thinks this is suspect, as *tw- always gives o- in all dialects). Dat. coi,
encl. tot (Il, Att. = ‘indeed’), Dor. toi, also tiv, Hom. teiv. Gen. Hom. ceio, Hom.
Ion. oé0, ced, Att. cod, Dor. té0, téoc, tetc, etc. Enclitic o€, cot, cov.
*DER Hence the poss. pron. odc ‘your (II.), Dor. Aeol. (also Hom.) tedc, Boeot. tid.
*ETYM From PIE *tuH: Lat. tu, MoHG dy, Lith. tu, etc., Dor. tv. Initial o- in IA, etc.
was introduced after o€ < *tue. tbvn is like €ywvn, with an added particle (see s.v.
> yw). Dor. gen. téo is like guéo (see s.v. » éué): PIE had *teue; cf. Skt. tava; on Dor.
téoc, Hom. o€8ev, etc, see s.v. » éué. The poss. pron. tedg < *tefdc and odc < *tFé¢
derive from PIE *t(e)uo-; cf. Lat. tuus < *teuos.
ovaypic [f.] ‘a fish with teeth(?) (Epich. 69, Arist., H.). <PG>
eVAR Also ovvaypic (Arist.), -idoc.
*DER Cf. ovvodovtic as a fish name (Stromberg 1943: 45) and Kpeaypic, mavaypic,
governing compound with aypevu, dypa.
*ETYM Fur.: 123f. starts from ova€, -Koc, ovdxtov [n.] (Su.); ovdxtv (gloss.) ‘kind of
flatfish’. He takes ovvaypic (Arist.) to be folk-etymological for the form without a
nasal. No further etymology.
ovat, -aKkos =ovaypic.
ovPaka - cvwdn ‘swinish’; obBac: Adyvosg ‘lecherous’, also name of a satyr (vase-inscr.);
ovpddrac: 6 katageptis Mpd< TA A~podiota ‘prone to sexual pleasures’; also bBAAANC:
Katapeprc, Adyvos ‘inclined, lecherous’ (H.). <PG?>
*ETYM Connection with Lat. subdre ‘to be in heat’, of female animals, has no
plausibility; Pisani RILomb. 73:2 (1939-40): 25f. supposes a Mediterranean origin.
The gloss ovwén appears to be based on folk etymology. Several glosses can be
compared to obBaxa, e.g. ob[u]Bpoc: Kampog ‘swine’ (H.), but also ovBptakdv: TO
TloAvTEAES, OvPpidaterv: coBapevetal, TpvPa and ovPpiaopdc: 6 év ebwxia Bdpupoc
(H.); cf. also obBpa and ovfpoi, with unclear glosses. All are assumed by Frisk to be
connected with ZuBaptc, or influenced by it (or by bBpic). For ovBddrac, bBaAANS,
cf. also » BadXiov. The alternation between initial o- and aspiration, the -B-, and the
suffix -ax- make Indo-European origin unlikely, thus it is probably Pre-Greek.
ovBivn [f.] ‘quiver’ (Att. inscr, Ar. Th. 1197, 1215, H.), ‘flute case’ (Poll., EM, H.).
<PG?>
*ETYM Formation like > oayrjvn (s.v. with literature). No etymology.
ovyxic >ovkyic.
ovKdpivov [n.] ‘fruit of the mulberry tree, mulberry (Amphis, Arist.). <LW Sem.>
*DER ovKauivoc [f., m.] ‘mulberry fig-tree’ (Arist., Thphr., middle com., etc.), -ivivoc
‘of the mulberry fig-tree’ (Sotad. Com., Hell. pap.), on the formation cf. Schulze KZ
43 (1910): 189; -tvdn¢ ‘mulberry-like’ (Thphr.). Also -ivéa [f.] = -ivoc (after ovxéa
‘fig-tree’, etc. Aesop., Dsc. et al.). -tvewv = moretum (gloss.).
ovKyic, (Soc 1421
eETYM A Semitic loanword; cf. Aramaic siq’min [pl.] ‘mulberry trees’, Hebr. Siqma
[sg.] ‘id.’ (Lewy 1895: 23, Str6mberg 1940: 36, Ross KZ 77 (1961): 273).
ovKov [n.] ‘fig’, also metaphorically ‘wart, swelling, vagina’ (1) 121). <PG(V)>
eVAR Boeot. (Stratt.) t0Kov.
*DIAL Myc. su-za = ovxia [f.] ‘fig tree’.
*COMP ovké-popov [n.] ‘fruit of the mulberry tree’ (Str, Dsc. et al.), -o¢ [f.]
‘mulberry tree, sycamore’ (Cels.), -éa [f.] ‘id’ (Ev. Luc. et al.); cf. » ovKdutvov and
> LLOpov.
*DER Dimininutives: ovk-idtov, -dapiov [n.] (com.).
Further nominal derivatives: ovx-ic, -dc [f.] ‘cutting from a fig-tree’ (Ar., Poll.). ovx-
éa ‘fig-tree’ (Od.), Dor. Aeol. also -ia, IA -én, -f; ovK-iov [n.] ‘fig-juice’ (Hp.). ovx-
(€)wv, -(€)@voc [m.] ‘fig plantation’ (LXX, pap.). ov«-itn¢ [m.] (oivoc) ‘of a fig-tree,
fig wine’ (Dsc.), Spartan epithet of Dionysus (Sosib.); -itic [f.] name of a precious
stone, probably after the color (Plin.). ovx-ad(A)ic, -idoc [f.] ‘fig throstle’ (Epich.,
Arist. et al.), see Niedermann Glotta 19 (1931): 9f. Adjectival derivations: obx-tvoc ‘of
a fig-tree’, metaphorically ‘useless’ (IA), ovx-wdng¢ ‘fig-like, full of warts’ (Arist.,
medic.), -doloc epithet of Zeus = xaBdpotoc, since figs were used for purification
(Eust., H.).
Verbal derivations: ovx-dCw ‘to gather figs’ (Att.), also ‘to investigate’ (Aristaenet.,
H.), also with amo-; hence -aotr¢, -dotpia = ovKo-gavine, -pavtpia (EM, H.). ovx-
(Coprat ‘to be foddered with figs’ (AP), -dopat ‘id’ (AP), whence -wtdc ‘foddered with
figs (Aét.), map ouKwtdc ‘liver fatted with figs’ (Gal., Orib.), -wotc [f], -wyta [n.]
‘formation of warts’, -wtik6c¢ ‘related to warts’ (medic.).
eETYM Like Lat. ficus and Arm. t‘uz ‘fig’, a loanword from a Mediterranean or
Anatolian source. This source may well have been Pre-Greek: the variation in initial
consonantism (Boeot. tbxov) probably reflects an original *#uk-, with a palatalized
/Y/,
ovKkogavtne [m.] ‘false accuser, denunciator’, later also ‘trickster, cadger’ (Ar.). <GR>
«VAR Also ovkogdoeic [pl.] = ovkogavtiat (AP), after atopdoeic, etc.
*DER ovkogavt-éw ‘to act as a denunciator, accuse falsely, blackmail’, -~a [f.] ‘false
accusation’, -iag [m.] (Gvenoc) “wind of accusations” (Ar.), -mua [n.] = ‘false
accusation’. cvko@avt-ikdc, -wdn¢ ‘slanderous’ (Att., etc.). Fem. ovcopdvtpta (Ar.),
Fraenkel 1912: 25.
eETYM Expression of popular language, originally probably “fig-indicator”, which
already in antiquity was explained differently. Acc. to Cook Class. Rev.21 (1907):
133ff., the expression refers to an apotropaeic gesture, like Ital. far le fiche, MoFr. faire
la figue a qn.
ovkxic, ido¢ [f.] ‘kind of shoe’ (AP, Suid.). <LWw? Caucasus>
eVAR Also -yx-; ovKx-dc, -ddo¢ (Poll, H.); obvkyor brodjpata Dpbyta ‘Phrygian
sandles’ (H.).
*ETYM Knobloch Sprache 4 (1958): 198ff. supposes a loan from the Caucasus, which
may also be found in Av. haxa- [n.] ‘sole of the foot’ (see also Fur.: 361). Borrowed as
Lat. soccus.
1422 ovAdw
ovldw [v.] ‘to strip off (the armor), take away, rob, plunder, seize’ (Hom., IA). <?>
VAR El. opt. ovAain; aor. ovAfjoat (Il.), epic pres. also -evw (cf. Chantraine 1942: 368;
not from ovAevc), -Ew (Delph., Theoc. et al.; also Pi.? See Forssman 1966: 157f.).
DIAL On the debated forms Myc. su-ra-se, su-ra-te, see Morpurgo Davies 1963 s.vv.
eCcomP Also with ano-, etc. Compounds 8¢0-ovAr [m.] = Be@v ovArtwp (Alc. et al.),
see Peek Phil. 100 (1956): 23, tepd-ovdog [m.] ‘temple-robber’, with -éw, -ia (Att.).
Further ovA-aywyéw ‘to carry away as booty’ (Ep. Col., etc.), G-ovdoc ‘one who
cannot be distrained, invulnerable, safe’, t0 dovAov ‘fenced territory, refuge’, with
aovi-ia [f] ‘safety from distraint, invulnerability’ (Parm., A., E., Pl. inscr., etc.).
*DER ovA-rytwp [m.] ‘plunderer’ (A., Nonn.), fem. -rtetpa (E. [lyr.]; Fraenkel 1912:
22f.), -nowc [f.] ‘plunder’ (S., Pl. et al.), -11ixd¢ ‘related to plunder’ (Hell. inscr.),
-1yT1¢ (gloss).
Further odAa [n.], oddat [pl.], rarely -ov [n.], -n [f.] ‘captured shipload, booty
(Samos VI’, Locr. V*%, Str.), in Att. ‘right of seizure of a ship or its cargo, right of
distraint’ (D., Arist.). From odAa or ovAdw (-éw, -ebw): ovdets [m.] ‘plunderer’
(SGDI 2516, Delph. III*), also as a mythical PN (BofShardt 1942: 123). On ZvAo- and
-ovaAog in PNs, see also O. Masson Beitr. z. Namenforsch. 16 (1981): 166ff.
*ETYM It is formally attractive to assume that ovAdw is derived from odAa, etc., but
notice that the nominal forms are rare and have been attested later than the verb. In
any case, the Att. mg. ‘right of seizure’ must be secondary and cannot be separated
from dovdoc. The form dovdog itself may derive from ovAdw as ‘who may not be
taken away or be robbed’. There is no certain etymology. The forms are similar to
mPokbAa ‘booty’, but their relation is unclear (see Schwyzer: 329 and Sanchez
Ruipérez Emerita 15 (1947): 67f.); do they point to a Pre-Greek interchange o-/oK-?
Pisani Sprache 5 (1959): 143ff. explains oxdAov as secondary after » okdtoc, which
seems doubtful. He thinks that odAa comes from Lydian, together with Lat. spolia
‘booty’. The gloss éoobAAa: deripet kT. (H.) is in the wrong place alphabetically, so
it cannot be trusted. The word bAGtat- éoteprjOn, améBavev ‘was robbed, died’ (H.) is
unrelated (Pisani l.c.).
ovptyé, -tyyoc 1423
*ETYM From > ovvéxw, but further unexplained. Probably an artificial formation (on
the mg., see Hartmann 1956: 250). Several attempts at an explanation have been
undertaken: 1. Brugmann JF 13 (1902-1903): 280: reduplicated formation like ovv-
OKWXT}, »AvoKwWYXT, etc. 2. Wackernagel Gott. Nachr. 1902: 738f. assumes a
denominative *ovvoyd6w (from ovvoxoc), since the reading cvvoxwkdte seems to be
the more reliable one. This was recently defended by Hackstein 2002: 164ff. 3.
Schwyzer: 766° considers ovvoywkdte to be an enlargement of *ovvoydte (from
*hehoya). Cf. further Chantraine 1942: 4243.
ovvwxadev [adv.] ‘continuously’ (Hes. Th. 390, Q. S.). <GR>
*ETYM From > éxw, with a suffix -ad6v and compositional lengthening to -w-.
ovppn =tvphn.
ovpyaotpog [adj.] mg. unclear (Alciphr,; v.l. dat. sg. -opt), epithet of snakes (AP 15, 26
= Dosiad. Ara), understood as tiv yaotépa ovpwv ‘sweeping with its belly’.
Explained by EM, Phot. and H. (who has ovpydotwp) as ‘swineherd’, EM and Phot.
= épydtng ‘farmer’; described by H. as é6vopa Bappaptkdv ‘word of foreign origin’.
<2>
eETYM Radermacher Festschr. Kretschmer: 16off. refers to Zev¢ Xupydotis in
Bithynia and assumes an originally foreign slave name.
ovpia [f.] kind of garment (pap.), called abtémokov idtiov ‘woolen cloak or mantle’
by Poll. 7, 61. <GR>
*COMP ovpdrotoc ‘made in Syria’.
eETYM H. states: 6tt Ev Kannadoxia yivetat, obto 5é Lvpor “because it originates
from Cappadocia, the people of which are called Ztpov’.
oiptyé, -tyyog [f.] ‘quill, flute, syrinx’ (Il); also of pipe-like objects, e.g. ‘windpipe,
blood-vessel, fistula’ (medic., etc.), ‘spear case’ (T 387), ‘hole in the nave of a wheel’
(trag,, etc.), ‘subterranean passage’ (PIb., etc.). <PG(S)>
*COMP mtevte-ovptyyoc ‘with five pipes’ (Ar. et al.).
ovv >Evv. *DER Diminutive ovpiyy-tov [n.] (Hp., Plu. et al.), -iStov [n.] (Hero). Other nominal
i derivations: ovptyy-ic [f.] ‘kind of » kacia’ (medic.). cvptyy-iac [m.] designation of a
tube (Thphr., Dsc.), cf. Strémberg 1937: 91. ovptyy-itn¢ [m.], -itc [f.] name of a
ovveox[Ldc [m.] ‘juncture, joint’, only in év ovveoyyi@ (& 465, verse-final). <GR> t precious stone (Ps.-Dsc., Plin.). ovptyy-w61¢ ‘hollow, fistular’ (Hp.). ovpryy-takdc
*ETYM For *ovvoyitoc for metrical reasons, after word-pairs like gouka : olka, Eoptt : ‘meant for fistulae’ (medic. after kapdiakds, etc.).
opt (Frisk Eranos 38 (1940): 41f.). Denominative verbs: ovpi(w (Ion. poet. h. Merc.), Att. -ittw (PL, D. Arist. et al.),
Dor. -iodw (Theoc.), aor. -(&ai (Ar.), -ioot (Babr., Luc.), fut. -i&opor (Luc.), -iow
(Hero et al.), -t® (LXX) ‘to blow the syrinx, whistle, hiss’, also with bmo-, éx, dmto-,
etc. Hence ovp-typta [n.] ‘tone of a pipe’ (-topa H.) with -typatwdne ‘pipe-like,
ovvaypic ovayptc.
ovvéotat [m.pl.] designation of the members of an association, probably participants
of a dinner society (IG 9°(1), 434 [Acarnania II*]). <GR>
*ETYM Without a doubt derived from ovv-eoGiw ‘to dine together’ (cf. ovo-cito1,
; ; ; : hissing’ (medic.), -typtd¢ (X., Arist. etc.), -topdg (LXX, etc.) [m] ‘the whistling,
ma per ourel): see Chan baie Rie ee 960) 177 : whirr’, -vyttc [f.] ‘flute-playing’ (sch.), -uctij¢, -totr¢ (Arist, Corn.), -uxtac¢ (Theoc.,
ovvoKkwX ote [perf.ptc.nom.du.] ‘grown together, bent together’ (B 218). <GR> ; AP), -.otip (AP) with -totpidtov mg. unclear (pap. I*), -tyxtrj¢ (Phot.) [m.] ‘flutist’,
eVAR The reading ovvoxywk6te is predominant in the paradosis. Also ovvoywk6toc \ also ‘whistling’; ovptotiky (téxv1)) ‘the art of flute-playing’ (sch.). ovptyy-doztat [v.]
[gen.sg.] ‘collapsed’ (Q. S. 7, 502). | ‘to become hollow, get a fistula’, -6w ‘to make into a pipe, etc.’ (Hp. et al.), also with
1424 ovpitns
ék-, 1po-, dmo-; thence -wotc [f.] ‘formation of a fistula’ (medic.), -wpa [n.] ‘fistula’
(Vett. Val.). ovptyy-téw [v.] ‘to suffer from a fistula’ (Hippiatr.).
eETYM A substrate word; cf. especially the non-Indo-European suffix -tyy-. The
explanation by Solmsen 1909: 129ff. is to be rejected: a derivative in -tyy- from a
noun *odpog vel sim., related to Skt. tuna- [m.] ‘quiver’, tunava- [m.] ‘flute’. Neither
can we follow Greppin KZ 103 (1990): 35-37, who assumes PIE origin.
Arm. sring ‘flute, pipe’ was probably taken from the same source. Borrowed as Skt.
surunga [f.] ‘subterranean passage’ (on the etymology and history of the meaning,
see Stein ZII 3 (1925): 280ff.).
ovpitys [m.] ‘stone found in a wolf's bladder’&Plin. 11, 208). <?>
*ETYM Unknown. ,
ovpixog [m.] ‘basket’ (Alex.). Also ovpioxoc: ayyeiév tt mAEKtdv, sic 6 odKa
éuBdAAovot ‘a woven basket into which figs were thrown’. tivéc 6é bpicxov (H.).
<PG(V)>
eVAR Here also tpixog (corr. Porson for cod. -todc in Ar. Fr. 569, 5), bpioxog and
Bpicxocg (Phryn. PS), odptocos (Poll.), bpiocog (H.), -d¢ (Theognost.); also bppic:
omupic ‘basket’ (Zonar.); cf. bpicida (for bpic, -ida?)- onvpidtov, omupic ‘id.’ (H.);
bppada (cod. tpp-)- onupidiov ‘id.’ (Theognost.), ippaya: ttpicyn (H.) (cf. Bpioxoc in
Phryn.). With other anlaut: » dppiyoc and dpioxoc: kdgivoc ‘big basket’ (H.).
eETYM There are many alternating forms, and no clear Indo-European etymology, so
Pre-Greek origin is very likely (Fur.: 135, 241, 392, 300).
ovpw [v.] ‘to draw, trail, drag, pull, ravish, sweep’ (IA). <IE *tuer- ‘stir, etc.’>
eVAR Aor. odpat , pass. otfpfvat (late), fut. ovp@ (LXX), perf. ogovppai, -xa (Hell.
and late).
eCOMP oéta- ‘to hackle, mock’, ém- ‘to be neglectful, treat neglectfully’, kata-, mapa-.
*DER With suffixes with -y-: obpua (and-, éni-, mapda-, mepi-) [n.] “train-dress,
sweepings, dragging movement’ (Ion., X., Hell. and late), hence ovppatitic K6mpoc
‘swept-together heap of manure’ (Thphr.), cvppatixt wv ‘drawn-out accent’
(VII), ovppatic otpatia: 1) Ta OULWHYyLata Kai Ppbyava otpovoa Kai ovAAEyovca
‘woman sweeping and collecting what has been raked together and firewood’ (H.),
ovpyds (é7m-, mept-, b7t0-) [m.] ‘grinding, dragging, pulling movement’ (Arist.),
‘vomiting’ (Nic.); dta- ‘pulling apart, mocking’ (Hell. and late); from this ovp-pddec
[f.pl.] ‘snow-drifts’ (late), -paia, Ion. -pain [f.] ‘vomitive, radish’ (Ion., Ar, etc.), also
name of a Laconian priest rank (inscr., H.), -paitw ‘to take a vomitive’, -patopdc [m.]
(Hdt., medic.), -piov: Adyavov tt cedivw goixds ‘greens like celery’ (H.), -puotrp-
EvAonwAng ‘wood seller’ (H.), ovpyi [f.] ‘trailing tail of a snake’ (sch.).
Further otp-t¢ [m.] ‘towing-rope’ (Man., H.), -tav [gen.pl.] (nom.sg. -t1)¢ or -t6¢)
name of a dance (Akraiphia I’), dtaovp-trj¢ [m.] ‘slanderer’ (Ptol.), dta-, ék-ovptiKkdc
(Hell. and late). dvacupt-oAtc [f.] ‘lewd woman’ (Hippon.), from dava-otptis ‘who
draws up (the clothes)’, cf. oipdAtc ‘who copulates’ and Chantraine 1933: 237f.
Probably also related Xtptic [f.] name of a gulf on the north coast of Africa with
sandy shores and dangerous breakers (Hdt., etc.), known as “the pulling one” (cf. v.
Wilamowitz on Tim. Pers. 99); metaphorically ‘destruction’ (Tim. Pers. 99, H.).
ovgap 1425
ovpots [f.] (also di4-) ‘the drawing of a plough’ (late). With enlargement -g- (from
Kapen ‘hay’?): ovper gpvyava ‘firewood’ (H.), ovp@-etdc [m.] ‘sweepings, filth’
(Hes., Call., Plu. et al.), ‘rabble’ (Pl. et al.), also -etwdnj¢ ‘vulgar’ (Plb., Luc. et al.), see
Chantraine 1933: 300, Schwyzer: 501; -a& [m.] ‘rabble’ (Ar. V. 673 [anap.], Luc.). On
ovpgos ‘some insect’ see s.v. » oépqoc. Possibly also here: » dovprc ‘lewd’.
*ETYM Probably related to » caipw ‘sweep’, if both reflect a root *tuer- ‘to sweep’. In
this case, ovpw reflects *tur-e/o-, with analogical *o- (rather than *tuor-e/o- with
Cowgill’s Law, as per Vine 1999b: 569ff., with morphologically awkward o-grade).
The form caipw would reflect *tur-ie/o-, with regular vocalization of the *r (cf. e.g.
>odpt ‘flesh’ < *turk-). For possible connections outside Greek, see s.v. » caipw.
Since ovp@-n, -etdc, -a& probably derive from ovpw within Greek, a connection with
OHG swerban ‘to drive quickly to and fro, whirl, wipe off and W chwerfu ‘to whirl,
turn around’ (Pok. 1050f.) is improbable. See » cbpyaotpoc.
ovc, ovdc [m., f.] ‘swine, sow, boar’ (Hom., Pi, rarely Hdt., Att. et al.). <IE *suH-s
‘swine’>
eVAR Also bc.
*DIAL Myc. su-qo-ta /sug”otas/ or /-0-/; see further s.v. » BooKw.
*COMP ob-Bw-t19¢ [m.] ‘swineherd’ (Od., Hdt., Pl.), fem. -tpia (Pl. Com.), adj. -ttkd¢
(Pl. Com., Plu.), also -B6-tng ‘id’ (Arist.) with -Bdota [n.pl.] ‘herds of swine’ (A 679
=& 101, Plb. Lib.); ov-aypoc back-formation = otc dyptocg (Antiph., Dionys. Trag. et
al.), see Risch IF 59 (1949): 286f. Also (mostly Hell. and late) ovo-, e.g. -popBdc [m.]
‘swineherd’ (Plb. et al.), -pdpBiov (Arist; ob-popBdcg Hom. et al.), metrically
conditioned ovn-BdAoc (Opp.) = ovo-Ktdvoc (Call., Nonn.).
*DER ov-atva [f.] (Opp.), -a&, -axtov (gloss., Suid.) a fish-name (Stromberg 1943:
101); -dd¢ec: ai bec, Eoynpatiopéevwe ‘wild swine’ (H.). Further ov-etoc (X. et al.), -1voc
(vl. in X.) ‘of a swine’, -wSr¢ ‘swinish, gluttonous, beastly (Plu., Philostr. et al.). ov-
dopat ‘to become a swine’ (VIP). Unclear ovijAat- tortor BopBopwdetc “miry places’
(H.); on » od~Eds ‘pig-sty’ s.v.
eETYM The inherited form is tc (= Lat. sis) < PIE *suHs. The initial o- of otc is
somehow secondary, perhaps after » oiadog ‘fatting pig’; alternatively, it is a LW
from another IE language, or derives from an otherwise unattested cognate of Lith.
kiaulé ‘swine’ (it is senseless to adduce owdovc; tc [H.], as von Blumenthal 1930: 4sf.
does). Not an onomatopoeia, as per West Glotta 76 (1998): 232f.
ovotades ‘vines planted densely’ (Arist., inscr. IV*); also a ‘water container’. <GR>
eVAR Also Ev-, see s.v.
*ETYM From ovviotapal; cf. maotac from napiotapa.
ov@aka yAedKoc ‘new wine’ (H.). <?>
DER ovgaxiferv- onwpiterv ‘gather fruit’ (H.).
*ETYM Unknown.
oveap [n. indecl.] ‘wrinkled skin’ (Sophr., Call. Luc. et al.), also personified ‘wrinkled,
decrepit person’ (Lyc.), ‘skin of a snake’ (Luc.), ‘skin on milk’ (sch. Nic. Al. 91, H.)
<PG?>
1426 ovpeds
*ETYM Traditionally compared with Lat. siber ‘cork-oak, cork’, in spite of the .
semantic difficulties. If correct, we are dealing with borrowings from a common
source. Acc. to Pisani RILomb. 73:2 (1939-40): 27, it is related to bpeap ‘mistletoe’,
but semantically this is hardly probable.
od@eds [m.] ‘pigsty’ (Od., Parth., Gp.). <2
*VAR Also -etod k 389 with metrical lengthening at verse end; cf. Chantraine 1942:
104. Also ovgdc (Lyc., Poll.), -ev [m.] ‘id.’ (Agath., Gp.), after avdp(e)ov, etc.
eETYM For the ending, cf. gwAedc ‘lair’, etc. Probably derived from otc, but the
details are unclear. See > odc.
ovx voc [adj.] ‘numerous, many, much, wide, léng’ (IA). <?>
*DER ovxv-dixtc [adv.] ‘frequently, often’ (Luc.), -ewv, -ewvoc [m.] ‘thicket’ (Aq.),
-aCw = BapiCw (EM) with -acpa [n.] (Poll.).
*ETYM No etymology.
o@ayvos [m.] name of a bush, = éAeXiogakov, domdhkaBoc (Diocl. Fr., Dsc.). <PG(V)>
*ETYM Fur.: 124 compares o@dxog ‘sage-apple, salvia; tree-moss’ and @ayvoc ‘salvia’
(gloss.) and @aoxov ‘kind of moss (Thphr., padoxog H.). Given these variants, the
word is Pre-Greek.
ogadatw [v.] ‘to flounce, rear (of horses), be uneasy, twitch’ (Hp., trag, X, Plb., Plu. et
al.); avacpaddatev: avamndav, avahAopat, haxtiCetv ‘to leap or spring up, kick with
the heel’ (H.). <?>
eVAR Only pres. and ipf.
*DER o~ad-aopds [m.] ‘flouncing, twisting’ (PI.), -aottKa@c ‘flouncing’ (Eust.).
*ETYM Hdn. Gr. 2, 929 recommends a form ogadalw (-d0w), like pata {w, which
may be hypercorrect. An expressive word without a convincing explanation. For
comparison, > o@odpdc, Pogedavec, Popevddvn, and mapdvdvdoc have been
adduced, but ondw, ona5av may also be considered; cf. opadaoyidc: oTaopc, Kai TA
&pto.a (H.). In the latter case, the variation points to substrate origin.
o@atw [v.] ‘to slaughter (by cutting the throat), kill, sacrifice’ (Il.). <PG?>
eVAR -dttw (Boeot,; late Att. also -455w, see Schwyzer: 715), aor. opaEat (I1.), pass.
ogayfvat (IA, etc.), -xOfjvat (Pi, Hdt., E. [lyr.] etc.), fut. opdw (E. et al.), pass.
-yrooptat (Att.), perf. med. Eogaypat (Od.), act. Eopaka (late).
*COMP Often with prefix, especially ano-, ém-, kata-.
*DER ogay-1] (dta-, kata-) [f.] ‘slaughter, killing; throat’ (trag., Att. prose, etc.), -ittc
‘of the throat’ (medic., Arist.), -evc [m.] ‘slaughterer; sacrificial knife’ (S., E., And., D.
etc.).
oay-tog ‘belonging to the slaughter, killing’ (Hp. S. [lyr.] etc.); opay-tov (mpo-),
mostly pl. -ta [n.] ‘victim, oblation, especially before a battle’ (IA) with -1daCoptau,
-taw ‘to slaughter, sacrifice’ (IA), -taoptdc [m.] (E. [lyr], Plu. et al.).
ogay-ic [f.] ‘slaughter knife, sacrificial knife’ (E. et al.), also referring to opayn;
-idiov (Suid.); but ém-o@ay-ic ‘nape of the neck, where the axe strikes’ and mapa-
ogay-ic ‘part next to the throat’ (Poll.). opay-eiov [n.] ‘sacrificial bowl’ (A., E., Ar.,
inscr.), derived form ogay-1 or -evc, also o@ay-totiptov (sch.). opaypa [n.] ‘the
OPakEdos 1 1427
killing’ (sch.), also with prefix in e.g. mpdoqay-tia (A, E. et al.). Late opax-tyg¢ [m.]
‘murderer’, in compounds, e.g. with kadayto- ‘one who kills with a pin’ (Ph.), with
-TLKT] [laxatpa (Zonar.); opak-trp [m.] ‘murderer’, only with dia- and yytapo- (AP);
-tpta [f.] ‘sacrificial priestess’ (Ael.). opdax-tpov [n.] ‘sacrificial tax’ (Palmyra II,
Poll.).
As a second element -o@dé, e.g. in dia-a@ae, -dyos [f.] ‘rip, split, chasm’ (Hdt. et al.),
also -ogay-ia [f.], e.g. Boo- ‘the killing of oxen’ (API).
*ETYM The attested formations are productive, so they can all be derived from either
the verb opatw, opaEat or from a nominal root ogay-. No cognates outside Greek;
Fur.: 300 connects » pacyavov as paoy-/opay-, which remains uncertain.
ogaipa [f.] ‘sphere, ball, balls in a boxing-glove, globe’ (Od.). <?>
*COMP E.g. ogatpo-etdijg ‘spherical’ (IA), éni-oqatpa [n. pl.] ‘leather coating (mostly
of boxing balls), boxing-gloves’ (Plb., Plu.).
DER o~atp-nddov ‘like a ball, sphere’ (N 204 et al.). Diminutive -iov (Pl. Ep., Hell. and
late). o@atp-evdc [m.] the young men of Sparta, named after their boxing-gloves
(Paus., inscr.). o@atp-txdg (Archyt., Arist, etc.), -etog (comm. Arist.) [adj.]
‘spherical’; -ittc ‘cypress’ (< *conical’?) (Gal.). cpaip-wv, -@voc [m.] ‘round fishing-
net’ (Opp.), -itw (avtt-, dta-, ovv-) ‘to play ball’ (Att.); patpidderv- opatpiverv ‘id,’
(H.), hence -totc (Arist.), -toptd¢ (Artem.), -topa (Eust.) ‘ball-game’, -totr¢ ‘ball-
player’, -totiKdc ‘belonging to a ball-game’, -totiptov ‘ball court, ball house’, -iotpa
‘id’ (Hell. and late). c@atp-dopcu, -dw ‘to be round, round off, to provide with a
round edge’ (X., Arist. Hell. and late), also with dmo-, dta-, év-; hence -wyta ‘rounded
body’ (Arist. et al.), -wotc ‘a spherical shape’ (late), -wtrp, -fjpoc [m.] ‘knob, bulb vel
sim. (Tab. Heracl., Hell. pap.); see Solmsen IF 31 (1912/13): 492ff. Lat. spaerita [m.]
kind of cake (Cato; Leumann Sprache 1 (1949): 206) probably derives from an
unattested *oaip-itne.
eETYM The formation is like that of »neipa, >» oneipa, > tLoipa, etc. No cognates
outside Greek. Sometimes connected to onaipw ‘to flaunce’, but the semantics are
hardly convincing, and the initial cluster remains unexplained. The word ogaipa
was borrowed into Syr. éspérd, Ethiop. spir (Schwyzer: 159 and 161), and Arm. sp‘er
(>> Georg. spero; Bailey TPS 1945: 28).
o@axedog 1 [m.] ‘caries, gangrene, necrosis’ (Hp., Gal.), also ‘twitching pain, cramp’
(A. Pr. 878, 1045, E. Hipp. 1352). <?>
*DER ogaked-wdnc ‘gangrenous’ (medic.), opakediCw (émt-, dmo-) ‘to suffer from
caries or gangrene’ (Hdt. Hp., etc.), rarely ‘to suffer from a twitching pain, cramp’
(Cratin., Pherecr., Plu.), with -topdc [m.] ‘caries, gangrene’ (Hp., Arist, Thphr.), cf.
Strémberg 1937: 191, ‘heavy pain’ (Stoic.), ‘epilepsy’ (Hippiatr.); éru-, amo-opakéAtotc
[f.] ‘gangrene’ (Hp.).
eETYM Formation like oxdémeAoc, mbeoc, etc. from an unknown root. The word was
originally a medical expression, acc. to Chantraine 1933: 244. Starting from a
meaning ‘convulsions (of pain)’, Persson seeks to connect MHG spachen ‘to split’,
LG spaken ‘burst, putrefy’, etc., which can hardly be correct. Cf. » cpdkoc, > o@né,
and > paKedoc.
1428 OTTAKEAOG 2
ondKehog 2 [m.] ‘middle finger’ (sch. Pl. Ti. 84 B, Phot.). < PG(v)>
eVAR Also ogaxtj\oc or @-.
eETYM Pre-Greek in view of the variation.
o@pakos [m.] ‘sage’ (com., Thphr.). <PG(v)>
eDIAL Myc. pa-ko-we, on which see Morpurgo Davies 1963 s.v.
*COMP ogaKwdne ‘rich in sage’ (H.). On » éAehio@akos, see s.v.
eETYM Of unclear origin. Solmsen 1909 connects o@dakedoc, which is possible. Cf.
further » pdoxoc. According to Fur.: 124, it is related to opdyvoc, payvos, etc., which
would point to Pre-Greek origin.
opadAw, -opat [v.] ‘to bring down, ruin, mislead’, med. ‘to go down, be ruined, be
mistaken’ (IA). <IE *(s)g”"h,el->
eVAR Aor. ogijat (Il), Dor. opaAct (Pi.), pass. opad-fvat (-OFAvat Gal.), intr. -at
(LXX; Schwyzer: 756), fut. -@, pass. -roopat, perf. med. ~ogad-ttct (1A), act. -Ka
(Plb.).
eCOMP Also with prefix, e.g. @7to-, 7tapa-.
*DER o@ah-epdc ‘slippery, treacherous, staggering’ (IA), -pa [n.] ‘fall, accident,
misstep, mistake’ (IA), -udc [m.] ‘id’ (Aq.), hence -fjoat (amo-) ‘to stumble’ (Plb.)
and o@ad-[ld- oKipta, opaAdeTat ‘springs, is tripped up’ (H.). opdd-otc (ava-, Ttepi-,
cytgi-) [f.] ‘fall, accident’ (Hp. Vett. Val.), opad-tmg¢ [m.] epithet of Dionysus “he
who ruins” (Lyc.). d-ogaA-i¢ (also ént-, mept-, apt-oadArs etc.), ntr. -é¢, adv. -(€)we
‘not falling, not staggering, firm, safe, reliable’ (I1.), -eta [f.] (Att.), -iGoptau, -ifw (Hell.
and late), all deverbal. The hapax opdAocg [n.] (trag. POxy. 676, 16) is uncertain. See
also on » do@aAtoc, which may have been folk-etymologically adapted.
eETYM The derivational patterns are the same as those of e.g. » 1dA\w and » oKahAw.
Traditionally connected to Skt. skhdlate, -ti ‘sumble, stagger, err’, Arm. sxalem, -im
‘id.’ Rix 1976: 31 (also LIV? s.v. *(s)g’"h,el-) reconstructs *sg’"h,el- with Siebs’ Law,
which seems a good possibility. Attempts to connect the root to that of » omoAd¢ and
> dordAaé are unfruitful, because the initial clusters do not match.
opands [m.] ‘foot block’ (Epich., Poll., H.), ‘disc’ (Poll. H.). <PG?>
*DERogahitw ‘to fetter’ in go~adtCev (Phot.), -tEev (H.).
eETYM A technical expression; hardly identical with Latv. spals ‘grip, handle’ and
PGm. *spal- ‘cross-beam, rundle (of a ladder etc.)’ (ON spglr [m.], MHG, ME spale),
which reflect *spol-. Fur.: 351 connects opéAac, and considers the words to be Pre-
Greek, which is possible.
ogapayéopat [v.] ‘to crackle, sizzle’ (1 390), ‘to teem, be full to bursting’ (t 440). <IE
*sb'rh,(e)g- ‘burst, crackle’>
eVAR Only ipf. opapayedvto; also o~apayitw in éopapdayiCov ‘excited (with noise)’
(Hes. Th. 706), -iCet- Bpovta, tapattet, yooei ‘thunders, disturbs, sounds’ (H.).
*DER O@dpayoc = woos ‘sound’ (H.); furthermore only as a second member, e.g.
épl-opapayos ‘with loud noise’ (h. Merc. et al.), Bapv-opapayos ‘with dull noise’
(Pi).
oévdattvog 1429
*ETYM Perhaps of Indo-European origin (for the formation, cf. optapayéw), with
cognates in Skt. sphiirjati, -dyati ‘to crackle, drone’, OE sprecan, OHG sprehhan ‘to
speak’, etc.; Skt. sphirjati ‘break up’, Lith. sprégti ‘to burst, explode’ are probably also
related (see s.v. Pomapydw). These have been taken to reflect *sprh.g-, but the
aspirate in Greek and Sanskrit rather points to *sb'rh,g-. Cf. » oppayic.
opapaylyloc [m.] - Bpdyxoc, tpdyndoc, houtdc, yo@os ‘throat, neck, plague, sound’
(H.), = papvyé ‘throat’ (Apion apud Phot.).
eETYM See s.v. » Goapayos 1.
ogedavoc [adj.] ‘violent, vehement’ (II. [-6v adv.], Xenoph., Hell. epic, AP). <?>
*DER Next to opodpdc, adv. -pa, -pdc ‘id’ ({t 124) with opodp-dtn¢ [f.] ‘violence,
vehemence’ (PI, X. et al.), -bvoptat, -bvw ‘to become, make violent, vehement’ (A. Pr.
1011, Ph., Plu. et al.), also with ém-, after the opposite mpatvoua, see Fraenkel 1906:
37; opodp-dopat ‘id.’ (Ph. v.1., Gal.).
eETYM The formation of opedavoc is similar to that of &6avdc, oteyavdc, oKeTtavoc,
iSavoc, etc. (Chantraine 1933: 196f., Schwyzer: 48of.). Together with ogodpdc,
ogedavocg may reflect a heteroclitic r/n-stem (Benveniste 1935: 20), but this is
uncertain. Possible Greek cognates are » opaddlw and bP ogevddvn.
ogeic [pron.] ‘they, them(selves)’ <IE *se- ‘oneself >
eVAR anaphoric and reflexive 3 pl. Forms: ntr. o@éa, acc. Att. opac, lon. Hom. ogéac,
Aeol. Hom. Dor. oge, Cret. Syrac. we, gen. og@v, Ion. Hom. ogéwv, Hom. also
ogeiwv, dat. ogiot(v), Aeol. Ion. Hom. Dor. ogt(v), Cret. Syrac. yev, Lac. etc. @tv,
(ogi(v), oge also 38g.); epic 3du. ous, -iv, 2du. opal, -iv, Att. opw, CPV.
*DER Hence the possessive pron. opétepoc, opwitepos (Il.), epic also ods ‘their’
(rarely reflexive), with ogetepi{opat, -ifw ‘to make one’s own’ (Att. Hell. and late),
-LO[LOG, -LoTIC (Arist.).
eETYM The oldest forms were probably *o-get and o-@t(v), with o- a zero grade of IE
*se- (Lat. si-bi, Osc. si-fet, OCS se-bé). The forms oge, ogeic, opac, opav, etc. were
created in analogy to duu(v), Gye, npeic, etc; giv and wiv developed irregularly
from o@tv with loss of o- and metathesis, respectively. See further Schwyzer: 6ooff.
and Chantraine 1942: 266ff., 273.
ogekAapas glass-maker of special glass (L. Robert 1969: 93-932).<LW Lat.>
eETYM Derived from o7téx\ov ‘speculum’, which itself is a borrowing from Lat.
speculum.
ogéXas [n.] ‘footstool’ (p 231, o 394, A. R. 1159), ‘socle’ (Delos VI*), ‘log?’ (Nic. Th.
644). <PG?>
*DER Diminutive ogeXioxov [n.] ‘stool’(?) (Samos IV*). Hypostasis émt-oged-itnc: 6
Opavitig ‘the top-rower (i.e., in a trireme)’ (H.).
eETYM Fur.: 351 concludes from the possible connection with » opaddc that the word
is Pre-Greek.
ogéevdattvos [f.] ‘maple, Acer monspessulanum’ (Thphr., Dicaiarch.). < PG>
VAR Note onévdattvov-: EdAov ‘wood’ (H.).
1430 opevddvy
*DER -\vog ‘of maple’ (Cratin., Ar.).
*ETYM Formation like diktapvov, padapvos, etc. Often connected to opevddvn ‘sling
etc.’, either through a meaning ‘trembling’ or after the form of the seeds (Carnoy
Ant. class. 27 (1958): 318 and Carnoy REGr. 71 (1958): 99). Fur: 164 compares
onévSapvov: EvAov (beside dxactoc: opévdapvoc and Kdotov: EbAov [H.]). The
word is probably Pre-Greek (Schwyzer: 524, Alessio Studi etruschi 15 (1941): 177). See
also Amigues RPh. 73 (1999): 102f.
ogevdovn [f.] ‘sling’, from wool, hair, animal sinews, etc., often metaph. of sling-like
objects, eg. ‘bandage, headband, case on a ring, white of the eye’ (Il.); also ‘throw,
missile’ (Ar, X.), referring to opevSovaw. <PE>
eCOMP Rarely as a second member, eg. BeAo-ogevddvn ‘arrow-sling, fire-missile’
(Plu.).
*DER ogevdov-tt1¢; Boeot. -atac [m.] ‘slinger’ (Hdt., Th. et al.), -ntikr (téxvn) ‘the
art of slinging’ (Pl.), -nddv ‘like a sling’ (sch. EM); -aiav. opevddvny, i tiv
ogpayida ‘sling, signet’ (H.). Denominative verb opevdov-dw ‘to sling’ (IA), also
with ano-, dta-, éx-; thence -notc [f.] (Hp., Pl. et al.). Similarly opevdov-itw ‘id’ (Ps.-
Callisth.), -tot\¢ [m.] (Them.).
*ETYM Formation like ayyovn, mepdvn, BeAdvr. No convincing etymology; most
often connected within Greek to opedavoc, cpodpdc, opadalw, and to Skt. spandate
‘to pull, beat out’ (Pok. 989). Further often compared with Lat. funda ‘leather strap,
sling’, which would point to a common loan from a Mediterranean or Anatolian
source (E-M s.v. funda). This source is likely to have been Pre-Greek.
Ol}, CMNVOs [m.] ‘wedge’ (A. Pr. 64, Ar., Arist. Hell. pap.). <?>
*COMP Some compounds, eg. opnvd-movc, -modoc ‘with wedge-shaped feet’, of
khivn (Ceos V*), érti-o@nvoc ‘wedge-shaped’ (Lebadeia), see Strémberg 1946: 100;
avti-ogryv ‘counter-wedge’ (Ph. Bel.).
*DER Diminutives o@nv-ioxoc [m.] (Hp. et al.), -dpiov [n.] (late medic.), uncertain
-ic, -iStov (Hero). Further ogaviov: kXtvidtov ‘small couch’ and év ogaviw: év
kAtvapiw ‘in bedsteads’ (H.); but mapa-oerv-tov [n.] ‘side-block for wedging’ (Hell.
inscr. and pap.). opnv-doual, -dw ‘to be wedged, to wedge (in) (Arist., medic. Hell.
and late), often with, e.g. dmo-, dia-, tapa-; oprjvwots (amo-, dta-, ém-) [f.] ‘wedging
in’ (medic. et al.), amoogrv-wya [n.] “wedge-shaped block’ (pap. II).
*ETYM The form ogy reflects *opav, *opavo-, or *oga-nv (cf. opaviov and Cean
opnvortous < *opav-). The traditional identification with a PGm. *spén-u- ‘chip’
(OHG span, OE spon, ON spdnn, spénn) must be given up because the labials do not
match. The same goes for the connection with Skt. sphyd- [m.] ‘shoulder-blade’,
Khot. phvai ‘spade, shovel’, which are rather related to » oman (see s.v.). The word
ogi therefore remains without an etymology.
on, -NKdc [m.] ‘wasp’ CIL.). <PG?(v)>
eVAR Dor. (Theoc.) -a«dc [m.].
*DER opnk-ta [f.] ‘wasp-nest’ (S., E, Ar, LXX et al.), see Scheller 1951: 68, -iov [n.]
‘comb in a wasp-nest’ (Arist., Thphr. et al.), cf. also émt-o@rk-tov [n.] of unknown
meaning (Delos III*). opnk-ioxoc [m.] ‘pointed wood, rafter, etc.’ (Ar., Arist., inscr.
ogiyyw 1431
et al.), -ia¢ [m.] ‘id.’ (Pherecr.), also name of a verse (Ps.-Plu.), cf. opnkixdc,
opnkwdnc. opnk-etov [n.] ‘wasp-like insect’ (Nic.), -eta [f.] old name of the island
Cyprus (Lyc., H.).
Further in the adjectives opnk-tkdc ‘wasp-like’, name of a verse (Eust.) and -wén¢
‘id’ (Ar. et al.), also name of a verse (sch.). We further find a denominative verb
onk-dopat ‘to be contracted, bound in the middle’, -6w ‘to contract, bind’ (P 52,
Ar., Hell. and late epic, late prose), often with prefix, e.g. amo-, dia-, é7t-; thence
-wua [n.] ‘point of a helmet’ (S., Ar.), ‘cord, cable’ (pap. III’, etc.). Rarer derivatives
are opnktopidc eidoc abAnoews, eipnpévov and thc gupepeiag THv Bopt<P>wv ‘an
imitation of the buzzing of a wasp on the flute’ (H.), -iwoic: knpia ognk@v
‘honeycombs of wasps’ (H.), the unclear ognkdg = opnkwong (S. Fr. 29), o@nkdc
Adqov: TO Akpov tod Adgov kTA. ‘the summit of a hill, etc’ (H.) and ogrjKn [n.pl.] of
unknown meaning (pap. III*).
*ETYM For the formation, cf. » udppin—§ and »oKwAné. A comparison with o@rjv
‘wedge’ seems attractive, but is morphologically impossible. Persson 1912(1): 396
hesitantly compares odxeAoc, referring to the constricted body of the wasp; one
may also think of the sting of a bee, but again the formal side of the derivation
remains unclear. The word has also been connected to wiv ‘gall-insect’ (see Fur.:
393). This comparison points to Pre-Greek origin (w-/o@-), which seems most
attractive. Connection with yijv ‘to rub’ cannot be proven.
ogiyyw [v.] ‘to bind, embrace, jam in’ (since Emp., A. Pr. 58). <PG(V)>
*VAR Aor. ogiykat, ogryxSijvau, fut. ogiyEw, perf. med. Eotypial; non-pres. forms
almost only Hell. and late.
*COMP Often with prefix, eg. mept-, ovv-, ém-.
*DER Verbal adjective oryktéc ‘bound’ (AP, Opp. et al.). otyx-trp [m.] ‘that which
binds’ (AP, Nonn.), ‘contractile muscle closing an aperture’ (medic. et al.), also =
X'twv. Tapavtivot ‘tunic (Tarantiniany (H.); -twp of reins (AP); -tn¢ = kivatdoc
(Cratin., H.).
opiyktc (and-, dia-, nepi-), also and-o@uktc [f.] ‘the binding’ (medic. et al.). og{ypia
(b16-) [n.] ‘obstruction’ (Hero, medic.).
*ETYM The pres. ogiyyw has been taken to be the oldest form, and the nasal-less
forms Eoptytat, ogiyta and artdagiktc to be secondary. It is possible, however, that
the variation is due to Pre-Greek prenasalization. Borrowed as Lat. spinter ‘bracelet’
spintria ‘male prostitute’ (because of the contractile muscle of the anus).
Lis, -tyydc [f.] ‘sphinx’ (Hdt.,, A. E, etc.), also name of a monkey (Agatharch. et
al.). <PG(S, V)>
VAR Further acc. Mixa [f.] (Hes. Th. 326, vill. Zpika, Diyya, Lpiyya), Veit, -Kdc
(Choerob,; also Thess. inscr. VII*?); Bikac: Zeiyyac (H.).
ae avdpd-ogty— [m.] ‘male sphinx’ (Hdt.), ogryyé-novg ‘with sphinx-feet’
ell.).
*DER ogtyy-iov [n.] ‘kind of monkey’ (Plin,, inscr. Praeneste), meaning unclear (Luc.
Apol. 1); -idtov [n.] ‘little sphinx’ (inscr.).
1432 opides
sETYM The by-forms Pika, Zpixa as well as plyya = ogiyya (Pl. Cra. 414d) point to
substrate origin. Cf. also the TN Pixiov 6poc north of Thebes (von Wilamowitz 1931:
269). The word may have been connected with ogiyyw ‘to bind’ by popular
etymology. On the possibility of an Egyptian loan, see Mac Creedy Glotta 46 (1968):
250.
ogides [2] xopdai payeipcai ‘tripe fit for cookery’ (H.). <PG>
sETYM Reminiscent of Lat. fidés ‘cords of a lyre’; cf. E-M s.v. They were probably
borrowed from the same Mediterranean language.
GEQdyyOS —ondyyos. %
oodpa, -d¢ =ogedavic.
sovdvAn [f.] ‘kind of beetle which lives on the roots of plants and emits a strong
smell when attacked’ (Ar., Arist. [v.l. onovd-], Thphr.). < PG(S)>
*VAR onoVSUAT; f yaAF map’ Atttkoic ‘weasel (Attic) (H.).
seTYM For the formation, cf. xop5vAn, oxevS0An etc. Formally close to opdvdbA0G
‘vertebra’, but no semantic connection can be established. Borrowed as Lat.
sphondyle, -lum, -lium. The word contains the Pre-Greek suffix -vA-.
ogévdiXog [m.] “(cervical) vertebra’, metaph. ‘a tambour in a column, spindle-whorl’
(Ar, PL, Arist, inscr., etc.). <PG(S, v)>
eVAR Also (non-Att.) ondvdvdoc, often as a vl. beside og- (Pherecr. Hp., Arist. et
al.; details in Hiersche 1964: 204).
«COMP agovSvho-ivytos ‘spun with the spindle-whorl’ (AP), TOAV-PdvdvA0G
‘with many whorls’ (Luc.).
*DER ogovdvA-ov [n.] ‘cervical vertebra’ (Y 483, Antim.), plant name ‘common
medicinal herb, Heracleum sphondylium’ (Dsc. et al.). ogovdva-ic [f.] ‘id’ (Ps.-
Dsc.), -detc ‘consisting of whorls’ (Man.), -6n¢ ‘whorl-like’ (sch.). éx-cgovdviilw
‘to break a vertebra’ (LXX, EM). .
eETYM Formation like K6vévA0c, SaxtvAos, probably first from a noun *apdvdoc.
Sometimes connected with words like » opev66vn, ropedavec, and ragadalw,
supposedly containing a verbal root ‘to jerk vel sim.’, but this is mere speculation.
The variation on/og- points to Pre-Greek origin.
ogpayic, oppnyic, -t50¢ [f.] ‘seal, seal of a state, impression of a seal, signet, seal-ring,
cut stone’ (IA), ‘sealed field-plot’ (pap.). For extensive discussion on the mg. of
ogpayic, see Diehl 1938 (with lit.); also Kenna JHS 81 (1961): 99ff., Kranz RAM 104
(1961): 3ff., 97f. <PG(S)>
DER Diminutive ogpayidiov [n.] (Ar. Thphr., inscr.). Denominative verbs oppay-
iw, -(Copta ‘to provide with a seal, seal, signet, stamp, confirm’ (IA), often with
prefix, e.g. ém-, Kata-, ovv-; thence -top1a (avtt-, amto-, ék-) [n.] ‘impression of a seal,
sealed document’ (E, X., Hell, late); 1opd¢ (Em-, Tapa-, nmepi-) [m.] ‘sealing,
confirmation’ (Hell. and late); év-, émt-oppay-tatc [m.] ‘sealing’ (late); -torrriptov [n.]
‘seal, stamp’ (pap.); -totrig (27tt-, dt0-) [m.] ‘sealer, witness’ (Plu., Luc., pap. et al.).
ogtpa 1433
Z@payidiov, the name of a cave (4vtpov) of prophesying nymphs on the Cithairon
(Paus. 9, 3, 5), where the viugat Zppayitidec live (Plu. Arist. 11).
eETYM Formation like kAnjic, kvnpic, etc., which points to a secondary derivative. The
Zpayitidec vbjtpat were connected to » opapayéoptat by Lobeck 1837: 51°°. Prellwitz
1892 s.v. suggested connection with Lith. sproga ‘crevice’, sprogti ‘to explode, burst’
Though formally possible, these etymologies are rightly called fsemian tically
enigmatic” by DELG. Fur.: 324” takes the word to be Pre-Greek because of the suffix
-15-. This is possible; DELG remarks that the use of the saw in the Aegean is pre-
Hellenic.
ogptyaw [v.] ‘to be full to bursting’ especially of women’s breasts, metaph. ‘to be
swollen with passion or pride’, more generally ‘ i BL tale te?
> y ‘to brim with vitality (Hp., A. Pr.
E., Pl.). <PG?> PEP AP r 282,
eVAR Only pres. stem, especially ptc.
*DER Backformation ogpiyoc [n.] ‘power, strength’ (Hermipp.), -wdnc¢ ‘teeming’
(Orib.), -avdc ‘teeming, swelling’ (Theoc. 11, 21 v. 1, Hp. apud Tim. Lex., Poll. sch.).
*ETYM Intensive formation in -4w (Schwyzer: 719). Hardly related to MoNw. dial
sprikja, MoSw. dial. sprika ‘to unyoke, spread out, split apart, etc... The word ont
ameai, dpyai ‘boasts, anger’ (H.) must also belong here, with irregular loss of -y-.
Fur.: 175 compares Celtic *brigos ‘power, courage, liveliness’; beside ogptai, he
adduces (168) Bpt, Bpidw, (247) Bpytdw, (375) SBpttoc, and Bpitidc, which would
suggest substrate origin.
*oegvdow [v.] only in €o~vdwpévoc (Timocl. 29) ‘stuffed with food’. <?>
“DER ogvdav- ioyupdc, edpwotoc, oKAnpds ‘strong, stout, hard’ and déta-cpvddoar-
avtijoat ‘to increase’ (H.).
eETYM A rare word of which the meaning is only roughly known; no etymology.
oegrtiw [v.] ‘to beat violently’, of th ; i ing’
jet Sees y e pulse, ‘to twitch, rush to something’ (Hp., Pl.
eVAR Dor. (Theoc.) opbodu, only pres. and ipf.
*DER opvy-[dc [m.] ‘pulse, heartbeat, twitch’ (Hp., Arist, Plu. et al.), with -pwd1¢
and -patwdng (as if from *opbypa) ‘twitching like a pulse’ (Arist., medic. et al.).
ogvy-[uKdc ‘of the pulse’ (medic.); opvéic [f.] ‘id’ (Arist., Gal.). d-opuK-toc ‘without
pulse-beat, easy’, hence d-oepux-Téw ‘to have no pulse’, dové-ia ‘stopping of the
ae. a [f.] ‘id’ (medic.). Newly-formed present opvttw ‘to strive
*ETYM In form and meaning, opt(w resembles o—addatw and onevdw. No etymology.
ogipa [f.] ‘hammer, beetle’ (y 434, Hes. Op. 425, Hdt., A. com, Arist.), metaph. ‘ridge
between two furrows’ (Poll. 7, 145), as a measure (Daulis II’), = tig omopitiov yijc TO
|lETPOV, OLLO-c~PVpOG = OpLoxwpoc ‘neighboring’ (H.); name of a fish (H.), cf
optpatva below. <?> ~
*COMP E.g. ogup-tAatoc ‘wrought with the hammer, thorough’ (Hdt, Pi. A., Pl
etc.), with -éw (Ph.). mad
1434 ogpupabia, etc.
*DER Diminutive oup-iov [n.] (Hell.), optp-atva [f.] name of a fish, bicuda (Stratt.,
Arist. etc.), after its shape (Strémberg 1943: 35); -1)66v ‘hammer-like’ (Philostr.);
-woic [f.] ‘the hammering, forging’ (Didyma II*), = didpootc (H.), -fpata: ta
odripia, Sti od xettat ‘grappling-iron, because it does not melt’ (H.).
*ETYM Frisk s.v. connects this etymon to » ogaipa ‘ball etc.’, in which case the latter
would reflect QIE *sg”'ur-ih, vs. optpa < *sgur-V-. This seems far-fetched,
especially since the semantic connection is not evident. The etymology of opipa
thus remains unclear.
ogpupabia, etc. =ontpaGot.
o@upic ~orupic.
ogupov [n.] ‘ankle, foot-joint’ (Il.), metaph. ‘the lower part of a mountain’ (Pi., Theoc.
etal.). <?>
*COMP tavvt-o@upos ‘with slender ankles’ (h. Cer., Hes.), émt-opbp-ta [n.pl.] ‘ankle-
buckles’ (II.).
*DER o~updopat [v.] ‘to tie one’s ankle-buckles, put on one’s laced boots’ (Carm.
Pop. 7); -wtip, -fjpos [m.] ‘shoe-strap’ (LXX), see Solmsen IF 31 (1912/13): 492ff.
*ETYM The traditional etymology connecting this word with Skt. sphurdti ‘to push
away with the foot’, etc. cannot be maintained, because the labials are incompatible.
The variant opvdpa [pl.] (Act. Ap. 3, 7, pap. III’, H., gloss.) is unexplained (hardly
after opodpdc ‘violent, vehement’, pace Frisk s.v.).
OPO, CPW >ogEIc.
oxadwv, -dvog [f.] ‘hatch or honey-cell’, plur. ‘honeycomb’ (com., Arist., Theoc., pap.
III*), ‘larva (of bees or wasps)’ (Arist.), = KuBevtixdg Bddoc ‘throw of a dice’ (H.).
<>
VAR Also accented oxddwv, gen. also -wvoc, -ovtog (Arist.).
eETYM Perhaps from oxd(w ‘to make an incision, let flow’, as is traditionally
assumed, but the semantics of this etymology are vague.
oxatw [v.] ‘to make an incision, tear open, open a vein, let (the blood) flow, let
something take its course, release, drop, abandon’ (Hp., X., Arist., etc.). <IE? *skeh,-
‘split’?>
eVAR Also oxaw (Hp., com., Arist. et al.), mostly aor. oyaoa (Pi, B., Hp., E., com.,
X., Arist. Hell. and late) with pass. cxao0-ijvat, fut. pass. -roopat, act. oxaow, perf.
mid. géoyaopcu (in oxaopévn as a plant name; see Strémberg 1940: 43).
eCOMP Also with prefix, e.g. dmo-, Kata-.
*DER 1. Oxdolc (4n6-, kata-) [f.] ‘the tearing, bloodletting, release’ (medic., Ph. Bel.).
2. oxaopa (katd-) [n.] ‘incision, release’ (Hp., Dsc., Ph. Bel.). 3. kata-cyaopds [m.]
‘draft’ (medic.). 4. oxaotip = Lat. tendicula (gloss.); katag[x]aotHp mg. unknown
(IG 11(2), 165: 11 [Delos III*}). 5. oxaotnp-ia [f.] ‘trigger, release in mechanisms, etc.’
(Arist, Ph. Bel., Hero, Plb., etc.); -tov [n.] ‘lancet’ (Hippiatr.).
eETYM Usually an original meaning ‘make an incision, tear open’ is assumed, whence
‘open, let loose, etc.’; the word would be characteristic for the language of physicians.
oxedia 1435
A basic meaning ‘let loose’ vel sim. seems possible as well, in which case the common
professional expression @AéBa oydoat would have a direct correspondence in MLG
(also MoDu.) dderlaten ‘let blood’, lit. ‘let the vein’. As the whole formal system is
clearly built on the aor. oydoat, from which oyd(w, oxdw and all other verbal and
nominal forms are derived, this form should be the starting point for the etymology.
Certain correspondences outside Greek have not yet been found. The word oxéw is
generally compared with Skt. chyati (anu-, ava-, vi-, etc.), ptc. cha-ta-, chi-td-, caus.
chay-dyati (IE *skeh,-, *skh,-i-) ‘to split, hurt’, especially of the skin (on the meaning,
see Hoffmann MSS 19 (1964): 61ff.; on the phonetics, Hiersche 1964: 103f., 214f.).
Although the connection is semantically unobjectionable, it should be remarked that
of the Skt. verb forms, the non-presentic finite forms (e.g. the full grade s-aorist a-
chd-s-it) occur only in grammarians. Further combinations, e.g. that with Lat. sci6,
remain hypothetical. The form oxdoat is a Greek innovation (perhaps a cross of
oxioat and édoat, yahdaoat vel sim.)? Note that oy- cannot be directly explained from
the assumed IE form.
oxanic [f.] ‘fork used as a support for erected hunting-nets’ (X,, Poll.). <PG?>
eVAR Gen. -[60c.
*DER oyaAid-wua ‘id.’ (Poll.).
eETYM Technical word in -ic like »oavic (further references s.v.), Soxic, etc; base
form unknown. One might connect oxadic ‘mattock’ (see > oKdAAW); cf. the gloss
oxahidec: 6’ Gv oxafovat ta Siktva dpa gotta ‘by which fishing nets standing
upright are torn open’ (H.). Alternatively, was it influenced by oxeiv ‘to hold’? Cf.
the synonym > ortd\t. The explanations do not convince; the technical word may
instead be of Pre-Greek origin.
oxaNioat [v.] Onrdoat, Kai dvioxahov 16 atoKoV Kai &OAactov ‘to suckle; a childless
or barren [animal] is also called avioyahov, i.e. without milk’ (H.). <2
*ETYM Unknown.
OxXEdaptov °VAR oxXéd1ov. ox ilw.
oxédnv [adv.] ‘slowly, easily’ (X. Plu.). <GR>
*ETYM Taken with oyeiv as “holding back”; opposite avédryv. Cf. » oxeddv.
oxedia [f.] 1. ‘raft’ (Od, Att, Hell. pap.), ‘pontoon bridge’ (Hdt., A. lyr.]), ‘frame’
(Ath. Mech.). 2. ‘clamp, clip’ (Ph. Byz.). <2>
eVAR Ion. -i1).
*COMP As a first member in oxe5t-ovpydc [m.] ‘raft-builder’ (Them.).
*ETYM Acc. to Bq s.v., a substantivization of an adjective oyedia (vatc, yéqupa), the
feminine of oyédtoc (see » oyeddv). Alternatively, a collective abstract formation in
-la from oxed6v (cf. KAtoia, oikia, éotia) with original mg. “unprepared formation,
improvization”. However, the semantics are unconvincing. Not from oxé6n, which is
a loan from Lat. scheda (if authentic at all; see » oxi(w). The semantic development
to ‘clamp, clasp’ in Ph. Byz. can be understood if one assumes influence of oyeiv
‘hold’.
1436 oxed6v
oxed6v [adv.] ‘near’, of place and time (epic lyr. II.), ‘nearly, almost, about’ (post-
Hom. IA). <IE *seg'- ‘hold’>
eVAR Also -68ev ‘from nearby’ (Hom.,, A. R.).
*COMP Compound abto-oxeddv (-64 P 319) ‘really close’ (Hom., Arat.), ‘at once’ (A.
R.) with abtooye6-in, which only occurs in the oblique cases: dat. -in (ayn, dopivn;
cf. Triimpy 1950: 113), acc. -inv ‘in close combat, man to man’ (Hom.), é¢ ~ ‘in close
combat’ (Tyrt.), @& -ing ‘inconsiderate, offhand’ (h. Merc.); adj. -to¢ ‘unprepared,
improvised’ (Arist., Hell. and late).
*DER oxé6-toc ‘nearby, belonging to close combat’ (A. [lyr.]), ‘adjacent, concerning
the immediate present, instantly, unprepared, improvised’ (Hell. and late); adv. -inv
‘in close combat’ (E 830), ‘soon’ (Nic.). Hence'the verbs: 1. oxedt-aCw (also with ano-,
etc.) ‘to improvise, do or make offhand, act thoughtlessly’ (Hell. and late), with
-AGLA, -aopLdc, -aotiK@c (Hell. and late; on the mg. Koller Glotta 40 (1961-1962):
183ff.). 2. abtooyedt-dtw ‘id’ (Att.) with -aoti¢ (X.), -aopta, -acpdc, -aotdc,
-aotiKkdc (Pl. Com., Arist.).
*ETYM From oyeiv, oxéoOat (see » Exw) with a suffix -Sov (Schwyzer: 626); properly
‘holding to, connecting’. Borrowed as Lat. schedius, -ium. See » oyédnv.
oxé5dvoc [adj.] ‘tenacious’. <1E *seg"- ‘hold’>
VAR Only in oxedb0vn gtAdtng (Emp. 19).
*ETYM Formation from oyeiv like niovvoc, 8apovvoc, with 5 after cxeddv.
oxeNic [f.] mg. instable, ‘rib of beef, thigh-bone, side of bacon’ vel sim. Acc. to H. = 16
ANOS THs Paxews Ewc Tod dbnoyaotpiov ‘the part from the spine down to the lower
belly’, also = kpéa Entry TeTpUNpLEva ‘longish or oblong cut of meat’. <PG(V)>
eVAR Mostly plur. -ide¢ (A. Fr. 443 = 724 M. (2), com., Luc., Poll.); also oxedic, plur.
-i6ec (pap. III’, D. Chr, Poll.).
eETYM Generally taken as from »oxéAoc ‘thigh, leg’, which is not impossible
semantically, but certainly incorrect given the variant form, which points to Pre-
Greek origin (not in Fur.).
oxevddAn [f.] name of an instrument of the yahxeic, probably ‘pair of tongs’ (Eleusis
IV’, H.). <PG(V)>
eVAR <o>kévdbA\a (AP; preceded by -oic; on the secondary -a, see Solmsen 1909: 260
and 262).
*DER oxevdvda [n.pl.] ‘(small) pincers, nippers’ (Hero), also kevdvAa (trad. AP 11.
203). In H. also oyevdvAd-Anntot ‘caught between tongs’ and the perf.ptc.
éoxevdvAro8at, from *oyevdvAdw ‘to pinch with tongs’.
eETYM Suffix like in kavOvAn, kopSvAn. The variation shows that word is Pre-Greek.
oxEpdc [?] - axt1, aiytaddc ‘cape, shore’ (H., Theognost. Can.). <?>
*ETYM Hiersche Zeitschr. f, Phon. 17 (1964): 515ff. assumed a pre-form *oxepdc,
related to OE score, MLG schore ‘(rocky) coast, shore’ (IE *sker-; see >» Kkeipw),
whence » Eepdc would have arisen by metathesis. This is improbable. Acc. to Hennig
RhM 75 (1926): 266ff., Zyepia is from Phoen. Schchr = Sxr ‘trading post’.
See further > émioyepm and Janko Glotta 57 (1979): 20-23.
oxilw 1437
GxétALoG [adj.] expressing strong emotion, usually used in a denigrating sense
‘audacious, heinous, cruel, miserable’ (Il.), seldom in positive sense ‘obstinate,
tireless’ (Hom.). Details on the mg. in Brunius-Nilsson 1955: 46ff., 75ff. <?>
*DER oxetAt-dCw, quite rarely with kata-, dmo-, émt-, ‘to experience something as
cruel, to rise against, to complain’ (Att.) with -aoptéc¢ (Th., Arist. et al.), -aotikd¢
(late).
*ETYM Frisk assumes dissimilation from *oyé-OAtoc, a by-form of *oye-0A6-c¢
(comparing |leiAty-o¢ : -toc, fovy-oc : -tog and the antonym é0-0\6-c). The original
meaning would be ‘persevering’. This proposal is not supported by any evidence,
however.
OXTWa >Eyw.
oxitw [v.] ‘to split, cut, separate’ (Pi, Hdt., Att.). <IE *skid- ‘cut, split, separate’>
eVAR Aor. oxio(o)at (Od.), pass. oxto0-ivat (P 316), fut. -oopat, act. oxiow, perf.
med. goxtoptat (Hell.).
*COMP Frequently with prefix, e.g. dmo-, dia-, dva-, mept-.
eDER A. With unchanged root auslaut: 1. oxida: oxidocg oivddvos, priypta ‘cutting of
fine cloth; breakage’ (cod. 1-) (H.) like kAd6-a [acc.sg.], if not a Doric or Hell. nom.
(Kretschmer Glotta 10 (1920): 170); as a second member in dmo-, dta-, mapa-oyxidec
[f-pl.] (rarely sing. -oyic) ‘secessions, branchings, etc.’ (medic.). 2. oxid-ak, -axoc [m.]
‘split wood, piece of wood, splinter’ (LXX, D. S.), with -axnddv (bn0-), -aKxwdng
(medic.); cf. xapag, Kaya, etc. 3. oxidoc: tiv andoxtotv ‘division’ (H.), also -oxtdi¢
e.g. with a-, dxpo-, veo- (Hell.), directly from the verb. 4. oxi5-ta- wpdAtva “[pl.] raw
flaw; items of raw flax’ (H.), whence Lat. schidia [f.sg.] ‘chip of wood’ (Vitr.). 5.
oxidavdc (like mOavdc), in oxtdavd-moug (Arist.) = oxt(d-novg ‘with split feet or
toes’ (Arist.).
B. With altered root auslaut: 1. oxiGa [f.] “split wood, piece of wood, etc.’ (Hom., Ar.,
pap.), ‘shaft, javelin’ (LXX,AP); diminutive -iov [n.] (Poll. Alciphr.); -ia¢ [m.] ‘lath,
like a lath’ (Cratin., Dicaearch., Hell. pap.). 2. oxtotdc (also 4-) ‘split? (Hp. Att.). 3.
oxioig (am6-, did-, etc.) [f.] ‘split, carving’ (Pl. Arist.). 4. oxto-L1d¢ (dta-, mept-, b7t0-,
év-) [m.] ‘id’ (A. Ag. 1149, Delph. inscr., pap.); -tta (also with ano-, dtd-, etc.) [n.]
‘split, tear’ (Arist., Thphr.); -py [f.] ‘id’ (LXX, H.).
eETYM A number of identical formations are found in other IE languages, which may
be archaic: 1. dmo0-oyi5-e¢ = Skt. apa-chid- [f.] ‘section, clipping’, 2. oxiotdc¢ = Lat.
scissus < *skid-to-, Av. a-sista- (but note Skt. chinnd- < *chid-nd-), 3. the aor. oxioat,
-ao8at to Skt. aor.med. chit-s-i, 4. traces of an old nasal present in Lat. sci-n-do, Skt.
chi-nd-d-mi, 3pl. chi-n-d-dnti ‘to cut off, split’ (not in » oxwwdddaytog, etc. [s.v.]). The
yod-present oyiw is a Greek innovation (Wackernagel 1916: 133 pleaded against
identification of oxifetat and the Skt. pass. chid-yd-te). A full grade appears in Lith.
skiedZiu ‘separate, divide’. Skt. vi-chitti- ‘interruption’ is independent of oyictc
(which was innovated; cf. miottc).
Further cognates, e.g. Arm. c'tim (from *c‘it-im) ‘tear, scratch’, can be found in LIV’.
The reconstruction of the root as PIE *sk*eid- given there is not endorsed here. There
is no explanation for the aspirate -x-.
1438 oxtvdarpLoc
Lat. scheda [f_] ‘stroke of papyrus’ is a loan from *oxidn (or oxida; see A. 1 above),
also ‘concept’, via influence of schedium [n.] ‘unprepared speech, draft, sketch’ (=
late and MoGr. oxédtov ‘id.’; on the meaning, see oxédt0c, from oxe56v), oxedaptov;
on the history of these words, including Ital. schizzo, MoFr. esquisse, MoHG Skizze,
see Kretschmer Glotta 10 (1920): 168 ff.
Other words mentioned by Frisk s.v. are not cognate with oxi(w: moKivSadtoc,
oxivdvAtov, » oKidapdv, oKotd-.
Cxivdarpdcg SoKtvdarttdc,
oxivoc [m.] ‘mastich tree, Pistacia Lentiscus’ (Hdt., Thphr., Theoc., LXX), ‘squill,
oxida’ (Epich., Hp., com.). <PG?> 4
«COMP Some compounds, eg. axtvo-Képahog ‘with a squill-like head’ (Cratin.).
*DER oytv-i¢ [f.] ‘mastich-berry’ (Thphr.), -tvoc ‘of mastich’ (medic.), -etoc ‘id,
(Theognost.), -i{w, -iopit ‘to clean one’s teeth with mastich’ (Jamb., EM, Phot.),
also a name of certain dance movements (Ath.).
*ETYM Without a doubt, this word, denoting a tree and a marine organism, is Pre-
Greek.
oxoivos [m., f.] ‘rush, reed, rope plaited of rush’ (€ 463), also as an (Egyptian) land
measure (Hdt. 2, 6, Hero, pap.). <PG(V)>
eVAR Myc. ko-(i-)no (2).
*COMP oxotvo-tevij< ‘in a straight line’ (Hdt.), ‘stretched, plaited from rushes’ (late).
*DER 1. oxotv-lov [n.] ‘rope, cord’ (Hdt, com.), ‘measuring cord, linear measure’
(Arist., Hell.). 2. cxotv-ic, -i50¢ [f.] ‘rope, cord’ (Theoc., Hell. inscr.), also -ic, toc
[adj.] ‘plaited from rushes’ (Nic.). 3. -ta [f.] ‘bunch of rushes, cluster, enclosure’
(Thphr,, Str.), -taia [f.] ‘enclosure’ (Olbia, Odessus III*). 4. -fAoc (vl. -fkAoc) [m.]
name of a bird, perhaps ‘wagtail’ (Arist., see Thompson s.v.), -iwv [m.] ‘id.’ (Arist.),
also ‘effeminate flute melody’ (Plu., Poll.). 5. -evc [m.] name of a bird (Ant. Lib.), also
PN, eponym of the town Txoivoc in Boeotia (Paus, St. Byz.; cf. Zxotvodc below); -1hc,
-{j50¢ (-ntc, -nt50c) [f.] epithet of Aphrodite (Lyc. 832; acc. to sch. ad loc. because of
the sexual effect of the rush). 6. -4tac [m.] epithet of Asclepius év t@ “EAet (Sparta
IIIP). 7. -dg [m.] ‘rope-maker’ (pap. IVP). 8. -itt¢ (kaAbBn) ‘made of rushes’ (AP). 9.
-tvoc [adj.] (com., E.), -tk6g (Hell. pap., Gp.), -t0¢ (pap. III*) (plaited) from rushes’;
-W6n¢ ‘full of rushes, rushy’ (Nic, Dsc.); -ob¢, -obvtoc ‘rich in rushes’ (Str.);
Lxotvodc HN and TN (Boeotia, Arcadia; Str., Paus.; cf. -ev¢ above). 10. Verbs: amo-,
rapa-, Tept-oxorvitw ‘to rope off, enclose’ (D., D. H. Plu.), with (Tept-)oXOLWLoLLOG
(Delph., pap.), (mapa-, nept-)oxoiviopa (LXX, Plu.).
*ETYM Fur.: 391 compares Koiva: xptog ‘fence’ (H.); because of the variations «/x
and o/zero, the word is Pre-Greek.
oxoA4 [f.] ‘rest, leisure’ (Pi, IA), (learned) conversation, lecture’ (Pl, Arist.), ‘place of
lecture, auditorium, school’ (Arist.). <GR>
ecomP As a second member in d-oxodog ‘without leisure, busy’, with aoxod-ia [f]
‘business’ (Pi, IA), -éw, -€optcu (Arist.), -nua (Str.), -npatixds (Vett. Val.).
O@LA 1439
DER 1. oXoA-aio<g ‘leisurely, slow’ (IA), with -atdtn¢ [f] (Th.). 2. -uxdg ‘reserved for a
lecture, belonging to school’ (D. H., D. Chr.). 3. -epdg ‘leisurely’ (late). 4. ov [n.]
‘explanation, comment, scholion’ (Hell.), with -vdptov, -taGw, -taotr¢ (Tz., Eust.). 5.
-eiov [n.] ‘school’ (Arr.), also ‘place of rest’ = ‘grave’? (Anatol. inscr.). 6. -4¢w (also
with dno-, ovv-, etc.) ‘to have leisure’ (Att.), ‘to be busy with something’ (X, D.,
etc.), ‘to give a lecture’ (Hell.), with -aotrj¢ [m.] ‘living leisurely’ (Com. Adesp., LXX,
Plu.), with ov- ‘fellow-student’ (Hell.), -actuxdc ‘leisurely’ (Arist.), ‘dedicated to
study, scholar’, especially ‘armchair scholar’ (Hell.), ‘public adviser’ (late pap.).
*eETYM Properly “holding back”, derived from the aor. stem oy- (see »€yw) with a
suffix -A-, with a thematic vowel -o- after verbal nouns like Bodn, otoAr, yovi, etc.
Cf. perhaps > doyaddw.
o@«og [adj.] epithet of Hermes (Y 72). <?>
eVAR La«og [m.] PN (A 427ff.).
*DER Further owkéw ‘to be strong, have power’ (A. Eu. 36, S. El. 119 [anap.]); so
o@koc would mean ‘strong, powerful’.
eETYM Unexplained. Bechtel 1914 s.v. assumed *Zdoxoc as a short form of *Zao-
Kpatns (> Lw-Kpatnyg cf. Cypr. Zafo-KAefnc), in which case the appellative would
have derived from the PN. Various hypotheses have been put forward for the
etymology, e.g. relation to onkdéc (Pok. 1098), or kinship with o@{w from IE *tyuoH-
ko- (Fraenkel Lexis 3:1 (1952): 66ff.), who compares the suffix -k- in Lith. tukti
‘become fat’, taukai [p].] ‘fat, grease, marrow’.
owt, -ijvoc [m.] ‘pipe, channel’ (Ion., Archil., Hell.), ‘grooved tile’ (Hell. inscr.);
name of a crustacean, ‘razor-fish’ (Dor. and Att. com., Arist.); see Thompson 1947
S.V. <PG2(S)>
ecomP As a first member in owAnvo-etdtj¢ ‘pipe-shaped’ (Aen. Tact.); on owAnvo-
Orjpac, -Kévtne, see Fraenkel 1912: 93 and 108f.
*DER Diminutive owAry-tov, -idtov, -aptov, -icxog (Hell.); also -wtdc ‘pipe-shaped’
(Lyd.) and the verbs -i(w ‘to hollow out’ with -topdc (Ruf. apud Orib.), -dopat ‘to
serve as a pipe’ (v.l. Paul. Aeg.). -evopct = ovpimepipépopiat (EM, H.); to this -totr¢
[m.] ‘one who fishes for the owAnv’ (Phaenias apud Ath.).
*ETYM Formation like kwArjyv, muprjyy, etc. (Chantraine 1933: 166f.), so probably first
derived from a noun *owdog (-ov). Etymology unclear; Solmsen 1909: 129ff. (who
deals extensively with meaning and attestations) proposes a reconstruction IE *ty6-I-
for > obpty— and cavpwtrip (see s.v. » catpa), but these are Pre-Greek. Fur.: 172”
suggests that the word is Pre-Greek (giving other such words in -nv).
o@pa [n.] ‘living or dead body’ (IL; in Hom. it is necessary or possible to translate it as
‘corpse’), ‘person’ (Att.), ‘slave’ (Hell.); metaph. ‘totality’ (A., Pl, Arist.), ‘text of a
document’ (pap.). On the development and spread of the mg, see Kretschmer Glotta
18 (1929): 80f.). <2>
*COMP Eg. owjtato-pvAak ‘bodyguard’ (Hell.); univerbation ow,t-acK-ia [f.] ‘bodily
exercise’ (Pl, X.) from o@ta doxéw; in addition to this, as a back-formation,
owttacK-éw ‘to do bodily exercise’ (X., Plb., etc.); tpt-owptatog ‘with three bodies’
(A., E.), late tpi-owptog ‘id.’ (An. Ox.).
1440 OWOLAL
*DER 1. Diminutive owpdt-tov [n.] (Pl. Com., Arist; mostly depreciatory). 2. -idtov
[n.] ‘text of a document’ (pap.). 3. -eiov [n.] “corporate body, college’ (Cod. Just.). 4.
-tkdg ‘bodily’ (Arist.), -tvoc ‘id.’ (gloss.), -w6r¢ ‘bodily’ (Arist.). 5. -dopat, -dw (év-,
bm0-) ‘to be embodied, embody’ (Arist., Thphr.), with -wotg [f.] (Thphr.). 6. -iGw
(Sta-, év-) [v.] ‘to edit a text’, with -topdc [m.] (pap.).
*ETYM Among several IE expressions for ‘body’, only *krp- (Lat. corpus, Skt. krp-,
and other cognates) has a large distribution. For the Greek word for ‘body’, o@ua,
there is no convincing etymology. Formally, it could be compared with ow-pdc
‘heap’, assuming a pre-form *tuoH-my for o@pa, with a basic meaning
‘compactness, swelling’ (?). Other proposals, are doubtful or uncertain (see Frisk);
relatively most promising seems an analysis'as *(s)tioH-my “what has stiffened”,
related to Skt. st ya- ‘to flow, get stiff (mentioned by LIV’ s.v. *stieH-). See » owpdc.
o@opat [v.] «VAR OWovTO, GwoLevous (A. R.). =cevoual.
owrdw >o1wmaw.
opt [n.] name of an ore, perhaps ‘ferrous sulfate, melanterite’ (Dsc.). < PG(V)>
VAR Gen. -ews (Dsc., Hippiatr.), Lat. -eos (Cels., Plin.), o@pv (Gal., Orib.).
*ETYM A foreign word of unknown origin. The formation recalls otiut, odpt, or piov,
UAL, et al., respectively. The variation t/ v (Fur.: 367) points to a Pre-Greek word.
owpdc [m.] ‘heap (of corn) (Hes. Hdt., X., Ar. Arist.). <?>
eCOMP A few late compounds, e.g. moAv-owpoc ‘of many corn-heaps’, epithet of
Demeter (AP; cf. owpitic below).
*DER 1. owp-akoc [m.] ‘box, basket’ (Ar. Fr. 248, inscr. and pap., after-6vAaKoc?),
with -axic [f.], designation of an instrument to clean horses (pap. III*, Poll.). 2. -iti¢
[m.] (scil. Adyoc, ovAAoytopdc) “conclusion of heaping” (name of a sophism,
Chrysipp., Cic., S. E.), with -ttixdg (S. E.); -iti¢ [f.] epithet of Demeter (Orph.). 3.
-e6¢ = owpdc (EM, sch.). 4. -nSdv ‘by heaps’ (Plb., LXX, AP). 5. -ebw (also with &k-,
ém-, ovv- et al.) [v.] ‘to heap up, pile up’ (E,, Arist., Hell.), with -evoic (émt-, mpoo-,
bzo-) [f.] ‘heaping up, piling up’ (Arist.), -evpa (ém-) [n.] ‘that which is heaped up,
heap’ (X., Eub.), -eia (émt-) [f.] ‘heaping’, also as a mathematical term ‘summation,
series’ (Nicom., Plu.), -evtti¢ [m.] ‘heaper’ (Phld.), with -evttkdg (sch.). Unclear is
owpdtepos, which is explained as ‘big cup’ in a Greek-Coptic glossary; see Aegyptus
6, 215.
eETYM There are no known cognates outside Greek. Within Greek, some connect
o@ua (comparing yv@-a : yvw-p-lwos and KAfj-lLa : KAf-pos; etc.). Starting from
*tud-ro- (so IE *tuoh,-ro-), Solmsen IF 26 (1909): 213ff. seeks connection with > adc,
odocg and cognates, also pleading against connection with oopdc. For the root, see
LIV? s.v. *teuh,- ‘schwellen, stark werden’.
oc [adj.] ‘safe, healthy, intact’ (Att.; also Hom., Hdt.). IE? *teuh,- ‘be strong’>
*VAR odog (epic poet, Il. [oawtepoc], also Cypr., Arc., Lac. etc.), o@oc (Hdt., Hp.,
X., Hell.), od0¢ (epic, also Hdt.); compar. cawtepos (A 32, X., Theoc., AP).
ow 1441
eCcOMP As a first member in Lafo-KAéfij¢ (Cypr.), oad-gpwv (epic poet.), oW-~pwv
(Att.), Zav-Kpatny¢ (Boeot.), La-dapog (Arc.) et al; as a second member in vyo-,
TEKVO-0060¢ (poet.), but cf. on » cevopal.
*DER Epic aor. oa@-oal, pass. cawOjvat, to which fut. cawow, pres. cadw; contracted
IA o@ou, ow8ij}val, oWow (inscr. cw), oWCw (e 490, Hes. Op. 376; from *ow-iw); to
this perf. med. ogowopat (trag.), céowuat (Pl.), act. céowka (Hell.) ‘to keep alive,
save’, med.-pass. intr. ‘to stay alive, save oneself. All these forms often occur
prefixed, e.g. with dva-, dmo-, dia-, éx-. As a first member in owoi-moAtg ‘saving the
city (Ar, Str.) et al. Deverbative formations: 1. owt1/p, -fpoc [m.] ‘saviour’ (h. Hom.,
Pi., IA), with owtnp-ia, -in [f.] ‘rescue’, -to¢ ‘bringing rescue, saving’ (IA), -\wdns¢
‘wholesome’ (Gal.), -taotai [m.pl.] ‘worshippers’ (of the Beoi owtipec, or of Aptettc
Zwtelpa; Rhod., Att.). Archaizing byforms: cawthp (Call.), cawtwp (Maiist. III*),
Zawtr¢ epithet of Dionysus (AP, Paus.); hypocoristic enlargement Zwtrjpiyoc PN
(Plu., Luc.); 2. owtetpa [f.] ‘id.’ (Pi. IA); 3. o@otpa [n.pl.] (-o- like in céowopan, etc.)
‘reward for saving, thankful offering for saving lives’ (Hdt., X.), with 3sg. caootpet
(probably for caw-, Cephallenia). 4. cwottkdc (dta-) ‘saving, preserving’ (Arist.); 5.
dta-owortrs [m.] ‘policeman’ (Just.); 6. dva-cwopds (Aq.), -owopa (Tz.) ‘rescue’. On
the frequent PNs in Xw(1-), Lwo(t)-, Lwt(o)-, etc. see Bechtel 1917b: 413ff.
*ETYM The above forms may all go back to PGr. odfoc (cf. Cypr. Zafo-KAgFnc). It is
unnecessary to posit alternative basic forms like *oWfoc. The form o@c arose from
oa(F)oc by contracted, and oWoc in turn by thematization (perhaps the ntr.sg. cov
via plur. o@a); epic od0¢ may stand for odoc after owc, or arose by metrical
lengthening. PGr. odfoc is probably a thematization of *oavcg < *tueh,-u-s.
Connection with owpéc, oWpa (as *tuoH-ro-, *tuoH-my) is quite uncertain: the
original meaning would be something like ‘to be strong’, which fits poorly for a
corpse; moreover, a reconstruction *tyoh,-my (with o-grade) is improbable. See
> owpdc and » taiic.
owotkes >oadoak.
COXW —YOXW.
T
taBedXa [f.] ‘tablet’ (I? to VIP). <Lw Lat>
eDER -dptoc (from Lat. tabellarius), -iwv (from tabellio).
eETYM From Lat. tabella.
taBAa [f.] “‘dice-table’ (I?). «LW Lat>
eVAR Also -n.
*DER taBA-iCw [v.] ‘to play dice’, -td7n “game of dice’, formed after Kahhtomn (AP 11,
373), tabAdptoc from Lat. tabellarius (pap., inscr.).
eETYM From Lat. tabula.
tayyn [f.] ‘rancid smell’ (Alex. Aphr.), ‘kind of tumour’ (Hp.). <PG?>
DER tayy-iCw [v.] ‘to emit a rancid smell’ (medic., Gp.), -iaotc [f.] ‘kind of swelling’
(gloss.), -6¢ ‘rancid’ (Gp; perhaps back-formed).
eETYM An isolated word. The comparison with WGm. words like MoHG stinken,
OHG stanc ‘stench’ on the one hand, and with ON stekr ‘stinking’ on the other
(PGm. *stékja-), meets with serious phonological problems (like the a-vocalism in
Greek). The word could be Pre-Greek.
taynvov [n.] ‘frying pan’ (com. Luc.). 4 PG?(V)>
*VAR tHyyavov (com., LXX; both forms Gal.), -avn [f.] (gloss.); also tyyavov (Ath. ex
Anacr.), with fydavea: mé,wtata Ta amd thyavov ‘what has been fried in the t.’ (H.),
perhaps from T ijyavov (see Schwyzer: 413).
*COMP taynvo-otpdgiov [n.] ‘frying-spit’ (Poll.), taynvo-Kvico-8rjpac [m.] ‘frying
pan-sniffer’ (Eup.), tyyavd-otpogov (H. s.v. Aiotpov); Enpo-thyavov (Hegesand.;
Syracus.), xahko-Enpo-tiyyavov = scutra (gloss.).
eDER taynv-iac [m.] ‘pancake’ (com.), -itng ‘id’ (Gal., Ath.), -i(w (also with &mo-)
[v.] ‘to fry in a pan’ (com., Ph., Gal.), with -to1g [f.] (Gal, Alex. Aphr.), -totdc (Alex.,
Gal.), -totai [m.pl.] title of a comedy by Ar. From tryyavov: tnyav-itn¢ (Hippon.,
gloss.), -iGw (com., Hell. also with ano-, ém-), with -toptdc [m.], -totd¢ (Hell.); -ntdév
= frictum, frixum (gloss.).
eETYM Of the two different forms, taynvov is probably original; tryyavov (Hell.-
Asiat., acc. to Gal. 6, 490) then underwent metathesis after the frequent instrument
names in -avov.
A technical word without etymology. Bezzenberger & Fick BB 6 (1881): 237f.
compared OE peccan ‘to burn’, OHG dahhazzen ‘lodern’, which are further isolated.
1444 TAYOG
Fur. 391 thinks that the form in tyyav- proves Pre-Greek origin, which is quite
possible.
taydc [m.] ‘chief, commander’ (trag.), especially a title of Thessalian officials and of
the chief of the Thessalian league (Thess. inscr., X.), ‘president of a phratry’ (Delph.
inscr.); on the mg. see Bowra JHS 54 (1934): 56. <?, IE? *teh.g- ‘order, fit’>
DER d-tay-ia [f.] ‘lack of a taydéc (Thess.), tay-etw (also with ovv-) ‘to be taydc
(Thess., Delph. X.), med. ‘to summon to the chief (A. Th. 58), -éw ‘to be
commander’ (A. Pers. 764). Uncertain taya [f.] ‘leadership’ (A. Ag. 110 [lyr.]); cf.
Tayt] S.V. » TAoOw. On apparent tayol (¥ 160) see Wackernagel 1916: 222.
eETYM A Thessalian title, which was used ta, create a foreign ‘couleur locale’ by the
tragedians; cf. Bjorck 1950: 153. Traditionally connected with » taoow, in which case
the long vowel in tayéc must be very old. ToB tas ‘commander’ is probably related,
for which Adams 1999 s.v. reconstructs a pre-form *tdgyu-. Lith. pa-togus
‘convenient, pliable, pleasant’, su-tdgti ‘to rely on, be wedded, commit oneself has
been further compared, which would presuppose a root *teh.g-.
tayvpt [n.] ‘small thing’ (Eup. 3, Theognost. Can.). <PG(v)>
DER tayvpta (leg. -1?)- Ta EAAXLOTA, TA TUXOVTA (H.).
*ETYM Fur. 261 compares oayvptov: Gptov KAdopa ‘piece of bread’ (H.), and thinks
the word is Pre-Greek.
tayxXovpos [m.] ‘gold’ (sch. Theoc.). <PG(V)>
VAR Also Gyyoupoc (Besant.), tayyapac (Cosmas ad OGI, 199).
eETYM Fur.: 391 concludes from the variation that the word is Pre-Greek.
taOpiovov [n.] a fish. <?>
eVAR Also -tog (PLond. ined. 2143).
eETYM Unknown.
tatvia [f.] ‘band, binding, headband, spit of land, sandbank (1A, Emp. Epid.),
‘tapeworm’ (Gal.); name of a band-like fish (Epich., Arist. Stromberg 1943: 37f.), also
name of a region near the Sea Mareotis (Ath.). <?>
*COMP Compounds tatwid-mwaAtc [f.] ‘band-seller’ (Eup., D.), b10-taivog ‘forming a
spit or sandbank’ (Ph.).
*DER Diminutive tatv-iov (Priene, EM), -idtov (medic., Delos); adjective -wdn¢
‘band-shaped’ (Thphr.), -wwtikd¢ (oivoc) ‘wine from Tainia’ (Ath.), ~ papyrus
(Plin.); verb -t6w ‘to adorn with bands’ (Att., etc.).
eETYM Formation comparable to »xetpia ‘band, tapeworm, etc.’ cf. also KowAia,
avtiia, and other secondary formations in -(a. Probably ultimately related to teivw,
but the details are rather unclear. The missing link may be a noun like *taiva or
*tatva; cf. opaipa.
TAKEPOG eVAR TAKWVEG, > THKOLAL
tada- ‘bearing, enduring, etc.’ <IE *telh,- ‘bear, endure’>
ecOMP As a first member in verbal governing compounds (epic poet.): taAa-
(FJepyoc ‘enduring labor’ (Hom., Hes., Theoc.), taha-mevOrj¢ ‘enduring harm’ (e 222,
Taapoc 1445
B.), tada-meip-tog ‘who has overcome many tests’ (Od., etc.). Besides, with the
second member as a subject, tadd-gpwv ‘of enduring mind’ (N 300, Opp, also
tahaot-, tadat-). After this taka-Kdpdtoc ‘with tolerant heart, suffering’ (Hes. Sc., S.
[lyr.]).
*ETYM From > tahdooat. Further also tadat-; see » taAainwpoc. Cf. also taAavpivoc
(to » pivdc) and » atadc; » tahads, > TdAac, > TAAavTa, > TaAapoc.
tadainwpos [adj.] ‘enduring hardship or distress, pestered, unhappy (A. Pr., S. Ar.,
Pl., D.). <?>
eVAR Substantivized: 16 taAainwpov ‘endurance, effort’ (Hp., Ar. D. H., App.).
eComP Bahuvrihi a-taAainwpoc ‘without endurance’ (Hp., Th. Ar.).
*DER tahainwp-tkdg ‘persistent, hardened’ (Gal.); -ia (Ion. -in, often plur.) [f.] ‘effort,
labor, évépyeia’ (Hp.), ‘effort, hardship, suffering’ (Hdt., Att.); -éw, -gopat [v.] ‘to
make effort, toil, suffer’ (IA), the active sometimes also trans. ‘to pester, agonize’
(Isoc., D. C.), with -101¢, -1)Ha (late); also -iCw = -éw (Phld., Sm.), with -top6¢ (Phld.).
eETYM The first member taAat- equals » taAa- (s.v.). For the second member, some
words that are almost only transmitted by lexicographers (H., Suid.) have been
compared, and connected with mijpa, mpdc by WP 2, 8: mwpeiv: kndevetv, mevOeiv
‘to mourn, suffer’ (Elean, acc. to Suid.), mwpijoat- Avrtijoat ‘to be grieved’, nwprytvc-
tadamwpia, mévOoc ‘suffering’ (also Antim.), also 1@poc: 6 taAainwpoc; however,
TwWpdcG: TUPAC, Mmpwotc: THPAWwoic (Suid.) derive from ma@pog ‘stone’, Mwpdw ‘to
harden, strike with blindness’. Others compare the Gm. word for ‘danger’, *fér-
(older litt. in Frisk).
taAavta [n.pl.] ‘scales, balance’ (epic poet. Il.), also a designation of a unit of weight
and currency, ‘talent’ (since II.). <1E *telh,- ‘bear, endure’>
VAR Secondary sing. taAavtov ‘balance’ (Thgn., B., A., Ar.), ‘talent’ (since 0 393).
eCOMP As a second member in fyt-taAavtov [n.] ‘half a talent’ (since Y 751 and 796),
properly a substantivized adjective, ‘consisting of half a talent’ (Risch IF 59 (1949):
51); d-tahavtoc ‘having the same weight, equal’ (Il., Hell. epic).
*DER taAavt-taiocg ‘worth one talent’ (Att.), -teiog ‘id.’ (pap. III*); -ebw (also with
augi-, dvti-) [v.] ‘to weigh, balance, sway to and fro’, pass. ‘to swing’ (Arist. D. S.),
with -eta [f.] (conj. Pl. Cra. 395); -dopot (d1a-) [v.] ‘to swing to and fro’ (PL. Ach.
Tat.), with éx- ‘to be robbed of one’s talents’ (Sopat. Com.); taddvt-woic [f.]
‘weighing, swinging to and fro’ (Antipho Soph., Arist.); -dw = -etw (EM).
*ETYM Properly “bearing”, a participial formation *tlh,-ent- fromo the root *telh,- in
> TaAdoou, etc. (see Beekes 1975: 51). Borrowed as Lat. talentum, -a. On » Atahdvtn,
see s.v. See » TANAGC.
taAadc [adj.] ‘enduring, tolerant, unhappy (Ar. Av. 687 [anap.], Q. S.). <GR>
*ETYM Formation like tavadc, but perhaps just a shortening of tada-Kdpdioc vel sim.
taAapog [m.] ‘basket’ (Hom., Hes. Sc., Ar., Mosch., Paus.). <IE *telh,- ‘bear’>
*DER Diminutives taAap-ioxog [m.] (Arist., Theoc., AP), -tov [n.] (pap. ITI, Poll.).
1446 TOAAC
*ETYM Properly “bearer”, a substantivization from an adjective *taka-poéc, built from
the root *telh,-, with regular shift of accent. For the formation, cf. Aaya-pdc, yaAa-
pos, etc. See » takdooat.
tadas [adj.] ‘wretched, unhappy’, expression of compassion (epic poet. Od.). <IE
*telh,- ‘bear, endure’>
eVAR TdAatva [f.], TaAav [n.], gen. TaAavos, -aiviic, -avoc, dat. also -avtt (Hippon.),
voc. Tahav.
*ETYM Originally, a formation in -vt- from » taAdooat (like takavta), which turned
into an n-stem after the example of pédac, -avoc because of the frequent vocative
(Solmsen IF 31 (1912/13): 499ff.). See>tav.
takaoia [f.] ‘wool-labor, wool-spinning’ (Pl. Lg., X., Ph, Plu.). <GR>
DIAL Myc. ta-ra-si-ja ‘quantity of bronze or wool weighed for working’.
eCoMP As a first member in tadaot-oupy-dc [f.] ‘wool-spinner’ (Pl. Ion, Trypho
apud Ath.), with -xdc (Pl. Pit., X.), -ia [f] (Pl Pit), -€w [v.] CX, D. S., Luc.) after
diLloupy-de, -iKdc, -fa, -Ew.
*DER TaAdo-toc (in -a épya) ‘concerning wool-spinning’ (X.), -ijia gpya (A. R.,
Nonn.; after moAe-urjia Epya); taddota: ta épta ‘wool’ (H.).
eETYM The word épyacia probably served as an example for the formation of
tadaota (cf. Pl. Ion 540c: GAN ola yuvatki mpéstovtd éottv eineiv TadacLoupy@ Tepi
épiwv épyaoiac, ‘but as far as it befits a wool-working woman to say things about
wool-working’). The form tadacia was created from taAdo(o)at after the examples
of épydoao8at : épyacia, yopvdcac8at : yuttvacia, Sokipwdoat : doKkimaoia, etc.
(Schwyzer: 469).
It is best to assume ‘to weigh’ (like in taAavta) as another meaning of taAdo(o)at ‘to
endure’ (although further unattested). Thus, tadaocia would properly mean
“weighing (for sbd.)’, like Lat. pénsum ‘(weighed off) wool, wool-labor, day-work for
a woman’. Differently, Solmsen IF 31 (1912/13): 503ff., who assumed an intermediate
form *taddtnc, properly meaning ‘who has to endure laborious work’, comparing
Ru. stradat’ ‘to suffer’, dial. ‘to harvest’, with strada ‘heavy labor, harvest work’.
tahdooat [v.aor.] ‘to endure, tolerate’ (Il.). <IE *telh,- ‘bear, endure’>
eVAR Med. -ao8at (Opp.), fut. takdcoow (Lyc.); teAdooat: ToAptijoat ‘to dare’, tAfivat
(H.). Further tAivat (Dor. tAdvat), also with dva-, etc., fut. tAjjoopat (Dor. Aeol.
Théo-), perf. tétAnka, plur. tétAGpeEv, pte. TetANwe.
*coMP As a first member in tA1j-Ovjtoc (Dor. tAa-) ‘of patient mind, patient’ (Pi.,
AP), TAn-mdAepog PN (Il.), also tAnot-Kdapdtoc (A. [lyr.]); besides tada-(F)epydc;
> takainwpoc, takaci-ppwv. As a second member in moAv-thac ‘much-enduring,
persisting’, of Odysseus (Hom.), probably from a stem *-tleh,-t-, so Aeolic. Not here
> AtAac.
eDER 1. > taAadc. 2. tArtdc, Dor. tAatdc ‘able to tolerate, bearable’ (OQ 49, trag.),
more usual d-tA1yto<, G&-thatog ‘unbearable’ (epic poet. II), 1oAv-tAryTOg ‘much-
enduring, much-tested’ (A 38). 3. tArjpwv, Dor. tAGpwv ‘persevering, steadfast,
tolerant, troublesome, unhappy’, also ‘enterprising, bold, brutal’ (epic poet. II.), with
tArptootvn [f.] ‘steadfastness, patience, patient acceptance’ (Archil., h. Ap.).
Tapia 1447
*ETYM The aorist taddooat has a secondary disyllabic zero grade (cf. Saptdo(o)at,
xahdoat), but we also find teAdooat (H.), which probably represents the old full
grade *telh,-, like in hoa, kepdo(o)al, kpettaoat, etc. In the other tenses (except for
the present), tAn- was generalized. The short vowel in tétAduev is secondary after
gotapiev. The form tAjjvat may be a replacement of teAdooat after otijvat et al. The
present »té\\w in dvaté\\w ‘go up, rise, lift up’, etc. is isolated formally and
semantically.
For cognate verbal forms, see LIV’ s.v. *telh.-, and for the history of the Greek
formations, Hardarson 1993b. Latin has a perfect te-tul-i continuing *te-tolh,-h,ei
(ToA ca-cél ‘he raised’ [caus.pret.] is a regular formation). The to-ptc. in tA1-tdc,
TAG-t6¢ neatly corresponds to Italo-Celtic forms: Lat. latus from *tld-tos < *tlh,-to-,
MW tlawdd ‘poor’ (with the same meaning as in té)Aac). A zero grade of the root is
found in Skt. tula [f.] ‘balance’ < IE *tlh,-eh,- and in Germanic, e.g. Go. pulan, OHG
dolén ‘tolerate’ from a stative *tlh,-eh,-.
In Greek, the meaning has been narrowed to ‘tolerate, endure’ in the verbal forms,
while deipw is used in the sense of ‘support’.
See > TEMAW 2, » TehaLLDv, > TALL, » Tavtados, > TdAavta, etc.
takatptvosg ‘shield-bearing’. = pivoc.
tahdwp, -wpos [m.] ‘bow’ (Euph. 9, 12; of the bow of Artemis, Choerob. in Theod.).
<>
*DER takawpea: toEevpata ‘bows’ (H.).
eETYM Unexplained.
tac, -t60¢ [f.] ‘young, nubile girl, bride’ (S. Ant. 629 [anap.], Call. Ait. 3, 1, 3). <2>
*ETYM Perhaps an Aeolic form of » TijAtc (s.v.).
tapiia [f.] ‘housekeeper, conductress’ (Hom., Alcm., X., Hell. inscr.). <GR>
eVAR Ion. -i. More usual totiag (Ion. -in¢) [m.] ‘housekeeper, conductor, manager,
treasurer’ (II.), also used for Lat. quaestor (Hell.).
eDIAL Myc. PN Ta-mi-je-u.
*COMP As a second member in ‘EAAnvo-taptiat [pl.m.], designation of Athenian
officials that administered the funds of the league at Delos (Att.).
*DER tayu-evw [v.] (sometimes with dia-, etc.) ‘to manage, economize’, med. ‘to
manage, save up, take in’ (IA), with -eiov [n.] ‘storehouse, treasury, fiscus (IA),
diminutive -eidtov (Suid, perhaps Men. Sam. 402 [=233] Jacques), -eia [f.]
‘management, administration’ (Pl. Lg., X., Hp. Arist.), -evotc [f.] ‘id’ (Ael.), -edvprata
[pl.n.] ‘economy measures’ (X.), ‘provisions’ (D. S.), -evtii¢ [m.] ‘administrator’
(Poll. v.L.), -evtikd¢ ‘economic’ (pap., Poll.), tO tauevtiKdv ‘economy’ (M. Ant.),
-evtwp [m.] ‘id’? (Man.), -ebc [m.] (St. Byz; back-formation), -evtipiov = tajueiov
(sch.). Further tayi-tkdc, -takds ‘of the taptiag or toyt(ujeiov’ (Hell. and late inscr. and
pap.).
eETYM Connected with topteiv ‘to cut. (up), divide’, but the details of the formation
are not quite clear. Since examples of primary derivatives in -iac do not exist, an
intermediate nominal form is needed. Generally, tapiiac is considered to be a
1448 TALLOOSG
masculine innovation of the feminine taptia (female) housekeeper’, which is more
common in Homer, but much rarer elsewhere. However, this is contradicted by the
fact that comparable primary formations in -ia (mevia, jtavia, Badia) are abstracts.
Schwyzer: 470 and 473? assumes that taia is based on té-14 (Pi, doubtful), from
which tayiag was then secondarily created. Conversely, one might think that *taytia
[f.] ‘cutting up, division’ led to tapiag [m.], from which taia ‘housekeeper’ was
formed based on dyyehin from d&yyeing ‘messenger’ (cf. on » &yyeAoc).
Tatoos [f.] ‘rennet’ (Hp., Theoc., Nic.). <PG(S)>
DER Tayto-ivnc tupdc “cheese made with rennet’ (Diocl. Fr. like d&ivyg, etc.), -tov
[n.] “coagulum’ (gloss.).
eETYM Has been compared with taytetv, rn he suffix found in ddtcoc, KbtiCO¢ (cf.
Chantraine 1933: 435). DELG and Frisk justify the development of meaning by
pointing to oyiletv tO yada ‘to curdle milk’ (Dsc.) and to yadatpiov = Adyavov
ayptov ‘wild herb’ H.,, if this contains the root *temH- ‘to cut’. However, this
etymology for yaAatpL6v may well be wrong. Rather, tducoc is Pre-Greek because of
the suffix -to-.
tav only in @ Tav (@ Tav), a popular form of address (Att.). <GR>
VAR Also tav.
*ETYM Acc. to Kretschmer Glotta 1 (1909): 58, it may have developed from td\av.
Doubts by Bjérck 1950: 275ff., who deals extensively with meaning and attestations.
tavads [adj.] ‘thin, narrow, outstretched, expanding widely, long, high’ (epic poet.
since P 589). 4IE *tnh,-eu- ‘thin’>
eVAR Myc. ta-na-wa (of wheels).
eCOMP As a first member in tavad-detpog ‘with a narrow or outstretched neck’, of
oiwvoi (Ar.), often with elision of the -o-, e.g. tava-rkn¢ ‘with a long point, edge’, of
weapons (Hom.), ‘lofty’, of rushes, mountains (Opp., Orph.; cf. on 1k1)), also tavat-
moda epithet of tijAa ‘thin-legged, with stretched feet’ (1 464, h. Ap., h. Merc.). With
-al- (after tadat-, madat-, etc.): tavai-pdKo¢ ‘far-bellowing’, of Botc (AP).
*ETYM Christophe KZ 114 (2001): 90-116 recently argued that the root *ten- had no
laryngeal. However, the laryngeal is necessary for almost all branches: Celtic forms
like Olr. tanae ‘thin’ < PCI. *tanauio- << *tnh,-eu-o-, Lith. tévas ‘thin, slender, high
(of voices), Latv. tiévs ‘thin, slender’ < *tenh,-u-6-, OCS tonoke, Ru. tonkij, Sin.
tdnak ‘delicate, fine’ < *tnHu-k-, and probably also Lat. tenuis < *ten(a)ui- < Plt.
*tn(a)ui- < IE *tnh,-eu-. The Germanic evidence is ambiguous regarding the
laryngeal, e.g. OHG dunni < PGm. * bunw-. The Greek form presupposes *tvh,-eu-o-;
cf. Beekes MSS 34 (1976): 9-12. Within Greek, comparanda are »tavv- and
> tavutai. Christophe’s assumption that *tnu- gave tavv- in Greek is unnecessary,
and his assumption of another prop vowel in t°n°-wo-, giving tavadée, is improbable.
taveiat [f.pl.] ‘beam’ (Thphr. HP 4,1, 2). <1£ *tenh,-u- ‘thin’>
*ETYM Formally, this seems to be the feminine of an adjective *tavuc (see » tavv-);
semantically, this is quite possible.
Tavv- 1449
tavnAeyns [adj.] ‘reckless, heedless, inconsiderate’, only in tavnAeyéocg Bavato.o
(Hom., Tyrt.). <1 *h,leg- ‘care for’>
eVAR Also -€we (metr. inscr. Phrygia).
DER Similarly dvo-nAeyrjc¢ (also of Oavatoc x 325); also of méAe{Loc, etc. (epic), am-
neyéws (epic since IL), av-nAeyric (MOAELLOG), -Ews (Q. S.), vnAEyrs, -Ews (H.).
eETYM The second member belongs to »d\éyw ‘to care for’; vnAeyic < *n-holeg-
contains the negative prefix. In view of the meaning, Leumann 1950: 45 (following
Blass and Bechtel 1914 s.v.) reads 1 dvnAeyrjc, which would fit the semantics
excellently. Szemerényi 1964: 154, 159 defends the connection with tavv-.
tavOapitw [v.] ‘to quiver’. <PG(V)>
eVAR Only in éxtavOapv<C>w-: tpéuw H.; also tavOadvler tpgptet. Awpteic. oi dé
onaipet ‘trembles (Dor.), others: quivers’ (H., cod. tavt-, but at an alphabetically
wrong position); influenced by tavtaditet (see »Tdvtahoc). With o-vocalism
toiBoptooetv: ogietv ‘to shake’, to.Wopv«KTpla: 1) Tods GEetopLodc ToLlodca ‘who causes
shaking’ (H.). Also étavOdpilov: étpetov (H,, leg. étavOdputov?). Further details in
Debrunner IF 21 (1907): 266.
*DER Also tavOapvotoi [pl.] “the quivering ones”, epithet of dpyot ‘necklaces’
(Theopomp. Com. 95).
eETYM Popular words with intensive reduplication; as to be expected, without clear
genealogy. Frisk cites an old proposal to connect some Balto-Slavic words for ‘to
tremble, etc’, eg. Ru. drognut’ ‘tremble’, dréz’ [f.] ‘shiver’, Lith. drugys [m.] ‘(cold)
fever, butterfly’. Discussion in Tichy 1983: 212f. The word »tov@opb(w may be
identical, with a > o before v. If so, the variation points to Pre-Greek origin.
Tavtadog [m.] father of Pelops, grandfather of Atreus, mythical king of Sipylos in
Asia Minor, famous for his riches and punished in the underworld for his faults
(Od.). <2
*DER Tavtad-idat [m.pl.] ‘offspring of T’ (A. [lyr.]), -ic [f] ‘daughter of TY, ie.
Niobe (API.), -etog ‘belonging to T.’ (E., etc.), also -eog (AP) and -tKd¢ (Man.); -itic
[f.] name of a plant = Topydvetov, ALWdomeppov (Ps.-Dsc.) referring to the rock that
threatened to crush T. (Redard 1949: 77, Strémberg 1940: 101).
Verbs: 1. tavtad-iGw ‘to hover’ (Anacr.), med. ‘to weigh? (proverb in Zen.),
tavtadiletat: cadevetat ‘is rocked’, étavtddilev: Etpepev ‘trembled’, étavtadix6n:
éoeto8n ‘was shaken’ (H.). 2. -Gowatin tavtadwOeic (S. Ant. 134 [lyr.]), acc. to sch. ad
loc. = dtativayBeic dvw8ev Katw, StaceioBeic ‘shaken from top to bottom, shaken all
over’.
*ETYM Connection with the root tada- is impossible, as this contained a laryngeal. It
is unclear how the verbs tavtaA-iGw, -dopat relate to Tavtahoc, They were probably
influenced semantically by takavta; cf. PL Cra. 396d, where Tavtanog is interpreted
as tahdvtatoc “who has to bear much” (from » tdAac). On tavOahvlet (cod. tavt-),
see s.v. » tavOaptCw. An IE interpretation is most improbable.
tavv- ‘thin, narrow, slim’. <1E *tenh,-u- ‘thin’>
eCOMP As a first member in several compounds, and originally adjectival, e.g. tavv-
@dolog ‘with thin bark’ (P 767, etc.), -pvAdoc ‘with narrow leaves’ (Od.), tavv-
1450 TAVUTAL
opupos (beside tavi-opupos, after kadi-c@upoc or dissimilated from v ... v?) ‘with
slim ankles’ (Hes., h. Cer. Ibyc., B.), tavu-iyKkng¢ ‘with a thin point’ (Il; also tava-
Tk1)¢, see » tavadc). tavv- disappeared as an independent adjective at an early date.
In some cases, it may have been semantically influenced by » tavutal, tavbw, which
seems clear in tavv-mtepoc (Hes., h. Cer. et al.), tavu-ntépve (Il.), also tavvoi-
mtepoc (Od.) ‘with spread wings’ or ‘speading the wings’ (less clear are cases like
Tavu-metdoc, -yAwooos, -8p1&. Sommer 1948: 127f,, tries to show that tavv- was
originally a verbal member (to be rejected).
eETYM An adjective *tavic, which apparently disappeared in Greek, has exact
correspondences in several languages: Skt.. tanui- ‘thin, sweet, unimportant’, Lat.
tenuis ‘thin, etc” (regularly reflected as an i-stem), ON punnr < *bunwa- (i-stem in
OHG dunni ‘thin’), OCS tonoke, Ru. ténkij ‘thin, fine, slender’ (for the suffix, cf. Skt.
tdnuka-), all ultimately reflecting IE *tgh.ui-. An old feminine form of *tavic seems
to have been preserved in » tavetau.
tavutat [v.3sg.pres.med.] ‘to stretch, tense, extend, expand’ (P 393, epic lyr., Ion.
prose). <IE *tenh,- ‘stretch’>
*VAR Tavb-w, -ovol, -ovto, etc. (Hom., Hdt.), aor. tavbo(o)-at, -acOat, -Ofjval, perf.
med. tetavvoyta (II.), fut. tavt-w (Od.), pass. -ooopat (Archil.), -o(o)w (AP, Orph.).
*COMP Also with év-, ém-, etc.
*DER Very few derivatives: 1. tavvotoc [f.] ‘stretching’, of a bow (@ 12) (for the
formation cf. dkovtiotuc et al.); 2. tavvotc = Tdotc ‘tension, extension’, of an organ
(Hp., Aret.); 3. évtavvoytdc as an explanation of tavuotus, sch. to @ 112.
eETYM A formation parallel to tavutat is found in Skt. tanuté ‘stretches, expands’.
The thematic present tavbw, etc. is an innovation, probably starting from the 3pl.
tavvovol, -ovto. All other forms, like tavio(o)at, etc, developed from the present,
probably after éptw, épvo(o)at. A new present » teivw was created at a later date. See
> TAvv-.
tametvoc [adj.] ‘low-lying, inferior in rank, vile, insignificant, meek’ (Pi., IA). < PG?>
*COMP Some compounds, e.g. tamtetvé-qpwv “of humble mind, meek’, with -gpovéw,
-~poobvn (LXX, NT, Plu.).
*DER tametv-dt1¢ [f.] ‘humility, pettiness, lowliness’ (IA); -doptat, -dw [v.] (also with
&k-, ovv-) ‘to humble oneself, act. ‘to humiliate, disparage, etc.’ (IA), with -wotc [f.]
‘humiliation’ (Pl. Lg., Hell.), -wya [n.] “dejection of a planet’ (Plu, S. E.).
*ETYM Formation like aimetvdc, dpetvdc, but further analysis is unclear. Frisk and
Pok. mention the old comparison with ON pefja [v.] ‘to stamp’, pdf [n.] ‘crowd’,
assuming a root *tap-, but this does not convince. Fur.: 158 considers substrate
origin.
TANS, -NTO¢ [f.] ‘carpet, rug’ (Hom., Herod., Ar., inscr. Cos IV-III*). <PG(v)>
VAR Also tamtc, -50¢ (X., Delos IV-III*), » Samic ‘id.’, taBry¢ (Edict. Diocl. 7, 62).
*COMP Few compounds: tamd-v@davtns [m.] ‘carpet-weaver’ (Hell. pap.), dyugt-
tans [m.] (middle com.), dipi-tamic [f.] (late), cyupi-tamocg [m.] (Hell. pap., LXX)
‘rug that is woolly on both sides’ (also -64@oc POxy., Fur. 178).
tapBéw 1451
*DER Diminutive tamrjt-tov (late), tanid-tov (Hell. and late pap.); tannt-dptoc,
Tamtt-dptoc, -dc¢ [m.] ‘manufacturer of carpets’ (late pap.).
*ETYM Formation like AéBryc¢, KdAmig and technical words of debated origin
(Chantraine 1933: 267 and 335f.). Traditionally taken to be an Oriental loan: Iranian,
from MoP tab-ad, inf. taftan, tabidan ‘turn, spin’ (Schrader KZ 30 (1890): 484). The
form dyti-tamog shows a form without suffix. There are several variant forms (Fur.
passim), which proves Pre-Greek origin. Borrowed as Lat. tapét-e, -um, whence Ital.
tappeto, OHG teppid, teppih, MoHG Tapete, etc.
tap [pcl.]<GR>
eETYM Seems to be attested in the Venetus A of the Iliad. See > te.
tapavdoc [m.] designation of a horned animal in northern regions, probably
‘reindeer’ (Schrader-Nehring 1917(1): 503), acc. to H. C@ov éAdgou mapandrotov, od
tac Sopac gic xit@vac ypwWvto Zk VOat ‘animal reminiscent of the deer, the hides of
which are used for coats by the Scythians’. <Lw? Orient., PG?(V)>
VAR Also -dpoc.
*ETYM Fur.: 389 cites Lat. parandrum (Sol.) as a variant with p-, which might point to
a Pre-Greek word. Isebaert Glotta 60 (1982): 62-65, reconstructs Old Ossetic *@aran-
tara- from *k(e)ren-tero-, properly “the horned animal par excellence”.
tapdoow [v.] ‘to stir, agitate, confuse, arouse, startle’ (Pi, IA). <IE *d'reh.g'-
‘confuse’>
*VAR Att. -4TTu; aor. Tap-dEat (II.), pass. -ax Siva, fut. -aEw, pass. -dEoptat, perf.pass.
Tetapaypiat (IA), act. -aya (late).
eCOMP Often with prefix, especially ovv-.
*DER tap-aypidc [m.] ‘confusion’ (trag.), -aypa [n.] ‘confused state’ (E, D. H.); on
the difference in mg. between -1dc and -j1a Chantraine 1933: 146; -a&tc (also with ék-,
éml-, ovv-) ‘confusion, etc.’ -a4ktwp [m.] ‘trouble-maker’ (A.), -d«ktn¢ [m.] ‘id?
(Lyc.), -axtikds ‘fit for confusion, disturbing’ (late), -axtpov [n.] “spatula” as a term
of abuse, ‘trouble-maker’ (Ar.), -axtrptov [n.] ‘id’ (sch.).
tapay-1 [f.] ‘confusion, trouble, uproar’ (Pi, IA), with -wdnc¢ (IA); as a second
member in 4-tdpaxog ‘without trouble, calm’ (Arist. Hell.), also a-tapaktoc, with
atapag-ia, -in (Hp., Hell.); rare tapaxoc [m.] = tapayr (X, Hell.).
*ETYM Greek formed two presents from the root *d'reh,g'-: Opacow (with aor.
Opaka) and tapdoow (with aor. tapdatat, perf. intr. tétprxa, etc.); the latter could
also be a denominative from tapax1. For further connections, see » Opdcow. Since a
formation *d"rh,eg'- is rather doubtful, tapayr] seems to require a special
development of the zero grade *d'rh.g'-, perhaps conditioned by the accent (as
defended by Rix).
tapPéw [v.] ‘to be startled, shy, shun’ (epic poet. since Il.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Aor. tapPijoat, perf. tetapBiyka (E.).
*DIAL Boeot. tapBeyu (Hdn. Gr.).
eCOMP Rarely with mpo-, bm0-, ék-.
1452 TApYyavov
*DER tapBog [n.] ‘fright, shyness’ (QO 152 = 181, trag; tapBo-ovvn [f.] (o 342), with
-ovvog ‘frightening’ (A. Th. 240 [lyr.]), after yn8o-cbvn, -cvvoc; a-tapB-r¢ [adj.]
‘fearless’ (N 299, Pi.), from tapBéw or tapBoc; verbal adjective a-tapB-ntog “id” (T
63), also » atdpBaxtoc. Further tapBadéoc [adj.] ‘terrible, fearsome’ (epic poet., h.
Merc.; after opepdadéoc, Bapoadéoc), tapBretc ‘fearsome’ (Nonn.), like Kortrjetc;
tapBadvk, -vyoc = 6 tapaxtiKds (Hdn. Gr. 2, 743). Further details, especially on the
use in Hom., in Ruijgh 1957: 163.
eETYM The date of the attestations and their frequency suggest that tapfpoc was
secondarily created from tapBéw, so denominative origin is improbable for the verb.
The word tapBog is often compared with Skt. tarjati (epic, class.) ‘threaten, revile’,
Lat. torvus ‘grim, fierce’, MW tarfu ‘disturb, trouble, scare’, Hitt. tarkuyant- ‘looking
angrily’, for the reconstruction of a root *terg’-. However, there are problems in the
reconstruction of the Welsh word (see Matasovi¢ 2009 s.v. *targ’-o-), and the
semantic development of ‘angry, fierce’ to ‘shy’ in Greek is not clear.
Fur.: 219 compares tapytoow. Moreover, it is difficult to explain the element tapf-
from the proposed JE forms, as a zero grade would give *tpaB-. On the Skt. forms,
see Kuiper 1956: 215%. ToA trak ‘blind’, ToB tarrek ‘id’ are certainly unrelated, since
they are compounds with ek ‘eye’ (A ak) as a second member.
tapyavov [n.] ‘sick wine, vinegar’ (Phoen. [III*]). <PG(v)>
eVAR Acc. to EM 753, 54, the Attic form is » capydavn (see s.v.).
*DER Further oivoc tetapyavwuévoc ‘sour wine’ (Pl. Com.), tapyatvetv- tapdooetv
‘agitate’ (H.).
*ETYM Not well explained. Traditionally compared with » otepydvoc and > tpvé. The
difference in final velar makes comparison with the group of *terk-, trek- ‘turn’ (Lat.
torqued ‘to turn, wind’, Skt. tarku- ‘spindle’, etc; see Pok. 1077) impossible.
Expressions for ‘turn’ are often applied to drinks that have “turned” sour, bitter, or
the like, viz. 6 oivoc tpémetat, with tpomiac ‘spoiled wine, tapyavov’, Ital. il vino da
la volta ‘id.’, MoFr. le lait tourne ‘the milk becomes sour’, and many more examples.
Semantically, one may compare MoDu. wrang ‘herb, bitter, sour’ to Go. wruggo
‘snare. The variation t-/o- shows that the word is Pre-Greek. However, the
appurtenance of the following glosses, adduced by Frisk, is uncertain: tapydvat-
TAoKal, ovvdéoeic, médat ‘twinings, links, shackles’ and tetapyavwpévi;
ovpmenAcypévn, ovvetAnppevn ‘plaited together, taken together’ (H.); they barely
attest a meaning ‘turning, winding’, etc.
taptxocg [m.] and [n.] ‘fish or meat conserved by salting, smoking or drying’ (IA, etc.),
also ‘mummy’ (Hdt. 9, 120, S. Fr. 646) <PG>
VAR Also -ov [n.] (Hell.); back-formed as an adjective ‘pickled’ (Ael.); rare.
*COMP Some compounds, e.g. taptyo-m@An¢ [m.] ‘dealer in 1, with -mwAtov and
-nwdéw [v.] (PL, Hell.); wpo-tdpiyocg [m.] = oap— Odvvov tetapryevuévov ‘dried
tunny meat’ (middle com., Dsc.).
*DER 1. Diminutive tapix-tov [n.] (Ar.), 2. -1pdc¢ [adj.] ‘ptng. to pickling, pickled’,
also msc. ‘pickler, embalmer of bodies’ (Arist. pap.), like éAau-, &-1)pdc; 3. -G¢ [m.]
‘dealer in t.’ (pap. II); 4. -evw (also with mpo-, év-) [v.] ‘to pickle, smoke, dry’, also
Tapodc 1453
‘to embalm’, med. also ‘to wither’ (IA, pap.), with -eia (Ion. -1in) [f.] ‘pickling,
embalming’ (Hdt, Arist.), -evotc [f.] ‘id’ (Hdt.), -eiov [n.] ‘pickle factory’ (pap. II*),
-evtr¢ [m.] ‘embalmer, pickler’ (Hdt., Hell. pap.), -evtrp [m.] ‘id’ (Man.), -evtixd¢
= -npdc (Dsc.). Of uncertain mg. taptywtne, perhaps = taptyevtiic (Tab. Defix.); cf.
Tpix@oat Bayar ‘bury’ (H.).
eETYM The word is probably Pre-Greek, in view of the meaning of -a-. The
formation is isolated (on the long 1, cf. Schwyzer: 644; » dpptyosg ‘basket’ has {); the
gender may have been adapted to iy8tc ‘fish’ or kpéac ‘meat’ (cf. Egli 1954: 73ff.).
From Greek came Arm. tarex ‘herring’, Syr. tarixa ‘salted fish’. See > tapy bw.
en tappvoow [v.] ‘to startle’ (Lyc. 1177). <PG?>
Bats eVAR Aor. tappvgac8ar pofnOfjvat ‘get scared’ (H.); atdpyuKtoc ‘undaunted’
(Euph., Nic. H., EM).
eETYM Formation like aidtcoow, ktviocopa, oxapdaptvoow, which may be either
a denominative or deverbative. Connection with tpéuw seems attractive, but the zero
: grade tapu- as opposed to tpap- (in té-tpapl-oc, Te-tpap-aivw) raises some doubts.
Debrunner IF 21 (1907): 243 posited *tapydc ‘distress’, from »teipw. Fur: 219
compares tapBéw, which is possible but remains uncertain; if correct, the word
would be Pre-Greek.
tapmn [f.] ‘big basket’ (Att. inscr. IV’, Poll EM, H.). <PG>
eVAR Also tapmc [f.] ‘id.’ (Poll.).
*DER Further tepmovn [f.] ‘id’ (Peripl. M. Rubr. 65), tepnoc of uncertain mg. (pap.
III*).
*ETYM Frisk compares tapydvat- mAoKal ... (see on » Tapyavov), cdprtouc: KiBwtots.
BiOvvoi dé Evdtvoug oikiac (H.), » capydvn, and even »tapodc. Of these, the
comparison with o/tapydav- is useless; it is unclear whether odpmouc is cognate or
not. Fur.: 183, etc. compares Sdapmiy capyavn, Kdetvoc (H.), which would point to a
Pre-Greek word.
tapodc [m.] 1. ‘(plaited) device for dehydrating and drying cheese, etc.’ (t 219, Theoc.),
‘plaited tube, mat of rushes, kind of flat basket’ (Hdt. Th., Ar.), ‘entangled roots
forming a network’ (Thphr.). 2. designation of all kinds of flat objects, like ‘sole of
the foot’ (L 377, 388, Hdt., Hp.), also ‘palm of the hand’ (late medic.), ‘blade, rudder,
row of oars’ (Hdt., Th, E, Plb.), ‘flat of the outstretched wing, etc.” (Mosch., D. H.,
AP, Ael.). <1E? *ters- ‘dry’>
eVAR Att. tappdc.
*COMP Rarely as a second member, e.g. ovvtappocg ‘with a network of roots’
(Thphr.), of 6évdpov, back-formation from ovv-tappdopat.
*DER 1. tpactd (Eup., Ar., S.), tapou (Semon.), tepotd (Jul; -e- after tépoopar) [f.]
‘hurdle for drying figs, etc, dried figs, place for drying cereals, etc.. 2. tapowdn¢
(-pp-) ‘like a hurdle or mat, plaited’ (Thphr.). 3. tapofjrat- ayyeta, év oi oi tupol
yoxovtat ‘vessel for keeping cheese cool’ (H.); 4. tapo-dopat [v.] (rarely with ovv-,
éx-) ‘to form a network’, of veins and’roots (Hp., Thphr.), -6w ‘to equip with rudders
or wings’ (Polyaen., Lyd.), with -wua [n.] ‘row of oars’ (Poll.).
1454 Tapped
eETYM Words in Armenian and Germanic have been compared: Arm. f‘a7 ‘bar for
drying grapes, etc” < IE *trs-, OHG darra [f.] ‘apparatus for drying fruits, etc.’,
MoSw. and MoNw. tarre [m.] ‘frame for drying malts, etc.’, from PGm. *parzé [f.],
secondary *parzdn- [m.], IE *torsa (would be Gr. *topor). Both Frisk and DELG
assume that the remarkable shift of meaning to ‘blade of the foot, etc.’ started from
the flat form of the relevant objects. There are also phonological problems with this
explanation: it is improbable that *trs- would give tapo- in Greek, and the co-
ocurrence of pa and ap is also problematic in itself. (The maintained intervocalic -o-
may be explained by the chronology of sound changes, however: cf. Manolessou and
Pantelidis 2008.) Chantraine 1933: 82 points to the a-vocalism. Was it a loan from an
intermediate language? See » tépooytal. bs
tapgea [n.pl.] ‘thicket, shrubbery’ (A. R. 4, 1238). <?>
eVAR Dat. -eot (E 555, O 606).
DIAL Perhaps Myc. ta-pa-e-o-te, see Aura Jorro s.v.
*DER tap@ucg ‘dense’ (epic poet. Il.), -éec [m.pl.], -etai [f-pl.] (perhaps after muxtvai,
Ooytetai; cf. Chantraine 1942: 191), ntr.pl. -éa as an adverb ‘frequently, often’ (cf.
Leumann 1950: 166).
eETYM Derived by Frisk from »tpé@w ‘to feed’ as a zero grade (tappea would be
analogical after tap@tc, acc. to Porzig 1942: 246). However, the development to
tap@- from a zero grade is irregular, and the semantics are not compelling.
tapx tw [v.] ‘to inter’ (A. R. 3, 208). <PG(V)>
*VAR Fut. -Vow (H 456 = 674), aor. -doat (H 85, Q. S.), med. -boac8at (A. R., Nonn.),
pass. -vOijvat (Lyc., AP), perf. pass. tetapyvptiau (late verse-inscr.).
*COMP &-tTdpx TOs ‘uninterred’ (Ps.-Phocyl., Lyc.).
*DER Several glosses in H.: tapyavov- évtdgiov ‘ptng. to burial’; énitapxov:
EMITAPLOV, EVTAPLOV; TEepyavov: mévO0c, Ki}So¢ ‘grief, sorrow’; Tépyvea: ... EVTA GLA;
otépyava: mepideittvov. HAetot ‘funeral feast (Elean)’. Also tapyea and tapywpata =
TA VOLLOLLEVa TOIc veKpoic ‘what is to be done with corpses’ (sch. A and B to H 85).
*ETYM Has been compared with tdptyoc, -ebw ‘to pickle, embalm’, but this obviously
leads to formal and semantic problems. Fur.: 351 takes the forms with (o)tepx- as
variants, and concludes that the word is Pre-Greek.
tadoow [v.] ‘to post, align in ranks, establish; to put in order, arrange’ (post-Hom.).
<>
eVAR Att. -ttw; aor. taka, pass. taxOfjvat, later tayfvat, fut. taEw, perf. pass.
Tétaypat, 3pl. tetayatat (Th., X.), act. (young Att.) tétaya.
*COMP Very often with prefix, e.g. dia-, ém-, Mapa-, 1po-, OVV-.
*DER 1. Tayn (dta-, émt-, ovv-, bmto-, etc.) [f.] ‘array, order, supply, etc.’ (Ar. Lys. 105
[Dor.], Hell.); 2. taypa (d14-, éni-, obv-, mpdo-, etc.) [n.] ‘array, order, line-up, etc.
(IA); 3. TaEIc (S14-, Mapd-, ovv-, b7n6-, etc.) [f.] ‘array, line-up, etc.’ (IA); ovvtaE-tpov
[n.] mg. unclear, perhaps name of a tax, ‘census-list’ (?) (pap. IP); 4. taxtdc (ént-,
bn6-, an6-, etc.) ‘established, measured out, ordered’ (IA); 5. taktwkdg ‘concerning
the line-up of an army, tactical’ (X. et al.), frequently with ém-, mpoo-, ovv-, bm0- to
prefixed ém-tattw, etc. (Pl., Arist., Hell.); 6. ava-, dia-, émt-, b0-taK tN (from dava-
mores repartee etn yi
stiechreete mite esse tatters
:
b
.
i
i
i
i
TAvPOG 1455
tdoow, etc.) [m.] names of various officials (Hell.); AutotaKtng [m.] ‘deserter’ (D.
H.), to Autotakiov (ypagr, Att.), compounded from tdktv Aineiv; 7. é7tt-taktHp [m.]
‘commander’ (X.), dmto-taxtip ‘hermit’ (pap. V?: amotdocoytat ‘to take leave’), ovv-
Taktijp ‘arranger’, with -1ptoc (EM); 8. év-tdy-ov [n.] ‘order’, diminutive émtay-
iStov [n.] (late pap.); év-tay-1j¢ ‘ordered’ (late pap.), also with nominal first member,
e.g. Of10-Tay-1¢ ‘equal in status, etc” (Euc., Hero, etc.); 9. émta& [adv] ‘in a row, etc.’
(Hell.). See » taydc.
*ETYM The -y- in tayr) and » taydc (as to whether the latter is connected, see s.v.)
shows that tacow, -ttw is analogical for *td¢w. In other languages, it has been
compared with the Parthian title tgmdr, which Bailey 1985: 98 takes to be tagma-
dara- ‘giver of order’, OP ham-ataxsata ‘they have put in order’, ToB tas
‘commander’, and (less certain) Lith. patogus ‘convenient’, sutdgti ‘to be wedded; to
commit oneself, etc.’. If the OP form lost its laryngeal as a result of Lubotsky’s Law
(loss of laryngeal before two or more consonants, of which the first one is
glottalized), we may reconstruct a root *teh.g- (instead of the awkward *tag-
suggested by LIV’).
tata [voc.] ‘daddy’ (AP 11, 67). <IE *tata ‘father’ ONOM>
DER tati [voc.] ‘mummy’ (Herod. 5, 69); tataditw [v.] ‘to address with tata, flatter’
(Herod.); for the enlargement in -A- cf. muxtahiCw (to mbKtN¢).
eETYM Familiar address like Lat. tata, Ru. tdta, Skt. tatd-, Luw. tati(ia)- ‘father’, etc.
Also tétta voc. ‘id.’ (A 412) with e-vocalism, like Lith. tétis, -te ‘id’, teta ‘aunt’, Cz.
teta ‘id.’. See »dtta and > nana.
TATUPOG > TETAPOG.
tad [n.indecl.] name of a letter (Hp., Pl., Att. inscr. 1V*). <Lw Sem.>
*ETYM From Hebr. taw. Cf. Schwyzer: 140.
tadpog [m.] ‘bull’ (Il.). <1£? *teh,u-ro- ‘bull’ (cf. *steuro-).>
*COMP Very frequent as a first member, e.g. tavpo-Ktdvog ‘bull-slaying’ (S. [lyr.]);
also as a second member, e.g. 8¢6-tavpoc ‘god-bull’, of Zeus (Mosch.).
*DER1. Diminutive tavp-idéiov [n.] (Suid.). 2. -etog [adj.] ‘of bull, of beef’, also epithet
of Poseidon (Il. [only fem.], trag., Ar, pap.), -eia, -éa [f.] ‘hide of a bull or ox, a whip
made of it’ (Artem.), with -i(w = teivw ‘stretch’ (An. Ox.). 3. -eoc¢ [adj.] ‘id.’ (Hes. Sc.
140, Att. inscr. IV’, Lyr. Adesp. Alex., pap.). 4. -ucov Cedyoc ‘span of oxen’ (Hell.
pap.), 10 t. ‘id’ (late pap.). 5. -wdn¢ ‘like a bull’ (Nic.). 6. -e(wv, -e(t}@voc ‘[m.]
name of a month in Asia Minor (inscr., Herod.), -wv [m.] ‘id.’ in Alexandria (Ptol.).
7. -ivn [f.] from Lat. taurina [f.] ‘shoe made of bovine leather’ (Edict. Diocl.). 8.
-eaotai [m.pl.] ‘worshipper of Apollo Taureios in Ephesus’ (inscr. I*). 9. -nddv [adv.]
‘bullishly’ (Ar., Pl.). 10. tavpivda: paddtKi mada mapa Tapavtivots (H.). 11. -doprat
(also with amo-) [v.] ‘to behave like a bull’ (A., E.); tabpwoov tatpov moinoov ‘make
a bull’ (H.); cf. tav-pivda; taipoc also = aidoiov, koywvn (Poll. Gal., Phot., Suid.).
12. -(t)aw ‘to long for a bull’, of cows (Arist.).
*ETYM Identical with Lat. taurus, Osc. tavpop (acc. sg.), U turuf, toru [acc.pl.], Lith.
tauras ‘aurochs’, OPr. tauris ‘bison’, OCS turs, Ru. tur ‘buffalo’. Metathesis occurred
1456 Tavs
in Celtic words like Olr. tarb ‘bull’, MW tarw ‘id.’. The fact that Lat. taurus did not
undergo metathesis like parvus and nervus suggests that it is a LW (De Vaan 2008
s.v.). -Gm. words with initial st- are probably not cognate, e.g. Go. stiur, OHG stior
‘bull’, because these point to older *eu (without initial s-, ON bjorr). Av. staora- [m.]
‘big cattle’ deviates slightly in meaning. Comparable forms are found in Semitic:
Akk. suru, Aram. tor, Hebr. Sor. If the similarity is not accidental, there must have
been a loan, either from IE into Semitic or vice versa, or from a third common
source. If the word is IE, tatpoc is traditionally connected with the group of » taiic,
taiic [adj.] - péyac, moAve (H.). <1E?>
*DER tatioac: peyahbvac, mtAcovacac ‘haying furthered, having enlarged’ (H.)
(presupposes *taii(w).
*ETYM Formation like maytc, taxtc, etc. Indo-Iranian has an s-stem in Av. tauuah-
[n.] ‘might, power’, Skt. tavds- ‘strong, powerful, active’, and a primary verb Skt.
taviti ‘to be strong, have power’ (from *teuh,-). Greek cognates of this root are » ofc
and (possibly) » cwpéc. Perhaps » taipoc was derived from this root as well, with a
suffix *-ro-, but see s.v. According to Lubotsky 1988: 123, taiic and oc (< odFoc)
point to an alternating paradigm of a u-stem adjective: nom.sg. *tueh,-u-s (ablaut
like in Lat. brevis, gravis) > Gr. *oavc (with subsequent thematicization), gen.sg.
*tuh,-u-os, etc, from where initial t- was introduced into taiic (the disyllabic
pronunciation of which is far from certain anyhow).
TaVTOTHS =avdtoc.
tagr} [f.] ‘interment’. VAR tagog [m.], tappoc [f.] ‘grave’. = Oantw.
ta@os [n.] ‘astonishment’. =O tBoc.
taxuc [adj.] ‘swift, fast’ (Il.). <?, 1? *d'ng"-u- (?) ‘swift’>
eCOMP Often as a first member, eg. tayt-mwAoc ‘with swift steeds’ (Il, Theoc.).
Adverb tax-a ‘fast, easily’, grammaticalized ‘perhaps’ (Il.), also -éwe ‘fast’ (Y 365,
Hes. Th. et al.), with -ewott ‘id.’ (Pherecr.) like vewoti. Compar. 8a00wv (Att. -tT-),
adverbial Oaccov, superl. taxtotoc, adv. -a (all Il.). Also tayb-tepog (Ion., Arist.),
-TATOS, -tata (Pi. et al.), -iwv, tov (Hp. Mul., Hell. and late prose).
*DER 1. taxoc¢ [n.] ‘swiftness, speed’ (for *tixoc?), often adverbial (Il.). 2. tayuti¢
(Dor. -tdc) [f.] ‘id’ (Y 740); attempt at a semantic differentiation between tayoc and
taxuti¢ by Chantraine 1933: 418. 3. taxivéc = taxvc¢ (Hell. and late), after padivdc,
Baivdc, etc., with taxivins (Dor. -vac) [m.] ‘hare’ (Lacon. acc. to Ael.), acc. to H. also
‘Eha@og’. 4. tax bvw (also with ém-, ovv-, etc.) [v.] ‘to accelerate, hurry’ (IA). 5. kata-
taxéw [v.] ‘to hurry, arrive first, prevent’ (Plb, pap.), hypostasis of kata tayxoc.
*ETYM All the above forms are based on taxvc, except for the comparative Sacowv
with long vowel, the judgement of which remains difficult as long as the etymology
is unknown. Acc. to Bechtel 1917b: 426 and Bechtel 1921(3): 126, the PN Trytmmoc
(Eretria) would contain an old noun *thyoc = tdxoc. Seiler 1950: 40 explains
Oacowv, Bacoov as an adaptation of *Ojoowv to the timber of taytc, taytotoc. More
likely is secondary lengthening of an older short vowel in @dc0ov, as argued by
Wackernagel Gott. Nachr. 1914: 124f. For extensive discussion on the comparison, see
telvw 1457
Seiler 1950: 37ff. The etymology remains unclear. Against the old connection with
Lith. déngti ‘run, hurry’, etc., see Fraenkel 1955 s.v. defigti. The word taytc ousted the
old PIE word wKtc, which remained alive only in poetry.
taws [m.] ‘peacock’ (Att. com., Antiph., Arist., Hell.); also a fish name (Philostr.),
because of its color, acc. to Strémberg 119. <LW Orient>
eVAR Att. tad@c¢ (acc. to Trypho apud Ath. 9, 397e; on the inner aspiration see
Schwyzer: 219), also tawv, gen. Taw (Taw), Tawvos, etc.
*DER taWv-(e)tog “of a peacock’ (Luc.), -tkdé¢ ‘peacock-colored’ (Alex. Aphr.), taitnc¢
[m.] name of a stone = mdypoug (Cyran.).
*ETYM Borrowed from an unknown Oriental source (Frisk compares Tamil toghai).
On the history of the peacock, see Schrader-Nehring 1917(2): 163f.; on the name, WH
s.v. The Lat. word was borrowed as OHG pfawo, also found in other European
languages. On Oriental continuants of tawe, see Spies IF 62 (1955/56): 202 with litt.
te [pcl.] ‘and’ (Hom.), enclitic. IE *-k”e ‘and’>
eVAR Myc. ge.
eETYM Identical with Lat. -que, NPhr. -xe, Skt. -ca, Go. -h in ni-h ‘neque’, etc., from
IE *k”e. Also in adverbs: -te (IA, Arc. Cypr.), -ta (Lesb.), -xa (Dor.), e.g. T6TE, MOTE,
btE; T6TA, N6TA, Sta; ToKa, MdKa, Ska, etc. See also on > te.
téyyupos [?] - dpveov motdv ‘kind of bird’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
téyyw [v.] ‘to wet, moisten, pour out, soften’ (Pi. B., IA; mostly poetic). <IE *teng-
‘wet, moisten’>
eVAR Aor. téyEal, pass. teyxOfjvau, fut. teyEw.
eCOMP Rarely with ém-.
*DER téykic (éni-) [f.] ‘moistening’ (medic.), teyktdc (éni-) ‘softenable by
moistening’ (Arist., medic.).
*ETYM A primary verb identical with Lat. tingd [v.] ‘to wet, immerse, dip, paint’
(from *tengd; tingud after ungud). A secondary zero grade formation in OHG
thunkon, dunkon [v.] ‘to immerse’ (MoHG Tunke [f.] ‘sauce’), full grade in Swiss
tink ‘moist’.
TEyOG OTE yw.
tEOH TIA OG IBoc.
teOudc —OeoLtdc.
teivw [v.] ‘to stretch, pull tight, expand’, intr. ‘to extend, range’. <IE *ten(h,)- ‘draw,
stretch’>
eVAR Aor. teivat, pass. taOijva, perf. med. tétajtcu (IL), fut. tev (Att.), perf. act.
tétaka (Pl, D. H.). Reduplicated titaivw (rarely with dva-, etc., Il. and epic, also
medic.), with the aorist forms titrvac (N 534), tTit1yvdtevog (Orph.).
*COMP Very often with prefix: ava- (ovv-ava-), Sia- (€mt-dta-), éx- (St-ex-), év- (é7-
ev-), Tapa- (avtl-mapa-), bmtEp-, etc., etc.
1458 teipea
*DER 1. tOvoc [m.] ‘tension, cord, string, sinew’, in the sense of ‘tension of the voice’
also ‘tone, accent, sound; effort, strength’ (IA), as a second member in madiv-tovoc
‘with backward tension, rushing backwards, elastic’ (Hom. S. [lyr.], also Hdt., Ph.
Bel., Hero Bel.), mpdtovot [m.pl.] ‘front ropes’ (Hom,, etc.), with -iGw [v.] ‘to pull up
by 1.’; from the prefixed verbs e.g. Siatov-oc ‘stretched, strained’ (Thphr.), with
-tkdg “diatonic” (of music), -atov [n.] ‘crossbar, etc.’ (pap.). From t6voc: Tov-iKd¢
‘stretchable; related to tone’ (Arist., Hell.), -aioc ‘stretched’ (Alex.), -taiog ‘consisting
of a tone, measuring one tone’ (Arist.), -wd1¢ ‘tension-like’ (medic.), -ifw [v.] ‘to
provide with a tone’ (gramm.), med. ‘to be provided with a tone’ (Eust.); yeipo-tov-
éw [v.] ‘to stretch out one’s hand, vote, elect’, with -ia (Att.), as if from yelpo-tovog
(A. [lyr.]), originally a compound of xeipa téverv; tov-dw (é7-, ovv-) [v.] ‘to stretch,
strengthen, provide with a tone’ (Ti. Locr., Hell.), with -wotc, -wtixd¢ (medic.). 2.
tovi [f.] ‘duration of a tone’ (music). 3. taotc [f.] ‘tension, stretch, etc.’, mostly from
the prefixed verbs, e.g. Evtacic : év-teivw (IA), tatdc (Arist.), évtatdc (Pl.), etc.
‘stretchable’, tat-1x0c ‘giving a tension’ (Orib.), almost only with prefix, e.g. dtatat-
1x6c (Hell.). 4. tévwv, -ovtoc [m.] ‘sinew, neck-muscle, tendon of Achilles’ (Il., epic
Ion. poet., Arist.). 5. With reduplication tetavds ‘stretched, tense, tight, lank’ (Hp.,
Thphr.), ‘tight, lank-haired’ (Hell. pap.) = tetav6-Opig (Pl.). tétavoc [m.] ‘catalepsy,
tetanus’ (Hp. Pl, Arist, etc.), with tetav-xdc ‘suffering from catalepsy’, -wdn¢
‘cataleptic’ (medic.), -dw [v.] ‘to stretch out, make lank, smoothen’ (Dsc.), -w6pov
[n.] ‘skin-smoothening agent’ (Dsc.), -wya [n.] ‘id’ (medic.). 6. tetveopdc [m.]
‘constipation’ (medic., Nic.), with -wdn¢ (medic.), after meopdc (the variant with
tiyv- (Bechtel 1921(3): 333f.) remains to be explained. 7. *tévog [n.] in » dtevijc¢; from
the verb e.g. dtatev-ri¢ ‘stretching out’ (Thphr.), often with nominal first member,
e.g. dAi-Tevij¢ ‘stretching out unto the sea’, also ‘shallow’ (Hell.); on » eidttevijc s.v.
*ETYM The system of Greek teivw derives from the root *ten- ‘to stretch’, found in
most branches of IE (forms in LIV’). Skt. preserved an old athematic aorist d-tan
‘stretched’, from IE *He-ten-t. In Greek, the full grade of the verbal root is preserved
in the primary derivative tév-wv, -ovtog (see Strunk 1967: 107), and in the s-stem
adjective a-tevijc, where *tévoc is formally identical with Lat. tenus, -oris [n.] ‘string
with a noose’ and Skt. tdnas- [n.] ‘posterity’ (only RV 5, 70, 4) from IE *ten-s-.
Beside this root-aorist, Skt. had an s-aorist atamsit, med. atasi (zero grade), which
corresponds to Greek é-tetv-a from IE *Hé-tens-m. Instead of the old vu-present in
> TavvTal, Tavbw, Greek innovated a yod-present teivw, which agrees with Alb. nden
‘to stretch’, if from *en-ten-id. Among the nominal formations, we find Greek tovoc
beside Lith. tanas [m.] ‘ulcer’, Skt. tana- [m.] ‘thread, tone’ (with remarkable identity
of meaning), tana- [n.] ‘posterity’.
teipea eVAR Teipeciac. >tépac.
teipw [v.] ‘to exhaust, wear out, distress, trouble’ (Il., epic poet.). <IE *ter(H)- ‘rub’>
VAR Only pres. and ipf. (Aeol. inf. perf. tétop8ai Hdn. Gr.).
*ETYM Full grade yod-present of the root *terh,,- which is also found in » tépryv,
P TEPUG, & TETPAIVW, P TITPWOKW, & TPLW, P Tpibw.
teixog [n.] ‘wall, city wall, fortification’ (IL.). <1£ *d'eig"- ‘knead, form, fashion’>
TEKLLAp 1459
eVAR Also toixog [m.] ‘wall’ (Il).
*DIAL Myc. to-ko-do-mo /toik"o-domos/.
*COMP To totxoc: Toly-wpvx-oc [m.] ‘butlar, house-breaker’, with -ia [f], -éw [v.]
(Att.); apyvpd-totxos ‘with silver walls’ (A. [lyr.]), év-toiy-tog ‘on the wall’ (D. H.,
Ruf. apud Orib.; uncertain X. An. 7, 8, 1). Compounds, e.g. tetxeot-mAfjta (s. méAac);
with transition to the o-stems e.g. tetxo-uax-éw “to fight at the walls’, -ia f. (IA), -dc¢
m. (Ar. [lyr.]), -o¢ m. (App.); ed-tetxi¢ ‘with fair walls, well walled in’ (Pi. E.), also
ev-teix-€0¢ (IL; metr. condit., Sommer 1948: 19), -11to¢ (h. Ven. 112: tetxéw).
*DER To toixoc: totx-idtov [n.] (late), -t0¢ ‘belonging to a wall’ (Lebadeia), -i(w ‘to
list, heel over’, of a ship (Ach. Tat., Eust.). To tetyoc: 1. Diminutive tety-vdpiov [n.]
(X.), -dptov [n.] (pap. I; belittling), -idiov [n.] (Zonar.). 2. -tov [n.] ‘wall (of a house)’
(Od., Ar., Th., X.). 3. -opa = paypdc (AB; enlargement), -wtdc = Lat. vallaris (Rom.
time). 4. -tdetc ‘walled in’ (B 559 = 646), -totooa [f.] island near Milete (Th.); also
-Oeooa (Archestr.). 5. tetx-tkd¢ = Lat. vallaris (otépavog ~ = coréna vall; Rom.
time). 6. tetx-iCw [v.] ‘to build a wall, fortify with a wall’ (IA since H 449, also Dor.),
often with prefix, e.g. mept-, dmo-, émt-, with -to1c, -topa, -topdc (also with ttept-, etc.)
‘wall-building, fortification’ (Att.); -toti\¢ [m.] ‘mason, builder’ (LXX, Lib.). 7. -€w =
-i(w (Hadt.), with -1tdc¢ ‘fortified’ (Att. IV*).
*ETYM Greek toixog corresponds exactly to Skt. deha- [m.] (also [n.]) ‘body’, with
deht [f] ‘wall, damm, hill, Av. pairi-daéza- [m.] ‘surrounding wall’ (see
> mapadeiooc), and Gm. words like Go. daigs [m.] ‘dough’, all from IE *d'oig"o- [m.].
ToB -tsaika ‘shaper’, from tsik- ‘to form, build’, and Arm. déz ‘heap’ are both
probably innovations (cf. Arm. dizanem, aor. dizi ‘to heap up’). The formation of
teixoc < IE *d'éig"-s- [n.] is isolated, but the e-vocalism is also found in Osc. feihiss
[acc.pl.] ‘walls’, o-stem. The basic verb is preserved in Skt. deh- ‘to spread, lute’ as an
athematic formation déhmi; Latin has a nasal present in fingd ‘to spread out on,
knead, build’. Greek » Otyydvw is unrelated.
téxpap [n.] ‘sign, emblem’, rarely ‘goal, end’ (Hes., Pi., A. E., A. R.), also ‘symptom’
(Hp., Aret.). <1E *k”ek- ‘see, appear’>
eVAR Indeclinable. Also téxpwp [n.] ‘goal, end’, sometimes ‘sign, proof (Hom.).
*DER tekpaipopc (also with ovv-, dia-, etc.) [v.] ‘to determine, appoint’ (Hom.), ‘to
detect, conclude, deduce from signs’ (post-Hom.), aor. texprpac8ar (Il), fut.
Texuapoduat (X.), aor. pass. ptc. xtexpapOeic (Orac. apud Euseb.); act. texpaipw,
Tekurpat ‘to indicate, testify’ (Pi, A. Pr. [lyr.], Nic. Arat.). téxpap-oic [f.]
‘conclusion from signs, deduction’ (Hp., Th., etc.), -t6¢ “deducible’ (Cratin.), -ttxd¢
‘fit to conclude’ (Poll.).
From téxuwp: texpop-evw [v.] ‘to testify one’s loyalty to the emperor’, with -etor
Eévot (inscr.). From texpnpacBat: texurpiov [n.] ‘sign, feature, emblem, proof,
evidence, symptom’ (IA) with -ww6n¢ ‘evidential, giving evidence’ (Arist.), -tdw [v.]
‘to provide a testimony, proof (Th.), -dopat [v.] ‘to detect, conclude from signs’
(Hell.), with -iwotc [f.] ‘testimony, proof (Air.).
*ETYM Etymologically, téxuap is connected with the Indo-Iranian group of Skt. caste,
caksate ‘to see < *k”e-k"k-toi, -e-toi, also cdksus- [n.] ‘eye’, Av. caSman- [n.] ‘id’,
where the latter also displays a suffix starting with -m-.
1460 TEKVOV
téxvov [n.] ‘child, young animal, shoot’ (IL). <1E *tek- ‘beget, bear’>
*COMP Many compounds, e.g. texvo-motdc ‘begetting children’, with -éw, -ia (IA),
eb-tekvog ‘with good or many children’, also (Arist.) ‘good to the young’, with -ia,
-éw (trag., Arist.).
*DER 1. Diminutive texv-iov (late), -idtov (Ar.); 2. -obooa ‘rich in children’ (S. Tr.
308; cf. Kamerbeek ad loc.); 3. -6w (rarely with émt-, ovv-, etc.) [v.] ‘to beget
children’, usually of the man, -doptat [v.] ‘to bear children’, usually of the woman
(Hes. Fr. 138, Pi. trag., Arist.), with -wotc [f.] ‘production of children’ (Th., Arist.),
‘adoption’ (D. S.), -wpa [n.] ‘production, child’ (A. Fr. 315 = 625 M.).
*ETYM Usually connected with a Germanic word for ‘free) follower, servant,
warrior, hero’, also ‘boy, youngling’: ON egn, OE peg(e)n, OS thegan, OHG degan
[m.], from PGm. *begna-. This identification is not without problems, however, as IE
*tek-nd- would have yielded PGm. pekka-. Skt. ték-man- [n.] ‘descendant’ is only
attested in lexicographers and is better left aside. The word has several cognates in
Greek; see > tiktw.
téxtwv, -ovoc [m., f.] ‘carpenter, craftsman, artist, initiator’ (Il). <IE *te-tk-n-
‘carpenter’>
*DIAL Myc. te-ka-ta-si /tektasi/ shows the regular reflex of the zero grade of the
suffix, see Guilleux BSL 92 (1997): 207-9.
eCOMP Rarely as a first member, e.g. textov-apxoc epithet of podoa (S. Fr. 159); very
often as a second member, e.g. apyt-téktwv [m.] ‘builder, contractor, architect’ (IA).
DER 1. téxtatva [f.] ‘craftswoman, initiator’ (Hes. Th. apud Chrysipp. Stoic., Call. Fr.
anon.). 2. tekto-ovvn [f.] ‘art of building’ (e 250, E. [lyr.], AP), also with apyt- ‘id?
(Pisidia). 3. Textov-i6n¢ [m.] patronymic (8 114). 4. textov-tkdc ‘belonging to a
carpenter, skilled in building’, also with apyi- ‘belonging to the architect or to the art
of building’ (Pl. Arist.). 5. -eiov [n.] ‘carpenter’s workshop’ (Aeschin., Delos). 6.
Textov-evw [v.] ‘to carpenter’ (Hero), also with apyt- ‘to plan, construct’, with -evpa
[n.] ‘construction’ (Bito). 7. textov-éw [v.] ‘to carpenter, be a carpenter’ (Ph.), with
-ia [f.] (Thphr. [?], AP); also with apyt- ‘to be a builder, construct’ (Ar., Hell.), with
-ia, -1ua [n.] (Hell.).
Older denominative textaivopiat [v.] ‘to carpenter, manufacture, invent, machinate’
(IL.), aor. text-Wvaobat, fut. -avobpat, Hell. and late also -aivw (also with prefix, e.g.
Tlapa-, OVvv-, éTl-); EMtTEKTAVTHp_Ec (-tekv- cod.) oi Mapackevaotai ‘providers’ (H.).
See » TEXVI}.
eETYM Old expression of carpenting and building, identical with Skt. taksan- [m_]
‘carpenter’ and Av. tasan- [m.] ‘builder, creator’, going back to an n-stem built on
the reduplicated root *tetk-. On the feminine type téxtatva versus Skt. taksni-, see
Peters 1980a: 158f. Several languages preserve the basic reduplicated verbal formation
*te-tk-: Skt. taksati 3pl, OAv. tast ‘to timber, create’, Latv. teSu, test ‘hew’, iterative
Lith. taSau, -yti, OCS tesg, tesati ‘id.. Hitt. takS-“ ‘to devise, produce, etc.’ is probably
an s-present, while Lat. texd ‘weave, twine’, also ‘build, timber’, is ambiguous
between *teks- and *tetk-; see De Vaan 2008 s.v. Greek replaced the verb with the
denominative textaivopat.
téAAOpat 1 1461
tehapwv, -@voc [m.] ‘carrying-strap, belt, strap, binding, bandage’ (Il., epic Ion.), as
an expression of architecture ‘column’ (Hell., late Pontic inscr.), also ‘base of a
column’ (Argos V*)? Plur. telamones ‘male figures used as supporting pillars,
atAavtec (Vitr.). Also as a mythical PN (perhaps originally the bearer of the vault of
heaven). <IE *telh,- ‘bear, endure’>
*DER teAattwv-idiov [n.] ‘small bandage’ (late medic.), -iCopat [v.] ‘to be bound’
(Hell.). Patronymic Tehaytwviog (Atag; IL, etc.).
eETYM The original meaning is “bearer” and, like tArpiwv, teAaywwv is an agent noun
to the verb for ‘bear’ seen in TAfjval, » taAdooat, with a full grade root like in
TeAdooat ToAttijoat, TAvat (H.). It has been compared with a Celtic word for ‘sling,
trap’, e.g. Olr. teilm (tailm DIL), MW telm, for which a reconstruction PCI. *telmi- is
possible.
tehéOw
VAR TeAetH. >TéAOLIAL.
tedevth [f.] ‘end, end of life, fulfillment, closure, termination’ (Il.). <?>
*COMP Some compounds, e.g. a-téXevtog ‘endless’ (A. [lyr.]); also mpo-teAevty [f.]
‘early death’ (Vett. Val.), back-formation from mpo-te\evtdaw.
*DER teAevt-atoc ‘located at the end, outmost, last’ (IA, also completed in Pi.); -4w
[v.] (also with ano-, éx-, mpo-, etc.) ‘to end (life), fulfill, conclude’, with anotehett-
nots [f.] ‘conclusion, result’ (Pl.).
*ETYM An isolated verbal noun, which seems to presuppose a verb *teAetvw (like
kehebw); the pair tehevtt}: TéAO¢ recalls » kpatevtat: Kpdtoc. A remarkable similarity
is found in ToB klutk- ‘turn’, etc., which can be derived from a Pre-Tocharian root
*k”louT- vel sim., to which a-suffix -sk- was added. However, genetic relation to
Greek teAevtt is highly unlikely. See > téXopau, » tédoc.
téNBOg [n.] ‘payment, tribute, debt’ (Call.). «GR?>
eVAR Also téA8oc; ypéoc ‘obligation, debt’ (H.).
*ETYM A transformation of » téAoc 2 after dx8oc, Bpi8oc, TAFGoc.
telXivn [f.] name of a testacean, ‘Erpddpiov’ (Hp.; Dsc.). <PG(S)>
eVAR Also téAAtv [acc.] (Epich. 43; uncertain 114).
eETYM Clearly a Pre-Greek formation, with palatal ” and the suffix -tv-.
téhAopat 1 [v.] with mept- ‘to turn around in circles’ (II.). «IE *k”el- ‘turn’>
*VAR In absolute participial constructions, e.g. mepitehAoplévwv éviavt@v ‘in the
cycle of years’, -Evov Eteoc, -€vaic dpatc (epic poet.); the finite forms are said of
constellations, with adaptation to » té\Aw 2, -oplat in ava-téhhw, etc. (Alc., Arat.).
Also act. mepitéAn (Arat.), of the sun.
*DER As a simplex in tehAoptévov Eteoc (A. R.). Also finite forms in the sense of ‘to
change, originate, become’, like &¢ yaptv téhAetat (Pi.); perhaps this is the same word
as (ava-)téAhw, -opat ‘to rise, spring up’: yévoc ... putevOev ... téhAETO (Pi.); see
> téhhw 2.
1462 téhhw 2
*ETYM The corresponding expression mepimAoplévwv éviavt@v [ptc.aor.] (Hom.,
Hes.) shows that téAAoptat is a Ionic yod-present beside the Aeolic root present in
> méAoptat, from IE *kel-. See > téhoptat and > TéEAAW 3.
téAAw 2 [v.] ‘to make rise or spring, produce’, intr. ‘to rise, spring, originate’, of
constellations, plants, waters, etc. (Il. epic Ion. poet.), rarely med. ‘to shoot up high’
(Pi.). <1E *telh,- “bear, endure’>
eVAR Aor. tetAat, -ao8a, perf. med. tétaAtiau, act. tétaAKa (Arist.).
ecomP Almost only with prefix: A. dva-téAhw (also &&-, én-, mpo-, ovv-avatéhhw,
etc.), bmep-Téd)w, -opat ‘to rise up’ (Hdt., E.), brto-téAAotat ‘to rise, originate’ (Arat.,
A. R.); B. émt-téAAw, -optat ‘to assign, impose, order’ (epic poet. II. late prose), intr.
‘to rise’ of constellations, etc. (epic Ion., Arist., Plb.); év-téAAopict (also with mpoo-
ev-), rarely -té\\w ‘to assign, order’ (IA). Rarely as a simplex: fAiov téAAovtos (S.),
iptc téAAet ‘springs, emerges’ (Nic. Fr. 74, 32; cf. » téAXoptat 1), also med. otc
teAAopevne (A. R.), tédAetau of rising stars (Arat.).
*DER 1. dva-tod-1] (also with én-, ovv-) [f.] ‘(sun)rise, east’ (Ku 4 [avtodai plur.]);
émttoA-1 [f.] ‘rise of a constellation’ (Hp., Th. E., Arist, etc.); évtoA-j [f.]
‘assignment, order’ (Pi, Hdt, Decr. apud D.), with -idtov, -toc, -1Kdc, -tKdptoc,
-Llaiog, -Ev¢ (late). 2. Evtad-tta [n.] = EvtoAn (LXX, NT). 3. See » téXoc.
eETYM The forms tethat, tétadtat, tetakka were innovated from the present téAAw
after the pattern of otéA\w and other verbs. As a yod-present, *té\-tw ‘to raise, rise’
and ‘to assign’ belongs to » taAdooat, etc., thus originally *telh,-ie/o- (with loss of the
laryngeal in accordance with Pinault’s Law)? Or is it rather the same verb as
> téhAOLLaLl 1?
téAXw 3 [v.] ‘to achieve, perform’, = teAéw. <IE *k”el- ‘turn’>
eVAR Inf. teAAev (Gortyn), aor. étetAav (056v) ‘they completed (the road, journey)
back’ (Pi.).
*COMP ovv-téhAw = ovv-ted€éw in [ovv]teAAovta (Argos V* not quite certain).
*ETYM Factitive of » téAAoptat 1, with the same development of meaning as found in
> téhoc 1 *turning’, ‘end, completion’.
téApa [n.] ‘puddle, swamp, marsh, mire, mortar, dung’ (IA). <?>
*DER teAptat-wdnc¢ ‘swampy’ (Arist, D. S.), -tatocg ‘forming a swamp, living in a
swamp’ (Arist.), -dopat [v.] ‘to become swampy’ (Str.); also teAttic, -ivoc [m.] ‘mire,
dung’ (EM, H.); cf. pryypiic (to piyypa), also » Bic.
*ETYM Unexplained; cf. on » otakdoow. Arm. tetm, titm ‘mire, dung’ is a loan from
Greek (Pedersen K Z 39 (1906): 374).
téAopat [v.] = Zooptat, Zotat (Crete). <1E *k”el- ‘turn’>
VAR 38g. téAetau, also with ovv-. tévtat ‘id.’ (Cyrene), from *téA-Tal.
*DER Extension in -0-: teA€@w [v.] ‘to come up, appear, become, be’ (II., epic poet.,
also Ion. and Dor. prose); on the terminative meaning see Chantraine 1942: 327. Old
primary formations » téhoc 1 and tedetr [f.] “ceremonial rite, consecration’ (Pi. IA),
with teAet-dpxn¢ [m.] ‘head of the teAetai’ (late), teAetri¢ = teAeoti¢ ‘who performs
a consecration’ (Hell.; cf. on Euphron. 1 [Coll. Alex. 177]); cf. Lat. cultus to cold, Skt.
i
i
i
i
'
Tédoc 1463
cérana- [n.] also ‘(liturgical) action, religious ceremony’ (to cédrati, -te = colit,
té\etal); see also > téhAWw 3 and TEAEw (to » TEAOG 1).
*ETYM Identical with Aeol. » néAop1a1, so originally ‘I become’ with future meaning.
The form *té\-tat is an old athematic formation acc. to Meillet BSL 32 (1932): 198
(comparing gota), but this is improbable. It was rather formed from téAojat after
the synonymous pair goojta: gota (Fraenkel Glotta 20 (1932): 89ff.). Syncope from
téXetal, as assumed by Szemerényi 1964: 165ff., is also improbable. The pair téXoc :
teAett recalls yévoc : yevetr] (where the latter may have a reflex of the laryngeal from
*genh,-).
téAog [n.] 1. ‘end, limit, goal, fulfillment, accomplishment, determination; executive
function, office; initiation, etc.’ (Il.). 2. “duty, tax, toll, expense, cost’ (IA). 3. ‘division
of an army, troops, military unit, squadron of ships’ (Il., IA). <1E *telh,- ‘lift, carry’>
eDIAL Myc. te-re-ta (Morpurgo Davies 1963 s.v.).
eCOMP As a first member in teAeo-pdpoc ‘bringing téAoc’, epithet of éviavtdc
(Hom.), of Zetc (h. Hom.), of apai, evxai, etc. (trag.), of yMpat (Thphr.), etc., with
-gop-ia, -Ew, -rNoig (Hell.); teA-wviyj¢ [m.] ‘tax-collector’ (Att, Herod., Hell.), with
-@v-tov, -ia, -1Kd¢, -elov, -€w, -1]01¢ (most Hell. and late). Very frequent as a second
member, partly in back-formations of teXeiv, eg. d-tedr¢ 1. ‘endless, unfulfilled,
incomplete’ (since p 546), opposite év-teArc ‘entire, complete’ (Att. A.); 2. ‘without
duty, tax-free’ (IA), with atéA-eta, -ein [f.] ‘incomplete state’ (Arist.), “exemption
from taxes’ (IA); moAv-teAnj¢ ‘of many expenses, thriftless, costly’ (IA); ed-tedtc
(referring to teAeiv) ‘easy to pay, cheap, small, economical’ (IA); éxteArj¢ ‘complete,
ripe’ (Hes. A., E.) from éx-teAéw (Il.). With a suffix -to-: d-té\eo-tog (may also
belong to teAgiv) “endless, incomplete’ (Hom.), ‘without initiation, uninitiated’ (E.,
Pl.).
*DER 1. téAetoc (Il.), -eoc (post-Hom.), -noc (Crete), -ewc (Cos) ‘concerning the end
or goal, etc. fulfilled, full-grown, etc.’; the formation could be *tedeo-10c, *tedEo-
Foc, or teAe-toc, and is much-discussed; hence teAg(t)-dt1¢ [f.] ‘completeness’
(Democr,, Arist.), teAe(t)-dw [v.] ‘to complete, finish’, med. and pass. ‘to be fulfilled,
reach maturity’ (IA), also with amo-, é-, etc. thence -woic, -wila, -wtrj¢. 2. TeArelc,
epithet of &xatouBai (Hom.), also of oiwvoi (h. Merc.), of nea (Tyrt.), of Qxeavdc
(Hes. Th). 3. tedtxdc ‘belonging to the end’ (Hell.), ovv- ‘forming a community
(ovvtéheiay (Plb.), ‘payed jointly’ (late); brtep-ovv-tedixdc¢ (xpdvoc) ‘pluperfect’
(gramm.). 4. teAeota [m.] ’official’ (Elis VI"); to » teXeotrj¢ s.v.
5. Denominative verb tehéw ‘to finish, complete, initiate; to discharge, pay, spend’
(Il.), epic also -eiw, aor. teAgo(o)al, pass. teheoOAvat, fut. teA€o(o)w, epic also -éw,
Att. -@, perf.pass. tetéAeoptau (IIl.), to which act. tetéAexa (Att.), also -1)ka (Hell.
pap.), -1at (Cret.); very often with prefix, eg. amo-, dia-, éx-, émt-, ovv-. From
tehéw: Téhe-olc (am0-, ovv-, etc.) [f] “completion, conclusion’ (Arist., Hell.); téAeopia
[n.] ‘payment, tax’ (D. S, pap., inscr.), also to prefixed verbs (e.g. with dmo-)
‘completion, goal, result’ (Arist.); teAeo-trj¢ [m.] ‘initiating priest’ (late), Opeo-
tedeotr¢ (Thphr.); with ovv- (to ovv-tehkéw) ‘member of a union of tax-payers’
(Cod. Just., etc.); -t1x6g “concerning the initiating priest or the initiation’ (Pl.), ‘fit to
perform’ (Arist.), also with dno-, ém-, ovv-; tedeo-tip [m.] ‘initiating priest’
1464 té\oov
(Troezen II*), -twp epithet of Apollo (AP), also as a PN; -trpta [n.pl.] ‘sacrifice for
succeeded undertakings’ (X., Ael.), -triptov ‘place of initiation’ (Plu.); -tpa [n.pl.]
‘costs of initiation’ (Hell. inscr.); -tpta [f.] ‘priestess of initiation’ (Suid.). Lengthened
present tehiokw (ovv-) = teAéw (Hell.). In compounds, teAgéw occurs as a first
member, e.g. teAeot-oupydc ‘completing the work’, with -ia, -éw, -nua (Pl, Arist.).
eETYM Two etymologically different words seem to have merged in téAoc: in the
sense of ‘end, goal’, tédoc can be derived from »téXopat, > méAOpLc as *turning
point (of the race-course, the field)’; beside it stands m6Aog ‘hinge, etc.’, like yévoc :
yovoc. Given the broad root meaning of *k”el- (cf. Lat. colé, Skt. cdrati which also
occur as ‘to commit, complete, etc.’), a different original meaning may also be
envisaged. In the sense of ‘delivery, tax’, téoc fits excellently with »téAhw 2,
Ptehapwv, > takdooa, TAAvat ‘to lift, carry, yield’, like pdpoc ‘tax’ with pépw. For
téXoc as ‘division of an army’, connection with Skt. kula- [n.] ‘generation, family,
crowd’, Ru. céljad ‘crew’ has been suggested, but this is neither formally nor
semantically convincing. Frisk compares the German military expression Aushebung
‘levy, conscription’, in order to argue for derivation from the group of taAdooat. In
view of the striking similarity of the expressions teivetv téhog and titaivetv Tadkavta
(Y 101 ei 5é Gedc mep toov teivetev MoAgLOV TEAOG, Hes. Th. 638 ioov dé téAoG tétato
mtodguoto, and X 209 Kal tote dt) xpvoeia mathp étitave ta4Aavta), Holwerda
Mnem. 4:16 (1963): 337ff. connects both téXocg and taAavta with the balance and
explains them as ‘tongue of a balance’, librae iugum. This seems very convincing.
However, in the meaning ‘tongue of a balance’, té\oc must not be taken with
téAOLAL, TéAOLAL as “quod verti potest” (with H.), but with taAavta as ‘levy’.
téXoov [n.] ‘end of the field’, where the plough is turned (apotprjc N 707, 2 544, vetoio
2 547). <IE *k”els- ‘carve, draw’>
*DER téAcac: oTpo@as, TéAN, Tépata ‘turnings, ends’ (H.).
eETYM Probably corresponds to Hitt. guls-* ‘to carve, engrave, inscribe’, Skt. kars- ‘to
pull, drag, plow’, and Av. kars- ‘id’; the retention of -Ao- is regular if the accent was
on the preceding syllable. Forbes Glotta 36 (1958): 260f. does not accept this
phonological rule, and therefore reconstructs *ted-ti-o- from the root of tédoc,
which is highly unsatisfactory and unnecessary.
TéA@ovoa [f.] name of a source in several places in Greece. <1E *d'elb"- ‘dig’>
eETYM Neumann explains the form as a ptc. of the root *d'elb"- ‘to dig’, as in OHG
bi-telpan, MoE delve, MoDu. delven ‘id’.
TEMAXOG > TELVW.
téuevos [n.] “separated piece of land, precinct, holy area’ (Il. epic Ion.). <IE *temh,-
‘cut, separate’>
eVAR Myc. te-me-no.
«COMP Rarely as a first member, e.g. teuev-ovpdc [m.] ‘guard of at.’ (Cnidos).
*DER 1. teplév-toc ‘belonging to the +.’ (S, Chios IV’), -ia [f.] epithet of ‘Eotia
(Erythrae III*); évtepév-tot 8eot (Milete, Priene). 2. -1xdcg ‘id’ (Anaxandr.[?], St. Byz.,
EM). 3. -itnc [m.] epithets of various gods, eg. AnddAwv, Zevc (Th, inscr.), fem.
TELV® ; 1465
-ittc name of a height near Syracuse (Th.). 4. -i(w (also with év-, Poll.) [v.] ‘to
establish or initiate a t. (Pl, D. H.), with -toua [n.] (D. C.); tpo-tepévicua ‘outer
court of a temple’ (Th. 1, 134, Hld.).
*ETYM Traditionally connected with téuvw (e.g. Z 194 téevoc tapov, and cf. mic 6
eleplouévocg tOmog tivi cic tyWNVv KtA. H.), which seems both formally and
semantically satisfactory: a suffix -voc (like in «ti\-voc, ép-voc, etc.) was added to the
disyllabic root *temh,-. Manessy-Guitton IF 71 (1955): 14ff. (with extensive treatment
and bibliography) does not accept a suffix -nos-, and considers Oriental origin: Akk.
temennu ‘foundation charter, Sum. temen ‘id.’. The old connection with téuvw
would then be folk-etymological. This is not very probable.
téuvovta [ptc.acc.sg.m.] - duéAyovta ‘sucking up’ (H.). <IE *k”em- ‘gulp’>
VAR Also étepev- Muedyev (H.), tépet (N 707).
*ETYM Connected to an IE word for ‘gulp, swallow’ in Skt. 4-camati ‘to gulp’, etc.,
Molc. hvéma ‘id’ (most recently by Strunk Glotta 68 (1990): 49-61).
tépvw [v.] ‘to cut, cut up, split, destroy’ (Hom.). <1E *temh,- ‘cut’>
VAR Epic Ion., Dor. tdapvev (on téet N 707 see on > TELVOVTA), aor. TeLetv, epic
Ion., Dor. tapeiv, fut. teu, Ion. tepéw; tun- (Archim. tya-) in the aor. pass. TuN-
Ofivau, perf.pass. tétpr-pat (Od., Pi.) and act. -Ka (Att.), verbal adj. tuntdc (Att, A.,
S. [lyr.]), 26-tprytog (Hom.).
*COMP Very frequent with prefix, e.g. amo-, ék-, év-, Kata-, MEpl-, OVv-.
*DER A. With o-grade 1. top) (Dor. -4) [f] ‘cutting, cut, cut off part, stump’ (I1.), also
with ava-, ano-, ék-, Ttept-, etc. (from dva-téuve, etc.). 2. touoc [m.] ‘section, piece,
part of a literary work, scroll of papyrus, volume’ (com,, inscr., pap.); often to the
prefixed verbs with adjectival function, eg. andtop-oc ‘cut off, steep, craggy’ (IA),
with fem. -d¢ (D. S, J.), -~a [f.] ‘cragginess’ (Hell.). Adjective touds ‘incisive, sharp’
(S. PL), often as a second member in univerbations, e.g. 5pv-tdp0c ‘cutting wood’
(Il.). 3. top-ebc¢ (ék-, mept-, b70-, amo-) [m.] ‘cutter, blade, knife’, mathematical
‘sector’ (Trag. Adesp., Pl. Alc., X. Arist. Hell.); on toped, TOUN, TOMoc and tyPa as
mathematical (geometrical) terms see Mugler 1958-1959: s.vv. 4. Top-iac (usually
with éx-) [m.] ‘who has been cut’ (IA), with -taiog (PMag. Par., gloss.). 5. tou-de [f.]
‘excavation, clearance’ (Arc. IV®). 6. -ic [f.] ‘knife’ (LXX). 7. tép-tov, plur. ta tép-ta
‘cut victim, cut out parts of a victim, cut’ (Att, etc.), tOp-toc = -iac (pap.). 8. Top-
aiog ‘provided with a cut, cut off (A. E.). 9. -tkéc, only with ava- (to ava-top-1)
‘belonging to the anatomy’ (Gal.); also with nominal first member, e.g. Aatop-iKdG
(to Katop-fa, Aatdp-o¢) ‘belonging to a quarry, quarry-worker’ (D. S.). 10. -dptov
[n.] ‘small volume’ (Stob., Eust, EM). u. Denominative verbs: -dw (only pte.
topdvtt [dat.], of myatt) ‘needing cutting’ (S. Aj. 582); éx-, cvv-topitw = &k-, ovv-
téuvw (PMag. Par. Suid.); éxtou-dtw ‘to castrate’ (gloss.).
B. With zero grade < *tmh,-: 1. tua (also with ano-, nept-, etc.) [n.] ‘section, part’
(Hp., PL, Att. inscr., etc.), -watiov (Eust.), -pwathdnc (Hp. Loc. H om.). 2. -ot¢ (also
with dno-, dmo-, etc.) [f.] ‘cutting, destroying’ (Pl, Arist.). 3. -trp [m.] ‘cutter’
(Nonn.); -tr¢ as an explanation of éxtopets (H.); -tuxdc (ava-) ‘cutting, stabbing’
(PL, Arist.). 4. -61yv ‘incising’ (H 262).
1466 TEVAYOG
C. With full grade: téayog [n.] ‘piece, especially of salted fish’, diminutive -ov [n.]
(1A), with formation like o€ayoc, otéAexoc, etc. (Chantraine 1933: 403 and 421).
Hence teptax-itns (ix8ic) [m.] ‘sliced and salted fish’ (com., pap.), -i(w (amo-) [v.] ‘to
slice for salting, pickle’, with -.o,tdc, -totdc (late).
D. From the aorist tatetv: tapeci-ypwe ‘cutting the skin’ (II.).
Cf. also > Tépevoc, > Taptia, > Taptiac, > TALULOOS.
eETYM The nasal present tojivw << PGr. *tamnémi < PIE *tm-neh,-mi is original, as
is a root aorist 3sg. *etemet < *h,e-temh,-t, which was replaced by a thematic aorist
étetov (Hardarson 1993b: 157-8, 160-1, 166). This situation was levelled in various
ways in the dialects: Att. innovated with the present téuvw, while epic Ion. and Dor.
secondarily created the aorist ¢tay1ov. Extensive treatment by Forssman Glotta 44
(1966): 5ff. The monosyllabic té-tuy-tTal, Tn-Ofvat, etc. agree with PéBAntat,
PAnGAvat et al. A pre-form tG@- seems to be confirmed by the forms in Archim. and
by twakar (see > tpuyyw); on the other hand, tétuvtat is unambiguous in Pi. I. 6, 22,
and is also to be found in the lyrical parts of the tragedians (Forssman 1966: 158ff.).
This means that the root was *temh,- (thus also LIV’ s.v.).
Celtic has the original athematic nasal present in Olr. tamnaid ‘to cut off < *tm-n-
(e)h,-; in Latin, this was also thematicized to (con-)temno “despise’, perhaps via ‘cut
up, mutilate’. A nasal present is also found in Balto-Slavic, eg. ORu. tjati, 1sg. tonu
‘to beat’, Lith. tinti, sg. tinu‘to sharpen’. See also » tévéw and > Tytr;yw.
tévayog [n.] ‘shallow water, shallow spot, shoal’ (Pi. Hdt., Th. Arist.). «IE *tenh,g-
‘shallow water’>
DER tevay-w6n¢ ‘full of shoals, shallow’ (Hell.), -itic [f.] ‘id’ (AP), -i@w (Str. Plu.),
-dop.at (Xenocr. apud Orib.) [v.] ‘to form a t., be shallow’.
eETYM Formation like the opposite méAayoc, and perhaps influenced by it.
Bezzenberger BB 18 (1892): 267 compared Latv. tigas < *tyh,g- “deep spot between
two shallow places’, but in view of the root structure, this seems highly unlikely.
tévdw [v.] ‘to gnaw at’ (Hes. Op. 524; v.l. tévOw [see tévOnc]; conj. AP 9, 438, 1). <IE
*tend- ‘split, cut of f>
eETYM An old primary thematic present; Latin has an iterative tonde6 ‘shave’. Celtic
has several cognates, e.g. MIr. ro-s-teind ‘he split it (the nut)’, pres. teinnid, tennaid
‘splits, breaks’, tonn (< *tond-d) ‘skin’. Traditionally connected with téuvw as IE
*tem-d- (where one could assume that root-final *d became *h,), but this leaves the
-m- unexplained. Fur. connects tév@1¢ and thinks the verb is rather Pre-Greek.
tévO1¢ [m.] ‘glutton, gourmand’ (com.). <PG>
*COMP As a second member in Atyvo-tév61)¢ ‘lickerish glutton’ (Poll.).
*DER Primary verb tév@et [3sg.pres.] (v.l. Hes. Op. 524 acc. to sch. Ar. Pax 1009, Suid.
s.v. TévOaic); tevO-ebw [v.] ‘to be a glutton’ (Poll.), -eia [f.] ‘gluttony’ (Ar., Alciphr.);
mpotév@-at [m.pl.] ‘participant of the celebration of Aopmia’ (at the first day of the
Apaturiae), also ‘forestaller’ (com.), sing. ‘greedy’ [adj.] (Ael.), with -evw [v.] ‘to
forestall, anticipate’ (Ar.), -ebVouat ‘id, (Eust.).
*ETYM Acc. to Bechtel 1921, 1: 310, T6vOwv- mapa Kopivyy, éni vwtiaiov (cod.
votiBiov) Kpéwc TO Svopa ‘spinal meat’ (H.) also belongs here, which Frisk analyzes
Tépac 1467
as belonging to *tdvOoc, like ypovOwv : ypdvOoc. Instead, we should envisage to
connect tévOn¢ with » tévdw, in which case the variation 6/ 8 points to Pre-Greek
origin (Fur.: 196, 88). The words have nothing to do with the IE root *tem(h,)-.
tevOivor [n.] - \iPot tAateic ‘flat stones’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM Doubtful hypothesis by Mayrhofer Wien. Stud. 67 (1954): 162: it would
originally mean *hewed’ > ‘smooth’, and belong to Skt. gandhd- [m.] ‘smell
(originally *‘to stab, blow, cut’). No etymology.
tevOprdwv, -dvos [f.] ‘wasp, forest-bee’ (Arist. Dsc.). < PG(V)>
DER Also tevOprvn [f.] ‘id.’ (Nic.), -r}wov [n.] ‘nest of a t.’ (Arist.), -17v()wd17¢ ‘like a
honeycomb, perforated’ (Hp., Plu., Democr. apud Ael.).
eETYM See & dvOprdwv, dvOprvn, as well as » meLpprjSwv, and perhaps also » Opijvoc.
The variant forms clearly show the Pre-Greek character of the word. Fur.: 196
suggests to connect » tévO1¢.
TEVWV = TELvw.
tépapva [n.pl.] ‘house, residence’ (E., almost only lyr., also Artem.). <PG(V)>
eVAR Also tépeuva; sing. -auvw [dat.] (Maiist. 12). Here also tépapvot- oteyavoi,
oxtai, ox1jvwpata ‘covered, shadowy place, tents’ and tépaytvoc: KvyéAn ‘vessel,
chest, box’ (H.).
*ETYM Previously connected with an IE word for ‘beam, building, habitation’ found
in several European languages, eg. U tremnu ‘tabernaculo’, Lat. trabs ‘beam’ (with
taberna ‘shed, habitation’ from older *trab-), OW treb ‘living’, Lith. troba ‘house,
building’, to which probably also belong Gm. words like OS thorp, OHG dorf
‘village’. However, these words cannot be related to tépattva, which would
presuppose a pre-form *terh,b-no-, while the other languages point to a root *treb-
(thus De Vaan 2008 and Matasovi¢ 2009). The form tépejtva, often explained by
progressive vowel assimilation, rather points to substrate origin. We should
definitely compare 8epdnvn, which occurs both in the meaning ‘servant, maid’ and
as ‘house, residence’ (see > 8epanwv). Because of the alternations a/e and 0/1, B/n,
the word is Pre-Greek (likewise Fur.: 351).
Tepapwv, -ovos [adj.] ‘soft by boiling’, of pulse, etc. (Thphr., Phot.). <?>
DER Tepay6-tije [f.] ‘softness’ (Thphr.).
eETYM For tepaptotns, cf. perdty¢s to peiwv. The word is probably secondary to
atepdtiwv ‘hard, tough’, like myuwv to anjwv (see > ria), or like tépatvov:
anadv, éwavov ‘weak, boiled’ (Phot., Suid.) to atépapvoc. See » atépativoc and
> TEpryy.
tépas [n.] ‘sign, emblem; wonder, monster’ (Il, epic poet. IA prose). <IE? *k”er-
‘magical sign, omen’>
eVAR Gen. -aoc and -eoc¢ (Hdt.), plur. -aa (-@, -a), -ea (metrically lengthened
teipea), Hell. -atos, -ata, etc.
1468 tepéBiv80¢
eCOMP Often as a first member, e.g. tepato-Adyoc ‘telling wonders, wonderful’ (Pl,
Philostr.), with -ia (Isoc., etc.), also -éw [v.] (Arist.), -a (late); tepalo]-oxdroc
(tepato-) [m.] ‘interpreter of signs’ (Pi, trag.).
*DER 1. tepat-Wde¢ ‘miraculous, meaningful’ (Att.), 2. -iag [m.] ‘performer of
miracles’ (D. S.), 3. «x@¢ ‘wonderful’ (Epicur.). 4. tepdo-ttog ‘bringing omens, of
bad omens, remarkable’ (Hell; like LeBaotiog to ceBao-tdc, also Tepdottioc). 5.
tépaopa [n.] ‘miracle’ (Plu.), cf. pavtacua, etc. 6. Denominative verbs: a. tepat-
evoual (also with émt-, amo-, etc.) ‘to talk marvels’ (Att. Hell.), with -eia [f.] (Att.
Hell.), -evppa [n.] (Ar, D. H.); b) -dopcu [v.] ‘to stare at as a wonder’ (Timo); c)
tepatw (-aCw Hdn. Gr.) [v.] ‘to interpret signs’ (A. Ag. 125 [lyr.]); 7. tepat-topoi
[m.pl.] ‘wonders’ (Lyd.). 8. Tetpeotac [m.] PN, taken to stand for *Tepet-iac with
metrical lengthening.
eETYM Archaic word in -ac (cf. xtépac, Bpétac, o€Aac, etc.). Connected with » méwp
(and téhwp) ‘monster’ (if this is from *k”er-dr by dissimilation; s.v.). Perhaps these
words can be connected in turn with Lith. kéras ‘magic, sorcery’, Ru. cary ‘magic’,
Skt. kr- ‘to make, perform’, etc. (see LIV’ s.v. *k”er- “(ab)schneiden, schnitzen’); note
that this presupposes that -ac¢ was secondarily added within Greek, since the root is
anit.
tepépivOo0c =tEpuvdoc.
tepeitys [m.] a musical instrument in Egypt (BGU 1125, 4). <Lw Eg.?>
eETYM May be a loan from Egyptian.
tepetitw [v.] ‘to twitter, chirp, hum’ (Phryn. Com, Arist., Thphr.). <ONOM>
eCOMP Rarelywith ovv-, bm0-.
DER tepét-topa [n.] (Arist., Hell.), -topdc [m.] (late) ‘twittering, etc.’.
*ETYM It is generally assumed that this word is onomatopoeic.
tépetpov [n.] ‘auger, borer’ (Od., Att. inscr., LXX, Plu.). <IE *terh, ‘bore’>
*DER Diminutive -tpiov (Thphr.). With a suffix -ndov-: teprdwv, -ddvoc [f.] ‘borer,
caries’ (Hp. Ar, Arist.), with -doviCopat [v.] ‘be consumed by caries’, -Soviopdc [m.]
(Dsc.); cf. tevOprdwv, ad yndwv, and see Gil Fernandez 1959: 115.
*ETYM A primary instrument noun formed with the suffix -tpo- from the disyllabic
root *terh,- seen in tépecoev: Etpwoev, ETdPvwoe ‘pierced’ (H.), tepéow (Eust.), zero
grade tpijoat. In the same meaning, we find Olr. tarathar < *-tro-, Lat. tere-bra <
*-sr-. See » Tetpaivw and > teipw.
tépnv [adj.] ‘tender’ (Il., epic poet.). <IE *ter-n- ‘tender, soft’>
eVAR Fem. -etva, ntr. -€v.
ecOMP As a first member in tepevdé-ypwe ‘with tender skin’ (Anaxandr., Opp.).
Comparative tepév-tepoc (Antun.), tepevw-tepoc (Lyr. Adesp.), fem. tepetvo-tépr)
(AP).
eETYM An adjectival n-stem like pony, dporyv, identical with Sabin. terenum ‘soft’
(ascribed to Favorinus by Macrobius [late 4" c. AD]) save for the thematic vowel.
Lat. tener, -era, -erum ‘tender’ also belongs here, if transformed from *terenos after
tenuis (see De Vaan 2008). See » tépuc and > tepdpwv.
téputvOoc 1469
tepOpevouat [v.] ‘to speak subtly’ (D., Arist. Plu.). <?>
*DER tepOp-eia [f.] ‘sophistic reasoning, hairsplitting’ (Isoc., Phld., D. H.), also as
military expression = 1) otpateia 1) év toic pépeotv KaAovLEVN (Phot., Suid. similarly
EM 753, 5), -e0paot: pAvapiatc ‘nonsense’ (H.), -evc [m.] as a PN (Hermipp.).
eETYM Can hardly be separated from tép8pov ‘topmost end, point’, though a
convincing argumentation for the semantic development is lacking. Prellwitz points
to petewpoddyoc; one could also compare MoHG spitzfindig , MoFr. pointiller ‘to
cavil’. One may also think of » tov8opv(w ‘mumble, speak inarticulately’.
tépOpov [n.] ‘top end (e.g. of the sail-yard), summit, highest point’ (h. Merc. 322,
Emp., Hp., E. Fr. 371, Poll.). <2
*DER tépO8ptot (KdAor) [m.pl.] ‘ropes at the end of the sail-yard’ (Ar. Eq. 440, Erot.,
Gal.), tep8pia mtvon (S. Fr. 333) = dmto8ia mvor. Glosses tep8pwtrp- Grtov 6 7IpwpEdc
Mpoopa ta év ti Bardoon ‘place whence the prow officer keeps watch of what
happens at sea’ (H.) and te8prjdwv: npwpete ‘prow officer’ (H.).
eETYM A suffix -8@po- with the root tep- ‘reach the other side’ has been assumed, but
this root ended in *-h,, thus the connection is impossible (see » tépuia).
tépua [n.] ‘finish (of a race-course), end, highest point, supreme power’ (II., mostly
epic poet.). <1E *terh,- “cross’>
eCOMP As a first member in teppo-dpopéw ‘to run to the finish’ (Man.), teppat-
obxoc H. as an explanation of BadPidodxoc. Often as a second member, e.g. d-
tépuwv ‘without an end, boundless’ (A., E., Arist.), derived from TéppLwv.
*DER 1. Tépil-tog ‘at the end, final’ (S.); cf. otdpto¢ from otdpa; 2. -tevc¢ [m.] epithet of
Zeus (Lyc.), after IToAt-evc; 3. -1dei¢ epithet of domic (H 804), of xitwv (t 242, Hes.
Op. 537), mg. unclear (nodnvexric¢ ‘stretching to the feet’, acc. to the ancients);
formation like tetyidetc; hence tépytc: moves ‘foot’ H; on Myc. te-mi-dwe-te, -ta see
Auro Jorro s.v5 4. -4Cw [v.] ‘to limit’ (Tab. Heracl., Thermon III), with -aotipec
[m.pl.] ‘boundary officials’ (Epid. III*); 5. -atiCw (seldom prefixed with damo-, ém-)
‘id’ (Str., S. E, Vett. Val.).
Besides téppwv, -ovoc [m.] ‘end, boundary, edge’ (A., E., Hell. and late prose); cf.
via to pvipwv, etc. with tepp-dvioc ‘at the end’ (A. Pr. 117 [lyr.]), -oviGw [v.] ‘to
delimit’, -oviopdc ‘delimitation’ (Epid. III*); teppo-obva [f.] (Trag. Ades p. 509 [lyr.]),
nonce formation.
eETYM The n-stem in téppa and tépywv corresponds to that of Lat. termen, -inis [n.],
also ter-mo, -onis [m.] ‘frontier stone, marking stone, frontier’ (see De Vaan 2008 for
further forms), as well as that of Skt. (RV) su-tdrman- ‘carrying over, saving’ (of a
ship); Lat. terminus and U termnom-e ‘ad terminum’ show thematic enlargements.
The basic verb is preserved in Skt. tdrati, tirdti (*terh,-) ‘to carry across, transfer’. See
on »tép8pov, which is probably unconnected. On Hitt. tarma- ‘nail, peg’, see
> TOPLLOG.
téputvOoc [f.] ‘turpentine tree, Pistacia Terebinthus’ (Hp., Arist., Thphr. LXX).
<PG(S,V)> :
VAR Secondarily tepéfiv80c, metathesized tpéuBoc (Nic. Th. 844).
1470 TEPLLLOELG
*DER teppivO-tvoc (tepeB-) ‘belonging to the turpentine tree’ (X., Diocl. Fr, Thphr.)
fem. -ic, haplological for -tvic (Nic. Al. 300); tepeBiv8-wdn¢ ‘rich in turpentine trees’
(AP), -i{w [v.] ‘to be like turpentine’ (Dsc.). TeppivOevc (Lyc.), TepB- (Milete II*)
epithet of Apollo as a god of medicine, Tpewi80bc¢ TN (Cyrus; Ptol., St. Byz.).
*ETYM The younger form tepéBtvOoc was perhaps influenced by épéftv8o0c (Giintert
1914: 138), rather than dissimilated from p ... v. Fur.: 219 assumes variation B/ yu. The
word is Pre-Greek; this is confirmed by the suffix -tvOoc.
TEPHLOELG eVAR TEPHWV. > TEPLa.
tépvaka [2] - tic KaKTOU Tod PuTOD KavAv ‘stalk of the cactus plant’ (H.). <PG?>
*ETYM Formation like ddvak, etc., explained by Frisk from earlier *tépvov, -oc,
which would have an e-grade compared to the zero grade in Skt. trna- [n.] (blade) of
grass, straw, herb’, Go. baurnus ‘thorn’, MoHG Dorn [m.], OCS trone “axavea’
(from IE *trn-o-, -u-). A problem with the etymology of these words is that the root
*terh,,- ‘to pierce’ is set. Etymologies between Greek and Sanskrit plant names are
often wrong, and the word could be Pre-Greek.
tépropat [v.] ‘to satiate, refresh, delight’ (I.). <1E *ter p- ‘satiate’>
eVAR Aor. taprtijvat, tap@Oivat, tep@pOrvat, epic also tapnwpe8a [1pl.subj.],
reduplicated tetdpzteto, tépwaoOat, fut. tépyouat. Also active tépmw, Tépyat, TEepyw.
eCOMP Also with é7-, kata- et al. Compounds: a-tepm-rjc ‘unpleasing’ (Il.), opposite
émitepmt-r¢ (h.Ap.); uncertain atépmov dt(bocg (Z 285); a-tepmvocg “ayputtvoc
(Stesich., Ibyc.). As a first member probably in tepm-Képavvoc epithet of Zeus, ‘who
delights in thunder and lightning’ (Hom., Hes.); tepwi-uBpotoc ‘rejoicing people’
(Od., h.Ap., etc.).
*DER 1. teprt-vdc ‘delightful, joyful’ (6 45 [v. 1.]), with -votn¢ [f] (LXX); recent
superlative tépm-viotoc (Call.). 2. tépwic [f.] “delight, enjoyment’ (Hes., mostly
poet.). 3. tepm-wAn [f.] ‘id’ (o 37, Archil, Thgn, late prose). 4. tépmea or -y (dat.
-eot) [n.pl.] ‘id’ (epigr. Itanos I*-I?). Proper names, eg. Tépm-avdpoc, with short
forms Tépmnc¢ (AP), Tépmwv, name of satyrs (vase inscr.). IIoAv-teprtoc (Corinth
VI’; Threatte Glotta 45 (1967): 186ff.), patronymic Tepm-1a61¢ (x 330); Eb-tép7n,
Tepyi-xopn (Hes.).
*ETYM SKt. present tarpati ‘to be satisfied’ is an innovation (ep.) for earlier tfpyati,
trpnoti, trmpati (see Mayrhofer EWAia 1: 634f.); the Greek root present tépmopat
may also be an innovation for an earlier yod-present. The intransitive aorist tapit-
vat probably replaces earlier *tpam-ijvat (which fell together with the same
formation from » tpémw ‘to turn’). LIV’ s.v. 1. *terp- ‘sattigen’ compares the thematic
root aor. Skt. d-trp-at with Hom. tapnwye8a. Other cognates are Lith. ta7pti, sg.
tarpstu ‘to prosper’, and probably also the Gm. group of Go. baurban, OHG durfan
‘to need’, which is semantically more problematic, but possible acc. to Seebold and
Kiimmel apud LIV’.
tépoopat [v.] ‘to dry’, both trans. and intr. (Hom., Hp.). <IE *ters- ‘dry’>
eVAR Aor. teporjvat (P 519), -tywevat (¢ 98), act. tépoat (Theoc., Nic.), tépoato (Nic.)
[2sg.opt.med.], pres. tepoaivw, -opat (Hell. epic), with 3sg.aor. téponve (P 529).
TEOOAPES, -a 1471
eETYM Traditionally, tépoopa is identified with Go. *ga-bairsan, but only
gapaursana [pret.ptc. acc.sg.f.] (of handu = eEnpappéviv xeipa) is attested, which
may also belong to ga-pauirsnan ‘npaiveoBar. On the retention of -po-. <
intervocalic *-rs-, see Manolessou and Pantelidis 2008. A zero grade yod-present is
found in Skt. tfsyati, Go. Paursjan ‘to thirst’, and a causative *tors-eie- in SKt.
tarsdyati, Lat. torred, OHG derran ‘to scorch’. Greek has several nominal formations,
eg. » Tapodc with tpacid. In Greek, tépoopoat was replaced by the denominatives
avaivopat, -w (from atoc), Enpaivopat, -w.
tépuc [adj.] ‘soft, weak’ only in tépv: doBevéc, Aemtév ‘weak, small’ (H.), tépvac
inmouc: obtw A€yovtat door Addne~ayot eict. Eviot todc doBeveic ‘t. horse are called
those which are greedy; some: the weak ones’ (H.). <IE *ter-u- ‘tender, weak’>
*DER Besides tepbvnc- tetpipevoc Svoc, kal yépwv t} SvoavaAnntoc yépwv ‘beaten
off donkey, also an old man, who is in a bad shape for recovery’; tepvoketat- vooet,
pOivet ‘is ill, declines’; tepvoxeto- éteipeto ‘was tired off (H.).
*ETYM The gloss tepbvijg may be compared with Skt. tdruna-, Av. tauruna- ‘young,
tender’, from IE *teru-no-. Beside disyllabic tepv-, we find tpv- in » tpvu; cf. also
> titpwoKw. An s-stem is seen in KvK\o-teprc ‘rounded’ (cf. »KvKAoc), for the
meaning of which cf. Hdt. 4, 36: tiv yiv goboav KvKAotepéa wc dd Topvov ‘the
earth being round, as if from a T.’.
TEPPOG =O TEPGOG.
tépxvog [n.] ‘sprout, twig’ (Max., AP, H.); <PG(v)>
eVAR Also tpéxvoc. Cypr. te-re-ki-ni-ja ‘fruit’, if this stands for tépy via.
*ETYM Formation like pvoc, Ktivoc, etc. Niedermann IF 26 (1909): 46f. pleaded for
connection with tpéxw ‘to run’. In tépyvea = évtdgia ‘ptng. to burial’ (H.), we may
be dealing with a specialization of the meaning ‘fruits’; cf. kapmoi, Kdp7twua, -wotc,
which also denote fruits as offerings, xapitwoic: Ovoia Agpoditns év ApaBodvtt
‘sacrifice for Aphrodite in Amathous’ (H.). Fur.: 351 compares tapyaviov: Evta@iov,
and therefore suggests a Pre-Greek word.
téooapes, -a [num.] ‘four’ (Hom.). <IE *k”etuer- ‘four’>
eVAR Att. téttapec, Ion. Arc. Hell. técoepec, Dor. NWGr. tétopec, Aeol. (Hom.)
mtoupec, Lesb. néo(o)upec, Boeot. métTapEc.
DIAL Myc. qe-to-ro-we /k”etr-Owes/ ‘with four ears’.
eCOMP As a first member in Hom. teooapd-kovta, Att. tettapd-Kovta, Ion. Hell.
teooepd-Kovta, Dor. tetpw-kovta forty’ also in tecoapa-Botoc ‘worth four oxen’
(¥ 705), etc. Very frequent tetpa-, e.g. tetpd-KuKog ‘four-wheeled’ (Hom., etc.),
tetpa-Kootot, Dor. -Katiot ‘four hundred’.
*DER Hence the ordinal tétaptos, epic also tétpatoc, Boeot. nétpatog ‘fourth’ with
tetapt-atog (Theoc. tetdpt-atoc) ‘arriving at the fourth day’ (IA), as a kind of fever
(msc.,, scil. mupetdc) “Quartana’. Collectives: tetpdcg (Boeot. metpdc) [f.] ‘period of
four days, quaternary’, usually ‘fourth day of the month’ (h. Merc., Hes.); tetpaxtuc,
-boc [f.] ‘quaternary’ (Pythag.). Numeral adverb tetpdktc (€ 306; Boeot. m-), post-
1472 TETAYWV
Hom. also -«t ‘four times’. Further adverbs: tétpa-ya, -xi}, -xO8L, -yWc, etc. (IA); also
-x94 (Hom.); adjective tetpakdc (Arist.), -aocdc (late pap.), like 51&6c¢, Stoade, etc.
*ETYM The inflection of the IE numeral for ‘four’ can be reconstructed on the basis of
the forms found in the separate languages. Among the Greek forms, the following
are important for the reconstruction: nom.pl. *k”etuor-es in tétopec (with t instead
of oo/tt after tétpaot); identical with this are Arm. Cork‘, ToA stwar, ToB stwer, Skt.
catvarah (with a < o by Brugmann’s Law); Lat. quattuor has a secondary a in the
initial syllable. Then, the accpl. *k”etur-ns in néovpac, corresponding to SKt.
caturah, Lith. keturi, Go. fidur- in fidur-dogs ‘tetaptaioc, of four days’ from this
stem form, a new nom. néoupec was created (it has been assumed that micupec is a
variant of this form with reduced vowel). The loc.pl. *k”etur-su (Skt. catursu) is
continued in the dat. tetpdot. The ordinal *k”etuy-to- in tétpatoc, tétaptoc
corresponds to Lith. ketvirtas, ToA start, ToB Starte beside Skt. caturthdh. The e-
grade of técoepec may be compared with that in the Balto-Slavic collective, Lith.
ketveri, OCS Cetvero, < IE *k”etueres; its origin is unknown (téooepec did not arise
from técoapec by vowel assimilation). For tetpwxovta, Kortlandt MSS 42 (1983):
100 assumes that the laryngeal feature that arose from the initial *d- of the second
member was colored to *h,, because of the preceding *u in *k”eturdkomt. Lillo MSS
49 (1988): 71-73 assumes that in Doric, the t of the accus. was extended to the nom.,
giving tétopec. See » tpdmela and » tpu@dAeta.
tetaywv [v.] ‘seizing, grasping’ (A 591, O 23). <IE *teh,g- ‘touch’>
*ETYM A reduplicated aor. ptc., like dui-netahwv (see > mdAAw). Cognate with Lat.
tango ‘touch’, perf. tetigi, OLat. subj. tagam. For further combinations, see LIV’ s.v.
TETAVOG eVAR TETAVOS. >TElvw.
tétapog [m.] ‘pheasant’ (Ptol. Euerg. 2 J). <Lw Orient.>
eVAR tatupac: 6 pactavdc dpvic ‘id.’ (H.; also in Pamphil. apud Ath. 9, 3874).
*ETYM LSJ remarks that the word is a loan from the Orient, referring to MP tedzrev
‘pheasant’. They further compare Lith. teterva ‘black grouse’; cf. on » tétpag. Ath. 14,
654c states that tétapoc was imported from Media.
tetinpat [v.] ‘to be sad’ (IL). <2?
VAR Perfect denoting the result of an event, in 2du. tetinoBov (© 447), further only
the ptc. tetuyptevoc (Hom., Hes. Th. 163), also act. tetiwe, dat. -dtt plur. -dtec¢ (IL.).
*ETYM Isolated within Greek, but possibly related to the root *k”ei- ‘to perceive, care’.
LIV? s.v. assumes that the Greek perfect, with original meaning *‘am aware’, was
built on the basis of an unattested aorist *é-tiqv ‘noticed’. For the meaning, cf. from
the same root Lat. cura ‘anxiety, care’ < *k”ois-h,-. Within Greek, cf. » typéw.
tetpetv [v.] ‘to find, reach, obtain’ (Il., epic). <?>
eVAR Ind. tétplev, EteTHLEV, TETLLOV, subj. TETLLN, etc.
DER Here perhaps the unclear form téjtet (N 707), cf. Chantraine 1942: 309.
eETYM A reduplicated aorist like me-@v-eiv, among others. Without a convincing
etymology. There is no convincing semantic argumentation for the formally obvious
connection with tétvw ‘cut’. ToAB tdm- ‘to be born’, caus. ‘to generate’, which was
TETTA 1473
first compared by Van Windekens Phil. Stud. 11: 175f., deviates strongly in meaning
as well. For argumentation in favor of this connection, see LIV’ s.v. tem- ‘erreichen’.
tetpaivw [v.] ‘to pierce, perforate’ (A. [lyr.], Hdt.). <1 *terh,- ‘rub’>
eVAR Aor. tetpijvat (Hom.), tetpavou (Att. inscr.), med. tetprjvacOa (Ar. Gal.),
_ pass. tetpavOfvat (Lyc., AP), fut. tetpavéw (Hdt.), -v@ (IV*); further aor. tpfoat
(Hp., PL, Hell. and late), med. -cac8at (Gal.), pass. -O7)vat (Trypho apud Ath., Gp.),
fut. torjow (Lyc.), perf. med. tétpnat (IA), with secondary pres. titpdw, titprLL
titpaivw (Hell. and late), to which aor. tttpavau (Thphr.).
*COMP Mostly with prefix, especially dta-, ovv-.
*DER 1. Tp1]-Td¢ ‘pierced’ (Il.), 4-tp17-toc (Pl. Arist.), from the prefixed compounds
e.g. Mapdtprytog (medic.). 2. tprjpa (did-, mapd-, é-) [n.] ‘hole, opening, eye of a
needle, dot on a die’ (IA), with -a4ttov (Hero), -atwén¢ ‘perforated’, -atdeic ‘id,
(AP), -atiCw [v.] ‘to dice’, -atixtag (Dor.), -atitat [pl.] ‘dice-player’ (Sophr., Poll.,
H.). 3. tpijotc (ta-, obv-, etc.) [f.] ‘perforation, opening, hole’ (IA).
eETYM The verbal forms tétpnttat, tprjT6¢, Tprpa correspond with BéBAnLau, BAI] TO<,
PAF pa; TETPULLAUL, TLUITOG, TLApLa, etc. The disyllabic root is preserved in tépe-tpov,
like in Bé\e-ttva. The root present of this root is preserved in Lat. terd ‘rub’. The
presents tetpaivw, tetpavéw, as well as the aorist tetpavat, must be innovations,
apparently after the verbs in -aivw. The comparison with Lith. trinu ‘rub’ is not
reliable, given the strong productiviy of nasal presents in Lithuanian. Also
remarkable in tetpaivw, etc. is the e-vocalism of the reduplication syllable, which
seems to have been taken from the perfect and fits better for an aorist than for a
present; cf. the incidental aorists tétopev, tetoprjoas (see » topetv). Cf. > teipw.
TETPALLOG eVAR TeTpaLLaivw. =TpPELLW.
tétpat [m.] name of ‘a bird’, after Thompson 1895 s.v. ‘black-cock’ or ‘guinea-fowl’,
after Benton JHS 81 (1961): 48 ff. (w. extensive treatment) ‘large bustard’ (Epich., Ar.,
Hell. a. late). <1E? *tetr- ‘hen-like bird’>
eVAR Also -akog, -ayoc.
*DER tetpatw [v.] ‘to cackle’ (Alex. Mynd.). Also tétptk, -tyoc [f.] (Arist.),
identification uncertain (Thompson s.v.). Further glosses: tetpdwv- dpvicg mtotdc
‘kind of bird’ (Lat. tetrdo Plin.), tetpddéwv: dpvedv tt. Adkatog ‘id. (Alc.)’ , tetpatov:
opwBdpidov tt. Adkwves ‘small bird [Lac.}; tatbpac: 6 pactavdc dpuic ‘pheasant’, etc.
(see » TETApOG).
eETYM For the suffix of tétpaé, -t8, cf. the bird names » kdpak, » mépduf, et al. Similar
birdnames are Lith. teterva ‘blackcock, gray hen’, tétervinas ‘blackcock, bustard’, Ru.
téterev ‘blackcock’, ON pidurr ‘capercailzie’, Skt. tittird- ‘partridge’. Originally
onomatopoeic.
tetpaxivn [f.] “Opidat’ (Hippon. fr. 168 M). <LW Phr.?>
eETYM Cleitarchus identified the word as Phrygian. Complicated explanation by
Haas Ling. Balkan. 2 (1960): 57f.
Tétta —tata.
1474 tétti€, -tyoc
tétté, -tyog [m.] ‘tree-cricket, cicada’ (Il); metaph. a hair-pin with the shape of a
cicada (Att.). <ONOM>
VAR Gen. also -Ikog (Hdn. Gr.).
eCOMP As a first member in tetttyo-ijtpa [f.] ‘subterranean larva of the cicada’
(Arist.).
DER tettiytov (H. s.v. kepkw7), also name of a coin (Delos III*); tettty-6vtov [n.]
designation of a small mute cicala (Arist., Plin.), with suffix after an6-, ye\t6-dviov;
-611¢ [f.] ‘state of a cicada’ (comm. Arist.), -w619¢ ‘like a cicada’ (Luc.).
eETYM Onomatopoeic; cf. titiGw s.v. » tTittyOviov and Gil Fernandez 1959: 130f., 190.
tevic [f.] ‘kind of cuttlefish’ (Semon., Ar., Thphr.). <PG?(vV)>
eVAR Gen. -i60¢, -iS0c. Variant 8edtv [acc.]’(Hippon. ex H.). Also tedO0¢ [m.] a
bigger kind of cuttlefish (Arist.); tevOtdc [f.] (Philox.).
*DER tevbid-tov [n.] (com.), -wdn¢ ‘like a t.’ (Ath.); details in Thompson 1947 s.v.
The TN Tev®ic (Arcadia, -éa Achaia) has also been compared.
eETYM Several attempts have been made to explain the word in JE terms, but none of
them convinces: Pok. 264f. posited IE *d'eu-d'-, comparing Skt. dédhat- ‘shatter,
turbulent, raging’, etc., and assumed a meaning “making the water muddy,
entangling” for Greek, which hardly makes sense. Schindler KZ 81 (1967): 71, with
some reservations, gives the same reconstruction and assumes an original color
term, like in the plant name tevOpiov = mdAtov, EpvOpddavov. Semitic etymologies
have been proposed by Lewy 1895: 18, Lewy RhM 80 (1931): 108, and Grimme Glotta
14 (1925): 17.
The word could be Pre-Greek, in view of the variant and the meaning. Tovar MSS 10
(1957): 71-83 convincingly argued that Myc. te-u-ta-ra-ko-ro should be interpreted as
tev8p-ayopog ‘collector of orchils’,, a plant from which colors were produced,
Roccella tinctoria. See » tedtov.
tevOpiov [n.] plant name, ‘tree-germander’ (Dsc.). <?>
eETYM See » tevOic.
Tevpcopiat [v.] ‘to erect, build’ (Antim.; on Call. Fr.567 cf. Pfeiffer). <1E *kieu- ‘set in
movement’>
VAR Only tevprjoato; tevpatar texvacet ‘builds’ (H.).
DER Further tevta¢w (also med.), perf. tetebtaka [v.] ‘to be regularly occupied with
sth’ (com., Pl.), also -4cow (Orac. in Ath. Mitt. 25, 399); thence tevtaopdc:
otpayyeia ‘hesitation, loitering’ (H.).
*ETYM From *tebua (or *tedpia?), which might be identical with Av. Siiao-man- [n.]
‘deed, work’, IE *kieu-mn-. The primary verb is seen in » cevopat. The form tevtatw
was probably extended from a verb in -tw, -tdw, which ultimately belongs to
> cevopat as well.
tedtAov [n.] ‘beet, Beta maritima’ (Hp., com., Thphr., pap.). <PG(V)>
eVAR Ion. Hell. cedt\ov.
eCOMP As a first member in tevtAo0-gak?) [f.] ‘mix of beet and lentils’ (medic.).
TEPPA 1475
DER tevth-iov (Ar, Diocl. Fr., Thphr., pap. also with initial o-); -ic (Thphr., Diph.);
TevtAotcoa [f.] “beet-island”, island on the coast of Caria (Th.).
*ETYM The proposal by Tovar MSS 10 (1957): 77ff. to derive it from IE *d"eu- ‘walk,
run’ and assume an original meaning ‘juicy’ (cf. s.v. » tevOic) should be rejected.
Acc. to Frisk, the interchange t-/o- may represent an artificial Atticism or Ionicism.
However, it may instead be a Pre-Greek variation, representing a palatalized dental
*P,
tevxw [v.] ‘to manufacture, accomplish, produce’, of manual labor, building and
cutting; ‘to prepare’, often of food and drinks; ‘to arrange, cause’ (Il., epic poet.). <IE
*d'eug'- ‘hit the mark, meet’>
eVAR Aor. ted&at, -aoOa, reduplicated tetuxeiv, -éo8at (with analogical -K-), aor.
pass. tvx8fjva, fut. tedgw, -opat, pass. tetevEouat, perf.ptc. tetevyws (u 423, with
passive mg.), ind. tétevxa (late), tetebyatar (N 22), tétvKtat, plpf. (€)tetevyato,
(é)tetOny.
*DIAL Myc. perf.ptc. te-tu-ko-wo-a /t*et"uk-wo'a/.
eCOMP Also prefixed with dugi-, ém-, Kata-, etc. Compounds, eg. tevyeo-pdpocg
‘wearing armor’ (A., E.), tevyo-mAdottc [f.] ‘manufacturing vessels’ (Lyc.); a-tevxric
‘without armor’ (E., AP); referring to the verb: veo-tevyrig = ved-tevktos (E 194).
*DER 1. Verbal adjective tuxtéc ‘wrought, accomplished’ (Hom., Theoc.), et-tuKtog
‘well-formed’ (Hom., B.); tevktdég ‘id’ (Antiph, H., Suid.). ved-tevxtocg ‘newly
wrought’ (D 592). 2. tedxocg [n.] (mostly plur. -ea, -n) “device, weapon, equipment’
(epic), sing. ‘tool, vessel’ (trag., X., Arist.), ‘papyrus case’ (pap.), also of the human
body (Hp., Arist.). Thence tevy-notrs (avip) ‘armed warrior (A., Call., A. R.),
-yotnp ‘id’ (A.), -Metc ‘armed’ (Opp.), -Apns ‘id’ (Orph.), -itic [f.] plantname,
oxoivoc ApaBixn (Dsc.), -ités (Plin.). 3. tevynpa [n.] (A. Fr. 375 = 6 M.), either from
tebdxoc or from tevxéw, which is found in tetevyfjo®at ‘to be armed’ (x 104) for
expected *tetevxéo-(o)Oat, like tevyno-tijc, -tHp (which replace tevxeo- after
MUNOTHS, OPXNOTHs; etc.); d-teby-1Tos ‘without armor’ = atevyric (AP, Hell. epic). 4.
TevK-twp, -opocg [m.] ‘manufacturer, creator’ (Man.), -tjp [m.] ‘id’ (H, Phot.
Suid.). 5. tedypia [n.] ‘work’ (Dosiad. Ara), ted&c: katackevr), Moijots ‘manufacture,
production’ (H.), also tU&ec¢ [pl.] ‘arts’ (Athens II’), t0Etv. ted&lv, mapacKevriy
‘equipment’ (H.). 6. Tvxiog [m.] PN, who fashioned the shield of Aias (H 220: Tuxioc
Kale TEDYWV).
*ETYM Beside the thematic root present tevxw (aor. tetEat) ‘manufacture’, Greek has
the nasal present tuyyavw (with them. aor. tvyeiv) in the more original meaning ‘hit
the mark, meet’. Both verbs are derived from the root *d'eug"- ‘hit’, to which belong
the Skt. stative duhé ‘gives milk’, Go. daug ‘is fit’ (see LIV’ s.v. for further cognates).
See & TUYXavw.
téepa [f.] ‘ash’ (Il.). <1E *d'eg”"- ‘burn’, *d'eg’"-1r-h.>
eVAR Epic Ion. -pn.
*COMP Few compounds, e.g. v-te@pog ‘ash-color’ (Dsc., Ath.).
*DER Many adjectives, mostly indicating colors: tépp-tvocg (Hp.), -atog (Ael.), -axdg
(beside onodiakdc), ta teppakd ‘ash-colored ointments’ (Aet.), -6¢ (Arist., Herod.),
1476 TEXV
tO teppdv ‘ash-colored ointment’ (late medic.), -dc [f.] ‘kind of cicada’ (Ael. after
the color, Gil Fernandez 1959: 100), -jet¢ (Nonn.), -wdng ‘ash-like’ (Thphr., Str.).
Verbs: tepp-dopai, -6w (also with kata-, amo-, ék-) ‘to be incinerated; incinerate’
(Hell.), with -woicg [f.] (Dsc., sch.); -(w [v.] ‘to be ash-colored’ (Dsc., Aret.),
etépploev: EveTiproev ‘incinerated’ (H.).
eETYM Formation like métpa, é5pa, ywpa, Aatpa, etc. derived from a root for ‘burn’
seen in Skt. déhati, Lith. degi, ToAB tsdk-, etc., IE *d*eg’"-. This is confirmed by the
gloss »Oéntavoc: amtduevoc ‘kindled’ (H.). Like tégpa, Lat. febris ‘fever’
presupposes an r-stem.
téxvn [f.] ‘craftsmanship, handicraft, businegs, art; artifice, trick’ (Il.). <IE *tek-
‘produce’, * te-tk- ‘build, timber’> , 7
ecomP As a first member e.g. texvo-ypagoc [m.] ‘performer of rhetoric’ (Arist., D.
H.); often as a second member, e.g. d-texvog ‘artless, inapt’ (IA), also -téxvng, e.g.
ToAv-téx vig ‘skilled in many arts’ (Sol.).
*DER 1. Diminutives: teyv-iov [n.] (Pl, middle com.), -bdpiov [n.] ‘id.’ (Pl. Resp.
475e), -vetov [n.] ‘workshop’ (Suet. Aug. 72). 2. -itn¢ [m.] ‘craftsman, artist’ (1A),
with fem. -ittc, -ttt-Kdc, -ttevw, -ttela, -itevpa. 3. Adjectives: -1xdc ‘experienced in
art, practical, artistic, technical’ (Epich., Pl.), -jet¢ ‘cunningly wrought, artificial’
(Od., Q. S.), -huwv ‘id’ (Opp., AP), -nt6¢ ‘artificial’ (Hp., Plu; from texvaoua?),
-ntikds ‘id.’ (PIb.). 4. -oobvn [f.] = téyvn (AP). 5. Verbs: a. -cojtat (often with prefix,
e.g. éml-, €k-, Mpo-) ‘to manufacture by art, contrive or execute cunningly’ (Il.), with
-1]Ha, -1O1c, -twp, (-17td¢?); b) -aCw (often med., also with émt-, etc.) ‘id’ (IA), with
-AGUA, -Ao"dc; c) -dw (mpo-) [v.] ‘to initiate into an art’ (Gal.), with -wotc.
*ETYM Derived from “*tek-sneh,- (for the suffix, see »n&xvn, »AdXVN, »AVXVOS).
Sometimes, a basic form *text-ova is suggested (Skt. tdksati, etc.), from the
reduplicated IE root * te-tk- ‘to build’, whence » textwv is derived.
téwe [conj.] ‘this long’ (II.). <IE *to- demonstrative pronoun; *teh,-u-o->
eVAR Epic tijog (written teiwe, téwe, tetoc).
*DER tawe: téwe. Kpijtec (H.), for *tac from earlier *tdog, after téwa; cf. ag = Ewe.
*ETYM From PGr. *tapos, identical with the Skt. demonstrative tavat (stem td-vant-)
‘that far’, except for the unclear final consonant (see > éwc).
ti [interj.] always with the ipv.: ‘there! here! take this!’ (Hom.). IE *to- demonstrative
pronoun>
*ETYM The old instrumental of the demonstrative pronoun *to- (see » to-), identical
with Lith. té ‘id’ < IE *teh,. The plur. tite (Sophr.) was made after reanalysis of ti as
an imperative. See » ti}voc.
tiPevva, -og [f.] designation of a garment of a distinguished person, Lat. toga (Hell.
and late). <PG(V)>
VAR Also tnpevic.
*COMP tnBevvo-popéw [v.] ‘to wear a t.’ (Larissa II*).
eDER tnPevv-ic (Poll, cod. tnevic), -1xdc ‘consisting of a t. (Str.), -etoc ‘belonging
to at.’ (Suid.).
TiHAe 1477
*ETYM In antiquity, the word was derived from the Arcadian PN Trevoc, ThBevvoc.
Fur.: 220, 387 showed that the word is Pre-Greek (variation B/y and v/vv). _
TiHyavov —Taynvov.
tH8ea [n.pl.] designation of a sea-animal, probably a ‘sea-squirt, ascidia’ (P 747).
<PG(V)>
VAR Also -n (Nic., Poll.), sing. -oc (Arist. Fr. 309), also t8vov (v.l. -eov; Arist.).
*DER Diminutive tnPvvaxta [pl.] (Epich. 42). Frisk comments that the form is
doubted by the editors, but that the form, if correct, can be derived from *tn8bvn (cf.
xeAbvn) after dotpdxia et al. With some reserve, one may connect the sea-goddess
TnOvc.
eETYM Extensive treatment by Kalén 1918: 2off., 98ff.: starting from the form trOvov,
he assumes earlier *67-8vov and connects the word with O7o8a1 ‘to suck’ and *8vov
‘bag’ (whence » @vAakoc). This explanation is nonsensical and typical of older Greek
etymologies. Probably a Pre-Greek word, with variation v/e. On the facts, see
Thompson 1947 s.v. » tH8vov.
t9n [f.] ‘grandmother’ (Att.). <IE *d'éd"é ‘grandmother’>
eVAR Also -1).
*DER tnPic, -idoc [f.] father’s or mother’s sister, aunt’ (Is., D., Hell.), tnOia ‘old
woman’ (Eust.); mpo-t81 [f.] ‘great-grandmother’ (D. C., Poll.), ém-t/8n [f.] ‘id,’
(Theopomp. Com., Poll.).
eETYM One may compare Illyr. deda ‘nurse’ (Krahe IF 55 (1937): 121f.), Slavic words
like OCS dédo [m.] ’mpdyovoc’, Ru. ded ‘grandfather’, Lith. dédé, dédé, dédis ‘uncle’.
tHKkw [v.] ‘to melt, dissolve, consume’ (Il.). <IE *teh,- ‘melt, decay’>
eVAR Dor. taku; aor. THEat, -acOat, fut. tH&w; often intr. tr}KopLa ‘to melt down,
dissolve, decay’, whence aor. taxkijval, also thy Gijvat, fut. taxrjoopat, also tHEopLaL,
perf. tétnka (Dor. tétaka), late TétTHyHAL
eCOMP Often with prefix, e.g. ovv-, KaTa-, év-, &k-.
*DER 1. TiHjEtc (ovv-, amd-, &k-, etc.) ‘melting’ (Hp., Arist. Hell.). 2. ovv-, mepi-tnypa
[n.] ‘that which is melted together, fading away’ (Arist.), ‘dross’ (Chrysipp.). 3.
tyked@v, -dvoc [f.] “emaciation, decay, melting’ (A 201, Hp., Pl). 4. tnk-td¢
‘meltable, liquid’ (Pl., E., Arist.), -tixd¢ (ovv-) ‘dissolving’ (Arist., Dsc.).
With zero grade: 5. tax-epdc ‘melting, liquid, soft, tender’ (Hp., com.; cf. pavepdc,
opadepés, etc.), with -gpwors [f.] (medic.); also -pdc ‘id.’ (Dsc.). 6. Uncertain taxwv
(-a-), -wvocg [m.] name of spiced food, ‘sausage, lump of meat’? (Poll. 6, 53 from
Crates Com.).
*ETYM The forms tétijka (tétaKka) and tdKijvat point to a root *teh,k- (cf. LIV’ s.v.).
Leaving aside the root-final -x- of Greek, we may compare verbs in other languages:
OCS tajo, tajati ‘to melt’, with talv ‘melting, fluid, taxepdc’; further, Arm. t‘a-nam,
aor. t‘a-cii ‘to moisten’, -c‘ay ‘to get wet’; Olr. tdm ‘death, pest’. Latin has a root
enlargement in *-b"-: tabés [f.] ‘corruption, putrefaction’, tabésco ‘to melt, decay’, etc.
tie [adv., prep.] ‘in the distance, far away’ (II., epic). <IE *k”el- ‘far’>
1478 THAEBdw
*COMP Very often as a first member, e.g. tnAe-KAettdc¢ ‘far-famed’ (epic II.), PN
Tnré-paxos, originally “fighting from afar” (opposite ayyé-waxoc; also Arc. TnAl-
waxoc after dyyxi-axoc).
*DER Adverbs tnA-od, -d0t ‘id’, -d8e(v) ‘from, in the distance’, -do¢e ‘in the distance,
far away’; also tnAe-Sandc ‘from a far country, far off, distant’ after m0d-andc,
aAAoSatdsg, etc. (all Il, epic); unclear is tyAeuoc (Theognost. Can.), perhaps after
TijpHoc, hoc? Comparative forms tnAo-tatw (Od.), -tépw (Hp.; Arat.), -tepoc (AP),
tHAtota (Orph. nonce formation after dyxiota). Further Aeol. sAvt (-ot) [loc.] =
tie, tHAod, with Boeot. Iethe-otpotidac PN.
eETYM Hardarson KZ 108 (1995): 205f. proposed that it is a locative *kӎlh,- from the
root of » méopat. It is doubtful, however, that the word contained-a laryngeal. For
the semantics, cf. téXo¢ ‘end, goal, etc.’ from the same root.
tnAc8dw —OdAXw.
tnAia [f.] ‘table or board with an elevated edge’, of the table of a baker, the stage on
which game-cocks fight, a gaming table (com., Aeschin., Arist., pap.), also of a sieve
(Ar. PI. 1037, sch. onAia); unclear Ar. V. 147 (of a flue?). Uncertain oaA[ia] ‘sieve’
(Suppl. Epigr. 1, 414, Crete V-IV*). On the mg. Chantre RPh. 68 (1994): 77-86.
<PG(V)>
*ETYM A technical expression in -ia, like oxedia, kAtoia, éotia, etc. In the sense of
‘hoop of a sieve’, tnAia and onAia are often connected with onOw, dSta-ttdw ‘sieve’,
but the derivation is unclear. In the meaning ‘table, board’, the connection with
words for ‘plane, surface, etc.’ (Skt. tala- [n.] ‘plane’, Lat. tellas ‘ground’) is still given
by Pok. 1061, but this cannot be upheld as Greek would have a lengthened grade
formation. Also, as Scheller 1951: 62ff. remarks, the special character of the table is
not sufficiently accounted for in this way. Therefore, Scheller considers the meaning
‘hoop of a sieve’ or ‘sieve’ as original, and assumes a development to ‘table (for
gaming, baking, etc.). For such a technical word, substrate origin is likely, and since
the variation 1/o is typical for Pre-Greek words, we must assume such an origin.
tnAikos [adj.] ‘of such an age, this old, this young, this large’ (Il, epic). <IE *to-
demonstrative pronoun>
eVAR Dor. ta-.
DER THAtkdode, tHAKOdTOG (after 65e via THAIKOv-6e, etc., obTOG) ‘id’ (Att.).
eETYM Derived, via a suffix -x-, from IE *teh,li- in Lat. talis (beside OCS tolv ‘so
much’, pointing to *toli-), which is the demonstrative *ta ‘thus’ (see » to-) with a
suffix -li-. The form seems to correspond with MInd. tdarisa- ‘such a one, of that
kind’, but this is derived from Skt. tadfsa- (Mayrhofer EWAia s.v. tadfs-). Cf.
> mNAikog and Pm TAiKoc.
THALG, -Ews, -toc [f.] “fenugreek, Trigonella’ (Hp., Thphr., pap.). <?>
*DER tHA-tvoc ‘of fenugreek’, -ov (utpov) [n.] (Hell.); -ivn = kbtio0¢ (Ps.-Dsc.;
Stromberg 1940: 43f.), -itng oivoc (Gp.); on » émt-tyic s.v.; cf. also on » taAtc.
eETYM This plant name has no certain explanation. The older dictionaries compare
Skt. tala- [m.] ‘wine-palm’, Lat. talea ‘stave, cutting’, OLith. talokas ‘adult daughter,
TrvedAa 1479
younger girl’, but such wild guesses have been abandoned in more recent days (cf.
Mayrhofer EWAia and De Vaan 2008).
tmAdvyetOs [adj.] epithet of children of unknown mg. and origin (II., epic). <GR>
*ETYM The ancients connected both tédo¢ ‘end’ (‘latecomer’, sch. T on I 482) and
tie (‘born far away’, E. IT 829 [lyr.], Simm., H. in tnAvyétwv amoiKi@v: TOV LaKpdav
anexovowv; but trAbyetoc 6 tHAOD Thc HAUciacg Toic yovetol yeyovmc, éml yipa Talc
wovoyeviic). For the formation, cf. » atpvbyetoc and » Taiiyetoc. Janda Glotta 66
(1988): 20-25 connects the second member with » Av(w ‘hiccup, swallow’ as ‘in der
Ferne schluchzend’; not very convincing. Vine 1998: 64-66 connects Avypoc ‘painful’
and analyzes the word as *tnAe-Abyetog ‘having mysery/pain at a distance’.
tHueAéw [v.] ‘to take care, watch, look after’ (E., Pl. Lg. 953a, D. H., Plu.). <?>
eVAR Aor. -foat
*DER tnuéAeta [f.] “care, attendance’ (Hp. Ep.), -ia [f.] (sch.), tueAntic ErttueAntiis
‘manager’ (H.). With privative prefix a-tnpéAntoc, -two ‘careless, uncared for,
neglected’ (A. Ag. 891, X.), d-tnpeAtic, -Ewe, -Wc ‘id’ (CE. Fr. 184, A. R, Plu.), with
atnpéd-eta (Plu.), -in (A. R.). Backformation tnpeAre, -éc (H., Phot., Suid.), -éwe,
-@c (Aglaias, Max. Tyr.).
eETYM Without a certain explanation. The semantic and formal similarity with
wéAouat gave rise to several unsuccessful attempts to connect tnuedéw
etymologically. Not related to Lith. témyti(s) ‘note, imprint in the memory’ (a Slav.
LW), Ru. tjdmit’ ‘understand’. Pisani RILomb. 77 (1943-44): 564ff. suggested that
thuéAeia (whence tnueAéw) arose from *tnAe-péAeta by syllabic dissimilation, orig.
“to care from afar”, which is semantically unconvincing.
tHwepov [adv.] ‘today’ (IL, Att). <1 *ki- this’>
eVAR Epic Ion., Hell. ofpuepov; Dor. odpepov.
*DER oneptvdc ‘present’ (Call.).
*ETYM From *xt-duepov (cf. » aiptov), a univerbation of pronominal Kz ‘here, this’
(see » kel) and npépa, dugpa ‘day’, perhaps via an adjective *Ki-duEepoc ‘belonging to
this day’.
Tiuos [adv.] ‘there, then, at that time’ (II, epic poet.), secondarily ‘today’ (A. R.), after
Tpap, Nuépa. <IE *teh,-mo- ‘at the time, then’>
eVAR Dor. tapos.
*DER Nominalized 16 tauov (scil. yaptoua) ‘the present decree’ (Thess.); extended
typwovbtos (Hes., Call., Nic.), tnudode (Theoc., Call.) ‘id’.
*eETYM Like téwe < PGr. *ta-Foc, from the pronoun to-, ta-, with a suffix -u- also
found in OCS tamo ‘there’, and which may be somehow related to Skt. and Hitt.
-mant- (-poc to Skt. -mat, like *ta-foc to Skt. ta-vat). Beside tfoc, tapoc stands the
relative 0c, duos ‘as, while’ (IL, epic poet., rare in Hp. and Hdt.).
tHveAAa a ritual exclamation, taken from the cult of Demeter in Paros by Archilochos,
acc. to sch. Ar. Av. 1764, and used in a poem (trveAAa KaAXivixe yap’ dvak
“Hpakneec [Fr. 119]). <?>
1480 thHvika
eDER Thence trvekAa KadAivikos ‘hurray! hail! to a victor (Ar.), and trveAAog ‘to
whom one says tryveAAa’ (Ar. Eq. 276).
eETYM Origin unknown.
tnyvika [adv.] ‘then, at that time’ (S., A. R., Theoc.). <IE *to- ‘there’>
eVAR Dor. (Theoc.) tavika.
*DER Trhvik-abdta (IA), -ade (Pl. Plb., Ph.) ‘id’ (after vO-abra, -ad5e).
*ETYM From the demonstrative pronoun »To-, with the same unclear formation as
Pm iVvika.
tivo [pron.demonstr.] Doric for éxeivog (Epich., Sophr., Theoc., inscr.). <IE *to-
‘that’> *%
*DER Thv-el = éxei (Epich., Theoc., Delph., etc.). -66t ‘then’ (Theoc.), -@ (Theoc.) and
-@0e(v) (A. R., Theoc., AP) = éxet8ev; to tyv-et (old loc.), -@ (abl.) Schwyzer: s4of.
eETYM Formation like »éketvoc, so from *té-evog or ti-evoc, from the
demonstrative » to- (cf. t7)).
tnpéw [v.] ‘to observe, guard, watch, keep an eye on, provide’ (h. Cer. Thgn., Alcm.,
Pi,, Att.). <?, IE? *k”eh,(-i)- ‘observe’>
VAR Boeot. dta-tapéw [II*] is hypercorrect; see Thumb-Scherer 17.
eCOMP Often with prefix, eg. mapa-, é7tt-, dta-, Ovv-.
*DER 1. TiHpiy-olc (mapa-, émt-, Sta-, ovv-) [f.] ‘observing, guarding, custody’ (Att.,
Hell.), with mapatnpry-outog (H. on amogpddac). 2. -La (mtapa-) [n.] ‘observation’
(D. H., A. D.). 3. -t\¢ (mtapa-, é1tt-, Tomto-, kvioo-) [m.] ‘guardian, watcher’ (Hell.),
-oia (only katpo-, tomto-) [f.] ‘the observation of the right time or place’ (Aristeas,
late). 4. -trptov = Lat. servatorium (gloss.). 5. -tpa [n.pl.] “custodial costs’ (pap. III).
6. -TIKOG (mapa-, é1t-, dta-, ovv-) ‘observing, keeping’ (late). Also 7. émtnp-ia [f.]
‘attention, care’ (Pamphyl.; from émtnp-éw). 8. tnpdc [m.] ‘guardian’ (A. Supp. 248;
probably back-formation).
*ETYM Since the hapax tpdc is most probably a back-formation, the prehistory of
tnpéw remains obscure. Relationship with Skt. cayati [v.] ‘to observe, feel shame or
anxiety’ and OCS ¢ajg, -ati ‘éAm{Cw, mpoodéxopat, mpoodoKa’ < IE *k”éi- has been
assumed, but this is unsatisfactory, as Greek shows no trace of the root-final *-i-. On
Skt. cara- ‘messenger, watcher’, which was earlier wrongly identified with tnpdc, see
Mayrhofer KEWA s.v. (it belongs to car- ‘be around’ = né)optat).
THtAopat [v.] ‘to lack, be in want, be robbed’ (Hes. Op. 408, S., E., Pl, Arist.). <JE
*teh,-(i)- ‘steal, rob’>
eVAR Dor. tat- (Pi.). Only present, especially tryta1evog [ptc.].
eDIAL Myc. ta-ti-qo-we-u, see Plath 1999: 511-519.
*DER Beside tht: anopia, évdeia, otépnotc ‘difficulty, lack, loss’; trytet- ondvet ‘lack’
(HL) (like rT).
*ETYM From the root *teh,- ‘to steal’. As tt) (which is only attested lexically) may
be a back-formation, tiytdoplat is probably a verb in -taw. However, either way we
have to reckon with a nominal dental stem, as seen in OCS tatv [m.] ‘thieve’, etc. (IE
*teh,-t-i-); see » TrDotoc.
tiyptc, -toc, -\d0¢ 1481
tite [adv.] ‘this year’ (Att. com.). <IE *ki- + *uet-es- ‘year’>
eVAR Ion. ofjtec (EM), Dor. Hell. ote (Gela PCair. Zen. III"; cf. Mayser 1906-1938,
I: 3: 126), also tate, THSEc, Tita (sch., Eust., Suid.).
DIAL Myc. za-we-te /zawetes/.
*DER tht-tvdc (Luc. Lex., Hdn. Gr., Phryn., Poll.), oat-tvéc¢ (PCair. Zen. EM) ‘of this
year, this year’s’; also ont-dv(e)ioc (Ion., Hell.), oat- (sch.), t1yt- (Poll. v.L) ‘id’ (of
produce of the fields; for the suffix cf. émnet-avdc, Kpi8-, ott-aviac); to this ont-av-
w5n¢ ‘id.’ (Hp. apud Gal.), onteiouc: véoug ‘young, recent’ (H.).
*ETYM The petrified ntr. accus. of an adjective (cf. tpi-etec), built on Fétoc and the
demonstrative *ki- (see » éxet). The expected form *xkt-(F)etes seems to have been
replaced at an early (pre-Mycenaean) date by *kidwetes, after the precursor of
semantically related oriepov, tHu-, odu-, giving Myc. za-we-te, Class. ofjtec, Titec,
TOTES.
tniotog [adj.] ‘idle, vain’ (y 316 = 0 13, h. Ap., Alem, B., A. R., Theoc.). <IE *teh,-(iu-)
‘thief>
eVAR Dor. tatotog; also tavoytov: Latoov ‘idle’ (H.) (for -otov?).
*ETYM An isolated poetic adjective. If it originally meant ‘deceptive’, it belongs to a
word for ‘thief in Skt. tayu-, Av. tdiiu-, which are derived from a primary verb
preserved in Hitt. taie/a-” ‘to steal’, OCS tajiti, 1sg. taj ‘to hide, conceal’, Neumann
1961: 65 connected the gloss teyodv- Avdoi tov Anotiv (H.) with this root, but it is
now supposed that *i would give Lyd. d, not y, in this position. The suffix -olog may
have been added directly to a noun *taic after the pattern of Srtdct0c from SijL0¢
(cf. also synonymous ét@-otoc), so an intermediate form *tat-ta(c) seems
unnecessary. See > TITTAOHAL.
tiapa [f.] designation of a Persian headdress, ‘tiara, turban’ (Hdt., A., X.). <LW
Orient.>
eVAR Also tldpac, Ion. tufpn¢ [m.], tudptc (H. ):
*COMP Tiapo-etdr¢ ‘like a tiara’ (X.), mept-tidpa, -ptov ‘round dean (Tz. with
sch.), etc.
*ETYM Oriental foreign word of unknown origin. Rejected explanations from IE are
given by Bq. Lat. LW tiara, tidrds.
TIBI}, -ivos [m.] ‘tripod’ (Lyc., EM), tiBnvoc: AeBrc, tpimous ‘id.’ (H.). <PG? (S, V)>
*ETYM Fur.: 189 connects OiBtc, BiBwvoc ‘basket’, which he derives from a Hebrew or
Egyptian word. He remarks that the suffix -nv points to Anatolian origin, which may
perhaps indicate that the word is Pre-Greek.
tryyaBapt =KivvaBapt.
tiyptc, -toc, -tSo¢ [f.] ‘tiger’ (Arist., Thphr., middle com.). <Lw Orient.>
*COMP inmé-t1yptc ‘kind of large tiger’ (D. C.), ttypo-etdij¢ ‘tiger-colored’ (D. C.).
*DER Also the HN Tiypng, -ntoc [m.] (Hdt, X. Arr. etc.), also Tiyptc, -toc, -ewe,
-\60¢ (Arist., Plb., Str., Plu.).
*ETYM Oriental LW, first from Iranian. Acc. to Varro (L. L. 5, 100), the word is
Armenian, while acc. to D. P., Eust., and others, it is Median, with the original mg.
1482 TiWaiBwoow
‘arrow. This means that it can be equated with Av. tigri- [m.] ‘arrow’, as well as
tiyra-, OP tigra- ‘pointed’ (cf. Skt. tigmd- ‘id.’), etc. (from the root of Greek > otiCw).
On the hydronym, which is OP tigraé, we may compare Varro (“vehementissimum
flumen”) and D. P. (“notapdcg wktotoc amavtwv” ‘the fastest river of all’). We have
to reckon with folk-etymological adaptation of a foreign word to Iranian (cf. MP,
Akk. Diglat “Tigris’). From Greek came Lat. tigris, etc.
tiWatBwoow [v.] epic word of agriculture, originally popular: of bees (v 106 ‘to collect
honey’?), of hens (Nic. Th. 199 ‘to brood, feed, tend’?), watering the field (Lyc. 622 ‘to
make fertile, nourish’?), of a quiver (Antim. in PMilan. 17, 37 ‘to stuff, store up’?).
<2> %
*ETYM Formation in -doow, perhaps reduplicated. Fur: 209 compares Lyc. tideimi-
‘son, child’, CLuw. titaimma/i- ‘id.’, and assumes a Pre-Greek word. This conclusion
is mistaken, as the Anatolian words have a secure IE etymology: the root is *d'eh,- ‘to
suck’,
ttWacdc [adj.] ‘tamed, domestic, cultivated, mild’ (A. Eu. 356 [lyr], S. Fr. 866, Pl,
Arist.). <PG(S)>
*DER T18a0-evw (also with éx-, mpo-) [v.] ‘to tame, cultivate’ (Pl, D., X., Arist.), with
-eia [f.] ‘taming’ (Pl.), -evotc [f.] ‘id. (Plu.), -edpata [n.pl.] ‘arrangements for
taming’ (Porph.), -evtj¢ [m.] (Ar.), -ebtwp [m.] (Opp.) ‘tamer, domesticator’,
-evtikdc [adj.] ‘fit for taming, easy to tame’ (Arist.); d-t1I8QdoevtOG ‘untamed, wild’
(Hell.), also d-ti8acoc ‘id’ (Ph.). Backformation tai dpwiGec (Arat. 960), T18dc
Spvic (AP 9, 95).
eETYM The word ti8acdc differs from other words in -acog in its oxytone accent and
in its adjectival function (these are probably interconnected). The traditional
connection of T18acdc with Ojo8at ‘suck’, T18rvn ‘nurse’, etc. must be rejected, not
only because of the weak semantics, but also because words in -acog generally have
Pre-Greek origin.
tiOnpu [v.] ‘to put (away), lay (down), fix, make; to place, set up, establish, create’
(Hom.). <1E *d'eh,- ‘put, lay down, create’>
eVAR Aor. €0nka, Boeot. av-é0@ (doubted by Forssman MSS 23 (1968): 7ff. but now
found in two Phocian dedications, see Jacquemin, BCH Supp. IX (1984) 764 [p. 150]
and 769 [p. 152]); plur. éeyev, fut. row (all Il.), aor. pass. étéOrv (Att.), perf.
téO1}Ka, -elka, med. -etpat (IA, Hell.).
eCOMP Frequently with one or two prefixes in different mgs., e.g. éml-, KaTa-, OVV-,
TLpO-, TIPOG-, DTO-.
*DER Many derivatives are treated under separate entries: » Bgc1c, » Beoptdc, > BEtUc,
> OgueOha, > Oepgpry, > OAKn, > Aw], »Pwudc. Further derivatives are: 1. Ofpa [n.],
almost only from prefixed verbs, e.g. avd8n-pta [n.] ‘sth. positioned, votive offering’
(Od.), with -patikdg (Plb.). 2. 8éj1a (with zero grade) [n.] ‘proposition, input, theme,
etc. (Arist. Hell.), with Oeu-atiov, -atikds, -atitns, -atiCw, -atiopdg; ava-, émi-Bepa,
etc. from dava-, émi-tiOnpu, etc. 3. Onpewv, -@voc [m.] ‘pile’ (e 368, Arist, Opp.),
Orpiwv-ta [f.] ‘id.’ (LXX et al.). 4. 8-ty¢ [m.], as a simplex only in Is. 10, 24 ‘who
pawns’ and Pl. Cra. 389d (nonce formation), especially frequent in univerbations,
TIODLAAAOG 1483
eg. aywvo-Gé-trj¢ (: dyWva Oeivat) ‘arbiter at a contest’ (IA), with -0étic, -OetiKdc,
-Betéw, -Becia. 5. Betrp: TOALITHS, MpaKtns ‘who wages’ (H.), dtaGe-trp ‘arranger’
(PI. Lg., Them.); Sta8é-tn¢ Hadt. et al., dywvo-8e-thp = -ty¢ (verse-inscr. Catana). 6.
8etdc ‘adopted’ (Pi., IA); often of the prefixed verbs, e.g. é7i8e-toc ‘added, artificial
(Att.); Ontdv: Bwpdv ‘step, base, altar’ (H.). 7. BetiKdc (to Bgo1c) “belonging to a Béotc,
ie. concerning adoption, disputation, etc.’ (Arist., Hell.); ovvOe-tiKdc (to obv8ecIc),
etc. 8. -Oe-ciat, -ia in ovv-, éx-, émt-Beoia(t) ‘agreement, assignment, etc.’ (II.).
*ETYM This important inherited verb was inherited from the PIE root *d'eh,-, which
assumes a wide range of meanings: ‘put, lay down, make, create, etc.’. The following
survey is limited to forms and words that are directly relevant for Greek. The active
root aorist in Boeot. av-€8& corresponds to Skt. ddhat, OP add, Arm. ed, IE *h,e-
d'eh,-t. The k-aorist 6fjke (Hom.) is also found in OLat. féced, perhaps already Myc.
te-ke (meaning uncertain), from IE *d'eh,-k-et. The middle root aorist eto is
matched by Skt. adhita, from IE *h,e-d"h,-to. The reduplicated athematic present
tiOrypu is found in Skt. dddhami, Av. dadgmi < IE *d"i-d'eh,-mi, etc., where the Greek
reduplication vocalism is probably older (IIr. may have taken its dd- from the 3pl.).
The verbal adj. 8etdc¢ is formally identical with Skt. hitd- (for *dhitd-) ‘put,
designated, fit, etc.’, as well as with Lat. féced from IE *(-)d"h,-t6-; the gloss @1té6v
[acc.sg.] is formally identical with Av. OP data- [n.] ‘law’, Lith. détas ‘put’. Greek
Ora formally corresponds to Skt. dhaman- [n.] ‘seat, place, statute, law, etc.’, Av.
daman- [n.] ‘place, creation’, IE *d'eh,-my; 8etr\p, to Skt. dhatdr-, Av. datar- [m.]
‘contriver, creator’, Lat. con-ditor ‘contriver, founder’. The perfect té@n-K-a is a
Greek innovation (like gotnka), in opposition to Av. dada, Skt. dadhdu. The forms
téBetka, TEBEyLat were created analogically after cixa, eiptat. Details on the Greek
morphology and inflection are found in Schwyzer: 686ff., 741, 761f., 774f., and 782.
Cf. further forms with comments in LIV’ s.v. *d'eh,- ‘stellen, legen, setzen; herstellen,
machen’.
w1Orvn [f.] ‘wet nurse’ (IL, Pi, S. [lyr.], also Pl, Arist.). <1E *d'eh,- ‘suck’> “
eVAR Dor. (Pi.) -a.
DER TiO1;v-€optat (sometimes with dva-, ék-, ovv-ek-, rarely -€w) [v.med.] ‘to be wet
nurse, suckle; to raise, foster’ (h. Cer, Thgn., S. [lyr.], also Hp., X., LXX), also -evouat
(H.), with -1701¢, -1]La, -17THp, -17TIptos (PL, E. Thphr., AP), -iat, -eiat [f.pl.] (LXX,
Opp.), -evtijpes (conj. orac. Sibyll.). Innovated aorist étt8vato (Luc. Trag. 94), as if
from *tiBaivoptat. tOvdc [m.] ‘foster father’ (LXX, Nic., Plu.), also adj. ‘fostering,
feeding’ (E. Lyc.). Short forms with expressive gemination: tit@n [f.] ‘wet nurse’
(Ar, Pl, Thphr.), also ‘mother’s breast’ (Arist.), with ttt@ebw (ék-) [v.] ‘to suckle,
give the breast’ (D., Arist.), -eia [f.] (D. Sor.); t1t86c¢ [m.] ‘mother’s breast’, also of
the breast of the man (Hp., Att.), with -iov, -i6tov (com.), -iGopat (Aq.).
eETYM Reduplicated formation of children’s language, derived from the middle aorist
Gijo8at ‘to suck’. For the suffix -v-, cf. yakaOrvdc (see » yada).
TtOUpLaAAOs [m.] ‘milkweed, Euphorbia Peplus’ (com., Thphr., Dsc.). <PG(s)>
VAR Plur. also -a (AP).
*DER -ic [f.] designation of several plants (Dsc., Ps.-Dsc.); see Stromberg 1940: 19.
1484 Ti0wvdc
eETYM Probably a reduplicated fomation; cf. Ovpedaia. As all words in -adAoc are
Pre-Greek (see Beekes 2008: 4off.), the same holds for this one.
Ti8wvodc [m.] Son of Laomedon, abducted by Eos (Il., Hes., et al.). < PG(v)>
eETYM Fur.: 191 compares titw = mpépa (sch. Lyc. 941), also = Hwe, i} atptov (H.);
because of the variation t/ 8, the word is Pre-Greek.
tixtw [v.] ‘to beget; to produce, generate, cause’ (Hom.). <IE *tek- ‘produce’>
eVAR Aor. texeiv, texéoOat, fut. té&&w, often (and more original) -ouat [med.] (all
Hom.), inf. texeio8at (h. Ven. 127, verse-final), perf. tétoxa (Hes.), intr. vtetoKvia
(Ar.), pass. aor. texOfjvar (Hp., LXX), perf. eet (late).
eCOMP Also with amo-, ék-, év-, etc.
*DER 1. tékog [n.] ‘child, cub’ (IL, epic see: 2. toKoc [m.] ‘bearing, birth, offspring’
(Il.), ‘interest’ (Pi, Sophr., Att.), with several derivatives: 3. toxdc [f.] “female giving
birth’, mostly of animals (since § 16). 4. toxic [f.] ‘id’ (Hell. pap.). 5. toxadeia [f)]
‘poultry farming’, to *toxadebw (pap.). 6. toxapidiov- usurula (gloss.). 7. Lat. tocullié
‘usurer’ from Hell. *tokvAAiwv or *t& toKbAAta (Leumann Sprache 1 (1949): 207). 8.
toxneooa [f.] “woman giving birth, fertile’ (Hp.). 9. toxeiov [n.] ‘hatchery’ (Hell.
pap.). 10. tok-sic (epic -fje¢) [m.pl.] ‘parents’ (Il), sing. -evc “begetter, father’ (Hes.,
A.). 11. toke@vec [pl.] ‘id.’ (Heraclit. 74), cf. West Class. Rev. 81 (1967): 127f.). 12.
toketodg [m.] = toKxoc (Hp., Arist.), cf. nayetdc to mayoc et al. 13. toKiGw (also with
ék-, etc.) [v.] ‘to lend with interest, practise usury’ (Att. Hell.), with -topdc, -toti<,
-lotpia. 14. tokdw [v.] ‘to be close to delivery’ (Cratin.). 15. From the present stem
TWKTIKOV (PapHaKov) [n.] ‘drug for women giving birth’ (Ar. Fr. 872). 16. » éniteé [f.]
‘before delivery, near delivery’; after it kaAAi-te& = KaAAi-texvoc (Hp. Epin.). --17. As
a second member in several univerbations, e.g. "ovo-tdKog ‘giving birth to one cub’
beside et-toxoc ‘having an easy birth, giving birth easily’ (Arist.) wiht povo-, ev-
ToKéw), -ia, etc. On » TEKVOV, See S.v.
*ETYM Belongs to the old root *tek- ‘to produce’, which appears in reduplicated form
in *te-tk- (Skt. 38g. tasti fashions’, 3p]. taksati, etc.). Apparently, Greek is the only
language that kept the root in its simple form.
tiAAw [v.] ‘to pluck, tear, pick’ (Il; rare in Att. prose). <?>
eVAR Aor. tia, -ao8al, fut. TAG, -obuat (com. etc.), aor. pass. TIAGivat (Ar.),
TAfjvat (LXX, pap.), perf. med. tétiApat, especially the ptc. tettAuévoc (Ar., LXX),
act. tétthka (Hell.).
eCOMP Also with napa-, dmo-, mept-, etc. As a second member in vako-ttA tog ‘whose
fleece has been plucked, from whom the wool has been plucked off, also -tiAtn¢,
-ttéw (com.); to this, as back-formations, the verbs 8pvo-tid)w ‘to pluck bulrush’,
dXo-tiAAw ‘to pluck entirely’ (only pte. pres., account PLond. I?).
*DER 1. tIAudc (amo-, mapa-) [m.] ‘plucking’ (A. [lyr.], Hp., Men., pap.). 2. tidpa
(and-, Sta-) [n.] “something plucked, something torn, sprains’ (medic., Herod.,
Theoc.), with -watiov (medic.). 3. tiAotc [f.] ‘plucking’ (Arist., pap.). 4. tiAtpov [n.]
‘plucking fee’ (late pap.). 5. mapatiA-tpta [f.] ‘plucker’, designation of a female slave
(Cratin., Philostr.). Backformations tido. [m.pl.] ‘the fine hairs of the eyebrows’
(Poll.), TAAG: mtepd ‘wings’ (H.) (leg. mtida?).
TILWPOG 1485
eETYM A verb tiAAw (from *ttA-1w) cannot be an old primary formation. If not a
loan, it must be a denominative from *tidoc, *tiAov, vel sim. There are no cognates
outside Greek. Frisk suggests a pre-form *nti\Aw, which would belong to mtidov, via
dissimilation in the compounded forms napa-, mept-, dm0-(71)tiAAW.
ttXog [m.] ‘thin stool, diarrhoea’ (Sophr., Poll.). <?>
*COMP inmd-ttA0¢ ‘horse diarrhoea’ (Hippiatr.).
DER ttAdw (often with prefix, e.g. kata-, év-, Mpoo-, amo-) [v.] ‘to have a thin stool,
to have diarrhoea’ (Ar., Hippon., Hippiatr.), with tiAnua [n.] (EM). Here probably
also tikwv, -wvoc [m.] name of a fish in the Thracian Sea Prasias (Hdt., Arist.), see
Stromberg 1943: 61f5 cf. also 6mo8v-tiAn, Boeot. omitO0-tiAa [f.] “squid’ (Stratt., H.),
perhaps after » onatidn.
*ETYM No etymology. The comparisons with Arm. f‘rik‘ ‘mist, dung’, if from *tiHr-,
OE pinan ‘be(come) wet, moist’, OCS tina, Ru. tina ‘mud, dirt’ < *tiHn-, etc. remain
speculative, since there is no evidence for a root *tiH- or *tH-i- in this meaning. The
same holds for the connection within Greek with » tigoc. The word » tijkw is not
related, either.
tIAgH =o1AQGn.
vit [f.] ‘estimate, price, value, honor, honorary office’ (Il.) ‘compensation, penalty,
retribution’ (Hom.). IE *k”ei->
eVAR Dor. -d.
*COMP Many compounds, e.g. » tyLwpdc, &-tYWLO¢ ‘honorless, rightless, despised’ (I].),
seldom ‘without compensation’ (1 431), ‘unpunished, unavenged’ (A., Pl.), with atip-
ia, -in [f.] ‘dishonor, defilement’ (since v 142), -dw [v.] ‘to dishonor, disdain’ (Il. epic
poet., also epic prose), -dw (Il.), -w6Ffvat, -@oat, -dopal, -dw [v.] ‘to dishonor,
ostracize’ (IA), to which datip-ntoc, atip-aotip, -wolc, etc.
*DER 1. tipt-tocg [adj.] ‘appreciated, honored, valuable, precious’ (since k 38), with
-LOTI|G; -LGopLal; as a first member in tu-wpa [f.] “expensive time, high prices’ (Hell.
and late inscr. and pap.). 2. -metc (epic -i\¢, Dor. -detc, Pamph. -dfeoa [f.]) [adj.]
‘appreciated, honored’ (Hom., Pi.). 3. -atog ‘highly appreciated’ (Diocl. Com.), PN
Tipatoc. 4. -iAoc ‘honorable’ (Cypr.). 5. -idat [m-pl.] ‘judges of the games’ (Arc.-
Cypr.). 6. Denominative verb tidaw (often with ént-, mpo-, dmo-, év-, &k-, etc.) [v.] ‘to
estimate, appreciate, honor, appraise’ (Il.), with tip-na, -nowc, Dor. -aotc, Arc. -acia
(Chantraine 1933: 84), -1;t1\¢, Boeot. -atdc, -1THp, -1THPLOG, -11TIKds, -1]TEb, -17]TELA;
from the prefixed verbs e.g. émitip-notc [f.] ‘blame, reproach’, -rnpa -1yTH¢, etc. From
tiuaw (and from tiutoc?) the back-formation tiog [m.] ‘value, price’ (Archil.,
Herod., A., Com. Adesp., late prose), with tyots (< -detc) in tiwodvtac: Tipious
6vtac ‘ones who are valued’ (H.), tyutovotepoc (Olbia III*); tetipovtat (Elis) from
ttuLOw, which may be explained as a denominative from tioc, but also as analogous
to dti6w. Further many PNs, eg. Tipa-, Tiwn-, Tiyo-, Tirjot-Kpdatne, Epyo-tp10¢,
Tipatoc, Tipwv, etc.
eETYM See >» tiw.
Tywpdc [adj.] ‘protecting, protector, avenging, avenger’ (Hdt,, Att.). <GR>
1486 TIVacow
eVAR Dor. tytdoposg (Pi. trag.), Hell. epic tyufjopos (A. R.).
DER Tlpwp-ia, -in, -Ew, -Eoplat, -NOLG, -NMa, -NTNS -NTNP, -NTIKdG, -iTopat.
eETYM Originally “preserving or guarding ty)”, from *tywWa-fop-oc, a univerbation
of > Ti and » dpdaw.
tivaoow [v.] ‘to sway, shake, quake’ (II., epic Ion. and Aeol. poet.). <?>
eVAR Aor. tiv-dEat, -ax8ijvar, fut. -a—w, perf. med. teti-vayyat.
*COMP Also with ék-, év-, dmto-, dia-, etc.
DER Tivay-[l6g (ék-, év-, dva-) [m.] ‘shaking, quaking’ (LXX, Hell. and late pap.),
also -pa (amo-, év-) [n.] ‘shake’ (LXX, AP), tlvax-twp [m.] ‘shaker’, of Poseidon (S.
[lyr.], Nonn.), -tetpa [f.] of the trident of Roseidon (A. Pr. 924); éxtivayidc also
‘(suddenly) departing, sale of a product’ (pap.); cf. éxtivdEau- amoxtvijoat “drive away’
(H.) and danoxiveiv: 1 anépyeoBat kai atotpéxetv ‘run away’ Suid. Also -axtpov [n.]
‘winnowing fan’ (pap. IIIP), -a&tc [f.] ‘pushing away’ (Heph. Astr., EM).
*ETYM Without a certain explanation. Acc. to an old hypothesis by Fick, trva&au, -Ew
may have been dissimilated from *kivdEa, -Ew (from > kivéw, kivupta), from which
tivaoow (after natdoow, dpdcow, etc.) was later created.
tivOadéoc [adj.] ‘boiling hot’ (Nic. Nonn.). <PG?(V)>
*COMP dta-tivOahéos ‘id’ (Ar. V. 329; cf. dta-Beptoc).
eETYM Formation from »ttv@dc after abadéoc, etc. The meaning of »tivOdc is
unclear: perhaps ‘hot steam’, of a kettle (Lyc. 36)? It has been compared with tivtdv-
é8ov ‘boiled’ (H., but alphabetically incorrect). The variation 1/0 in the gloss (if it is
reliable) points to a Pre-Greek word (Fur.: 191).
tivOvpitw [v.] ‘to twitter’ (Call.). <PG?(s)>
*ETYM Onomatopoeic; cf. t1tiCw (s.v. » tittyOviov) and m yi8upitw. The prenasalized
consonant and perhaps the suffix -vp- may point to a Pre-Greek word.
tivw [v.] act. ‘to pay, settle, atone’, med. ‘to make (oneself) pay or atone, punish,
avenge’. <JE *k”ei- ‘punish, avenge’>
eVAR Ion. 1, Att. t; also teivuptat (Hom., Hes., Hdt.), Cret. ipv. dmo-teivotw (V*), Hell.
and late (ano-)teivupt, -tivvypu, -tlvvbw, Arc. dmv-TEeltétw; aor. Teioal (Aeol. metoat),
-aoBat, fut. teiow (Cypr. meicet), -opat (Hom.), aor. pass. tetoOijvat, perf. TéteLopict
(Att.), act. téteixa (Hell.).
eDIAL Myc. ptc. med. ge-ja-me-no /k”ei*ameno-/ (interpreted as a sigmatic aorist by
LIV’, as opposed to Lejeune 1958-1963: 305-6, 300° and DELG s.v.).
°COMP Also with prefix, especially ano- and ék- (also mpoo-amo-, mpoo-ek-, etc.).
*DER tits [f.] ‘payment, compensation, penitence, punishment, revenge’ (Il. epic
Ion. poet.); from éxtivw: éktlotc (also -el- after teioal, teiow), Arc. gotetotc [f.]
‘payment, atonement’ (Att. Hell. and late), éxtetopta [n.] ‘id’ (Pl, Hell.); from
anotivw: andtiotc [f.] ‘repayment’ (Ath.), dm6tetopa [n.] ‘id’ (Amorgos). Also titu¢
in titvfoc [gen.] ‘amends’ (Gortyn); titac [m.] ‘avenger, avenging’ (A. Ch. 67 [lyr.]),
Dor. for *ti-t1¢; also designation ofan official (Gortyn), titat: ebmopol, f Katryopot
TOV Apx6vtwv ‘resourceful; accusers/prosecutors of rulers’ (H.); also a-titac ‘non-
payer’ (A. Eu. 256 [lyr.]).
Titaivw 1487
eETYM The difference between the Ion. and Att. presents shows that tivw goes back
to a thematicized nasal present *tivfw. Dialectally and in Homer, Greek preserves
the athematic formation teivujtat (mostly written tiv(v)-; see Wackernagel 1916: 77ff.
with important details), which has a secondary full grade replacing *tivupat (perhaps
after aor. teioaoOal, fut. teiooptat); Arc. dmv-telétw was also built on the latter forms.
Later attestations are tetoOfval, tételopal, Téteika (all innovations). Regarding
cognates of the Greek verb, it is now customary to distinguish three roots *k”ei-: 1.
‘to observe’ (whence probably Gr. » tiw), 2. ‘to gather, pile up’ (whence perhaps Gr.
>moléw), and 3. ‘to punish, avenge’ (see LIV’). The original Greek nu-present
*tivutat has a formal counterpart in Av. cinuuant- [ptc.pres.act.] ‘penitent (?) <
*k"i-nu-ent-. Others connect *k”ei- 1. and 3, assuming a semantic development ‘to
observe, animadvertere’ > ‘to avenge, punish’. This allows comparison of Skt.
thematic cdyate ‘avenge, punish’ (which would be Gr. *teietat = IE *k”ei-e-toi; cf.
Arc. amv-telétw [act.]), to which the act. Av. ci-kaiiat ‘should pay/mend,
anotetvbtw’ (with reduplication; cf. Skt. cikéti ‘observes’) is related. In Anatolian, we
may now compare Lyc. A ttiti, B kikiti ‘to fine’. More cognate Avestan forms are
given by LIV’ s.v. The ti-stem in tiotc is compared with Skt. dpa-citi- [f.] ‘requittal’,
IE *(-)k"i-ti-. Within Greek, the o-grade h,-stem »motv ‘penalty’ is related,
corresponding to Lith. kdina ‘price’, and found in Av. kaéna- ‘punishment’, IE *k”oi-
nh,-.
tinte [adv.] ‘why then? (Hom., A. Ag. 975 [lyr.]). <GR>
eETYM Various explanations have been given throughout time. Szemerényi assumed
syncope from ti mote (Szemerényi 1964: 218f.); Kretschmer compared tinte with Lat.
mihi-pte, sud-pte, etc. others equated *tit-ne and Lat. quippe (e.g. Schwyzer: 266).
Recently, Lillo Glotta 70 (1992): 15-19 brilliantly solved the problem by arguing that
the word represents *k”id-k”e (thus an older variant of ti te), giving *k”itk’e >
*k*ik’te > tinte.
tic [pron.] ‘who, which, what?’. «JE *ki- interrogative and indefinite pronoun>
VAR Ntr. ti, gen. téo (Ion.), tod (Att.), younger tivoc; dat. téwi, Tat, tiv; acc. tiva,
etc.
*DIAL Thess. kic, Arc. and Cypr. otc, El. and later Lac. tip. Myc. displays the old
labiovelar in jo-qi = later 6t(t)..
*DER Enclitic ttc, ti, etc.: indefinite pronoun ‘some(one), whoever, etc.’.
*eETYM Identical with Lat. quis, quid, Hitt. kui§, kuit, etc., from IE *k”i-s, ntr. k”i-d.
The gen. téo corresponds to OCS ¢eso, Go. Hvis ‘whose’, from IE *k”e-so. Av. cahiia
received the nominal ending *-sio. In Greek, the dat. téwi, ta was formed after téo,
tov. The accus. tiva added the ending -a to older *tiv (= Hitt. kuin, Av. cim, etc.),
just like év-a, Zijva, etc. From this point, the forms tiv-oc, tiv-t, etc. with stem-final
-v- spread (already Hom.). The old ntr.plur. *k"ih, is found in d-ooa, d-tta (= 4-
tiva), and in dooa, dtta. It arose by reanalysis of ommoid coa as ono?’ dooa, etc. As
an independent element, it was preserved in Boeot. » ta, Megar. od ‘why, how?’.
Titaivw —teEivw.
1488 titavoc
titavos [f.] ‘chalk, plaster, crayon, marble-scrapings’ (Hes. Sc. 141, Arist., Str., medic.).
<PG(V)>
eVAR In H: titavoc and tétavoc Kovia, xpiopa, doPeotog “dust, plaster, unslaked
lime’.
eDER titavic [f.] (medic.); tttavwti xpda- yoywth 7 AevKoxpooc ‘of pale
complexion’, titavapévac: yeyoywpévac ‘rubbed with chalk’ (H.).
eETYM Like most expressions for ‘chalk’, the word must be a loan. A different
hypothesis is offered by Reichelt IF 40 (1922): 47, who connects Skt. Svitnd- ‘whitish,
as well as the TN Titévn, Aeol. Lac. Hitévn, and (with different anlaut) Kittavoc 1
Kova?) titavocg (H.) (assuming a cross with KOvic?). However, given the variation
eh, the word is probably Pre-Greek.
titOn *VAR TITOdc. > T1Or}VN).
titty6viov [n.] name of an insect, like the térti§ (Epil. Com., Paus. Gr., EM, Eust.).
io
oe Backformation titic, -iS0c [f.] name of a small bird, also ‘vagina’ (Phot.).
Besides the birdnames titupog, titWpac (H.).
*ETYM Presupposes *titiyov (cf. tpvyov, xehtdav, andwv, which all have by-forms
in -déviov). Zenodotus read tetpty@tac (B 314) as titiGovtac, assuming an
onomatopoeic verb titi@w ‘chirp’.
tithoc [m.] ‘title, inscription’ (NT, Lyd.), ‘tattoo’ (sch. Hermog.). <Lw Lat>
eVAR Also [f.].
*ETYM A loan from Lat. titulus.
titpdoKw [v.] ‘to wound, harm, damage’ (IA). <PG(V)> ;
eVAR Also tpdw (~ 293); aor. Tp@oat, fut. tpwow (Il.), pass. aor. tpwOfvat, perf.
tétpwpiat (Pi, IA), act. tétpwxa (late). _
-comP Also with prefix, e.g. kata-, éx-, the last in the sense of ‘to have a miscarriage ,
with the athematic root aorist éétpw: éeBAaBn, sexorn 1 KUnJo1¢ ‘the conception is
terminated’ (EM), subj. €xtpa. _ —
eDER 1. tp@-o1 [f.] ‘wound’ (Hp. Arist, Thphr., Plu.). 2. -opdc [m.] “miscarriage
(Hp., Dsc.). 3. -a (Ion., Dor. [Theoc. 21, 50]), Att. tpatpa [n.] ‘wound, damage, leak
(on ships), setback, defeat’, with diminutive -HaTLOV, -patiac, “ine {m.] wounded,
injured’ (Pi., IA), -wattkdg ‘belonging to injuries’ (Dsc.), “patiaiog ‘wounded (Pap.)»
-patitw ‘to wound’ (IA), -yattopdc [m.] (Ruf.). 4. -to¢ ‘vulnerable’ (® 568). To this,
semantically independent, éxtpw-a, -otc, -op0¢ ‘miscarriage’ (Hp. Arist.), with
-wtk0¢ (Plu.), -patiKds, -Hattaiog, -Hattopdc (gloss.).
sETYM Because of the -v- in Att. tpaipa, tpw- used to be explained as from a long
diphthong tpwv-, and connected with » tépuc. Alternatively, Att. tpatya has been
considered an innovation after Opadpa, Spavw. In this case, titpwoKw should be
derived from a root *terh,- (cf. LIV? s.v.). It rather seems, however, that influence of
@paipa is most improbable. Moreover, introduction of vocalism -av- in a root Tpw-
would be incomprehensible. We have to start from a root tpw-/ tpav-, which cannot
be explained in IE terms. In Pre-Greek, however, a variation av/ w is found: see Fur.:
Tipn 1489
237; 242, 301°, 387 (Kaoavpa, -ac / Kaowpic; cadoak / oWotKkes; tpadgava / towkavov,
as well as » Oatpia/ O@pa). This means that the word is Pre-Greek; the connection
with Skt. turd- ‘wound, ill should then be discarded, and connection with *teru-
(» tépuc) ‘soft, weak’ is semantically unconvincing. Peters 198o0b: 328ff. tries to revive
Martinet’s theory of labialized *h,, but this theory is now generally rejected. The root
*terh,;- in LIV? should therefore be deleted. For *terh,- ‘to pierce’, see »teipw,
> TETPAIVW, P TEPAUWV, » TEPETPOY, etc.
tit(t)vBitw [v.] ‘to twitter’, said of swallows and other birds (Ar., Babr.), ‘to cluck’,,
said of partridges (Thphr. Fr. 181). <ONOM>
eCOMP Also with ay@t-.
*ETYM An onomatopoeic word, like Skt. tittird- ‘partridge’, tit(f)ibha- bird name
‘Parra jacana’, Lith. titilvis ‘sanderling’, tilvikas ‘snipe, sanderling, (German)
Brachhuhn’, These words are similar, but independent formations.
titvpos [m.] ‘he-goat’ (sch. Theoc. 3, 2; -i¢ Phot.), “bell-wether’ (Dor,; Serv. ad Verg. E.
Prooem.), = Xatvpog (Ael.), but Titupot are distinguished from Zdatvpot and XtAnvot
(Str. 10, 3, 15); also designation of a short-tailed ape (Thphr, cf. » catupoc); name of
a shepherd (Theoc., Verg.), father of the poet Enixappiog (Suid.), Titupeia yuva
(Larissa III*). Also glossed as kahaytoc ‘reed, etc.’ (H.). <PG?(V)>
eVAR Also ti- (metrical lengthening?).
*DER Ti tUp-tvoc (avAdc) ‘shepherd’s whistle’ (Ath., H.); -totr¢ [m.] ‘whistler’ (App.),
after n18apiotis, etc. On titvpoc = dpvic ‘bird’ see » TITtyOMOV.
eETYM Fur: 184 compares d:6bp-apuBoc, which would contain a variant of tttvp- with
a Pre-Greek suffix -apBoc. Previous proposals include connection with » odtupoc,
from IE *tu- ‘swell’ (LIV’ s.v. *teuh,-), by Solmsen IF 30 (1912): 32ff. This is rejected
by Nehring Glotta 14 (1925): 158ff., who considers both words to be loans from Asia
Minor. Deroy Par. del pass. 17 (1962): 421ff. connects -tvpoc with tatpocg ‘bull’
(which would also stem from Asia Minor). See » Si@tpayupoc. ’
titvoKopat [v.] 1. ‘to aim’ with weapons, etc; also mentally ‘to aim at, strive for’
(Hom., Theoc., AP); 2. ‘to make ready, prepare, harness’ (Il.), in this mg. post-Hom.
-bokw (B., Arat., Lyc., etc.). <IE *d"eug"- ‘hit the mark, meet’>
VAR Only present and imperfect.
*DER Also tetvoKeto- kateoKkevdteto ‘prepared’, tetvokwv- gupavitwv ‘manifesting’
(H.) (cf. also tetuxeiv, -Eo8ar s.v. > tedxw).
*ETYM Reduplicated ox-present from » tevyw, » tvyxdvw, from *TI-TvxX-oKOLAt (or
Tl-tvk-?). On the use in Hom., see Triimpy 1950: 110f.
TITwW —TitTavec.
tign [f.] 1. “close-grained wheat, einkorn, Triticum monococcum’ (Arist., Thphr.,, etc.).
2. name of an insect = oiAgn, tidy (Poll., Phryn., Ael.). 3. mg. unclear in Ar. (Ach.
920, 925), acc. to sch. Rav. ad loc. and Suid. s.v. 8pvaAXic = aiden. <1. ? 2. PG? 3.
DER tigivoc [adj.] ‘belonging to the einkorn’ (Gal., Orib.).
eETYM 1. and 3. unknown. On 2., see Fur.: 167, 249, 261: Pre-Greek assibilation, thus
from *?”. Further related to Lat. delpa.
1490 Tipos
tigog [n.] ‘soggy place, marsh, pond’ (Theoc., A. R., Lyc.). 42>
*DER Tipwng ‘soggy’ (Str.), tigia Spvea: Ta Ev Tolc EAEot yivOueva ‘which are born in
the marsh-meadows’ (H.).
*ETYM Frisk and others analyze it as ti-poc (gender like in €Aoc, tévayoc), and
connect ti-Aoc, tI}-kw with a labial suffix, comparing Lat. tabés. This is phonetically
impossible, and the etymology simply remains unknown. See > tthoc.
tigvov [n.] ‘Scilla autumnalis, squill’ (Thphr.). <PG(v)>
*ETYM The variation in tigvov / » igvov points to Pre-Greek origin (Fur.: 391).
tiw [v.] ‘to honor, estimate, appreciate’ (Il.,.epic poet.). <IE *k”eh,-i- ‘observe, hold
back, honor’> * ;
*VAR The epic interchange i/ i is metrically conditioned; later only tlw. Aor. tioat,
fut. tiow, perf. ptc. pass. teTILEvoc.
eCOMP
Rarely with mpo-, mept-.
TOAV-tL-toc ‘highly honored’ (Orac. apud Hat. 5, 92), a-ti-etoc ‘unhonored’ (A.
[lyr.]), ‘not honoring’ (E. [lyr.]), also &-tiet (Thgn. 621), perhaps nonce formation
opposed to preceding tiet; after this atiovot (Orph. L. 52). On p ativel, see s.v.
eDER On > Tin, see S.v.
sETYM The connection with tivw ‘to punish’ depends on the reconstruction of the
root of tiw. On the basis of Slavic material cognate with tiw (OCS Ccajati ‘to expect,
hope for’, SCr. cdjati ‘to wait’), Derksen 2008 opts for a reconstruction *k”eh,i-, with
internal laryngeal. The same would work well for OCS kajati se ‘to repent’, in spite of
semantic doubts by Derksen 2008 sv. The Skt. verb 3pl. act. cayanti, ptc. med.
cliyamana- (RV) ‘to observe, honor’, cayi- [adj.] ‘showing reverence’, etc. are also
easily explained from a root *k”eh,i-, whereas a reconstruction without laryngeal
would force one to assume a so-called Narten present for PIE, a type for which most
evidence has now disappeared. If we look at Greek, the alternation between 1 and tin
Homer could also be explained by an alternation *k”eh,ie/o- / *k"h,ie/o- (note that
-titoc is long as well, which could be from a metathesized *k”h,i-to-), where the
latter form would give tie/o-, while in the former, *tée/o- may have been replaced by
tie/o-. Moreover, ti) is best explained as from a root with laryngeal, instead of
assuming a suffix *-smeh,-. The root formed an i-present *k”eh,i-, and a vestige of
the old root *k”eh,- may be found in Gr. » tnpéw.
For the shift meaning in Greek, Lat. observare ‘to observe, honor, etc. has been
compared.
TANMOV VAR TAijVaL. =tTaddooat.
TuNyw [v.] ‘to cut, cleave, divide’ (Il, epic). <GR>
eVAR Aor. TAEat, -aodai; Aeol. tuakat (Pi., Balb.), fut. turfw, them. aor. dtétwAyOV
[usg.] (n 276), pass. (Sie)tuayev [3pl.] (Hom.), Hell. and late tTunyfva.
*CoMP Also with prefix, especially dno-, dta-.
TOKOG 1491
*DER dno-tuN&, -iyos [adj.] ‘cut off, steep’ (oxomui, A. R. 2, 581; cf. adnoppw&); also
-tunéis [f.] ‘cutting off (late), tptijyoc: ... BobtunNpa ‘furrow’ also turyac: yatduos,
apotnp ‘cleaving the ground, plougher’ (H.).
*ETYM Enlargement of ty17- in tuN-tdc, -Orjval, etc. (from » Téuvw), after several
models. The short vowel in tudayev (to étptdynv) recalls 2ppaynv, éaynv. Perhaps this
was the origin of the hapax détuayov. Further, quGat, tur§w were built on pAgat,
prygw, etc. see Chantraine 1942: 392 and 400. Giintert 1914: 132 supposes a cross with
Oryyw (O8ayw) ‘to whet’; Chantraine 1942: 330 attempts to find a semantic
differentiation from » téuvw. The Doric forms with tua must be secondary; see the
discussion in DELG s.v.
to- [pron.] ‘this, that; the’ (Hom., epic poet., Dor.). 4IE *to-, teh.- ‘the, that’>
eVAR In acc. tév, fem. tiv (Dor. tav), ntr. nom.acc. 16, plur. nom. toi, fem. tai, ntr.
nom.acc. Td, etc.
*ETYM Inherited demonstrative pronoun, used in post-Homeric Greek as the article,
and in Homer as a demonstrative and anaphoric pronoun. Ionic-Attic replaced the
old nom. toi, tai with oi, ai, after the nom.sg. 6, a. The formation is identical with
Skt. acc.sg. tam, tam, tdd, nom.pl.m. té, etc. and with Gm. forms like Go. acc. msc.
pan-a, fem. po, ntr. pat-a, plur. bai. A new nom.sg. was created in Lith. tds, ta, OCS
to, ta, to, etc. See » 0, 1.
tot [encl.pron.] ‘to you’, dat.sg. corresponding to IA ooi (epic Ion., Dor. Aeol.), from
> ov. <IE *tu- ‘you’>
VAR Dor. also accented toi.
*DER Hence Att. tot as an enclitic pcl. ‘indeed, truly, etc.’. Also at the beginning of a
sentence and with orthotonic accent, toi yap, totyap (epic poet.).
*ETYM The atonic particle corresponds to Skt. te. For the stressed sentence-initial
particle, connection with the demonstrative to- has been proposed; see Schwyzer
1950: 580ff., who also discuss strengthened totydptot, totyapodv, as well as toivuv,
wévTol, etc.
tovbopvoow >tavOapvlw.
totoc [demonstr. pron.] ‘such, such as’ (especially poetic, Il.+). <GR>
VAR fem. toia (Ion. -1), ntr. Totov.
*DER totodtos, tordode ‘id.’ (esp. IA prose) built on obtoc, bbe.
*ETYM Greek formation built on the pronominal stem to-. The origin is disputed:
*tosio- (< gen.sg. *tosio) or *toiso-? The second option is chosen by W. Petersen
TAPA 46 (1915): 59ff., who starts from the gen.pl. toiwv = Skt. tésdm, ON peira, from
PIE *toisom to *to-, Gr. » to-. Thence, the other case forms, e.g. toiot, totog, etc. In
the same way, motos, ofoc could have been derived from noiwv, ofwv (= Skt. késam,
yésam); after this also arose the other words in -otoc.
TOLXOG = TELXOG.
TOKOG > TIKTW.
1492 TOA
t6Aun [f.] ‘boldness, courage, daredevilry, dauntlessness, brashness’ <IE *telh,- ‘raise,
weigh, bear’> Boas
eVAR -un is rare; usually toApa (IA), cf. below on toApnets, -ydw; Dor. tOAULa (Pi).
*COMP &todpoc ‘without daring, daring nothing’ (Pi. IA), TAVTOAHOS daring
everything’ (A. E.); dtétoApog ‘dauntless, courageous’ (late) from aMOTOALAw.
*DER 1. toAumetc, Dor. -Get¢ ‘courageous, dauntless, enduring’ (Hom., Pi.). 2. “pos
‘id’ (Att.), -ripia [f.] (Hell. pap.). 3. Denominative -aw [v.] ‘to show courage, bring
oneself to courage; to act in spite of oneself, endure’ (Il.), Hdt. -€w, aor. -fjoau, etc.,
also with ano-, émt-, Kata-, etc. Thence -npa [n.] ‘venture, risk’ (Att), -notc [f.]
‘reckless deed’ (Pl. Def.), -ytr\¢ [m.] ‘daredevil’ (Th., Ph.), more popular aytiag ‘id.
(Com. Adesp.), -nt1K6c = -1pd¢ (late). 4. hypocoristic TOAUAAOS [m.] ‘daredevil
(Theognost. Can.). ?
sETYM PIE *tolh,-m(e)h- > PGr. *tolma-. The root-final *h, of the PIE pre-form was
lost before it could vocalize to *a. Traditionally, this loss is ascribed to the influence
of the *o in the root, a change known as “De Saussure’s Law’; cf. Beekes 1969: 238-
242. Van Beek 2009 now disconnects the laryngeal loss from the presence or absence
of the o-grade, and ascribes it to the environment *- VLHNV-. The usual form t6Apa
arose as a back-formation from ToAidw. See » tahaoouu.
todvnn [f.] ‘a clew of wool or yarn’, also metaphorically of onion bulbs, pumpkins,
ball-shaped cakes (Ar. Lys. 586, Eub., S. Fr.1102, LXX, AP, etc.). <PG>
*DER toAvmtebw ‘to wind wool or yarn into a clew (Ar. Lys. 587 [anap.], ambiguous t
137), mostly metaph. ‘to instigate, accomplish with difficulty, undergo’ (epic poet.
IL.), also with éx-; hence toAvmevpa [n.] = toA bmn, -evtiKdc (Phot., Suid., H.).
*ETYM Maurice RPh. 65 (1991) connects tuAvg@avtns ‘cushion-cover-weaver’, which
he relates to Myc. tu-ru-pte-ri-ja, assuming influence of kopbvn or topvvn to
account for the vocalism. Fur.: 340 compares Luw. taluppi ‘clump of dough’ (and
MoFr. talouppe); the word may have o < a before v. A recent attempt at an analysis
has been made by Melchert Orpheus 8 (1998): 47-51: there is a Hitt. verb tarupp-* ‘to
gather, collect’, with the rare variant talupp- (2x); cf. Kloekhorst 2008: 850. The o
may come from a before u, like in Pre-Greek. The word must belong to the Pre-
Greek substrate, (a language cognate to) which must have spoken in large parts of
Anatolia as well. This may explain why a similar word is found in Anatolian.
tTOpovpot (-odpot) [m.pl.] designation of the priests of Zeus in Dodona by Strabo
7-7-1, who cites it as a v.l. in m 403; voc.sg. TOpoupe: avtt (Lyc. 223). Acc. to H. =
TMpOPAtai, lepetc, olwvooKdrol, StaKovot ‘interpreters (of the oracle), priests, augurs,
officials (of a temple)’. <PG?>
*ETYM Unexplained. Strabo (l.c.) interprets the word as *toudp-ovpot = touapo-
pvAakes ‘guardians of the mountain Topapoc (Twapocy near Dodona. Possibly a
Pre-Greek term.
tovOopvtw [v.] ‘to murmur, speak inarticulately, gurgle’ (A. Fr. 298 = 630 M., Ar.,
Herod., Luc., Opp.). <PG>
evar Aor. -boat, fut. -b&w; pres. also tovOopiCw and tovOpttw.
eCOMP Rarely with b0-, dta-.
tOEOV 1493
*DER tovO(o)pvopds [m.] ‘murmuring’ (Phryn.), tovOpvotis = yoyyvotis (Aq.);
backformation tovOpvc: pwvr ‘voice’ (H.).
*ETYM Expressive reduplicated formation in -60p-, with dissimilation to t- in the
initial syllable. It belongs to » @dpvuBoc, > OpvAgw, » Opéopat, whereas the suffix is the
same as in yoyyt(w, ypvlw, ddoAvlw, etc. Gr. tovOoAvyéw ‘to gargle, cluck’
(Pherecr.) has a similar meaning. On to.Woptcoetv, see under > tavOaptlw. = The
formation, with prenasalization, is clearly Pre-Greek (Fur.: 382).
tovOwv [2] - mapa Kopivvy én vwtiaiov (votiBiov codd.) kpéwco Svoua ‘name of the
flesh on the spinal vertebrae (Corinna) (H.) = fr. 685 P. <?>
eETYM Bechtel 1921, 1: 310 supposes that it denotes a special delicacy, connecting
tévOw ‘to be a glutton’ (see » tévOnc).
TOVOG > TELVW.
téEov [n.] ‘bow’, plur. ‘shooting device(s), (bows and) arrows’ (Il.). On the plur. see
Schwyzer 1950: 43 and 51, Chantraine 1953: 31f. <PG>
*DIAL Myc. to-ko-so-ta = totdtac, to-ko-so-wo-ko.
*COMP toko@dpog [m., f.] ‘bearing the bow, bowbearer’, epithet of Apollo, Artemis
and others (epic poet. ® 483, also Hdt.), to&dkAvtog ‘famous for the bow’ (Pi. B.),
also kAvtétokog ‘having a famous bow”, epithet of Apollo (Hom., B.), ayKvAdto&oc
‘having a crooked bow’ (II., Pi.).
*DER 1. to€-dty¢, Dor. -dtacg [m.] ‘archer’ (Il.), -dt1¢ [f.] (Call. et al.), meaning
unclear in Plb. 8, 7, 3 (not with LSJ ‘loophole for shooting arrows’); also plant name
' = apteptoia (Poet. de herb.). 2. -itic [f.] (vevpa) ‘bowstring’ (Hero, Ph. Bel.), epithet
of Artemis (Cos); uncertain -ttnoia = apteptoia (Ps.-Dsc. 3, 113; read -itic?). 3. -lac in
Tokiov Bovvdc: tot AndAAwvoc tod év Ltkv@vi ‘of Apollo in Sicyon’ (H.). 4. -ia [f.]
name of a goddess (mentioned beside ‘Aptejuc; Gortyn). 5. -oovvn [f.] ‘archery,
bowmanship’ (N 314, E. [lyr.]). 6. -tavoi [pl.] ‘people born under the signi of to&dtn¢
(Sagittarius) (Cat. Cod. Astr.). 7. -eb¢ [m.] myth. PN (Hes. Fr. 110, 4), hypocoristic
like Té&0c (Corinth. vase). 8. Diminutive -dptov [n.] (Luc. et al.). 9. -tkdc ‘belonging
to the bow, the archer’, -txr, (téxvn) [f.] (Att.), -uxdv (pdppakov) [n.] ‘arrow poison’
(Arist, Str. et al.); also for *tofotikdc. 10 -wtdc = arcuatus (gloss.). 1. Denominative
verb tot-evw ‘to shoot with bow and arrows’ (I1.), also kata-, amo-, éx-, etc. Thence
-evuia [n.] ‘projectile, arrow’ (IA), -evoic [f.] ‘shooting with bow and arrows’ (Lib.),
-eia [f.] ‘id’ (Hell. and late); -evtij¢ [m.] ‘archer’ (Y 850 et al.), also -evtrp [m.]
(Arat., Nonn.); mostly referring to the constellation (metri causa for -6tn¢, -evtis),
[f.] -edteipa (Opp.), -evtiKn [f.] ‘archery’ (Gal.). 12. to&-dGopat ‘to shoot at someone
with bow and arrow (Hom., Opp.), -aw ‘id.’ (Heracleit. All.), also with ém-; derived
from plur. té§a?
*ETYM Gr. tdEov replaces inherited Bidc: in Homer, tdEov is already the more usual
word for ‘bow’. As the Iranians, and especially the Scythians, were famous archers,
one might suspect t6fov to be a loan from an Iranian language; compare MoP tays
‘bow, arrow and Scythian PN Tékapic, Tataxic. However, the Mycenaean
attestations disprove this possibility. Thus, t6§ov could be of Pre-Greek origin. Latin
taxus ‘yew-tree’ could also be related, but it cannot be a borrowing from Greek.
1494 tToTtaCLov
tondttov [n.] ‘topaz’, probably also of chrysolite and of other stones (LXX, Str. D: S.,
Apoc.). <PG(V)>
eVAR Also -aCoc [m.] (AP, J Orph. et al.), -atov [n.] (Eust.).
sETYM A loanword which (according to Iuba in Plin. HN 37, 108) was taken from the
language of the Trogodytes, and named after an island of the same name in the Red
Sea (likewise HN 6, 169). The form tafdoroc, -t¢ (PHolm.) presents another variant.
Fur.: 155, 344 assumes that the variation taBdao- / tomat- points to a Pre-Greek word.
t6n0c [m.] ‘place, region, space; subject of a speech, etc.’ (IA since A.). < IE *top-o->
*COMP tondpyng [m.] head of a district, esp. in Egypts thence to [v.] cla [f.] (LXX,
pap., etc.); &tomo¢ ‘not at its place, out of place, unusual’, évtémiog ‘situated in the
ion, indigenous’ (PI., etc.). i
i 1. Penis ia nee pap., medic. et al.). 2. -ov [n.] ‘place (of burial)
(PLond., inscr. Asia Minor). 3. -(ty¢ [m.] ‘inhabitant of a place’ (St. Byz.). 4. -€i0v
(-"iov) [n.] ‘cord, rope’ (com. Call. Hell. inscr.). Denominative verbs: 5. tomatw to
aim at a place or a point, suspect, guess’ (Att.), also with tito-; thence TOMATTIKOG
‘inventive, sharp-witted’ (Men.), dbnotonaopd¢ [m.] ‘suspicion’ J.). 6. vonieo to
localize’, -top6¢ [m.] ‘localization’ (comm. Arist.), éxonilo to remove’, thence
-lopdc, -lot1Kdc (Arist., Hell. and late). 7. drotongopat, -Ew (-ebw) ‘to suspect,
surmise’ (Ion., Th., Ar.).
sETYM The broad semantic range renders etymologizing difficult. The noun ean go
back to PIE *top-o- or *tok”-o-. A connection with PIE *tek”- ‘to run, flow’ is
semantically difficult. The root *tep- ‘to hit, stick, smear’ (whence OCS teti, 188. tepo
‘to beat’, Lith. tépti ‘to smear, grease’) could yield a noun *top-o- ‘stain, spot , which
then developed to ‘spot, place’; compare the similar semantic change which took
place in MoE spot or MoHG Flecken (a suggestion by M. de vet P.<.).
Alternatively, Meier-Briigger Glotta 74 (1997/8): 99f. has derived TOnoG from *tep- ‘to
be hot’, supposing an original meaning ‘hot place, hearth’ > ‘any place’.
topadAtov [n.] ‘bed-cover’ (Dura-Europos) <LW Lat>
eV AR with metathesis toAGplov.
*ETYM Possibly borrowed from Lat. toral(i), according to LSJ.
, : , Bisiiircas > (HL). <2
tOpBnAgs [adj.] - weLWiptotpos ‘criticizing, querulous’ ( 1). ;
eETYM Specht KZ 59 (1932): 34° explains it by dissimilation from *t6ABnAog, which
could belong to the isolated form té\PeoBar pepyttorpety, émikadetv ‘to grumble,
complain’ (H.). These forms could go back to a root *telg”-, but no cognate forms are
known.
topyog [m.] ‘vulture’ (Call. Fr. 204, Lyc.), topyocg bypd@ottos ‘swan’ (Lyc.). <?>
eETYM Word belonging to learned Alexandrian poetry, without a convincing
etymology. A connection with Germanic ‘stork’ (ON storkr, MoHG Storch) seems
gratuitous. Thompson 1895 s.v. compares Coptic t(o0)re, Ore ‘kite’.
topdiAov [n.] name of an umbelliferous plant, ‘hartwort, Tordylium officinale’ (Ruf.
apud Orib., Gal., Plin.). <PG(V)>
VAR -UALov (Dsc.), -thov (Nic. [-e1-], Dsc.), -iAtov (Dsc. v.1.).
TOpVvoG 1495
*ETYM Unknown etymology. Fur.: 367 compares dpdetAov (Nic. Th. 841), which is
| perhaps a mistake for t-. It cannot be explained as an old variant without t- pointing
eee to Pre-Greek origin, pace Fur: 391.
topeiv [v.aor.] ‘to pierce’ <IE *terh,,,- ‘rub, bore, pierce’>
*VAR Etope A 236, Topeiv- Topical, TPfoal, Teptetv (H.). Reduplicated in tétopev-
Etpwoev ‘to damage’, tetdpy; Tpwon ‘wounding’ (H.); thence ptc. tetoprioac (h.
Merc. 119; verse-final), fut. tetoprjow ‘to pierce with tones, proclaim with shrill tones’
(Ar. Pax 381, parodizing, see Schwyzer: 783), perf. ptc. tetopnévoc (Nonn.). Also s-
aor. Topfjoal = topedoat ‘to stitch, chase, form’ (Arat., AP, Sardis), also with avtt- ‘to
pierce, pervade, penetrate’ (E 337, K 267), fut.ptc. avtttoprjowv (h. Merc. 178), pres.
ptc. avtttopobvta (ibid. 283); aor. pass. StatopnOijvou (Anon. apud Suid.). Verbal
adj. toprytdc ‘vulnerable’ (Lyc.).
|" *DER topevw, -edoat ‘to carve, emboss, form’ (S. Fr. 315, Hell. and late.), also with
ae dta-; @drv topevetv (Ar. Th. 986 [lyr.]) ‘to carve a song’ (?). Hence topev-td¢
‘chased, engraved’, -tr\¢ [m.] ‘chaser, engraver’, -tiK1) (téxvn) ‘the art of engraving’,
+a [n.] ‘chased or engraved work’, -o1c = caelatura (gloss.), -eia [f.] ‘engraving’,
-eiov [n.] ‘chased work’ (all Hell. or late). topetc [m.] ‘borer’ (Philyll. apud Phot.,
AP), probably a backformation from topetw, not from tépog ‘id.’ (Att. inscr. IV’, H.,
Eust.). Both tépoc and dtdtopos ‘piercing, pervading, loud; pierced’ (A., S., Plu.
Luc.: dta-tetpaivw) could be derived from topeiv. Read Statopia in Thphr. HP 11, 4.
eETYM The meaning of the verb fits perfectly with that of the PIE root *terh,- ‘to
drill’, but the o-grade in aor. is problematic. It has been proposed that it developed
through metathesis of a sequence *-ero- > -ore- (similarly for » mopeiv, » jLoAgiv,
> Oopeiv). This would mean that there was a root aorist *tero- < *terh,- (cf.
> titpwoKWw), but this remains speculative. Alternatively, we could be dealing with
real o-grade verbal formations. Epic dvti-topfjoat, -toprjowv, -topodvta are
| innovations. DELG adduces Skt. tard- ‘piercing, which resonates’ and jberhaps Olr.
tairm ‘sound’. See further » topdc, » tetpaive, > teipw, and » tépuc.
topos [m.] ‘socket, nave, peg’ (Hdt., Ph. Bel., Hero Bel., Hell. inscr.). IE *torh,,,-mo-
‘piercing, boring’>
DER topjt-iov [n.] ‘small peg’ (Ph. Bel.), -xd [n-pl.] ‘mortises’ (Hero Bel.); t6pun [f.]
= TANI, KoLmh, Koyimthp, vdooa, tomAné, Spdpoc (Ael. Dion, H., Suid.); the
meaning of the variant toppd (Lyc. 262) is unclear: mAnLvy or viooa? (sch. = TO
Xdpayta TO amo tod tpoxod ‘trace of a wheel’). Glosses: &k topu@v- and tod
KALLMTHpos jf) Tob ovjimavtoc Spdpov ‘from the turning point, or the whole course’,
EKTOpLleiv- ExtetpapOat tod Spdpiov ‘to be turned off the road’ (H.).
*ETYM A derivative of the root *terh,,-; cf. » topetv. Cognates: Hitt. tarma- ‘nail, peg’,
CLuw. tarma/i- [c.] ‘nail, peg’ < *tor(h,)-mo-; the appurtenance of ON parmr [m.],
MoHG Darm < PGm. *barma- is less certain. For the non-vocalization of the
laryngeal in PIE *torh,,,-mo-, see on » TOALL}.
topvoc [m.] ‘carving knife, lathe, turning-lathe, pair of compasses, circle’ (Thgn., IA).
IE *torh,,,-no- ‘turner, borer’>
1496 TOpdc
*COMP évtopvog ‘processed with a turning-lathe, turned, revolved’ (Pl. Arist.,
inscr.), whence évtopvia [f.], -ebw [v.] (Hero).
*DER 1. topv-ioKoc [m.] ‘turning-lathe’ (Ph. Bel., Delos). 2. topv-ia otapvAn (Poll.)
kind of grape. 3. topv-dopa, -dw ‘to draw a circle, measure precisely’ (Y 255, € 249,
D. P., Tryph., H.), -wtd¢ ‘revolved, turned’ (Hdn. Gr.), anotopve@otc [f.] ‘rounding
off (Heliod. apud Orib.). 4. topv-ebw [v.] ‘to spin round, turn’ CE. [lyr.], Ar., Pl),
also with ano-, kata-, mept-, etc. Thence -evpa [n.] ‘turning motion’ (E. HF 978),
plur. ‘turner’s chips’ (Hp., Hell. inscr.), -eia [f.] ‘curved timber for shipbuilding’
(Thphr.), -evtdc ‘turned, fit for turning’ (Hell.), -evtr¢ [m.] ‘turner’ (Att. inscr.),
-evtnptov [n.] ‘turning-lathe’ (Thphr.). With.a prop vowel -o-: tépovoc (cod. -dvoc)-
topvoc. Tapavtivot (H.); topovevtés = tetopvevpévoc (Lacon. in Edict. Diocl.).
eETYM An instrument noun with PIE suffix *-no- from the root of teipw, tetpaiva,
topeiv, etc. For the semantics, compare KuKAo-tepric¢ ‘turned around, round as a
circle’, kUKAOU Tdpvog (X.), KUKAOTEpes TopvetoaoBat (PI.), and also Lat. teres, -etis
‘rounded off, smooth’ to terd ‘to rub’. For the non-vocalization of the laryngeal in
PIE *torh,,-no-, see on » TOA.
topdc [adj.] ‘loud, shrill, perceptible, clear’, of the voice; also ‘fast, agile’ (A., E., Ar.,
Emp., PL. X.). IE *torh,,-0- ‘piercing’>
*ETYM Adjectival o-derivative of the root PIE *terh,,- ‘to pierce, bore’. The semantic
change of ‘piercing’ to ‘loud, shrill’ is also found in the aor. and fut. stem tetopro-;
see » topeiv. Connection with Lith. taryti ‘to say, speak’, Hittite ter-7' / tar- ‘to speak,
state’ < PIE *ter-/tr- is therefore unwarranted. Cognates: Skt. tard- ‘piercing’
(Mayrhofer Sprache 10 (1964): 193f.).
topvvn 1 [f.] ‘stirring spoon, stirring ladle’ (Sophr., Ar., Pl.). <PG?(s)>
eVAR Dor. -a (0 Ar., 0 AP 6, 305).
*DER topvvaw [v.] ‘to stir’ (medic. Eub.), also ovv-; topvvw (Ar. Eq. 1172) is
probably a backformation to the noun (different Schwyzer: 491: toptvn a
backformation from toptvw).
eETYM The origin of the suffix -bvn is unclear; compare kopbvn ‘club’, oiBdvn ‘spear’,
xeAbvn ‘lip, jaw’, etc. Semantically, one could connect the Germanic verb *buer- ‘to
stir’, e.g. OE bweran, OHG dweran, OE pwiril, OHG dwiril ‘stirrer’ < PGm. *bwer-
ila-. Yet formally this etymology is implausible, since it would require a zero grade
*tup-bvn, whence topvvy with dissimilation. Derivation from the root of » teipw is
semantically difficult. Lat. trua ‘stirring spoon’ has the same meaning, but the form
cannot be reconciled with that of toptvy. Since there is a PG suffix -bv-, topbvn
could be Pre-Greek. Its o could continue original *a before a following *u.
topvvn 2 [f.] - oit@déc TI ‘cereals’ (H.). <?>
*ETYM No etymology. See » mUpvoc.
t600c [demonstr. pron.] ‘as large, as much’ (IL, epic poet.). <IE *to-ti>
eVAR Epic also té000¢; in prose only subst. tocov [n.].
eDIAL Myc. to-so.
Tpayos 1497
*DER Too(o)ovtoc, too(a)d0de ‘id.’ (Il.), tooo-fvocos ‘id.’ (Theoc.), after tijvoc;
-atiog ‘id.’ (A. R. AP), -dxt (Hom., Simon.), toodxic (Polyaen.) ‘so many times’,
-avtaxic (And., PL, Arist.).
*ETYM From PIE *toti-o-, built on the PIE adverb * toti ‘so many’ (in Skt. tati, Lat. tot,
toti-dem ‘so many’). The Greek formation probably first arose as a plural t60(o)ot ‘as
many’, whence the sing. t60(0)og ‘as large’.
toooat [v.inf.] ‘to meet, get into, happen to’ (Pi. Fr. 22). 4%
*DER Aeol. ptc. toocatc for *técoac (Pi. P. 3, 27), é7t-tTdooatc; 38g. ind. émétoooe =
énétvye (Pi. P. 10, 333 4, 25).
*ETYM No certain etymology. Because of the semantic agreement with tvyetv, Pisani
RiLomb. 77 (1943-44): 565 regards técoat as a false Ionisation of Boeot. *1éEat for
*r0Eat = toxeiv. Cf. Schwyzer: 755.
tote [adv.] ‘at that time, then’ (IA Arc.). <IE *so / *to- ‘this, that’>
eVAR Aecol. rota, Dor. toxa ‘then’; toté (uév ... toté 52) ‘sometimes’.
*ETYM Demonstrative (tote) and indefinite (toté) adverbs, derived from
demonstrative » to- with different particles. See » éte and » ndéte.
tovprmatva [f.] the fish ‘torpedo’ (Al. Trall., Paul. Aegin.). «LW Lat>
eETYM A loanword from Lat. torpédo ‘torpedo, crampfish, electric ray’.
tovtic [?] «6 K6c0u@os ‘blackbird’ (H.). < ?
*ETYM Unknown.
togpa [demonstr. adv.] ‘up to, during, so long, meanwhile’ (epic poet. Il.+). <1E *to-
demonstr. pron.>
eETYM From demonstrative to- with an unclear extension; see »dégpa with
references.
{
tpayog [m.] ‘he-goat, buck’, also metaphorically ‘smell of a he-goat’ (epic Ion. poet. t
239+, Hell. and late prose), often ‘puberty’, ‘lechery’ (Luc.); name of a fish = male
uatvic (Arist. etc.); several plant-names, e.g. = éptvedc in Messenia (Paus.), ‘spelt’
(Dsc. and others), name of a constellation of the Dodekaoros (Cat. Cod. Astr.),
comet’s name (Lyd. Ost.). <GR>
*COMP tpayonwywv [m.] plant name ‘goatsbeard, salsify’; Bobtpayoc [m.] ‘ox-goat’,
a fabulous creature (Philostr.), énitpayot [m.pl.] ‘lush but infertile shoots of the vine’
(D. H,, Poll., EM), enttpayiac [m.] an unfertile and very fat kind of carp (Arist; see
below on tpaydw for the semantics);’Emtpayia [f.] epithet of Aphrodite (Plu. Thes.
18, Att. inscr. from Imperial times).
*DER 1. tpay-ioxoc [m.] “small he-goat’ (Theoc., AP), fish name ‘kipper’ (Marc. Sid.),
also a kind of ornament (Delos II*). 2. -atva [f.] ‘hermaphrodite’ (Arist.). 3. -1xd¢
‘goat-like’ (Plu., Luc.), short for tpaywétkdc “belonging to the tragedy, tragic’ (IA;
like kwpukdg = Kwpwdixdc), thence -1kwdr)¢ L680 (Palaeph.); -tkevouat ‘to speak as
in a tragedy’ (sch.). 4. -e())oc ‘of a.he-goat’ (late), -ein (Theoc.), -éa (Thphr.), -i
(Poll., Eust.) [f.] (sc. Sopa) “goatskin’. 5. -tvoc = -elog (AP). 6. Tpa&ytog [m.] month
name in Thessaly (inscr.); «ov [n.] plant name (Dsc.). 7. -avécg (H.) as an
1498 tpay@déoc
explanation of yévSpoc. Denominative verbs: 8. tpayitw (bep-) ‘to break one’s
voice, speak roughly’ (Hp., Arist.), ‘to smell like a goat’ (Gal., Dsc.). 9. tpayaw ‘to
break one’s voice’ (Gal. etc.) ‘to grow over-luxuriant, to grow only leaves and shoots
without yielding fruit’, of vines (Arist. Thphr.).
*ETYM Literally ‘gnawer, eater of sweets’, agent noun of tpayetv; see > TPWYW. There,
it is concluded that the group of tpdyw is of Pre-Greek origin, but the formation of
tpayeiv may be an inner-Greek creation. See malt, p dpvetdc, > KATIPOG, » Kpl6c, and
> Toaywdds. 4
tpaywddc [m.] ‘singer and dancer in the tragic choir, tragic actor’ (Att. Hell. and late),
very rarely and mostly uncertain ‘poet of tragedies’; of tpayq@dol also rendering of a
tragedy’. <GR>
eVAR Boeot. tpayarvdoc (Orchom. I’, archaizing).
eDER 1. Tpay6-éw ‘to act as a tpaywddc, treat in a tragedy, to display or relate with
tragic pathos’, whence late -npa, -nTHs, -1T6s. 2. -ta [f] ‘tragedy’, also elevated
poetry, grand display’ (Pl. Hell. and late). 3. -ik0c ‘like a tragic actor’ (Ar.). 4. -aptov
[n.] diminutive of -ia (D. H.). 5. -eb¢ = dc (sch.).
sETYM Probably formed after the pattern of > payw5dc; further etymology uncertain.
Traditionally derived from ‘tpayoc ‘buck’, which would have been given as a prize to
the winner in the oldest dramatic Agon; thus also Else Herm. 85 (1957): 17ff. with ref.
tpaxta [n.pl.] ‘layers of a cake, kambpta’ (Ath.); tpaxtov [sg.] ‘white, bleached wax’
(EM) = tpaxtdc Knpdc (late med.) <Lw Lat.> sas nae
*DER tpakt-wpa [n.] ‘plaster of white wax’ (Hi ppiatr.), -ai(w ‘to bleach or whiten like
wax’ (EM); tpaktevw ‘to manage’, whence -evTig, -evtiKds (Cod. Iust, Lyd. Mag. et
al.), tpaxtaitw [v.] ‘id’ (Men. Prot.). ts _
sETYM A loanword from Lat. tractum ‘piece of dough for making cake’, tractare to
handle’.
tpauts [f.] ‘the narrow space between the legs between the anus and the genitals: the
perineum’ (Archil Hippon., Ar. Ruf., Luc.), acc. to H. = To tpijpa THs Edpac, O
dppoc. tivéc Evtepov, oi dé ioxiov ‘the hole of the seat, the rump; the innards, the
hip-joint (or the flesh around it) <PG?>
*DER Ota teats = Aodtvyoc (Stratt.).
sETYM Frisk explains it as a zero grade verbal noun in *-mi-, from the same root as
téppoc ‘socket, peg’ (from > teipw, » tetpaivw.). This is formally difficult, because
that root probably had a final laryngeal. It could well be a Pre-Greek word.
tpdumic, -150¢, -to¢ [f.] according to sch. Lyc. BapBapikdv mAoiov -(Lyc., Nic. [v.l.
-Bic]). <PG> |
VAR VL. tpayBtc.
*ETYM Probably a loanword. Fur.: 165 thinks it is a variant of tpapné, ‘tpdené,
tpanné, tpdonng ‘bar, beam, board, handle’. In that case, tpdpmic could be a Pre-
Greek word.
tpaviic [adj.] ‘clear, distinct, definite, sure’ (trag. D. H., Ph. Plu.). <1E *terh,- ‘pass
through, cross’>
Tpantéw 1499
eVAR Late also -6c, often adv. -c, -6v.
*COMP Tlepitpavos ‘very clear’ (Hell. and late).
*DER tpav-otn [f.] ‘clarity’ (Ph., Plu., etc.), -6w [v.] ‘to make clear, attract attention’,
also with dta-, éx-; thence -@pata (yAwoons) [pl.] ‘perceptions’ (Emp. 4, 11), -wttkdc¢
‘serving for brightening’ (Theol. Ar.).
eETYM From PIE *trh,-n-, from the root *terh,- ‘to pass, cross’ (cf. E seeing through).
Alternatively, it could have secondary long -a- for *é, in which case it derives from
the root *terh,- ‘to pierce’ (cf. E sharp sight). The s-stem adj. recalls oouprvijc; etc. (see
> oaPrs).
tpaneta [f.] ‘table, plate, meal, dish, money changer’s counter, bank’ (Il.). <IE
*k*etuer- ‘four’, *ped- ‘foot’, *k”tur-ped-ih,- >
VAR Dor. tpdmeoda (Alcm.), Boeot. tpémedda (Orchom. III*).
eDIAL Myc. to-pe-za /torpeza/.
eCOMP tpanetopdpos [m.] ‘table-bearer’ (Ar.Fr. 124), designation of a priestess of
Athena (Lycurg. etc.), t0 tpameCopdpov [n.] ‘serving table, sideboard’ (Cic., Poll.,
etc.), QuotpdamteCos ‘eating at the same table’ (Hadt., PL. etc.).
*DER 1. Diminutive tpané{-tov [n.] (Late Attic), geometric ‘trapezium’ (Arist.+). 2.
-evc¢ in kbvec tpamte lies ‘table dogs’ (Hom.), ‘parasites’ (Plu.). 3. -ityc¢, Dor. -itac,
Boeot. tpemed(S)i-tacg [m.] ‘money changer, banker’ (Late Att. Hell. and late);
thence -ttiKkds, -ttebw, -ttela, [f.] -Iti¢ (pap. VIP), -ettat kbvec = -ijeg x. (dn. Gry -et-
probably itacistic), -itrv Ildpiv- tov mapaBavra tiv tpdaneCav ‘who stood beside the
table’ (Trag. Adesp. 270), évtpanelitng = mapdoitoc (Suid. Zonar.). 4. -ia [f.]
‘carpentry’ (Thphr.). 5. -6tn¢ [f.] ‘tableness, the idea of a table’ (Pl. apud D. L.). 6.
-Hyetc ‘belonging to the table’ (Nic., Opp.). 7. -wSn¢ ‘trapezoidal’ (Str. etc.). 8. -w(v):
igpe1a tic AOrvnotv ‘a priestess at Athens’ (H.) (= tpamelo@dpoc above). 9. -dopat,
-6w ‘to be dished up, dish up’ (S. Fr. 611, Hell. and late inscr.); thence -®pata [pl.]
‘offerings (Pergamon II"), -wotc [f.] ‘serving’ (Plu.). 10. TpamteCotc, -obvtos [f.] town
in Arcadia and on the south coast of the Black Sea; ywpa TpameCovvtia (Paus.+).
eETYM PIE *k"tur-ped-ih,- ‘having four feet’ > PGr. *t(w)r-ped-ja-. Compound of a
zero grade of PIE ‘four’ (*k”tur) with the word for ‘foot’, plus a derivational suffix
*-ih,-. Myc. to-pe-za /torpeza/ shows the vocalization with o instead of a that is
regular in that dialect. Folk-etymological connection with ‘three’ yielded tpineCav-
tiv tpanelav. Bowwtoi (H.), whence Boeot. tpénedda. A different reflex *k’tru- >
tpv- is found in » tpv@dAeia, which agrees with Av. ca@ru-, OW petru-, Lat. quadru-
‘four-’. See » técoapec,
tparéw [v.] ‘to press (grapes)’ (1) 125, Hes. Sc. 301, Anan.), tpamijv- Anvortatetv ‘to treat
the wine-press’, tpaméovto (also [Aeol.?] tpoméovto): énatobvto (ématovv) ‘were
treading’ (H.). 4IE *trep- ‘tread’>
VAR Only pres. and ipf.
DIAL Myc. jo-te-re-pa-to = wc tpémavto athem. aor. (Taillardat REGr. 97 (1984): 365-
373).
*DER tpamntdc: 6 oivoc ‘wine’ oi tpamntai ‘wine-pressers’ as an explanation of
matyntai (H.). With o-grade tponriov [n.] ‘(wine-)press’ (Hippon.), mpotpomoc
1500 tpanné
(oivoc) ‘wine before the pressing’ (medic. etc.), Oivo-tpdmot [f.pl.], epithet of the
three daughters of Anios (Lyc. 580). See on » atpartéc.
*ETYM Literally ‘to tread (out)’, a zero-grade iterative present *trp-eie/o- of a PIE root
*trep- ‘to tread’; cf. LIV’ s.v. With an e-grade, we find e.g. Lith. trepséti ‘to scratch
(with the feet), trample’; with o-grade, Lith. trapinéti ‘to push with the feet’, Ru.
tropat’ ‘to stamp, trample, knock’, formally identical with the Gm. group of OS
thrabon, MHG traben, etc. Cf. » tpénw.
Tpanng =tpagné.
Tpaocid =tapodc.
tpavrdc [adj.] ‘suffering from a speech disorder, with deficient speech’, for instance
‘lisping, stammering’, metaphorically of swallows ‘chirping’ (Hdt. Hp., Call. com.,
Arist., AP, etc.). <PG?>
*COMP tpavAdgwvog ‘with lisping speech’ (H. s.v. Battoc, beside ioyvéqwvoc; from
Hdt. 4, 155), bndtpavdog ‘lisping something’ (Hp.), moixtAdtpavAa (Theoc., of the
weAn of the k6oov@ot); PN TpavAn (Lucr.).
*DER tpava-dtn¢ [f.] ‘speech disorder’ (Arist., Plu.), -iCw (b70-) ‘to speak deficiently,
etc” (Ar. Arist., Luc.), whence -to}td¢ (Plu.); also -wotc [f.] (Gal.).
eETYM The suffix -Aog is also found in other expressions for physical and psychical
defects, such as tugAdc, xwAdc, orpAdc. Unclear etymology. Wackernagel 1897: 16f.
connects it as *trs-u- = Go. baursus ‘Enpdc’, to which » dteipis from *d-tEepo-re¢
could belong as well. Yet the loss of o in tpavAdc and in datetpric is improbable beside
Tpaold and tépooptat. Alternatively, does it belong to tpadpta (see on > tiTtpwéKw)?
The word might well be Pre-Greek.
Tpadpa =TLTPWOKW.
tpavgava [n.pl.] ‘dry wood, brushwood’ (Pherer.). <PG>
eVAR Also tpatcavov: Enpov nav i} ppbyavov “all dry items or firewood’ (H.) (on o
for § see Schwyzer: 211).
eETYM Acc. to Frisk, it may replace tpwEava (see » tpwyw) after Opavw. However,
the variation av : w betrays a Pre-Greek word (Fur.: 286). It is improbable that the
-av- was taken from 8@pavu; cf. on tpadpta s.v. tttpwoKw. The meaning of tpavEava
does not warrant a derivation from tpwyw.
tpagné, -nKosg [m.] meaning uncertain. According to H. (similar EM, sch. Lyc. etc.), it
means xdpag, oxddrow. Evol TO Sdpv, GAAot TO Tig vews xetAog; acc. to EM also = tO
EvAov évOa tiHgact TOV dptov. Rare in literary language: Bito (beam, pole’?),
Lycophr. 641 (‘beam, plank’ 2), 1001 (‘spear’?), Att. inscr. IV* (‘board of a ship’?).
<PGP>
eVAR In H. also: tpdamnkt- d6patt (from Lyc. 1001?); also with o-vocalism: tpdgné
(cod. -@fic)- xapak, oKdAoW (cod. oKwANE), TPdTMHKOG: [Epic THs KwANS 6 TPdTNE, ob
eTtAaLPavovtat oi EpECOOVTEG WOTE ATO LLEPOUS TI]V KWTNV.
eETYM Instrument name in -nfé (cf. oiak, mAnf, etc.). In theory, one might connect
Lat. trabs ‘beam’, but this cannot be substantiated. It is a loanword, according to
TpAaXvSG 1501
Porzig ZII 5 (1927): 269, especially in view of the suffix. The variation a/o and 1/@ is
frequent in Pre-Greek words. Fur.:.165 also compares Tpduumtic, tpdtBic ‘foreign ship’,
in which case we have prenasalized variants as well. Thus, it is clearly a Pre-Greek
word; the o cannot be explained from the noun tpomn, as Frisk surmised.
TpaXNAOg [m.] ‘neck, throat’, sometimes including the head, also metaphorically (IA).
<PG?>
eVAR Dor. (Epid.) -ahoc. :
*COMP tpaxnhoKxonéw ‘to cut the throat’ (Plu. Arr. etc; like delpotopew);
TepttpaxnAog ‘running around the neck’ (&)votc, pap. II’), whence TEPLTPAYXNA-LOV,
-idtov [n.] ‘necklace’ (Hell. and late).
*DER 1. tpaxrA-ta [n.pl.] ‘meat scraps, originally of the neck’ (Hp., com.). 2. -tov [n.]
“neck piece”, ‘the lower end of a spear’ (EM, Harp.). 3. -ic: collare (gloss.). 4. -taiog ‘of
the neck’ (Hippiatr., H., Eust.). 5. -yraiog ‘id’ (Str.). 6. -15n¢ ‘stubborn’ (EM), -@dn¢
‘neck-like’ (sch.). 7. -i{w (&no-, mpoo-) ‘to bend back, lay bare, turn the neck’,
metaphorically of a ship ‘to turn towards the wind’, also ‘to lay bare, expose;
overpower’ (Hell. and late); thence -tojt6c, -toti}p (late). Further extpaxnrilw (of a
horse) ‘to throw the rider over its head’, metaphorically ‘to precipitate into ruin’
(Ar. X., D., etc.), whence -top6¢ (gloss.); naditpaxnritw ‘to be stubborn’ (pap. III*).
8. tpaxnAtdw ‘to arch the neck proudly, accompany proudly’ (LXX+).
*ETYM Probably a Greek innovation, as opposed to inherited abyrv and dépn ‘neck’.
Formally, one would like to connect tpéxw ‘to run’, tpoxéc, but the ‘neck’ is usually
denominated as “turner, turn(ing)”; compare OCS vrate to vratiti ‘to turn’, probably
also Lith. kaklas, rather than ‘runner’. Guilleux RPh. 73 (1999): 104 (see also DELG
Supp.) follows an article by Létoublon-De Lamberterie RPh. 54 (1980): 305-326,
which point to traces of an older meaning ‘turn’ for > tpéxw. However, the word
may also be Pre-Greek, as Fur: 115° believes (the suffix -nAo- is frequent in Pre-
Greek). i
Tpaxbec [adj.] ‘rough, uneven, stony, bumpy’, metaphorically ‘severe, harsh’ (IL). <1E
*d'rh.-g'-u- ‘rough’>
eVAR Epic Ion. tpnxuc.
DIAL Myc. PN ta-ra-ke-wi-[ja]? (Lejeune REGr. 75 (1962): 342).
*COMP Tpaxb@wvosg (-n-) ‘with a coarse voice’ (Hp., D. S. et al.), bmdtpaxuc (-n-)
‘somewhat rough’ (Hp. et al.).
*DER 1. tpaxbtns (-n-), Att. tpayutic¢ [f.] ‘coarseness, unevenness, severity’
(Democr., Pl. X., Arist., etc.). 2. tpax-bvw [v.] ‘to make rough, angry’, sometimes ‘to
be rough’, pass. ‘to be harsh, angry’ (A., PL, Arist., etc.), also with amo-, ék-, etc.
Thence -vvtikdc¢ ‘making rough’ (Arist., Dsc.), -vowa [n.] ‘roughness, hardness’,
-vo,tdcg [m.] ‘making rough’ (medic. et al.). 3. tpaxoc: duretum (gloss.). 4. tpax-
w@.ata [n.pl.] ‘hardenings in the eye, trachoma’ (Dsc., Gal., pap. III’; after ypAatKwpa
etc.), -watixdsg (Gal.). 5. -@v, -@voc [m.] ‘rough, stony area’ (Str., D. H., pap. IP),
Tpaxwv, -wvoc, name of a Syrian province and mountain (J., Str.); thence -wvitic
(xopa Ev. Luc.), -wvitat [m.pl.] (J., Ptol., etc.). 6. Tpayic (-iv), Tpnxic, -ivog [f.], town
in Thessaly (B 682+), whence -ivtoc, -tvic (IA).
1502 Tpe
eETYM PIE adj. *d'rh,g"-u-? See » Opdcow for reconstruction and cognates. Compare
also tapyr1y tapakic, dtap[a]yov: dxeiactov (H.); cf. Schwyzer: 362.
Tpe =ov.
tpeic [numeral] ‘three’ (IA). IE *trei-es ‘three’> :
eVAR Acol. (gramm.) tpf{¢; Dor. tpfi¢ (Thera), tpéec (Gortyn), ntr. tpla, gen. TPLOV,
dat. tptoi, Aeol. tpicot, Ion. also tpioiot (Hippon.), acc. tpeic (IA), Old Attic tpic,
Dor. tpuve (Gortyn).
*DIAL On Myc. ti-ri-se-ro-e, see Morpurgo Davies 1963.
comp As a first member tpl-, eg. Tpujpns ‘a.trireme’; tpiaxovta, Ion. tptt}- ‘thirty’;
-Kdotol, Arc. -Kdotol, Dor. -Kdatiot ‘three huridred’, -Kdc, -Ka5oc [f.] ‘the number
thirty, a gathering of 30 persons, the thirtieth day of the month’ (IA).
*DER 1. tpi¢ [adv.] ‘thrice’ (Il.), also tpiaxic (Ar.+). 2. tpitoc [adj.] ‘third’ (Il.), Aeol.
téptos, enlarged tpitatoc (epic poet. Il.+), Aeol. téptatoc (Pi codd. TETP-); TPLT-
aioc ‘arriving at the third day, of three days, etc.’ (IA), -ev¢ [m.] ‘the third of a
ugdyrvoc’, also -evw, -evpa, -evtiic, -ela (Hell. and late inscr.); -eia [n.pl.] oe third
prize’ (Pl. etc.). 3. Distributive adverbs tpi-xa, -xf, -xO8ev, -xod, -X@c; “x84 triple, in
three pieces, at three places, etc.’; Tploads, TpIttdc, Ion. also tpibdc threefold . 4.
tpiac, -ado¢ [f.] ‘triad’ (Pl, Arist. etc.), whence -adikdc, -adilw (late). 5. tpttpa
[n.pl.] ‘threefold payment’ (Gortyn).
*ETYM The nominative forms tpeic, tfc, tpéec go back to PIE *treies, whence also
Skt. tréyah, Lat. trés, etc. Acc. *trins > Go. prins, Gortyn. tpuve (disyllabic after
tpi@v, -ot), contracted tpic. Ionic-Attic tpeic was based on the nominative. Neuter
tpia < PIE *#rih,; cf. Skt. tri(-ni), Lat. tri-ginta (tria- innovation). The adverb tpic
agrees with Skt. trih, Lat. ter (Plaut. terr < “ters < *tris). The ordinal tpitog is also
inherited; compare ToB trite, ToA trit. For the first member of compounds tpt- as in
tpi-movc, compare Skt. tri-pdd-, Lat. tri- pes ‘three-footed’. Cf. » tpitttc, » tpiatva,
and > tpidfw.
tpedAdc [adj.] in MoGr. ‘mad’ (only in PNs, L. Robert 1963: 261f. <?>
eETYM Unknown.
tpéuw [v.] ‘to tremble (of fear), shiver’ (II.). <1 *trem- ‘tremble’>
VAR Only pres. and ipf. (but Dor. tetpéunka EM).
eCOMP Also with bmo-, mepl-, augl-. rons
*DER tpduoc [m.] ‘trembling, shivering, fear, fright (II), tpopoc [adj.] ‘trembling’ (E.
Fr. 876), also -epdc (Sapph., E., A. R. etc.), -@dn¢ (Hp. Str., Plu.), -aAéoc (Eust.),
-ik6c (gloss., Suid.) ‘id.. Verb tpopéw (Il) = tpépo, deverbative or denominative;
also with bmo-, mept-, Qugt-, etcs originally only pres. and ipf., the aor. TpOL}oat is
late (LXX [v.l. étpdpacav as if from tpopatw)], lit. pap. ITIP). PN Tpoungs, “NItOS [m.]
created for Atpdutytoc (Dem.), etc. Further tétpapoc [m.] ‘trembling’, with
reduplication and zero grade of the root; also tétpopoc after tpopos (Hp.+). Thence
tetpapaivw [v.] ‘to tremble’, vl. tetpep- after tpénw (Hp., Ar., Gal., etc.). Adv.
atpéua, -d¢ ‘without trembling, immovable, quiet’ (Il), of uncertain origin, cf.
Tpémw 1503
Tipéua(c), xa; also atpeu(e)i (Ar.). Adj. atpepu-n¢ with -ia, -éw, -iCw (especially Ion.
poet. since Hes., Thgn.), -aiog (Hp., E. [lyr.], Call. etc.).
eETYM A primary present, identical with Lat. trem6 ‘to tremble’, Alb. trem ‘to
frighten’, ToA tdrm- (e.g. 3. pl. tdrmiric) ‘to be angry, be excited, tremble’; further,
ToB tremi [pl.] ‘trembling’ = Gr. tpdpot. Lith. trermti, 1sg. tremit ‘to smite down’,
trimstu, trimti ‘to tremble, etc.’. Cf. » tappboow, >» tpéw.
tpénw [v.] ‘to turn, revolve, put to flight; to turn oneself, change, take flight, etc.’. <IE
*trep- ‘turn’>
eVAR Dor. Ion. also tpamw, -ouat, s-aor. tpéyat, -ac8al, them. aor. tpanetv, -éoOat,
fut. tpéyw (ém-tpayw Crete), tpé.youat, pass. (intr.) aor. tpa@Ofjvai, perf. tétpaypat
(all Hom.), also tpanfjvat (A., etc.), tpepOrjvau (E.), ptc. év-tpenévtec (pap. II*), perf.
act. tétpopa, later tétpaga (Att.).
*COMP Very often with prefix: dva-, dmo-, &k-, €v-, &Ml-, UETA-, Tapa-, Tepl-, etc. with
different shades of meaning
*DER A. With -o-: 1. tpdmo0¢ [m.] ‘turn; way, custom, attitude, character’ (Pi, IA),
‘beam’ (Moschio apud Ath. 5, 208c; also MoGr., = dokdc tetpappévoc). Compounds,
e.g. TOAD-tpomtog ‘much-wandering’ (etc. see > MoAUc), whence -ta (Hdt., Hp., etc.);
often from prefixed compounds, eg. énitpomoc [m.] ‘supervisor, steward,
administrator (IA). Thence tpom-ixdc ‘belonging to the turn’ (Arist. etc.), émitpom-
Kd, -ebw, -ela, -Evots, -EvoILOG, -evtIKOc. Denominative tpom-dopal, -dw, also with
kata- etc., ‘to put to flight’ (LXX, D. H. et al.). 2. tpomdc [m.] “turner”, ‘straps, by
means of which the rudder turned around the kAnic while rowing’ (Od., Opp.),
Tpom-dopat ‘to be provided with a tpomdéq (A., Ar., Poll.), -wtrip [m.] = tpomtds (Ar.,
Th. et al.). 3. tpomn [f.] ‘turn (of the sun, of the enemy, etc.), change’ (0 404+);
compounds, e.g. dnotpom-1 [f.] ‘avoidance, etc.’ (Att.), whence -atoc, -tuoc, -ia,
-1aCw, -iaopa, -tacpdc, -tactiic. Thence tpom-aiocg ‘causing the turning (of the
enemy), granting victory’; tO tpomaiov, -atov ‘victory monument’ (Att.), scil.
onueiov vel sim. 4. -tpomia [f.] frequent in derivations, eg. évtpon-in = évtpom-1
‘consideration, attention’ (Hp.), -iat [pl.] ‘(cunning) twists, intrigues’ (h. Merc.),
wetatpom-iat [pl.] vicissitudes of fate’ (Pi.); maAtvtpom-icu [pl.] ‘changes of mind’ (A.
R.), to maAXiv-tpomos. 5. -tpdmtov [n.] in derivatives, eg. Extpdmiov name of an eye-
disease, ‘everted eyelid’ (medic.), Atotpdmov plant name ‘heliotrope’ (Thphr. et al.),
‘sun-dial’ (Delos III’ et al.). 6. tpomiac oivog (also év-, éx-) ‘turned, sour wine’ (Ar. et
al). 7. tpdmc, -tog (-L50¢, -ews) [f.] ‘ground beams of a ship, ship’s keel’ (epic Ion.
since Od., Arist., etc.), properly “turner”? Thence tpomideia (also -ia) [pl.] ‘id.’ (Pl.
Lg. 803a, Pell., Phot.); vatc tetpomiopévn (: tpomiCw) ‘provided with a keel’ (Hp.);
hypostasis brotpdmtoc ‘located under the keel’ (Opp., Orph.). 8. avatpometc [m.]
‘overturner, destroyer’ (to dvatpon-f, dva-tpénw; Antipho, Plu., D. Chr.). 9. Adv.
-tpomadryv, Dor. -6av, only from prefixed compounds, e.g. mpotponddnv “directed
forward, with headlong speed’ (P 304, Pi., PL, etc.); tpdma naifetv name of a game
(Cratin., Poll.). 10. tpoméw = tpémw (2 224; Myc. to-ro-qge-jo-me-no?), iterative or
denominative; also with mapa-, mepi- (Hom.+), and nominal first member, e.g.
Kakotporéw ‘to act badly’. 11. -tpomdfopat only in bretpondo@nv ‘turned back, had
a relapse’ (to bndtpom-oc, bm0-tpénopat; pap. III*); also -tpomdlw, with bm0- ‘to
1504 TpEPw
have a relapse’, -taoydg (Hp.); with amo- ‘to avert’, -tacpidc etc. (LXX, pap. et al.). 12.
With h-enlargement: tponahiCer otpépet ‘turns’, whence -toptdc: ptetaBoAn ‘change’
(H.); pte. évtponadt{ouevoc ‘turning round, turning back’ (Il, Q. S.), ipf.
letatportadiveo ‘you turned around’ (Y 190). 13. tpomdAic (vl. -aAAic). -id50¢ [f.]
‘bunch’ of onions (Ar. Ach. 813), tpdmndtc (Hdn. Gr.), tpi(t)omnAic (H.), formation
unclear.
B. With -e-: 1. d6-tpeyis ‘aversion’, ék- ‘distortion’, dvd- ‘turn’ (to dmo-tpémw etc.;
Hp., Arist. etc.). 2. tpemtikdg ‘causing a change or aturn’ (late), mostly from prefixed
verbs, e.g. 1potpemt-tiKdc ‘challenging’ (Att.).
C. With -a-: 1. tpart-éumaktv [adv.] ‘turned backward’ ( gunahtwv tpanéoba,
Pherecr.). 2. -tpamteAog only with prefix, e.g.“edtpanedos (: eb tpanéoBat) ‘turning
easily, mobile, adroit, witty (Pi, Att.), whence edtpaned-ia, -iCopau, -evouay
similarly with dvo-, éx-, év-, etc; TpamedtCdptevoc: ovvexa@o avaotpepdptevoc
‘continuously upset’ (H.).
D. With lengthened grade: tpwrdw, -cdopat [v.] ‘to turn, change’, iterative verb, only
in pres. and ipf.; also with d1o-, mapa-, é7tl-, WeTa-.
*ETYM From PIE “*trep-, *trp- ‘to turn’, caus. pres. *trop-éie/o-. Cognate forms: Lat.
trepit ‘vertit’ (found only in Paul. Fest. p. 367, and perhaps a construction of
grammarians), Skt. (ep.) trapate ‘feels ashamed, becomes timid’, Hitt. terepp-* ‘to
plough’; cf. LIV’ s.v. *trep-. Semantically, évtpérojtat ‘to care about sth.’, also ‘to be
ashamed for sbd.’ may be connected. The connection of Myc. to-ro-qe-jo-me-no
(meaning unknown; with q) and of Lat. torqued is untenable. The verb tpaméw ‘to
tread (out), press (grapes) should probably be separated from tpénw ‘to turn’. See
Mayrhofer EWAia s.v. trap.
tpégw [v.] ‘to make fat, feed, bring up, care for’, also ‘to cause to curdle’, of yaha
‘milk’ (1246) and of tupdc ‘cheese’ (Theoc. 25, 106, cf. tpopahic below). <PG>
eVAR Dor. tpdgu, -optau, s-aor. Opéwat, -acBa, €pawya (epigr. Crete II-III”), them.
aor. Tpagetv (mostly intr.), pass. (intr.) tpagivar (all Il.), OpepOAvat (rarely since
Hes.), é6pa@On (Eretria VI"), fut. Opéyw, -ouat (h. Ven., etc.), perf. tétpopa (y 237
etc., intr., also trans.), midd. té8pappou (IA), whence tétpaga (Plb.), also tétpeqac
(pap. III’, after tpéqw).
*COMP Often with prefix, e.g. dva-, ék-, OVVv-.
DER A. With -o-: 1. tog? [f.] ‘nurture, nourishment, care, race’ (Pi., IA), also dva-,
ék-, dta-, etc. 2. tpo@ds [f.], secondarily [m.] “wet nurse, nourisher, caregiver’ (Od.+);
replaced by tpogw [f.] ‘id’ (late, Rhodos). 3. -tpogoc with prefixed verbs, e.g.
ovvtpogos ‘fed or brought up together, familiar’ (IA); with nominal first member,
e.g. vedTpogog ‘recently fed, newborn’ (A. [lyr.], Cratin.), kovupotpdgos ‘bringing up
boys, nurse of the youth’; often as epithet of different goddesses (t 27+). From tpogy
(and tpo@és, partly also directly from tpéqw) are derived: 4. tpogets (ava-, oiwvo-)
[m.] ‘feeder, caregiver’ (Att.). 5. tpogiacg [m.] ‘brought up in the house, stall-fed’
(Arist., inscr. etc; antonym @opBdc). 6. tpogitic [f.] (cvyypagn, also yuvr, yi)
‘concerning nourishment, taking care of feeding’ (pap.). 7. tpdtov [n.] ‘food,
sustenance, diet’ (medic. etc.). Adj.: 8. tpd@-t¢ ‘plump, fat, large’ (A 307 [kdpa], Hdt.,
Lyc.); thence tpogtodta maybvetau “grows fat’ (H.). 9. -devta kvpiata ‘id.’ (O 621, y
TpEPw 1505
290), metrical enlargement; cf. tpopéovto below. 10. -ttoc ‘feeding, fed, brought up’,
[m.] ‘foster-father, ward, alumnus’ (IA), [f.] -ijuy ‘housewife’ (Poll.), -ywotn¢ [f]
(Eust.). 11. -tk6c “concerning nourishment’ (Gal. Poll.), inmotpo@txdc (pap. IL.*). 12.
-w6ng¢ ‘serving as nourishment, nourishing’ (Arist. et al.). -uwdng ‘coagulated, thick’
(Hp.; in H.). 13. -rtuxd¢ “belonging to sustenance’ (pap. ITIP). Verbs: 14. -evw ‘to
suckle, still’ (LXX, pap.), -eia [f.] “serving as a wet nurse’ (pap. I*), -eia [n.pl.] ‘pay for
serving as a wet nurse and bringing up, sustenance’ (Att.), ‘boarding wages’ (pap.).
15. -Ew ‘id.’ (pap., also Gal.?), -jwata [pl.] (medic.; uncertain); but inmotpogéw (Att.)
from ~ -oc. Iterative tpopéovto ‘to swell’ acc. to Aristarch. y 290 for tpopdevta. 16.
-tpogia [f.] abstract to -tpo@os, e.g. ovvtpogia ‘joint upbringing’ (Hell. and late),
inmotpogia ‘the keeping of horses, stud farming’ (Simon., Pi. Att.). 17. With -
enlargement tpo@adic, -idoc [f.] “fresh cheese’ (com., Arist.), also -4Atov [n.] (com.),
tpv@anic (LXX, Luc., Hdn. Gr., H.; folk-etymologically after tpugr)), tpagaddos (see
below), -ic (H.). B. With -e-: 1. Opétysa (ava-) [n.] ‘one brought up, alumnus, spawn’
(IA), -dttov, -atikdc. 2. Opéyic (ava-, &-) [f.] ‘breeding’ (medic., S. E. etc.). 3.
OpemtiKdc (ava-) ‘nourishing (Pl. Arist., etc.). 4. Opén-tpa [n.pl.] ‘fostering wages’
Il, Q. S.), -tipta [n.pl.] ‘id.’ (Hes., h. Cer.), ‘nourishment, food’ (S.), -tihptoc
‘nourishing’ (A.), -tp [m.] ‘foster-father’ (inscr., AP), -tetpa [f.] ‘nurse’ (E., Opp.,
AP), -tpa [f.] ‘id.’ (inscr.), -tytwp = -tHp (pap. VIP). 5. Open-tapiov = Opeppdtiov
(late inscr. and pap.). 6. tpé@og [n.] = Opéppta (S. Fr. 154; v.l. Bpéqoc). 7. -tpe@rs, e.g.
Atotpegrs ‘fed by Zeus’ (Il. Hes.). 8. PN Tpepédewc (Paros). C. With -a-: 1.
Tpagepoc epithet of yi) (Hom., h. Cer.), of Gpovpa, KéAevOoc etc. (Hell. and late
epic), antonym bypos, so “dry, solid’; also of fishes ‘plump’ (Theoc.). 2. -tpagre; e.g.
edtpagris ‘well-fed, fat, plump’ (Hp., trag., Arist., etc.). 3. » tap@ea, -bc. See also on
> 8pdptBoc.
eETYM Formally closest to tpépw are two Lithuanian verbs: the full-grade yod-
present drébti, isg. drebit: (= Latv. drébt ‘to rain wet snowdrift’) ‘to throw a thick
fluid’, and the zero-grade nasal present drimbu (inf. dribti) ‘to fall down in flakes, to
plump down, etc.’. The semantics are not convincing, to say the least. Further, the
Greek words are close to some expressions for ‘dregs’ in Germanic, Slavic, and
Celtic: e.g. MLG draf, OHG trebir [pl.] ‘dregs’, MoE draff ‘dregs’, Ru. droba (also
drob, dreba) ‘dregs’ (loan from German?), MIr. drab ‘dregs’ (all from IE *d"rob'-).
The correspondence of ON drafli [m.] ‘curdled milk’ with tpoganic is certainly
accidental.
The meaning of tpépw was given by Benveniste as ‘favoriser (par des soins
appropriés) le développement de ce qui est soumis a croissance’. This renders the
actual use of the Greek verb quite well, but it does not do justice to the original
concrete meaning, which can still be seen in tpégetv yada (according to Benveniste,
‘favoriser la croissance naturelle du lait, le laisser atteindre l’état ow il tend’), tpéetv
tupdv (also tpo@anic), as well as in tpégetv ahorpryy (v 410), Tpégetv GAL (W 237).
On the nasalized forms, see » Op duBoc.
The cheese name tpadgaddoc must be Pre-Greek: in FS Kortlandt I demonstrated,
following Kuiper, that all words in -adh-(oc) are Pre-Greek (cf. » dktadhoc). The
root has no IE cognates (see »OpdtiBoc). A connection with OpduBoc is quite
1506 TPEXW
possible, if we assume that tpéqw as a whole is Pre-Greek. Prenasalization is well-
known in Pre-Greek; the B is not problematic, as Pre-Greek did not distinguish
between aspirated, voiced and unvoiced stops. Thus, 8pd,tBoc proves that the verb is
of Pre-Greek origin.
tpéxw [v.] ‘to run, hurry’ (IL). <1E *d'reg’- ‘run’>
eVAR Dor. (Pi.) tpayw, mostly pres. and ipf; aor. OpéEar (N 409 et al.), iter.
Ope~ackov (2599, 602), fut. (damo-, etc.)-OpéEFouat (Ar.), simplex OpéEw (Lyc. 108),
uncertain Opakeitat- ... ttopevoetat ‘will be conveyed’ (H.) (see Latte ad loc.).
*COMP Very often with prefix, e.g. dva-, év-, éml-, Mapa-, itept-, ovv-, bmto-. As a first
member in tpeyédettvoc ‘running to the feast’ (Plu., Ath.), as a PN (Alciphr.); as a
second member in [edO]utpexrc ‘running straight’ (Att. inscr. 307-67), whence
évtpex-1/¢ ‘skilled, able’ (PI. late) with -e1a (late). See on »dA00iTPoXoG.
*DER 1. tpoxdc [m.] ‘wheel, wheel of torture, circlet, (potter’s) wheel, round cake, etc.’
(IL), mpotpoxos ‘front wheel’ (Ath. Mech.), b116tpoxog “with wheels underneath”,
i.e. ‘provided with wheels’ (Hell.), diminutives tpdy-ov, -ioKos, -ioktov, -LoKaptov. 2.
tpdxog [m.] “(circular) course’ (Hp., S., E.); tpoxéc¢ [adj.] ‘running, hurrying’ (Pi.),
‘circular’ (Lyd; uncertain); often from prefixed verbs, e.g. 1tepitpoyog ‘running in a
circle, circular’ (Y 455, A. R., Call. etc.), -ov [n.] ‘rim of a wheel’ (Papp. Mathem.). 3.
tpoxn [f.] ‘course’ (Trag. Adesp.). 4. tpdxic [m.] ‘runner, messenger’ (A. Pr. 941, S.
Inach.). With -e-: Opext-tkdc¢ ‘able to run’ (after Moiris Att. for tpoxaotikdc),
-ucwtatoc: dEbtatog ‘most sharp’ (H.).
Further derivatives: A. Adjectives: 1. tpox-atog (movc) [m.] ‘trochee’ (Pl., Arist. etc.),
-aikdg ‘trochaic’, -aia (mavia ‘spool’) ‘running’ (AP). 2. -taiog (ory) ‘belonging to a
wheel of torture’ (LXX). 3. -ytoc¢ ‘hurrying’ (S. Fr. 219 beside Baotoc). 4. -epdc
(PvOpLdc) ‘running’ (Arist.). 5. -Getc, -edc, -t6¢ ‘wheel-shaped, circular’ (Hell. poet.).
6. -1KOG (xaAK6c) ‘granulated’ (pap.). 7. -wdnc¢ ‘wheel-like’ (Apollon. Lex.). 8. -ahdc
‘running in a circle, circular’ (poet. since Hes. Op. 518), -aAeiov [n.] ‘globe, sphere’
(Arat.), -adtoBeic dickos ‘rolled’ (Pherecyd.); ebtpdxahoc = ettpoxog ‘running well,
quickly’ (Hes., Hell. epic.).
B. Nouns: 1. tpox-ta [f.] ‘size of the wheel, track’ (Hell. and late). 2. -iAoc [m.] ‘stint,
wren’ (IA); technical ‘sheave in a block and tackle’ (Pl. R. 397a [v.1.], Att. inscr. 329-
8’, Hero), -tia (-éa, -eta), -tAetov, -tAidtov; architectural ‘hollow on the base of a
column’ (Vitr.). 3. tpoxiac: top<e>iag ‘gaits’ (H.); also as epithet of yakxdc (Poll; cf.
-tkOc; antonym tuitiac). 4. Tpoxitn¢ oivog (Dsc.; uncertain). 5. tpoyadec: oavddAta
amd aiyeiov Séppatos ‘sandals of goat hide’ (H.), tpoy-ddia (Edict. Diocl.), -addapioc
{m.] ‘shoemaker’ (Attica, Imperial times); Statpoxddec: eiSo¢ rrotrpiatoc, we iotopei
TIpaktpavng ‘kind of poetic work, as Praxiphanes informs’ (H.). 6. tpox-avtnp [m.]
‘round projection of the hip bone’ (Gal., H.); -avtijpec: mpog ta mSddta. Kahetrar
Tic 11IpULvNG LLépoc ‘towards the rudders; part of the stern’ (H.), as if from *tpoyaivw.
7. Tpdx-[Lahog (pl. -ol, -a) ‘round stone that has been ground smooth by water’
(Thphr., Nic., Lyc.), from *tpoy-{16¢ or a contamination of tpoxaddc and dttaddc¢
with oppositive accent? 8. -wotc [f.] ‘circular motion’ (Lyc.), as if from *tpoxdoptau;
can also be enlarged from tpox6c.
TpEW 1507
C. Adverbs: tpox-ddnv ‘running’ (Epigr., A. D.), ém- ‘running rapidly, fluent’ (Hom.
et al.).
D. Verbs: 1. iterative tpox-dw ‘to run’, -dwvta (0 451), also with ém-, mept-, Ovv-,
brto- (Hell. and late poetry). 2. tpox-dCw ‘id’ (Hdt. X, E, Arist. Hell. and late), aor.
-doat, often with prefix, eg. dia-, év-, émt-, Mapa-, mpoo-, ovv-, by-form in -dw,
whence -aotr¢; -AoTlKdG, -AGLLdc, -aoLa. 3. Tpoy-itw ‘to break on the wheel, furnish
with wheels’ (Antipho, Arist. Bito, D. S. etc.), -iCojiat ‘to run (round)’ (Arist; v.l.
-dCopat), quite rarely with kata- etc; mtepl-tpoxtopidc ‘running round’ (Antyll. apud
Orib.). 4. -td¢w: roto, rotor (gloss.), -iaopia [n.] “‘wheelwork’ (Bito). 5. -evopat = rotor
(Dosith.). 6. With lengthened grade: iterative (ieta-, 7tept-)tpwxdw (x 163, ¢ 318, A.
R., Q.S. etc.).
*ETYM Like the synonymous verb 9€w, tpéyw was originally limited to the present
stem (the aorist being provided by Spayeiv, as well as by amo-d5pavat). The verb
tpéxw is isolated within IE, but tpoxdc ‘wheel’ agrees completely with Olr. droch
‘wheel’ (IE *d"rog'o-). A form with lengthened grade (like tpwx-dw) is probably seen
in Arm. durgn, gen. drgan ‘potter’s wheel’ (originally a root noun); on the phonetics,
see Clackson 1994: 209°. The Germanic verb for ‘walk’ in Go. bragjan, etc., had
initial t-, just like the Celtic group of MW and Co. tro ‘change, time’, Olt. traig ‘foot’.
See also » Tépy voc.
The basic meaning of the verb is ‘to run, hurry’. This is confirmed by the aor.
Spapeiv, and by several derivations and compounds: tpoyic ‘runner, messenger’;
tpoxidog ‘birds that run’; tpeyédettvoc ‘who hurries to the feast’. The verb does not
mean ‘turn’, a notion that is difficult to combine with ‘run, hurry’. As for the notion
‘wheel’, DELG notes that one generally thinks that a ‘wheel ‘runs’ (Frisk explains
‘Laufer’). (In Dutch, one says “the wheel runs well” [“het wiel loopt goed”], not “the
wheel turns well [“het wiel draait goed”].) We must reject Chantraine’s suggestion
that the verb may have meant ‘courir en rond’. Therefore, tpdyndoc cannot be
derived from tpéyw.
tpéw [v.] ‘to flee full of fear, be afraid’ (especially epic poet. II.+), ‘to live in exile’ =
gevyw (Argos VI-V*); 6 tpéoac ‘deserter’ (Sparta), to which tpeodc, -4 “id” (com.).
Verbal adj. dtpeotoc ‘dauntless’ (trag.). <1E *tres- ‘tremble’>
eVAR Aor. tpéo(o)al, whence 6 tpéoacg ‘deserter’ (Sparta), to which tpeodc, -a ‘id’
(com.). Verbal adj. dtpeotoc ‘dauntless’ (trag.).
eCOMP Also with dta-, napa-, 7tept-, bm0-.
*DER étepoev: EPdProev ‘he put to flight’ (H.). On the meaning, cf. Triimpy 1950:
222ff.
eETYM As an inherited verb, tpéw derives from *tres-e/o-; cf. Skt. trdsati ‘to be afraid,
tremble’, and PIE *trs-(s)ke/o- in Av. fra-tarasaiti, OP tarsatiy ‘to be afraid, fear’,
causative Skt. trdsayati ‘to frighten, make tremble’, Av. Orayhaiiete ‘to frighten’ <
*tros-eie-. A different position of the liquid is found in Italic: U tursitu ‘terreto,
fugato’ < *tors-, an unexplained e-vowel in Lat. terreo ‘to frighten’. Further, dtpeotoc
matches Skt. (sam-ut-)trasta- ‘frightened, trembling’ < *tres-to- << PIE *trsto- (full
grade innovated after tpéw, trdsati), Av. tarsta- ‘fearful’ < *trsto-. Next to *tres- in
1508 TpijLa, tpfjois, TeNTS¢
tpéw, we find *trem- in tpéuw, and trep- in Lat. trepidus (cf. »tpanéw). Cf.
> TPTPwv.
TPila, TPiGLG, TpI}TOS >TETpAivw.
Tprpwv, -wvog [f.] epithet of méXe1a, -etac ‘dove’ (Hom., h. Ap., A. R.), also of xémpoc
‘a water bird’ (Ar. Pax 1067); also = neptotepa, metaphorically for ‘woman’ (Lyc.).
<IE *tres- ‘tremble’>
*COMP modvtpripwv ‘abundant in pigeons’ (B 502, 582), whence evtprpwv ‘id.’
(Nonn.).
*ETYM Individualizing substantivization of tprypdc in tpn[t]pov éAagpdv, Seirov,
Taxv, TAOtOV ptKpdv ‘light, wretched, quick, Small ship’ (H.). Because of the Doric
forms tpapov: t[p]ayb (H.), and tapdév: tay with dissimilation, we must start from
*tpao-pdv < *trs-ré- with a zero grade from the root of »tpéw. In the sense of
éhagpov, taxb, tTenpdv is usually (cf. Pok. 1095, 1100) connected with » otpr)pdc,
> Otpahéoc, but this is improbable.
tptatw [v.] in the language of sports ‘to throw down thrice and thereby to win
definitively’, said of fist-fighters (Poll., EM, Zonar., H. et al.), «GR>
VAR -doow, -aTTw, aor. -aEau, pass. -axOFj}vat (a70-).
*DER Tptaktnp [m.] ‘winner (in fist-fighting), atpiaxtoc ‘undefeated’ (A. Ag. 171
resp. Ch. 339, both lyr.); mevtetpidCopat ‘to be defeated five times’ (AP). Aor. tpidaoat
in mathematics ‘to multiply by three’ (Theo Sm., Iamb.), atpiactog ‘not admitting
triplicity (Dam.); tptaypdc, -oi (Harp. et al.), -aoyoi (Suid.) ‘triad(s)’, name of a
philosophical work of Ion of Chios.
eETYM Denominative of tpeic, » tpia.
tpiatva [f.] ‘trident’, weapon of Poseidon (epic poet. Il.+); in medicine, designation of
a cautery (Paul. Aeg.). <IE? *trei-es ‘three’, PG?>
«COMP Tptatvobyxoc [m.] ‘wielder of the tpiatva’ (comm. PIl.).
*DER Denominative tptatvéw ‘to shake (with the tridentyY (E., com.), also ovv-, etc.
thence probably tpiatvatijpec: avti tob dpotptodvtos (H.) (probably for *tpratvw-).
eETYM From Tpeic, tpia after the instrument names in -atva, e.g. dkatva, dpvtatva.
Chantraine 1933: 109 considers a folk-etymological transformation after the numeral.
Fur. 189 compares tpiva&, and asks whether the word for trident could be a
transformation of a Pre-Greek loan for an agricultural tool.
tpipw, -opat [v.] ‘to rub, grind, wear down, exhaust, consume, wear off; med. ‘to
occupy oneself with’. <1E *terh,- ‘rub’>
eVAR Aor. tpiat, -ac8ar (Il.), fut. tpiyw, -oja (Od.), pass. aor. tpiBrvat, tprpOFvat,
perf. tétpyat (1A), 3pl. Ion. tetpipata, act. tétpiga (Hell. and late).
*COMP Very often with prefix, e.g. amo-, dta-, &k-, E1l-, KATA-, OVV-.
DER 1. tpt br [f.] ‘grinding, wear, practice, occupation, pastime, delay’ (IA), also d1a-
, Amo-, etc. Thence several derived formations: 2. tpipwv, -wvoc [m., f.]: a. ‘(outworn)
simple cloak’ (Att.), diminutives -@viov (Att.), -wvdpiov (Hell. and late); -wvkdc
‘like an outworn cloak’ (Ar. V. 1132 with allusion to meaning b); b. ‘shrewd (person),
versed, skillful (Hdt., E., com. etc.), verb tpiBwvevopat, meaning unclear (Antipho).
tpidakvov 1509
3. tplBdc [f.] ‘lecherous woman’ (late). 4. tpiBevc [m.] ‘rubber, massager, pestle, etc.’
(Hell. and late). 5. tptBakdc ‘rubbed, devious, experienced’ (Hell. and late; probably
to tpiBwv). 6. tpiBag [m., f.] ‘shrewd person’ (late). 7. tpiBixdc “based on practice’
(late). 8. tpiBiéi(o)v (H.) as an explanation of 5<o>tdv&. 9. tpiBaia [f.] ‘mortar’
(Suid., Zonar.). 10. tpiBavov [n.] designation of a measure of content (Gal., pap.), =
ArKvO0cg (H.). Further derivatives: 1. tpiBoc [f. m.] ‘worn road, path’ (Hdt, E, X,
etc.), also = tpiBr ‘practice, wear, etc.’ (h. Merc., A. [lyr.]), ‘friction, friction surface’
(Hp.). 12. tptjupa (secondarily -i-) [n.] ‘which is rubbed, snippet, scrap’ (Hp., inscr.,
Gal.), ‘drink made of ground spices’ (com., pap. etc.), ‘shrewd person’ (Ar.);
diminutive -ydtiov (com., medic.); often from prefixed verbs, e.g. mepitpttiiia
‘cunning person’ (Ar., D.), ‘ointment’ (medic.), énitpiipa ‘plaster, make-up’ (Joh.
Chrys.); tptppid¢ [m.] “worn road’ (X. etc.), éml-, ovv-tTpiwds ‘grinding’ (LXX). 13.
Tplywic (ava-, év-, ovv-, etc.) [f.] ‘rubbing, wear, massage’ (IA). As a second member:
14. -TpLY, e.g. du@itpuy ‘crafty, misestimated’ (Archil.), oikétpry ‘house-slave’ (Ar. et
al.), rather = 6 oikov tpibwv as 6 év oikw tpibdpevos, so transitive like nopvétpiy,
okevodTpLy, Teddtply etc; but note aiydtpipec atpanoi ‘paths worn out by goats’ (D.
H.). With transfer to the s-stems: 15. -tpiBrc, e.g. évtpiBijc ‘skillful, experienced’,
atpibrc¢ ‘not rubbed, not traversed, inexperienced, undamaged’ (Att.); atpipaotoc of
a horse ‘not trained’ (X. Eq. Mag. 8, 3: antonym oi tovc médac éxnetovnévol), as if
from *tpiBdlw, if not analogical after the numerous privatives in -aotoc. 16. After
the a-stems: -tpiBiyc, e.g. matdotpibnc, -ov [m.] = 6 naidac tpibwv ‘gymnastic
master’ with -ia, -i1), -éw, -tkd¢ (IA). See » dAetpipavoc.
*ETYM The whole Greek system of forms is built on the present tpiBw with long
vowel, whence analogically with a short vowel aor. tpiBrjvat (after prprvat, TuTTVvaL,
etc.), tpiBoc, -1 (after otiBoc, otixos, etc.), etc. No exact agreement exists outside
Greek. Closest are Latin forms like perf. trivi with tritus, détrimentum, etc. ToAB
triw- ‘to mix’ (not ‘to shatter’) is far off in meaning. Does the Greek derive from
*trh,i-g”-? See also on > teipw, >» Tetpaivu, » TITpPwWoKW, and » Tpbw.
tpiyAy [f.] ‘trigla, gurnard’, a fish (Epich., Sophr., Att. com., Arist., Hell. pap. etc.);
<GR?, PG?>
eVAR Dor. -G, second. -G (-1- and -i-).
*COMP tpLyAo@éposg ‘catching gurnards’ (AP), -BdAog ‘id.’ (Plu.).
*DER Diminutives tptyA-ic [f.] (Antiph., Arist.), -iov [n.] (Hell. pap. Gp.); thence
-ttic [f.] ‘kind of agvr’ (Dorio apud Ath.). Also tptyddac [m.] name of a fish
(Sophr.).
*ETYM From > tpitw, referring to the grunting sound from the friction of the gill
cover bones when the fish is taken out of the water. Cf. tptyAiCerv kata pipnotv éri
tov yehwvtwv (H.). The by-form tptydAag joined the nouns in -ddac, -6Ans, eg.
\LatvoAac, -dAnc (Bechtel 1921, 2: 245). Extensively on tptyAn Thompson 1947 s.v.
tpidaxvov [n.] ‘large oysters of the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean’ (Plin. 32, 63). <LW
Orient.> ;
*ETYM Explained by Pliny as ‘eaten in three bites’, but this is probably a folk-
etymological interpretation of a loanword; see Thompson 1947 s.v.
1510 tpitw
tpitw [v.] ‘to buzz, gnash, squeak’ (w 5, 7, Hp., Arist., etc.). <ONOM>
*VAR More usually perf. (with present meaning) tétpiya (IL), late fut. tpiow (Sm.),
tptCrjow (Aq.).
eCcomP Also with ava-, dta-, bit0-, etc.
*DER Tptypdc, Tptopdc [m.] “buzzing, gnashing, etc.’, of animals (partridge, mouse,
fish), also of teeth and saws (Hp., Arist, Thphr., Plu.); see »tpiyAn. Compare
tpigéAXac = gryllus (gloss.), and tpryova v.l. for tettryOwa (Arist.) in Gil Fernandez
1959: 124f.
*ETYM Onomatopoeia like »otpi(y)&, Lat. strided ‘to sizzle, drone, creak’, and
probably also ToA trisk- ‘to drone’. Cf. » tpb(w.
TPLIPNS = EpetNs. *
Tptopxng [m.] kind of hawk, perhaps ‘buzzard, Buteo vulgaris’ (Semon., Ar., Arist.,
Thphr.,, etc.). <?>
eVAR Also -oc.
*ETYM Probably a loanword, adapted to tpt- and dpyig; cf. Ev-opxoc and év-dpync¢
(see dpxic). This would be an allusion to the folk-etymological meaning ‘three-
testicled’ = ‘very lascivious’ in Timae. 145 (PIb. 12, 15, 2). Details in Thompson 1895
S.V.
tptottic = dooe.
tpimdak = dinhak.
tpic, tpitoc = tpeic.
tpittvc [f.] 1. ‘third of a phyle’ (Att.); tprttb-apxoc [m.] ‘principal of a t.’, whence
-apxéw (Pl., inscr., Poll. et al.), also tptxtvapyéw (Delos II and II*). 2. ‘sacrifice of
three animals’ (Call., sch.). 3. ‘triad’, of a threefold victory (Philostr.); tpitic: tpidc
‘number three, triad’ (H.). <PG>
eVAR TpIntUc (Ceos), TpikTUc (Delos, see below), -bos.
DER tpittva [fi] “sacrifice of three animals’ (Ister, Porph.; doubtful Epich. 187, rather
to be read -xtba); also tpttto(t)a (Athens V*), tptktot<a> (Sophr. 3; uncertain) ‘id.’;
unclear: tpixtevav Knvav (Delph. IV*), see on knva. Further tpikteipa (-etpa cod.)
Ovoia’Evvadia. Ovetat Sé mavta tpia Kal Evopya ‘sacrifice to Enyalius, all three are
offered uncastrated’ (H.); tptttoia (IG 1’, 76), accent unknown, probably after
Tpittdc; thence -oa (IG 1’, 5: 5 [Eleusis V*]) with loss of the t.
eETYM The form tpix-ttc¢ supposes a velar enlargement, as seen also in tptoodc,
Tpittdc, TPIEds (from *tpLX-16c); an original voiceless -K- is also conceivable, given
Skt. trikd- ‘threefold’. This form would have been replaced by tptttvc on the model
of tptttéc. The third variant tputttc might have been introduced after tpi-sttvyoc
‘threefold’. The variation more probably points to a Pre-Greek word (not in Fur.).
TptpoAivos [adj.] of oivoc, from Trifolium in Campania (Ath. 26 e). 4LW Lat.>
eVAR Hellenized in tptpvAAtvog (Gal. 14, 19).
eETYM From the toponym.
Tpbydaw 1511
Tptxaiixes (1) [m.pl.] epithet of the Dorians (t 177, Hes. Fr. 191). <GR>
*ETYM Probably ‘hair-shaking’, from Opik, gen. tptydc ‘hair’, like kopv0-di— (x 132)
‘helmet-shaking’: see for instance Leumann 1950: 65, in antiquity already Apollon.
apud sch. t 177, EM. Since early times, the word was taken to refer to the three tribes
of the Dorians (thus already Hes. l.c.). Differently, Pisani Arch. glott. ital. 50 (1965):
iff.
Tpoin [f.] ‘the land of Troy’; in the Iliad already used for the town, Ilios. <Lw Anat>
eETYM The word is no doubt derived from Tpwec “Trojans”. It has often been
remarked that Troia was the land, not just the city (eg. Page 1959: 294). It is
explicitly stated by Del Valle Mufoyerro Glotta 75 (1999): 68-81 that it did not
indicate the town, but this is clearly wrong (cf. the name-epithet formulae evtetxeoc,
eUmupyoc, evpvayuia, eadamdtat) and unnecessary; the meaning gradually shifted
to the town (going to Troy always included fighting for Ilios).
The annals of Tudhaliya IV, from around the end of the 15" c., mention Wi-lu-Sa (=
Ilios) and Ta-ru-(u-)i-sa at the end of an expedition to the north. This must be
understood as “[the city of] Wilusa and [the land of] Troy.” Ta-ru-(u-)i-sa must be
read /Triisa/. Thus the original form had Tra-, which surfaced in Greek as Tpw-.
tporanic, tpdmtc, TpdTOG, etc. = TpEItW.
Tpo@aric, TPOPH, TPdgIC, etc. = TpéQu.
TPOXOG, TPOXOG = TPEXW.
tpvpAtov [n.] kind of drinking vessel of unknown shape and varying size (Ar., LXX,
Ev. Matt.), also a measure of capacity (medic. etc.). <PG>
eETYM Usually explained as ‘bowl, dish’ or ‘bottle, jug’. No etymology. Fur.: 367
compares tpipavov and considers the word to be Pre-Greek.
tpbydw [v.] ‘to gather (especially of grapes), reap’ (II.). <?>
eVAR Aor. Tpvyijoat, fut. tpvyrow.
*COMP Rarely with dmto-, éx-, mpo-, etc; tpvynpdpos ‘bearing corn or grapes’ (h.
Ap.).
*DER tpvyn [f.] ‘vintage, harvest’ (h. Ap. 55, pap. II?, Ath., AP et al.), ‘drought,
dryness’ (Nic. Th. 368), probably a backformation to the verb. Further derivatives: 1.
tpvy-ntoc [m.] ‘vintage, harvest’ Th., Thphr., LXX, pap., etc.), -17ttKd¢ ‘belonging to
the vintage’ (late pap.). 2. -notc [f.] ‘vintage’ (pap. III*, Plu.), -1outoc ‘ripe for harvest,
vindemialis (EM, H., gloss.). 3. -npta [n.] ‘harvest’ (of honey; Atticista ined.). 4. -1t1p
[m.] (Hes. Sc.), -rntr¢ [m.] (LXX, pap. et al.) ‘winegrower, harvester’, fem. -tpta (D.,
Poll.), -17t"ptov [n.] ‘wine-press’ (gloss.); 11potpvyntip, -tis name of a star which
rises shortly before the vintage (since end V*). 5. tpvyoc [n., m.] = tpvyn (Et. Gud.,
H.). 6. PN Tpvy-aiog (Ar.), -ia name of a Bacchante (Nonn.). 7. duatpvytoc, of Spxoc
(w 342), perhaps ‘ripening at different times; but acc. to Schwyzer 1950: 449
‘interspersed with fruit trees or vines’; IIpotptyatoc epithet of Dionysus (Ach. Tat.,
Ael.), Ogot IT. (Poll.); 1p tpbyata-: Eopti Atovbcov kai IlocetS@voc (H.). Also tpvyet,
tpvyet, tovoKe = Enpatvet, -etat ‘[trans.] dries up, [intrans.] becomes dry’ (Zonar.,
1512 TpvYOLTIOG
Theognost., H.), étpvyev: €EnpavOn, éni Aipvns ‘was dried’ (about a pool of water)
(H.); for the meaning, compare tpvyn and tpvyaBdAta: sic & Kapmods Enpodc
ametiBevto ‘in which dried fruits are stored’ (H.).
eETYM No etymology, unlesss related to »tpv&. The words dtpvyn (-xn cod.,
alphabetically misplaced). xydptoc, kaddun ‘pen, fodder, stalk or straw (H., also
medic. apud Gal.?), and 6tpvynpayos epithet of an ass (Archil. 97; in H. also a-) are
unrelated: the traditional explanation from tpvy1-payoc with prothetic 6- must be
rejected. It rather means dxavOo0-payoc; compare OE risci bita ‘panicle-, bulrush-
biter’ = ‘horse’.
Tpvyorrog [m.] ‘must strainer’ (Ar., Phryn., Poll). <2
*DER tpvyouréw [v.] (Suid.). :
*ETYM From »tpv& ‘must’ and a second member from a verb meaning ‘to sieve’.
Frisk connects -otmog with Germanic *seip- ‘to trickle’, but this is connected by LIV?
with eiBw ‘to let flow’. Alternatively, one may derive -otmoc from PIE *seik”- ‘to pour’
as reconstructed by LIV’, whence, among others, OHG sihan ‘to sieve’ is derived. Yet
see > ixudc ‘moisture’, where the root is reconstruced as *seik-.
tpvlw [v.] ‘to coo, murmur’ (I 311, Hp., Hell. and late epic). <ONOM>
eVAR otpblw (Erot.); rare aor. tpvéat.
eCOMP Also with émt-, etc.
*DER Tpvydv, -dvos [f.] ‘turtle-dove’ (Ar. Hell. and late epic), also as a fish name,
‘stingray’ (Epich., Arist.+); the naming motive is unclear: a euphemism? Diminutive
tpvyoviov [n.] (AP, Them.), also ‘pigeonry’ (Ps.-Dsc.), -to¢ [adj.] (Opp.); tpvoudc
[m.] ‘cooing, etc” (Hp., Gal. H.). Furthermore, tpvA(A)itw (év-) ‘to chuckle, babble’
(Ar. Th. 341, Hp. Poll.), whence -topdc (Hp.); for the suffix, cf. Opvritw (see
>Opi)osc).
*ETYM Onomatopoeia in -0Cw, like ypbGw, ivfw, etc; cf. » tpiqw.
TpvHAN(<); -ic [f.] ‘ladle’ (Luc. Lex., H.). «LW Lat>
*ETYM From Lat. truella ‘dipper, scoop’, after tpbw and the instrument names in
“HAN, eg. Eon, Was Gr. tpumtda: toptvn (H.) modelled on tpumtdw?
tpvun [f.] (grated) hole’ (sch.), metaph. ‘shrewd, cunning fellow’ (Ar. Nu. 448). <GR>
eVAR Also tpdua (sch.), -attov (EM); tpbua (6) = mévoc (Theognost. Can.)
*DER tpvpad-ta [f.] ‘hole’ (LXX, Ev. Marc. etc.), also with obscene meaning (Sotad.),
-ttic- Appoditn (H.).
eETYM Verbal noun from > tptw.
tpvé, -ydc [f.] ‘young unfermented wine with yeast, must’ (Ion. since Archil., com.,
Theoc., Thphr., etc.). <PG?>
*COMP See > tpbyotmoc; also b16-tpvyos ‘yeasty’ (Hp.).
*DER 1. tpvy-ia [f.] ‘yeast (of wine), young wine’ (Ph. Bel., medic. pap. I”), -iac
(oivoc) ‘id.’ (LXX, pap. III? e.g.). 2. tpvytoc: tpvyia oivov i édaiov ‘sediment of wine
or olive oil’ (H.). 3. tpvy-tvov [n.] ‘pigment made of yeast’ (auct. apud Plin.). 4.
-w619¢ ‘yeast-like, yeasty’ (Arist., medic. et al.). 5. -epdc ‘id.’ (Polyzel. Com. V-IV*).
Xw 1513
eETYM Without certain etymology. The traditional connection with tdapyavov
‘spoiled wine, wine-vinegar’ is neither phonetically nor semantically convincing. The
formal identity with tpvyaw is remarkable, especially since both words refer to
viniculture and wine production. Possibly, tpvydw originally referred both to the
harvesting and the first pressing of grapes, but was ousted from the second meaning
by tpanéw. Porzig ZII 5 (1927): 271f. pleads for Pre-Greek origin of both tapyavov
and tpvé, as well as that of related tpvyn.
tponaw [v.] ‘to bore (through)’ ( 384+) <IE *truH-p-?>
eVAR Aor. Tpumfoal, etc.
eCOMP Also with ék-, dta-, etc; ék-tpumdw also intr. ‘to slip out through a hole’
(éxtetpvmnkev Ar. Ec. 337; from tpb7n?).
eDER 1. TpUII-NNA, -NYATLoV [n.] “bore-hole, hole’ (com., Arist., Hero), with éx- also
‘chippings made by boring’ (Thphr.). 2. -now (éx-, mept-) [f.] ‘boring (through)
(Hp., Arist, Thphr.+). 3. -ntr¢ [m.] ‘borer’ (Pl. Cra.), -rytHp [m.] ‘pierced vessel’ (Ph.
Bel.). Further tpvaavov [n.] ‘borer, push drill, trepan, strands of wood for making
fire’ (since t 385), whence -dwov, -avwdige, -avikds, -avitw, -aviopds (rare and late);
also -avn [f.] ‘id’ (Hdn. Gr., H.), -avia [f.] ‘thong of a push drill (Poll.). A back-
formation is tptmn, tpina [f.] ‘hole’ (Hdn. Epim., AP, H., Eust.). As a first member
in tpv7t-aAwmng ‘a fox which slips in through a hole’, designation of a cunning
person (Com. Adesp.).
eETYM Probably related to » tptw, whence also tpvxw; further afield are » tpi,
> teipw, and » tetpaivw. Because of the late and rare attestation of tpvmn, the verb
can hardly be denominative. It is more likely to be an old iterative formation. BSI.
*trup-, *troup- has been compared, as in ORu. trupo ‘trunk, (field of) corpses’, Ru.
trupo ‘corpse’, OPr. trupis ‘log’; however, the circumflex vowel of BSI. (from PIE
*treup-; see LIV’) does not match Greek -v-, which is also found in tpvyw. A better
candidate is PSlav. *tryti ‘to rub’ < *truH-; see LIV? s.v. *treuH-. In that case, tpditaw
would havea root enlargement *-p-. :
tpitavn [f.] ‘tongue of a balance’ (IA). <GR>
DER Tputavebvw [v.] ‘to weigh’ (gloss.).
*ETYM Noun in -tdvn from the verb tpvu; it probably refers to the opening in which
the tongue moves, “foramen, intra quod linum vel lingua, de quo examinatio est”
(sch. on Pers. 1, 7 as an explanation of the borrowing Lat. trutina).
tpvgadeia [f.] name of a helmet (Il, x 183), literally ‘provided with four gdAor, =
Kdpuc TeTpapadoc. 4IE *k”etuer- ‘four’>
*ETYM Compound of tpv- ‘four’ (from the original zero grade of » técoapec, *k”tur-
> *k*tru-; see also » tpaneta) and pdAog, with a suffix -e1a-; originally an epithet of
KOpus.
Tpvgnh, TPv~os = OpdTTW.
tpbdxw [v.] ‘to wear out, exhaust, afflict’, med. ‘to wear down, pine’ (mostly epic Ion.,
poet. since Il.). <GR>
eVAR Almost only pres. and ipf. (fut. ptc. tpedfovta p 387).
1514 Tpvw
*COMP Also with kata-, etc.
*DER tpvx0oc [n.] ‘rag, scrap, tattered garment’ (S., E., Ar., Arist., Thphr.), diminutive
tpvx-iov [n.] (Hp., Aret.), adj. -npdc ‘ragged, worn’ (E.), ‘stringing, afflicting’ (Vett.
Val.), after AUmNpdc etc.; -tvoc ‘ragged’ (J., Gal. et al.). Denominative verb tpvxydopat,
-6W (&K-) = TPDXOLAL, -w in TeTpvXwéevoc (Hp., Th., etc.), tpvy-wOjvar (Hp.), -@oat,
-woew (Th.), -obtat (Mimn.), -dw (Gal. Hdn.); thence -woeic [f-pl.] ‘afflictions’
(Max. Tyr.).
*ETYM Formation like ourxw, viixw, yoxw, etc. (Schwyzer: 702 and 685, Chantraine
1942: 330); see »tpvw. See Mumm and Richter IJDLLR 5 (2008): 33-108 on the
enlargement -y-.
%,
tptw [v.] ‘to wear down, exhaust’ (IA). <IE *truH- ‘rub’>
VAR Aor. tpdoat, fut. tpvow, mostly perf. pass. tétpdpat with ptc. tetpupéevoc.
*COMP rarely with dmo-, kata-, etc. As a first member in tpvodvwp ‘wearing down
men’ (S.), tpvoiBioc ‘wearing down life’ (Ar.), tpvoinmov [n.] ‘mark, branded on a
disused horse’ (Eup., Poll, EM), back-formation tpvoutmoc [m.], name of such horse
(Theognost. Can.).
*DER tpbotc: vdcoc, mbvog ‘illness, labor’; tpvo[c]ov: vocepdv, AEtTdOv, doB_EvEs ‘of
illness, weak, feeble or sickly’ (H.); tptoc [n.] = movoc (Call. apud Et. Gen.). Also
TpvokKel: TpvxEL, Erpaiver ‘wears out, dries’ (H.).
*ETYM The same zero grade as in tpbdua, -tn), TpDTdW, Tpbxw. The Balto-Slavic
cognates (OCS tryjo, tryti ‘to rub’, Lith. trinéti, 1sg. triniu ‘to spoil, putrefy, decay’)
point to a root *treuH-; cf. LIV. This obviates the need to explain Gr. -a- as taken
from the pf.pass. tétpduat. Cf. » teipw, » tetpaivw with further litt.
tpwyw [v.] ‘to gnaw, browse, eat’, mostly of raw fruits (IA since ¢ 90), later ‘to eat’ in
general. <PG>
*VAR Aor. tpayeiv (mostly with prefix, especially év-), younger kata-tp@Eau, fut.
tpwEouat, perf. pass. tétpwypal.
*COMP Often with prefix, especially in aor., e.g. kata-, aimo-, Tapa-, év-.
*DER A. With full grade: 1. tp@yec [m.pl.] = Onpia ta ev totic dompiotc (Stratt.);
‘weevil (LSJ s.v.; like Opiy, mw, etc.); as a second member e.g. in kvapotpwé ‘bean
eater’ (Ar.); cf. tp@yac (nr. 3. below). 2. tpwK-t1¢ [m.] ‘gnawer, nibbler, beguiler,
knave’ ( 289, 0 416, etc.); also name of a fish (Ael.), perhaps borrowed as Lat. tructa
(WH s.v.); as a second member e.g. in 1tepvo-tpwKtn¢ (Batr.); -tic [f.] (Tz.), -t1xd¢
‘greedy’ (Ph., Tz.). 3. towy-An [f] ‘hollow, hole’ (Hp., Herod., Arist, LXX, Batr.),
diminutive -Avéptov (Hdn. Gr.), -Aitn¢ [m.] name of a bird (Hdn. Epim., Eust.),
-Nitic [f.] epithet of several plants = tpwy(A)o-dvttc, -Sutixn (Edict. Diocl. etc; see
below). As a first member in tpwyAo-dbty¢ [m.] “hole-crawler”, said of several
animals, e.g. foxes, snakes, also wren, whence -dutéw, -Svtikdc (Arist. et al.); -S0vwv
{m.] mocking epithet of a mouse (Batr.). Further Tpwyo-ditat [m.pl.] name of an
Ethiopian people (Hdt. 4, 183 codd. ABC, pap,; in Str. et al. also written TpwyAo-),
whence -dvtic , -Sutikdc (D. S., Plu. et al.); cf. tp@yac: tpwyhac (H.). 4. tpwy-ddta
[n.pl.] (rarely sg.) ‘sweets’ (Pi. Fr. 124, Ar., Arist. Hell. inscr.). 5. -ava [n.pl.] ‘id’
(Sparta I?). 6. -uata [pl.] ‘id’ (Philox.). 7. tp@E-1¢ (am6-) [f.] ‘gnawing’ (Hp., Arist.+),
TRYXAVO 1515
whence -«1o¢ ‘edible, in raw state’ (Theoc.), -y1a [n.pl.] ‘edible fruits’ (Hp., pap.). 8.
-ava [n.pl.] ‘dry wood’ (Thphr.) (cf. »tpatkava). 9. On »tpwkadric, -id0¢ [f.]
‘locust’, see s.v.
B. With zero grade (from the aorist tpayeiv): 1. tpay-avdc ‘edible’ (Hdn. Gr., EM),
like edavoc. 2. -adilw = tpwyw (Ar. V. 674), after muKtarilw etc; -dAta = TpwydAta
(Theognost.). 3.-"wata [n.pl.] (rarely sg.) ‘sweets, dessert’ (com., X., Arist. etc.),
whence -1patta, -atwdrs, -atiCw, -1LAa-TLoLdc. On » tpdyog, see s.v.
*ETYM The vocalic alternation in tpwy- : tpay- is explained by LIV’ s.v. *treh,@- asa
secondary zero grade tpay- for original *tpwy-. LIV? also connects ToAB trdsk-,
ToB tressdm ‘to chew’, from a PTo. root *tarsk-; see also Adams 1999: 319 s.v. tresk.
Yet the IE connection is very doubtful, and had better be abandoned (the secondary
zero grade is doubtful, and there is no root *treg-). In view of the vocalic vacillation
in towEava, tpav&ava, and tpw&adhic, these are Pre-Greek words. As there is no IE
etymology for tpwyw, this word could also be Pre-Greek (though tpw&ava,
tpavgava, and tpweahhic are probably not derived from it).
tpwtadnic [f.] ‘locust’ (Alex. Dsc., Plin. et al.) <PG(s)>
VAR Also tpo&aAnic and tpigeAdac.
sETYM = In Beekes 2008, I demonstrated that all words in -aAA- are of Pre-Greek
origin (with Ad from palatalized |, ie. /’); thus the word is Pre-Greek. There is no
reason to derive the word from tpwyw (note the difference in meaning!).
TpwWTaW = TPETIW.
TPWX AW = TPEXW.
TPWW > TITPWOKW.
toPapis [f.] designation of a Dorian salad = “ev bEet oéAtva”, ie. ‘celery pickled in
wine vinegar’ (Poll. 6, 71). <?>
eVAR Acc. -Lv. “
*ETYM Unexplained. Neumann 1961: 86f. argues against a connection with the
toponym LvPapic (thus Fick BB 22 (1897): 50) and instead, hesitantly, proposes to
connect tUBapic with HLuw. tuwarsa- ‘wine, vine’ (whence also 8¥pooc). Fur.: 262 is
sceptical.
tvyxavw [v.] ‘to achieve an aim or goal, to meet, come across, encounter accidentally’,
intr. ‘to meet, get or acquire incidentally’. «15 *d"eug’- ‘hit the mark, meet’>
eVAR Aor. tuxeiv, epic also tvxfjoat, redupl. subj. tetbxno1, opt. tetdxout (late and
artificial), fut. tev§oucu (all Il.), perf. tetoxrka (since « 88), ptc. -11KW¢ or -WwWs (P
748), tétevxa (later Att, etc.), étetebyee (Hdt.), tétvya (Aristeas etc.), med. aor.
teveacBat (LXX), pass. év-etevdxOny, perf. éu-tétevypat (PIb.).
*COMP Very often with prefix, eg. év-, émt-, dmo-, ovv-. In compounds, as a second
member -tvy1jc¢, referring to t0yn and tvyeiv, eg. edtvxric ‘Jucky’, Svotuyres
‘unlucky’, whence -ia, -éw, -1Ha, -ryotc (Pi, IA); very often to prefixed verbs, e.g.
eTVY-N¢ (to émtvxeiv) ‘successful’, whence -ia, -in ‘success, luck’ (IA). Also -tvxoc¢
1516 TUL
(quite rare), e.g. owitvyoc ‘who attains (luck) late’ (late). As a first member in PNs,
e.g. Tvx-dpetoc, Tbx-avdpoc.
DER 1. TvxN [f.] “coincidence, incident, luck, fate, destiny’, also personified like Lat.
Fatum (since h. Cer. 420, Hes. Th. 360; appellative since Archil. and Pi.); tvynpdc
‘coincidentally, fortunately’ (A. [lyr.], Ar., Arist., etc.), -atog ‘coincidentally’ (Plu.,, J.,
AP), 16 Tvxyatov ‘templum Fortunae’ (D. C., inscr.), i Tvyaia = Tbyn (inscr.
Palestine); ta Tvxeia ‘festival in honor of Tby1’? (Lampsakos); -tkdc ‘coincidentally’
(Plb., Phld., etc.), -détov [n.] diminutive (Eust.); -dCeo8at- otoxateoBat ‘to aim (at)
(H.) (tvxacdpevov Erot. = otoyacduevov Hp.); évtvxaddc évtevktikn ‘affable’ (H.).
Tvxwv, -wvocg [m.] epithet of Hermes (Magnesia III’, Str., AP). 2. tebd&c [f.]
‘attainment’ (Plu. Arr., S. E.), earlier and more often to prefixed verbs, eg. éni-
‘attainment, obtainment’ (Arist. etc.), év- ‘meeting, visit, request’ (Pl. Arist., etc.),
ano- ‘failing, vain request’ (Hell. and late), whence émt-, év-, dmto-tevkTiKOs, etc. 3. To
amo-tvyxavw, etc.: amd6-tevypa ‘failed enterprise’ (Arist., etc.), év-tevyya ‘encounter’
(D. S.), érti-tevypa ‘success, luck’ (Hell. and late); but tebypia to » tebyw.
*ETYM The nasal present tvyyavw (*d"u-n-g’-), them, aor. tuxeiv (*d"ug’-e/o-), and
their derivatives preserve the more original meaning ‘hit the mark, meet’, as opposed
to the thematic root present tebyw ‘to manufacture’. They are derived from the root
*d'eug'- ‘to hit’, to which belong the Skt. stative duhé ‘gives milk’, Go. daug ‘is fit
(see LIV’ sv. for further cognates).
tut [adv.] - @de. Kpijtec ‘thus (Cretan), iv tuiv: év tobtw ‘by this’ (H.). To this Aeol.
tulde ‘here’ (Sapph.). <IE *k”o- “somebody’>
*ETYM Formation after *mui seen in Arg. Cret. 6-nut, loc. of mv- = Skt. ki ‘where?’,
ku-tra ‘where(to)?’, Osc. puf ‘where’, etc. These derive from IE *k”u- which stands
beside k”o- as in »768ev, etc. Further, mt¢ (Sophr.) and Rhod. émuc arose from a
change of vt to v (Schwyzer: 199), and added -c.
t0Koc [m.] ‘tool for processing stones, blacksmith’s hammer, pickaxe’, also ‘battle axe’
(Hdt. 7, 89: codd. « and y; Poll. 7, 118 and 125). <PG>
eVAR tUx0¢ (Hell. inscr., Hs in E. HF 945 tbxauc cod. for tbyotc or tUKotc).
eCOMP edituxkoc (-x-) ‘willing, ready’ (B., A., Theoc., Call, etc.), whence edtvx-dfouv
(cod. -aCov): ettux[tlov éxe, Etoov ‘it stays ready, prepared’ (H.) (hence to be
restored in A. Th. 150 [lyr.]), edtvitw (EM), evtvxdc: padiws kai Ta Guota ‘easy or
ready vel sim.’ (H.).
eDER tuK-ifw ‘to work stone’ (Ar. Av. 1138, Poll.), -iopata (tvx-) [n.pl.] ‘stone
buildings, walls’ (E.), also ano-tvyiw = dttomeAekdw (Paus. Gr., H.), also with &k-,
mpoo- (Att. inscr. IV*); tox-iov = tbxoc (Eust.), tuk-avn [f.] ‘thrashing equipment,
flail’ (Theognost., Eust., gloss.), -aviov [n.] ‘id’ (pap., gloss.). Also tutavry 6pyavov
TL, ® xp@vtat eig tov dAONTOV Tod oitov ‘tool which is used for threshing grain’ (H.),
Tpvydvi} 1 TOV ottov dAowoa ‘she who is threshing grain’ (gloss.), after tpvyaw?
*ETYM Traditionally, tbKoc is derived from a PIE root *teuk-, as in OCS toknoti, Ru.
tknut’ ‘to thrust’ and, with a different ablaut, CS is-tukati ‘to cut from metal, pour,
found’, OCS tykati, Ru. tykat’ ‘to thrust’, Latv. tukdt ‘knead, press’; cf. LIV? s.v.
*teuk-. The aspirated forms tbxoc, -iGw are supposed to be due to the influence of
tUuUBOS 1 1517
tevxw. Yet the consonant variation rather seems to demonstrate that the word is
Pre-Greek; influence of tedxw is improbable, as its meaning is not specific enough.
tvAn [f.] ‘bulge, callosity, pad, cushion’ (Sapph., com., pap. AP, etc.). <PG?>
VAR Also -0- (AP); t0Aoc [m.] ‘bulge, callosity, hunch, nail, peg’ (X., Ar., Nic., Hero,
Str., etc.).
*COMP TvA(0)-v@avtng [m.] ‘cushion weaver’ (Hyp., pap. VI-VII?), -etdrj¢ ‘bulge-,
callosity-like’ (medic.), nepitvAog ‘surrounded by tvAov (Delos), ‘callous’ (Sor.).
*DER 1. Diminutives tvA-iov [n.] ‘small nail’ (Hero et al.), -apiov [n.] to tvAN or
tvAoc (pap. and inscr. II-VI?), -aivov [n.] ‘small callosity’ (Aret.), from *tbAatva
after pAUKTaLva? 2. -eiov [n.] ‘pad’ (S. Fr. 468, Hell. pap.). 3. tvAapoc: udvdadoc,
tvAapwoac: pavéakwoac (H.). 4. THA-wv, -wvoc [m.] ‘provided with a callous skin’
(gloss.). 5. -detc ‘callous’ (Nic.), -@d1y¢ ‘id.’ (Plu., medic.). 6. tvAdopat ‘to get
callosities’, -6w ‘to make callous’ (X., Theoc., medic. etc.), also with ano-, éx-, mept-
etc. Thence tvAwtdc, tetvAwpévog ‘knobbed’ (Hdt.); thence (ék-, rept-)tbAWOIC
(medic. etc.), adj. -wttkdc; -wpa [n.] (Poll, H.). 7. tvA-icow, -ittw ‘to make into a
bulge, twine into a ball, swathe (up) (com. Hp., Ev. Matt. Luc. Gal. etc.), almost
only prefixed, especially with év-; t0A-typia (H.) as an explanation of éAtE, TvALypdc
[m.] ‘swathing’ (sch.). Backformation évtvAn [f.] ‘swaddling cloth’ (pap. II*). Unclear
is tUAAOc [m.] ‘box, chest’ vel sim. (D. C. 79, 20).
eETYM Because of its vacillating meaning and its short form, tvAn, -oc can easily be
provided with an etymology. Various cognates have been proposed: the Balto-Slavic
group of OPr. talan [adv.] ‘many’, Lith. tilas ‘several, rather many’, tulis ‘nail on a
car, plug, nail of an axle, etc.’, OCS tylo, Ru. tyl ‘neck’, but these presuppose *tuH-;
Germanic ON pollr ‘tree, peg’, OE poll, MLG dolle, MoHG Dolle ‘thole’, MLG
(Westfal.) diille ‘booty’, all seemingly < PIE *tul-no-; also, Lat. tullius ‘gush’, W twl
‘round elevation’, Alb. tul ‘piece of meat without bone, roe’, Skt. tulam [n.] ‘plume,
fan, bundle, etc.’. Greek odAoc ‘unquiet movement of the sea, gulf of waves’ (cf. Lat.
tullius) has also been connected as *tyj(H)o-. Yet none of these IE words is a close
match for t0An in form and meaning, so the word may rather be Pre-Greek.
tbuBos 1 [m.] ‘mound, burial mound, grave’ (Il.). <PG>
*COMP tvuLBox doc ‘raising a grave’ (A.), tuBoxo-éw ‘to raise a burial mound’ (Hdt.,
v.l. ® 323), -1y [f.] ‘raising a burial mound’ (v.l. D 323), 60vi6tvp Bos ‘interred in a
foreign country’ (Man.).
*DER 1. Adj. tuuB-(e)tog “belonging to the burial mound’ (Lyc., inscr.), -idto¢ ‘id.’
(Orph.). 2. -itn¢ Adac ‘gravestone’ (AP). 3. -iov [n.] diminutive (sch.). 4. touBac
yovn: toupdadac EAeyov tac Pappaxidac, d7td Tod mepl tov TUUBOUG Statpiperv Kal
tovs vekpovds axpwtiptdacerv (H.). 5. -oobvn name of a wall in Constantinople, which
was made of tombstones (VIP). 6. tuuBebw [v.] ‘to bury’, intr. ‘to rest in the grave’
(S., E., Ar., etc.), év-tvpBevouat ‘to rest in the grave’ (Ph.), whence -eia [f.] ‘burial’
(Suid.), -evoua [n.] ‘grave’ (S.), ‘corpse’ (E.). Several hypostases, e.g. émtbuB-toc (A.,
S., Plu. AP etc.), -id5to¢ (A. [lyr.] etc.) ‘at or on the grave, belonging to the grave’.
eETYM Beside tuuBoc, we find Corcyr. topoc (VI*; the length is metrically ensured)
with the same meaning. The variation shows that the word is Pre-Greek (not
1518 TUUBos 2
recognized by Fur.). Lat. turmulus ‘earth-hill’ and Arm. t‘umb ‘landfill, earthen wall’
may contain the same Pre-Greek/Mediterranean word. It is possible that Celtic
forms such as MIr. tomm [m.] ‘small hill’, MW tom [m., f.] “dung, mound’ belong
here, as well.
t0uBos 2 [m.] in @ tHuBe, referring to an old man (Ar. Lys. 372), yépovta tUytBov (E.
Med. 1209), yépovtocg ... t0uBov (Heracl. 167); tuuBoyépwv: éoxatoyypws Kai
Tapiyypévoc ti Stavoia (H., Ar. Fr. 35, Com. Adesp. 1172 et al.); maptetbpPet-
Tapappovel, Nudptikev (H.); tetvpBwptevoc = decrepitus (gloss.). <GR>
eETYM Clearly a metaphorical use of tuptBoc 1.
tounavov [n.] ‘kettledrum, hand drum’ (IA h*:Hom. 14, 3), also metaphorically as a
technical expression, ‘instrument of torture’ (Ar. etc.), “water wheel’ (Plb., pap.),
‘drum in a machine’ (Hero; also -o¢ [m.]), etc. <PG(v)>
VAR Also TUrtavov.
*COMP tuinavotepmig ‘delighting in drums’ (Orph.,) ppeatotinavov [n.] ‘water
wheel’ (Plb.).
*DER 1. Tyimav-tov [n.] ‘machine drum’ (Hero), designation of a hair style (Str.), etc.
2. -ev¢ [m.] ‘cylinder’ (Hero). 3. -dptoc [m.] ‘drummer’ (pap. VIP). 4. -iac, Ion. -in¢
(6Spwy) [m.] ‘kind of dropsy (by which the stomach is stretched like a drum)’, or
‘who is afflicted by dropsy’ (medic.). 5. -ity¢ [m.] ‘kind of dropsy’ (medic.). 6. -tkdc
‘afflicted by dropsy’ (Alex. Trall.). 7. -deig bSpwy (Nic.). 8. -@Sy¢ ‘kettledrum-like’
(Sor.). 9. tupmavitw ‘to beat the kettledrum, to drum’ (com., LXX, Str. etc.), also =
ano- (Ep. Hebr., Luc.); thence tupimav-topdc [m.] ‘drumming’ (Ar. etc.), -totr¢ [m.]
‘drummer’ (Str. pap.), plur. name of a play by Soph. -iotpia [f.] (D., Luc.);
anotupimav-iCw ‘to stretch on the wheel, to torture, beat’ (Lys., D., Arist., pap., etc.),
-top¢ (Cat. Cod. Astr.). 10. tupmavdojiat ‘to be stretched like a drum’ (Hippiatr.).
*ETYM Formation like Opyavov, etc. Traditionally (eg. EM 771) connected with
tumtw (whence the spelling timavov), with a nasal of PIE or secondary origin.
Others have regarded it as a Semitic loanword (cf. Aram. tuppa, Hebr. top, etc. ‘to
beat the drum’), with folk-etymological adaptation to témtw and the instrument
names in -avov. Fur.: 287 suggests that the instrument, used in the cult of the Magna
Mater and Dionysus, rather comes from Asia Minor. The variant may also point to
Pre-Greek origin (prenasalization).
tuvvoe [adj.] ‘small, inferior’ (Call., Theoc. et al.). <?>
*DER tuvvovtos, -i ‘this small’ (Ar.), after tAtk-obtoc.
eETYM The geminate -vv- is possibly hypocoristic; cf. » tutOdc.
tbvtAog [m.] ‘faeces, mud’ (Men., sch. Ar. Pax 1148). <?>
*DER TuvtA-wdr¢ ‘muddy, turbid’, of speech (Com. Adesp.), -aCw (Ar.) of vines,
which is explained in various ways: mnAonatéw, émippaivetv mA, etc. (see LSJ).
eETYM Unexplained; a contamination of tupBn and dvtioc seems improbable.
tbmtw [v.] ‘to poke, stab, beat with a weapon or a stick’. On the suppletive system
tomtw : énatata : némnya, see Kélligan 2007: 303ff. <IE *steup- ‘push, beat’>
TUPavvoG 1519
eVAR Aor. TOWa, also tunetv (E. [lyr.]), tuntijoat (late), pass. turrvat, also tupOijvat
and tuntnOijvat (late), perf. pass. tétupyat (all I1.), fut. tuntjow (Att.), tow (late),
perf. act. tetbntrjka (Philostr., Poll.), rétuga (Theodos.), ptc. tetbmovtec? (Call.).
eCOMP Also with mpo-, kata-, etc.
eDER A. tUmoc [m.] ‘blow, beat; impression, embossed work, relief, outline, form;
image, example, type’ (post-Hom.). Often as a second member, eg. davtitumoc
‘causing a counter-blow, striking back, echoing, obstinate, harsh; containing or
matching an image’, as a subst. [n., m.] ‘image’ (IA); thence dvtitum-ia, -éw, -1¢,
-rotc. From ttitog are derived: 1. diminutive tum-iov, -idtov [n.] ‘small example’
(Hell. inscr.), -dptov [n.] ‘small figure’ (Tz.). 2. -ic¢ [f.] ‘club, hammer’ (A. R., Call.
etc.), -dc [f.] ‘id? (S. Fr. 844, H.). 3. -etdc [m.] = kometdc (D. H.), -ntd¢ ‘id.’ (epigr.).
4. tong TANKTNS (H. Theognost.; probably for -tnc). 5. -iag yadxdc ‘hammered
copper’ (Poll. antonym tpoyiac). 6. -tKdc (adv. -tka@c) ‘figurative, exemplary’ (Plu.,
Gal., Ep. Cor. etc.), -w5nc “comprising the main features, in outline’ (Arist., Str., etc.).
Verbs: 7. tum-doptal, -dw, very often with prefix, e.g. dva-, dvti-, &k-, év-, DTO-, ‘to
receive an impression, be formed; to form, mould, model’ (IA), whence -wotc, -wua,
-WTI]G, -WTG, -wTiKds (dva-, etc.). 8. TuM-aCopLat = -douat (Opp.); TumaCetv: KdmTELV,
TUMAOTHPLOV: TO TMV AALEwV OTULLViOV (H.).
B. tum [f.] ‘blow, thrust’ (E 887, A. R., Nic.); tupita [n.] ‘blow, stab, wound’ (Hp., A,
Arist., etc.); toytc [m.] ‘striking, wound’ (J., Nic.), with b76- technical expression of
unclear meaning (Delos II*). C. Also évtumac kexaduptévoc “emerge in outline’, i.e.
‘enshrouded tightly, closely’ (QO 163; similarly A. R., Q. S; = Wote Tov TUTOV TOD
owLatog PaivecBat H.), and évtumadia: Stav tH iptatiw tiv yeipa mpdc mpdowna
KatetAntmévoc otrjon (H.), but cf. Latte ad loc. cf. év-tumoc ‘embossed, coined’
(apytplov Poll.), ‘able to be impressed’ (Phot.), évtumdopat ‘to be imprinted’, -dw ‘to
imprint’ (Arist. Hell. and late), évtetbmaotat ‘he is enshrouded’ (Pisidia). With
verbal reference mpotumnes ‘pressing forward’ (Plot. H. R.); 6potbmoc ‘beating the
mountain’ (bdwp; A. Th. 85 [lyr.]), dpet- (Opeo-, dpot-)td70t [pl.] ‘mountain worker’,
and -ia, -in (Hp., Thphr., Nic. et al.). Blanc RPh. 70 (1996): 199-210 thinks that the
first element comes from dopevg ‘mule’, which were lashed on to make them advance.
On > th TMaAvov, see S.v.
eETYM Built on PIE *(s)teup- ‘to push, beat’, as attested in Lat. stuped ‘to be(come)
numb, amazed’, stuprum ‘dishonor’, Albanian shtyp ‘to crush’, etc; probably also
p otumoc. See LIV’ s.v. *(s)teup-.
ttpavvoc [m.] ‘absolute ruler, monarch, tyrant’, rarely fem. ‘lady, princess’, also adj.
‘dictatorial, imperious, ruling’ (h. Mart., Pi., IA, etc.). <PG>
*COMP [Llootbpawvos ‘hating tyrants’ (IA), tupavvoxtovoc [m., f.] ‘killing tyrants’
(late).
*DER 1. tupavv-ic (scil. apxr?) [f.] ‘autocracy, despotism, tyranny’ (Pi, IA since
Archil.). 2. -ia [f.] “id” (Xenoph,, late pap.). 3. -etov, often plur. -eia ‘residence of an
autocrat’ (Str. D. S, J., Plu., etc.). 4. -txdc ‘of an autocrat, violent, tyrannical’ (since
A.). Verbs: 5. -ebw (after Bactletbw), -éw (rarely with ovv- etc.) ‘to be an autocrat, to
rule (absolutively)’ (IA). 6. desiderative -noeiw ‘to strive after tyranny’ (Sol. apud D.
1520 THPBN
L.). 7. -tdw ‘to be greedy for power, pursue tyranny’ (J., D. L. et al.). 8. -iGw ‘to take
the part of tyrants’ (D.).
*ETYM A Pre-Greek word. None of the alternative hypotheses is plausible.
top [f.] “confusion, noise, tumult’ (Hp., Isoc., X., Plb. etc.); <PG>
eVAR ovphn (Suid., Eust.)
*DER Adv. tupBa (ovpBa H.) ‘pell-mell’ (A. Fr. 311, 3 = M. 61 8, 3; acc.sg.?). Hence
tuppdtw (dva-) ‘to stir up, confuse, revel’ (Ar. et al.), -acia [f.] (Poll., H.), -acpa
(uncertain; late). Unclear twpBnotc: HAiBatov dépa and TupBiyvdc: éniPetov tod
AnoAAwvog (H.). Also cupBaButta (?) ‘higgledy-piggledy’ (Ar. Fr. 866); oupBryvevc
= adhnytic (obphy yap f abAcOrKn) | tapgxwdn¢ (H. = Cratin. 84), ovpBnvéwy
xopdc (Ath., Suid.). ;
eETYM The variation tippy - odpBn points to a palatal /t/ and therefore to a Pre-
Greek word (not in Fur.). A connection with Lat. turba ‘confusion, noise, crowd,
troop’ and turma ‘troop, squadron, crowd’ is difficult. Latin turba might be a
loanword from Greek, cf. E-M.
topos [m.] ‘cheese’ (Il.). <IE *teuH- ‘swell’>
*COMP tupdkvnotic [f.] ‘“cheese-grater, cheese-knife’ (Ar. Delos III* etc.) (see on
-Kvaiw); moAvTUpOs ‘rich in cheese’ (Pherecr.). See also » Bobtupov (-0<).
*DER 1. Diminutive tup-iov [n.] (com., pap. etc.), -ioKog (late), -dotov [n.] (pap. IID’;
or ‘tool for preparing cheese’?). 2. -axivac [m.] (Dor.) ‘kind of cheese-cake’ (Philox.
V-IV*), presupposes earlier *-dxivoc, after Ou@ax-tvoc, etc. 3. -itn¢ (mAaKodc)
‘cheese-cake’ = Lat. scriblita (gloss.). 4. -detc, -obc, Dor. -@c, fem. -od00a, -@ooa
(scil. Gptoc, tAakovc) ‘cheese-like, made of cheese’ (Sophr., Theoc. et al.), -wdn¢ ‘id.’
(Hp., Cos IV-III*, Plu.). Verbs: 5. tup-evw ‘to make cheese’, metaphorically ‘to
concoct’ (Com. Adesp., D., Arist. etc.), also with év-; -etuata [n.pl.] ‘curdled food,
cheese’ (E.), ‘intrigue’ (Com. Adesp.), -eia [f.] ‘id’, also ‘making cheese, cheese-press’
(Tab. Heracl., Mycale IV’, Arist. etc.), -evotc [f.] ‘making cheese’ (Arist.), -evtip [m.]
‘maker of cheese’ (of Epic, AP). 6. -éw ‘to make cheese’ in aor. étiprjoac (Alcm.). 7.
-dopal, -dw ‘to become cheese’, also with damo-, ém-, ovv- (Ar., LXX, Dsc., etc.),
whence -wtdc, -wotc (late).
eETYM Cognate with Av. tairi- [n.] “cheeselike milk, whey’, tdiriia- ‘curdled, of milk;
perhaps also with MInd. (Apabhr.) tdra- ‘cheese’. Further connections are disputed.
Phonologically, topdc¢ can be derived neither from PIE tyer- ‘to stir’ (see » 6tpUvu,
> topvvn, » tUpBi7), nor from PIE *tuerH- ‘to hold, fence in’ (whence Lith. tvérti
‘seize, fence in’ etc.). Phonologically unproblematic, and semantically possible, is a
derivation as *tuH-rd- to PIE *teuH- ‘to be strong, swell’ whence, for instance, RuCS
tyti ‘to become fat’.
tupac, -t0G, -150¢ [f.] “tower, keep, turret; palace, castle, fortified town’ (Pi., Hp., X.,
Hell. poet. etc.); in H. also tépptc: mipyos, Emadktc, mpopaywv and tUpaoc: to év thpet
oikodéunwa. <PG>
eVAR Plur. -etc.
*DER Diminutive tuppidiov [n.] (Sicily).
TUPOL 1521
*ETYM A loanword from a Mediterranean language (Kretschmer Glotta 22 (1934):
uioff. with many details), borrowed into Latin as turris. On the several attempts to
derive tipotc, turris as a borrowing from an JE language (e.g. Illyr. TN -dorgis like
Illyr. Bov-dopyic etc., Lyd. TN Ttppa, Tipoa with Tuponvoi and *Turs-ci > Tusci
beside Etrusci), see Heubeck 1961: 65f.
tvt06¢ [adj.] ‘small, tender, young’, e.g. tutOd Kedoat ‘to chop into small pieces’; adv.
tvtO6v, -& ‘a little, a bit, hardly, just barely’ (epic poet. since Il.). <ONOM>
*ETYM A nursery word with hypocoristic gemination and aspiration. With a similar
form and meaning, compare MoSw. tutta ‘little girl’, with a different meaning OHG
tut(t)a ‘nipple’ etc. Cf. » tuvvdc.
tuto [f.] « } yAadé ‘the little owl’ (H.). <ONOM>
*ETYM Onomatopoeic, rendering the cry of the ow]; cf. Plaut. Men. 653 noctuam,
quae ‘tu, ti” usque dicat, also Lat. tutubare ‘to cry, of an owl’, Lith. tuttioti, tututis
‘first flute, pipe’, name of a bird, ‘crow, hoopoe’ vel sim., MoHG tuten etc. Similarly
in Greek tovtic: 6 Kd00v@os, Tadtacoc: Spvic motds (H.).
tHepn (5?) [f.] name of a plant used for padding cushions and beds, ‘Typha angustata’
(Thphr,, Str., Dsc.), designation of a head-covering (Tz, cf. Lat. tifa). <1E *tuH-b'-
‘hump, bump’?>
DER -1)p1¢ [adj.] ‘made of t.’ (AP).
*ETYM Gr. tUgn is often regarded as cognate with Lat. tuber, -eris [n.] ‘hump, bump,
tumour’, and Gm. words such as ON piifa [f.] ‘hill in grassland’, OE buf [m.] ‘tuft,
bundle of feathers’; they may or may not be derived from PIE *teuH- ‘to be strong,
swell’. Yet the meaning of the Greek word is sufficiently ‘different to render its
connection with the other words purely hypothetical. Also, the length of the -v- is
uncertain.
tv@A6¢ [adj.] ‘blind, dark, blocked, clogged’ (since Z 139). «IE *d"eub"- ‘foggy’>
*COMP Tv@AdoTOMOs ‘with blind mouth’ (Str.), bndtv@ho< ‘half-blind, weak-sighted’
(Plu. etc.).
DER 1. many animal names, such as snakes: tu@A-iac, -wip, -ivoc, -ivng (MoGr. dial.
-itng), and fish: -ivoc, -rv, -tvidtov. 2. -dtn¢ [f.] ‘blindness, obstruction’ (Democr.,
Pl., Gal., Plu.). 3. -ad1j¢ (H.) as an explanation of BAdvoc, 4. tupA-dopat ‘to go blind’,
-dw ‘to blind, obstruct’ (Pi, IA), also with amo-, éx-, etc; -woic (amo-, ék-) [f] ‘loss of
sight’ (IA). 5. tupA-wTTw ‘to go blind, be blind’ (Hell. and late).
*ETYM tugAdc belongs to the numerous adjectives in -Adc that indicate physical or
psychical defects, e.g. oipAdc, xwAdc, tpavddc, SetAdc (Chantraine 1933: 238). No
exact correspondence exists outside Greek. The root could be the same as in OI.
dub ‘black’ < *d"ub'-u-, and Go. daufs, ON daufr, OHG toub ‘deaf < PIE *d"oub'-o-.
The original meaning seems to have been ‘obstructed, clogged, dark’. Due to the
short u in Celtic, the adjective cannot be derived from the verbal root PIE *d"uh,- (cf.
> TU@opat ‘to smoke’).
thot [m.] - opijvec ‘wedges’ (H.). <1E? *d"eub"- ‘peg, wedge’>
1522 TUPOLAL, -w
*ETYM In theory, one might connect Germanic words such as MLG dével, MHG
tiibel, MoHG Dobel, Diibel [m.] (with LG initial), MoE dowel ‘spool, peg, tap, nail’ <
PGm. *dub-ila-; with gemination MoSw. dubb, MoNw. dobb ‘iron bolt’, and verbal
forms: ON dubba ‘to equip; to dub someone knight’, OE dubbian ‘to dub someone
knight’. Thus, one might reconstruct PIE *d"ub"- ‘to hit’. Yet the isolated position of
the Greek gloss calls for caution: the technical meaning ‘wedge’ may have arisen in
various ways.
ToPoptat, -w [v.] ‘to smoke, smoulder, glow’, act. ‘to make smoke, fume, singe, burn
slowly’ (IA). <IE *d"uH- ‘smoke, steam’>
eVAR Aor. tiervat (Ar. etc.), Bdat (Plb., H., Suid.), fut. toprjcouot (Men.), perf.
téOvpipat, tetb@Oau (PL, Poll.), plpf. bnetéOvnto (Apolloph. Com. V*),
eCOMP Also with émt-, b70-, etc.
*DER 1. tU@oc [m.] ‘kind of fever’ (Hp.), ‘conceit, stupidity, fallacy, folly’ (Hell. and
late); as a first member in tugoyépwv ‘feeble-minded old man’ (Ar.). Thence tug-
w5n¢ ‘feverish’ (Hp.), ‘befogged, bloated’ (Vett.Val.); -dopat (mostly perf.
Tetv@wpat), -dw ‘to be befogged, foolish, bloated’, act. ‘to befog, delude’ (Att. Hell.
and late), rarely with éx-, bm0-, émt-; -wotc [f.] ‘befoggedness’ (Tz.); backformation
bmdtvgoc ‘bloated’ (Ion Chius). 2. tugedwv, -dvoc [f.] ‘stupidity’ (Call. et al.),
-edavoc ‘stupid’ (Ar. V. 1364). 3. bmd8vyt¢ [f.] ‘spurring on, incitement’ (Plb.), Odyic
‘fuming, singing’ (Suid.). 4. Tu@-dwv, -dovog (h. Ap., Hes. etc.), -@v, -@voc (Pi. et
al.); -Wc, gen. acc. -@ (Pi, A., Ar., Hdt.) [m.] ‘whirlwind’, personified “Typhon,
Typhos’; also -wevec, -wéoc {m.] “Typhoeus’ (B 782f., Hes. Th. 821, h. Hom. A. R. etc.);
hence adj. -advioc, -aovic, -wvioc, -wvikdc (late).
eETYM All verbal forms seem to be based on the present. There are no exact
correspondences of ttg- outside Greek. It is thought to be derived from the PIE root
*dueh,- / *duh,- ‘to smoke’ (see » Obw, also » Ovptdc and » Ovj,L0c) by means of an
enlargement *-b'-. See LIV? s.v. *d"yeh,-. » tuphdc is probably unrelated, but see s.v.
THXT = THYXAVW.
twOatw [v.] ‘to mock, sneer, jeer’ (IA); also Owtdla- Quaile, yAevdcet,
emiOwtaCovtec émiyAevaCovtec (H.). <2
eVAR Aor. twOdoat, fut. -daoojtat.
eCOMP Also with émi- etc.
*DER twO-aoldc (ém-) [m.] ‘sneering, mockery, banter’ (Arist, Plb. D. H. etc.),
-dopata [pl.] ‘id.’ (Suid.), -aotr¢ [m.] ‘scorner’ (Poll., H.), -aotikéd¢ ‘mocking,
sneering’ (D. H., D. L., Poll.).
eETYM Unexplained.
Y
0 [prep., pref. ]<IE *ud ‘up’>
eVAR Cypr. in b tbxa = émt Tbyq (also i(v) tTbyaL), also b-xNpos [f.] ‘handsel’,
corresponding to Att. ta éniyeipa. ~
*ETYM Traditionally, 0 is identified with Skt. ut-, ud- ‘upwards, up’, Go. ut
“‘out(wards), MoHG aus, etc. < PIE*ud. The analysis of bynpoc seems certain, but
for b tbxa, other analyses are possible (Cypr. bv = ov ‘avd’, Risch Kratylos 10 (1965):
92; or from earlier ovv tbya, Thumb-Scherer 1959: 172).
The same preposition has also been claimed to be present in the expression vpatc Cav
u-wa-i-se za-ne ‘51a Biov (2) (ICS 217, 10), but this is rather doubtful; see for instance
the analysis of Weiss MSS 55 (1994): 151f., positing *h,iu(u)-h,ei-s- ‘bis in [alle]
Ewigkeit’ for u-wa-i-se. See further » bomAn(y)& » botpLE, » BotEepos.
batva [f.] ‘hyena’ (Hdt., Arist. et al.), also the name of a sea-fish ‘Charax puntazzo’
(Numen. apud Ath, Ael.); with the same meaning also vatvic [f.] (Epich.); see
Thompson 1947 s.v. and Stromberg 1943: 100f. < GR?>
*DER vbaiv-(e)loc ‘of the hyena’ (Plin. Cyran.), -itr¢ [m.] designation of a stone
(probably after the color).
eETYM Derived from tc ‘swine’ on the model of Agatva, AvbKatva, etc. DELG thinks
that the animal resembled a swine by its airs and its bristly hair. Yet the hyena is a
species of its own and looks more like a dog than a sow; could it ba that baiva
replaces aloanword or a Pre-Greek word?
baxtvOoc [m., f.] ‘hyacinth’ (& 348, Sapph., Thphr., Theoc., Paus. et al.); designation of
a blue cloth or a blue color (LXX, Ph,, J., pap.); also of a precious stone (late). < PG>
*DER vakivO-voc ‘of the hyacinth, hyacinth-colored’ (Od., E, X., Samos IV’, etc.),
-w6ng¢ ‘hyacinth-like’ (Dsc.), -i@w [v.] ‘to resemble a hyacinth’ (Plin.). Also the name
of a Laconian youth, who according to legend was killed by Apollo with an
unfortunate throw of the discus. He probably was a Pre-Greek god who was
superseded by Apollo, and sank to be a mere hero; but he also merged with this god
to become Anodhwv YaxivOoc (-80c). Thence ta“YakivOia (Cret. fax-), name of a
Doric festival (Hdt, Th, X.), “Yaxiv@tog (Cret. Bak-) [m.] Doric month-name
(Sparta, Rhodos, Thera, Crete, etc.). On the Ionic sound substitution in‘Yaxtv@oc for
original FaxtvOoc, see Schwyzer: 224.
eETYM A clear Pre-Greek word, cf. Fur.: 242, 377 (but not with a prothetic u-!). It is
disputed whether baxtvOoc is related to Lat. vaccinium ‘blueberry, whortleberry’;
Deroy Glotta 35 (1956): 185ff. and Meillet MSL 15 (1908-1909): 162 consider both
1524 badoc
words to be independent loans from a Mediterranean language, to be connected with
Lat. bdca ‘berry’ and Gr. Baxyoc.
badog [f., m.] ‘transparent stone, e.g. alabaster, crystal, amber’ (IA), ‘glass’ (PI. Arist.
etc; in Hdt. yvtr AiGoc). < PG>
eVAR Also beAoc.
*COMP badoupy-dc (veA-) [m.] ‘glass-maker’ (Str., pap.), whence -tkds, -etov (late).
Also baAn ‘id. (H., Phot., Suid.)
*DER 1. bdA-lvog (véA-) ‘glassy’ (Corinn., Hp., Ar., inscr., etc.), -eoc¢, -ovd¢ ‘id,
transparent like glass’ (Str., pap., AP etc.), -tkdc ‘serving for glass-making’ (J.), -itic
(Giutoc, yi) ‘id.’ (Thphr., Str.), -detc ‘glass-color’ (AP), -w6d19¢ ‘glass-like’ (medic.). 2.
bad-dc¢ [m.] ‘glass-maker’ (late inscr.); -wpa [n.] name of an eye-disease of horses
(Hippiatr; cf. yAavkwpa); diminutive béAtov [n.] ‘mirror’ (Suid.); hence (or from
bedoc?) b(e)At-dptoc [m.] (Asia Minor). 3. bad-iCw (ded-) [v.] ‘to have glass-color’
(Dsc., Ph. Byz. et al.).
*ETYM A Pre-Greek word, cf. Fur.: 351; it may have had palatal , cf. the variant
tedAoc. This may also explain the coloring of the preceding a to e. The ancient
grammarians, such as Phryn., call badog Attic, and tedocg Hellenistic. There is a
remarkable similarity with the first member of the North-European name for amber,
suali-ternicum (called “Scythian” by Plin. HN 37,33). A similar identity of the words
for ‘glass’ and ‘amber’ is found in OGm. glésum [Plin., Tac.] ‘amber’ and OHG glas.
bBdc [adj.] ‘hunchbacked’ (Hp., Theoc.). <PG?>
evaRcodd. bog (for b-?) [m.] ‘hunchback, hump’, of a camel, a Cyprian ox (Arist.),
be [voc.] (Theoc. 5,43), perhaps metrically conditioned.
*DER bBdopat ‘to become hunchbacked’ (Gal.), bB-wya [n.] ‘hump’ (or enlarged
from bBoc?), -wotc [f.] ‘hunchbackedness’ (Hp., Gal.).
eETYM The element -B- in bBdc is reminiscent of words like otpaBdc, kAapPdc, and
other words for corporeal defects (Chantraine 1933: 261); bBd¢ may have been
influenced by these. A convincing etymology has not been found. Petersson 1918: 74
compares Lith. subiné ‘hindmost, back, bottom’, which would have been derived
from *subas = bBoc. The word may well be Pre-Greek.
bBptc, -toc, -eoc, -ews [f.] “arrogance, haughtiness, exorbitance, violence, offence,
abuse’ (Il.). <PG?>
*COMP bBpiyeAws [m.] ‘arrogant laughter’ (Man.), piovBpic ‘having arrogance
(LXX).
*DER UPpiCw, Dor. (Theoc.) -iodw, aor. bBp-icat, pass. -tcOF\vau, etc. ‘to be arrogant or
unbounded, to exert violence, offend, abuse’ (Il.), often with prefix, eg. ag-, év-, &€-,
ég-, kaQ-. Derivatives: 1. bBp-topa (év-) [n.] ‘arrogant action, etc.’, also object of it
(Hdt., E., D., Plu. etc.). 2. -topid¢ [m.] ‘id? (A. Fr. 179 = 485 M.). 3. -totc (only with
av0-) [f.] “counter-abuse’ (comm. Arist.). 4. -tot¢ (ég-) [m.] ‘violator, offender’ (N
633 [cf. -totrp], Od., etc.), fem. -totic (EM); -tothp [m.] ‘id’ (v.L N 633, Opp., Nonn.,
AP), fem. -iotpta (LXX). 5. -totog ‘arrogant, scoffing’ (Pherecr., Pl. Com.), grades of
comparison -toTdtEpos, -toTdtatog (Hdt. 3, 81 [v.l. -totikwtepov], Att.). 6. -toTiKdG
‘id’? (Att, Arist, etc.). 7. 2pbBptotoc ‘contumelious, disgraceful (LXX, Plu. Man.,
bypdc 1525
Vett. Val. etc.). Also bBpic, -id0¢ [f.] name of a nocturnal bird of prey, perhaps
‘eagle-owl, Strix bubo’ (Arist., H.).
eETYM No certain explanation. The -f- and initial b- hardly look IE, so the word
could well be Pre-Greek. Frisk is sympathetic to the connection with the prefix /
preposition » -, but this means nothing. Nikolaev Glotta 80 (2002): 211-230 assumes
that bBpic contains the root of Pn and, with many additional assumptions,
reconstructs *ioHg”ri-. But as the Wetter-rule that he assumes is probably wrong, we
would expect *wBpt-, and the construction must be rejected. Note that Bn is always
a positive notion, whereas bBpt¢ certainly is not.
byyEtosg = yévto.
byujs [adj-] ‘healthy, unharmed, beneficial’ (since © 524). <IE *h,iu- ‘span of time’ and
*ovih,- ‘live>
*COMP byto-moléw ‘to heal’ (D. S.).
*DER 1. Adjectives: byt-1)pdc ‘healthy, beneficial’ (Pi., IA), -npéotepoc (Hdt.) (after
bytéotepoc); byi-etc ‘id.’ (Pi.); By(e)oc ‘id.’ (pap. II-III’, gloss.); byt-wtepoc (Sophr.).
2. Abstract byteia, -e1a, Ion. -ein [f.] ‘health’, also personified (Simon., Pi., IA), -etvdc
‘benificial to the health, belonging to health, beneficial’ (IA), Hell. byeta, -ia, PN
(Hell. and late)'Yy(e)ioc = Lat. Hyginus; quite rarely -dtn¢ [f.] ‘health’ in logic (S. E.).
3. Further nouns:‘Yyatng¢ [m.], epithet of Dionysus (Ath., Eust.); byeidtov [n.] name
of several unguents (Gal.). 4. Verbs: a. byt-aivw ‘to be healthy, be in good health’
(IA), also dt-, -, ovv-; -avotc [f.] ‘healing’ (Arist. etc.). b. -4@w ‘to heal’, -aCopat
(ap-, &&-) ‘to be cured’ (Hp., Arist., Hell. and late), -dopiata [n.pl.] = axéopiata (AB),
-aotnptov [n.] ‘hospital’ (pap. II, gloss.), -aoté¢ ‘curable’ (Arist.), -aotiKdg ‘serving
for healing’ (Arist. Str., Gal. etc.); apvyt-aopdc [m.] ‘healing’ (Iamb.). c. dyt-@oat ‘to
heal’ (Hp.), perhaps false for yuwaoa?
*ETYM Traditionally explained as a compound of PIE *h,su- ‘well, good’ (see » é0c)
and ‘to live’ (see » (ww and » Bioc), with s-stem inflexion: IE *h,su-g”ih,-es-. Initial b-
instead of ev- would be due to laryngeal loss in the compound. A close
correspondence seems to be found in Av. hu-jiiditi- [f.] “a good life’. However, Weiss
MSS 55 (1994): 151f. much more convincingly assumes that it derives from *h,iu-
g"ih,-es- ‘having eternal life’; he compares Lat. itigis ‘constant’ and Av. yauuaé-ji-
‘living forever’.
bypdc [adj.] ‘wet, moist, watery, fluid; weak, soft, flexible’ (I].). <IE *ug’-ro- ‘moist’>
*COMP bypouedtic ‘with flexible limbs’ (X., Poll.), ka48vypoc ‘soaked’ (Hp., Thphr.
etc.).
*DER 1. Subst. bypdtijs, Dor. -dtac [f.] ‘moisture, weakness, etc.” (IA, Ti. Locr.);
-ndwv, -1156voc [f.] ‘id’ (Hp.); -inv: TO odpov. Atovbotog (H.). 2. Verbs: a. byp-aivw
‘to wet, water’ (IA), very often with xaO-, dt-, -, etc; -avotc [f.] ‘wetting’ (Gal. etc.),
-avtikdc ‘wetting’ (Diph. Siph. apud Ath. etc.); ka8vypaojidg [f.] ‘wetting’ (late
medic.). b. -4(w ‘to be, become wet or moist’ (Hp.), -aoia [f.] ‘moisture’ (Arist.,
Thphr. etc.), -aoja [n.] ‘id’ (Hp.); may also be connected with -aivw. c. -woow ‘to be
wet, moist’ (A. Ag. 1329).
1526 Bdepoc
*ETYM Possible cognates include ON vokr, acc. vekvan ‘moist, wet’ < PGm. *uakua-
< PIE *uog-uo- or *uog”-o-; and Lat. ividus, tidus ‘id’, which can go back to PIE
*ug”-, *ue/og’- or *uh,-, see de Vaan 2008. Thus, all forms may go back to a root
*u(e/o)g”-.
b5epoc [m.] ‘dropsy’ (Hp., Arist.). «IE? *udero- ‘belly’>
eVAR Also Sdepoc: yaothp (H.), with dialectal 6- for b-? Differently Giintert IF 27
(1910): 48: rather for béepoc, because of the spiritus asper. Also tdepoc eic apida
‘diabetes’ (Gal.).
*DER Adj. bdep-tkdc, -Wdn¢, awdn¢ ‘dropsical’; verbs -aivw, -tadw (with -iactc), -aw
‘to suffer from dropsy’ (all medic.). %
eETYM Cognate with Skt. uddra- [n.], Av. udara- ‘abdomen, belly’, Lat. uterus ‘belly,
womb’ (tr < *dr in oblique cases), OPr. weders ‘belly, stomach’, Lith. védaras
‘sausage, intestines’ (with long vowel from Winter’s Law). Gr. bSepoc must separated
from téwp ‘water’, since a full grade bdep- is further unknown in Greek. The
semantic shift from ‘belly’ to ‘dropsy’ is unproblematic: Skt. uddra- is also used in
the sense of ‘pathologically swollen belly’.
bd5éw [v.] ‘to sing, glorify’ (Hell. epic, conj. in E. Hyps. 3, 15). IE *h,ued- “‘speak’>
eVAR -eiw metrically conditioned; also téw, tderv (Suid. etc.).
DER USN: PrN, OS (Theognost. Can. 19), bdnc: ovvetdc, f touts (H.).
eETYM Without ascertained etymology. It would be attractive to assume that b6- is
cognate with » abdr ‘voice’, and with Skt. vddati ‘to speak’, ppp. uditd. Yet there is
no good explanation for the different reflexes in Gr. /hud-/ vs. /aud-/.
bdvov [n.] name of a mushroom, ‘truffle’ (Hell. and late). <PG>
*COMP bdvogvAdov: 1} Emi Toi HSvotg PUOLEVN TON (H.) (Pamphil. apud Ath. 2, 62d).
eETYM The word has hesitantly been connected to téwp as ‘juicy’ (Pok. 79), to bet
‘rains’ as ‘rain-plant’, and to bc ‘swine’ as ‘sow-bread’. Under pitov, I have argued
that we must assume a Pre-Greek word, in view of the variants ttvov, oidvov,
oitvov, adduced by Fur.: 110, 184.
bd5pa [f.] ‘water-snake’, especially 1] Aepvaia tépa (Hes., Herod., S., E., Pl.); bSpoc [m.]
‘id., Coluber nutrix’ (B 723, Hdt., Arist., Call. etc.); b6pa / b5poc (Hell. and late since
Eudox. apud Hipparch.) ‘the constellation Hydra’. <1E *ud-r6- ‘of the water’>
eVAR Ion. -1.
eETYM PIE name for a water-animal, especially ‘otter’: Skt. udrd- [m.], Av. udra- [m.]
‘otter’, OHG ottar ‘id.’, Lith. udra [f.], Ru. vydra [f] ‘id’ (with *a from Winter’s
Law); Lat. lutra [f.] ‘id? with additional /- by folk etymology. Cf. » béwp, évvdptc.
bdwp, -atog [n.] ‘water’ (II.). <1E *uod-r, *ud-n-, coll. *ud-dr ‘water’>
*DIAL Myc. u-do-ro /udros/ or /udron/ designation of a bucket-shaped pot.
*COMP ddpo@dpog [m., f.] ‘water-bearer’, dvvdpoc ‘without water’ (IA); bdatotpegris
‘fed by water’ (p 208), avvdatos ‘without water’ (Man.), etc; rarely bdacl-<o>teyN¢
‘protecting from water, waterproof (AP 6, 90). Hypostases: évvdptc (-ic) [f.] ‘otter’
(Hdt., Ar., Arist.), Me006p-tov [n.] town in Arcadia, “between the rivers” (Th.), -tev¢
[m.] ‘inhabitant of M.’, gen.pl. Metvdpujwv (Orchom.).
bOAOG 1527
eDER A. Stem b5p-: Nouns 1. bdpia [f.] ‘water-bucket, urn’ (Att, Locr. V*),
diminutive -ickn, -iov, -idtov (Hell. and late). 2. -tveiov [m.] ‘id’ (pap. II-III), to
*bdpivoc or *bdpivoc). 3. -dty¢ [f.] ‘moisture’ (Procl.). 4. -wya [n.] = -evpa (Eg.
inscr.), enlarged or from *-doptat. 5. bSpavac [acc.pl.] ‘vessel for lustration water’
(Andania I*), rather from bépavn than from bdpav (cf. H.: bédpavn; TO akpatpves Kai
kaBapdév; bdpav- eic Bvotav axparpvéc. ‘PivOwv; bdpavdc: 6 aymotig tov
‘EXevotviwv). 6. “Ydp-obc, -odvtoc [m.] town on the Ionic Sea in Calabria. 7. -wv,
-@voc [m.] month-name (Ptol.).
Adjectives: 1. b5p-nAdc ‘watery, wet’ (epic poet. since t 113, also Hp.). 2. -npdc ‘id,’
(Sophr., Trag. Adesp., etc.). 3. -wSng ‘id.’ (Thphr.). 4. -aioc ‘belonging to water’
(Olymp. in Phd.); obddpata: bdpia, Létpov ti, ATTKOD [teTpNTOD HLLov (H.), Lacon. or
Boeot.? 5. -tog ‘of water’ (Hero). 6. Unclear bdpadrc: LetaBodAog, also dic bdatoc
Verbs: 1. bdp-aivopt, -aivw (ag-) [v.] ‘to bathe, water, wet’ (Od., E. [almost only
lyr.]), -avtikdg (pap. II*). 2. -evoptat, -etw [v.] ‘to scoop, fetch water’ (Od.), quite
rarely with ég-, mpoo-; thence -etov (-Hjiov), -ela, -evpla, -Evolc, -ebc, -EVTIHG, -EVTIKOG.
B. Stem bdat- (on the whole younger than bdp-): Nouns 1. bdattov [n.] ‘little water,
little rain, rivulet’ (PI, Arist. Thphr, etc.). 2. -ic [f.] ‘blain’ (medic.).
Adjectives: 1. -wéng ‘watery, dropsical’ (Hp., Arist., Thphr. etc.). 2. -.voc ‘belonging
to water, watery, water-clear, flexible’ (Hell. and late). 3. -1xd¢ ‘of water, watery’
(Thphr., pap. II’). 4. -detc ‘watery, transparent like water’ (AP, Nonn.). 5. -etvdc ‘wet,
moist’ (Hp.). 6. -npdc ‘containing water’ (A. Fr. 96 = 44 M.).
Verbs. 1. bSatdopat (2§-) [v.] ‘to be / become watery, dropsical’, &vdatdéw [v.] ‘to
turn into water, dilute with water’ (Hp., Thphr. etc.), -wotc [f.] (medic.). 2. -i@w only
in d1-ddatitw ‘to give to drink’ (sch.), e&vdatio8év- wo téwp (H.), bdatiopidc
[m.]‘murmur of water’ (medic.).
C. Other formations: 1. bSo¢ [n.] (Call. Fr. 475), dat. -et (Hes. Op. 61) ‘water’. 2. 06-
ahéog ‘dropsical’ (Hp.), -ahic: bdpwmidv (H.). 3. -aprc ‘watery, diluted’, especially of
wine (IA); 10 bSapdv (H.) as an explanation of bdapéc; éE-vdapdopat, dw [v.] ‘to
become water, make into water’ (Arist. late). See also » bSpa, » bdpoc and » bSepoc.
*ETYM A PIE r/n-stem for ‘water’. In Greek, the n-stem was enlarged with a *t, hence
*ud-y-t- > gen. tédat-oc, etc. The denominative bdpaivopiat might continue older
*bdaivw = Skt. udanydti ‘to water’.
Cognates: U utur [n.] (< *ud-dr), abl. une (< *ud-n-), Latin unda ‘wave, sea, river’ <
*ud-n-; Alb. ujé ‘water’; Hitt. yatar / yitén- [n.] ‘id? (see Kloekhorst 2008 s.v.); Skt.
gen. udnds, loc. uddn(i), adj. anudrds ‘without water’; Go. wato, gen. watins, ON
vatn, OS watar, MoHG Wasser; OCS voda, Lith. vandué ‘water’. The rare s-stem in
bdoc, dat. bSet is also found in the zero grade in Skt. zétsa- [m.] ‘source, spring’ < *ud-
S-O-.
tet, betéc = bw.
vfatc fav eVAR Cypr., written u-wa-i-se za-ne (ICS 217, 10). +0.
bOXAoc [m.] ‘idle talk, prank’ (PI. D., Porph., Jul.). <2?
eCOMP bOAopprywv ‘talking idly’ (Tz.).
1528 buy
*DER DOAEw [v.] ‘to prate’ (Ar, Ephipp., Phld., Luc.), also with é&-, ovv-. Cf. bobAdc:
oaddc, pdvapos ‘silly talk, nonsense’ and b)Aéi- OpvAdei, Aéyet, also bAdet OpvAdci,
bdaxtei, Méyet, Oprvel ‘babbles, barks, says, laments’ (H.).
*ETYM No etymology. The word may contain the suffix -@ho- (as in de@hozg etc.), but
there is no good explanation for initial b-.
buy [2] - tv Gunedov ‘vine’ (H.). <2
*ETYM Unknown.
vids [m.] ‘son’ (Il.). <1E *suH-i(e)u- ‘son’>
eVAR Also ddc (Att.); older vitc (Lac., Gort.,.etc., Old Att. also bic, bc); obl. forms:
gen. viod (Corc. VI? [epigr.], x 238, etc.), viéos (IL), vifjoc (Hell. and late epic), vioc
(Hom., Thess.), acc. 0(\)6v, vidy, viga, via, nom.pl. b(A)oi, viges, viets, vifjes, vtec, etc.
*DIAL Myc. i-jo /*ios/, perhaps i-ju (i-*65) /*ius/, dat. i-je-we /"lewei/, i-we /"iwei/.
Most recently -u-jo (TH Fq 229: ra-ke-da-mo-ni-jo-u-jo) /ajoil.
*COMP vioGecia [f.] ‘adoption’ (Hell. and late); univerbation of viov Géo8au.
*DER 1. Derived fem. vin ‘daughter’ (Sammelb.. IP), also va (Mytilene 1P(?]). 2.
Diminutive btdiov [n.] (Ar.), vidgiov [n.] (gloss.). 3. Denominative vidw, -dopat [v.]
‘to adopt as a son’, -wotc [f.] ‘adoption’ (late). 4. As ‘grandson: a. viwvdc (Hom.,
Theoc., Plu, late inscr. and pap.), plur. viwveic: vidv vigec (H.), after vietc; fem.
viwvi ‘granddaughter’ (J., gramm.). b. d(Sodc (PL, X., D., Arist. etc.), b(t)idEevcs
(Isoc., H.); fem. vidi (pap. I°, Poll., H.).
eETYM The o-stem in vidc is secondary against the v-stem in vive; perhaps it arose by
dissimilation. The (proterodynamic) inflexion of vib shows the full grade *-eu- of
the suffix in vigoc, vig and viei, vigec and vieic, du. vige, viel, and the zero grade *-u-
(which would point to hysterodynamic inflection) in vioc, vit (with Aeolic retraction
of accent?), viéc, vie. The generalized zero grade is limited to the epic, with the
exception of Thess. gen. huioc. The acc. viéa, vigac as well as vivv, vidve (Gort. etc.)
must be innovations.
The same preform PIE *suH-iu- yielded ToB soy, ToA se, gen. seyo ‘son’. Most other
languages have a different suffix in *swH-nu-: Skt. sunti- ‘son’, Av. hunu- ‘offspring’,
Lith. saints, OCS syne, Go. sunus, OHG sunu ‘son’. These nouns are probably
derived from PIE *suH- ‘to bring forth’ as in Skt. site ‘to give birth’, sta- ‘son’; Olr.
suth ‘fruit? < *su(H)-tu- ‘birth, fruit. Thus, PIE *suH-iu-, suH-nu- must be
interpreted as ‘produce of the body’.
The absence of the suffix *-ter- in ‘son’, as opposed to the words for ‘father, mother,
daughter, brother’, is striking; perhaps PIE *suH-n/iu- replaced a different word for
‘son’, e.g. the one continued in Skt. putrd-, Av. pudra-.
éxng [m.] name of an unknown fish (Antim, Philet., Call.), acc. to Zenod. Cyrenaean
for pvOpivoc; acc. to Hermipp. = iovaic (see Ath. 7, 304¢, 320d, 327b and c). <?>
*VAR bKac ayeAnidac [acc.pl.] (Numen.); also bkoc (H.).
*ETYM No etymology.
bAakouwpot [adj.] epithet of kivec (€ 29, m 4), thence 1.d80c b., also of dogs (Nonn. D.
36, 197). <GR>
BAN 1529
*ETYM The initial b- is due to metrical lengthening. Formed in emulation of
p> éyxecitwpol, Piduwpol, so probably “famous for barking”. The first element
probably represents a noun bAaknh, which Porzig 1942: 239 explains as an artificial
formation for metrically impossible *bAakto-. See » bAdW.
bAdw [v.] ‘to bark’, of dogs (Od., Theoc.), metaphorically of Cassandra (Tryph.), of a
man (S. Fr. 61 conj. for DAaKT@). <IE *ul-, ONOM, PG?>
eVAR Only pres. and ipf.; med. ipf. bAdovto (m 162, verse-final). Usually with
enlargement -xt- in bAaktéw ‘id.’, only pres. and ipf. except aor. bAGKTIOa (Luc.
Nec. 10), also with prefix, e.g. @&-, mept-, mpoo- (since X 586; mostly late).
*DER bAaKTIK6c ‘prone to barking’ (Arist. Luc, Ph.), mpoovAdktnots [f.] ‘the
reviling’ (Simp. in Ph.); epic ptc. bAaktidwvtec (Q. S.), as if from *dAaKT-tdw
(metrically conditioned). Furthermore bAdoKw ‘id? (A. Supp. 877 [lyr.], uncertain),
aor. tAdEat (D. C.), pres. \Adoow (Chariton, Eust.).
Nouns with velar suffix: 1. bAakr [f.] ‘the barking’ (poetic in Pl. Lg. 967d, A. R., AP,
Plu., Luc.), wayvAdKac [m.] ‘who barks or cries in vain’ (Sapph., Pi.), bAaK-detc
‘barking’ (Opp.), -6wvtec ‘id’ (Opp.), patronymic ‘YAak-idng (€ 204), as if from
*Y)ak (= Hylax ... latrat, Verg. Buc. 8, 106); on » bAakduwpot, see s.v. 2. DA-aypydc
[m.] ‘the barking’ (® 575, X., Arist. etc.), kuv- (Stesich.); bA-aypa [n.] ‘id? (A., E.),
from *bAGCw? Also tAaopa [n.] (Cyran.). On the hero”YAac, see Kretschmer Glotta
14 (1925): 33ff.
*ETYM Probably an onomatopoeic word for ‘howling, barking’, compare Lat. ululdre
‘to howl’, ulula ‘owl’, Skt. ululi- ‘crying loudly’, luka- [m.] ‘owl’, Lith. uluoti ‘to
howl’, etc., and in Greek » dAoAD Ww. For -4w, one may compare the semantically
close verbs Bodw, yodw, etc. The suffix -(a)kt- is regarded as expressive by Frisk (see
> 1tupaktéw), but it may have been a Pre-Greek suffix; in fact, the word as a whole
may have been Pre-Greek.
bAn [f.] ‘forest, wood, timber, firewood, shrubbery’ (Il.), ‘stuff, matter’ (Arist. Plb.,
medic. etc.); also = tT KaGifov tod ofvov i tod bSatoc (Phot.), ‘sediiment, mud,
slime, bodily secretion’ (Ar. Fr. 879, UPZ 70, 9 [II*], Hell. and late medic.); cf. » bAtc.
<I? *suol-h,- or *h,eus-l-h, ‘firewood’>
eCOMP bdAoTOLOs [adj.] ‘felling wood’, [m.] ‘woodcutter’ (I].), bAGTOpo< ‘id.’ (Theoc.),
bAnkoitne [m.] ‘having his camp in the woods’ (Hes.), bAnwpdc [m.] ‘forester’ (A. R.,
A.P), bAwpds ‘id. (Arist.), -wpéw [v.] (Thess.V*); thence bAn@peac edvac [acc.pl.]
(Nic. Th. 55), bAnpedc: vouedcs év bAQ pvAdttwv H.; bAopTtpa- Eidog oKWANKOS (H.).
Asa second member in vvAog ‘provided with matter, material’ (Arist., late).
*DER 1. Adj.: bAnetc, Dor. -detc ‘rich of wood, woody’ (epic poet. II.), -w61)¢ ‘id.’ (Th.
S, X. etc.), ‘muddy’ (Dsc., Plu. et al.), -to¢ ‘belonging to the wood’ (E.), -iKdc¢
‘bodily, material’ (Arist. etc.), -aiog “woody, wooded, in the forest, material’ (Hell.
and late), “YAain [f.] name of a wooded region on the Borysthenes (Hdt.), -@oc
‘belonging to matter’ (Orph. Fr. 353); -el@ta [voc.] epithet of Ilav (AP 6, 106; after
Ilav dpewwtac AP 9,824). 2. PN'YAevc name of a dog (X.). 3. bAnua [n.], mostly pl.
‘bushes’, -npatixdg [adj.] (Thphr.). 4. Verbs: a. bAdCopat, aor. -doacBa ‘to fetch
wood’ (Att. inscr., Poll., H.), -aota [f.] ‘the fetching of wood’ (Att. inscr.), -dotpta [f.]
1530 bAryyec
‘wood-fetcher’ (Phot.). b. dAiGw, -foa, ptc.pf. -\opévoc ‘to clean, clear, filter’ (Cratin.
354, Pl. Ti. 69 a, Archyt., LXX, Dsc., pap. etc.), also with prefix, esp. 61-5 -to trp (6t-)
[m.] ‘filtering-cloth, sieve’ (medic. pap.), -toThplov (S-) [n.] (pap. sch., H.),
S5wAtopia [n.] ‘clarified fluid’ (Gal.), -tots [f.] “clearing filtering’ (Suid.), -tOpLOG [m.]
‘clearing, cleaning’ (Clem. Al.), apttopa yaAaktoc as an explanation of opdc
yodaKxtog H., -topid¢ xwpdtwy, Tap- ~ Tevayous ‘removing the mud, cleaning
(pap.).
eETYM The meaning ‘mud’ can easily be explained by a recent development from
‘matter’ to ‘solid matter, dregs, secretion’ as against clear wine and pure water, as
appears already from the explanation by Phot. as tO Kabifov tod olvov fj tod pdatos.
The earlier etymologies connecting 6An with Lat. silva or with &bAov must ‘be
rejected. If the original meaning was ‘firewood’, one may follow Vine 1999b: 573 in
deriving 6An with Cowgill’s Law (*o > Gr. v in certain environments) from PIE
*syol-h,-, to the root *suel- ‘to smoulder’; see LIV’ s.v. *syel-. Alternatively, starting
from the same meaning, connection with ON usli [m.] ‘glowing ashes’, from *h,eus-I-
h, to the root of ebw, Lat. arere ‘to burn’, etc., may be envisaged (Wackernagel 1916:
185).
bAtyyss [?] - Adyyxau ‘troops of spearmen, vel sim.’ (H.). <?2>
eETYM Unknown.
Ap [£.] - paxn THs (HL). <2> a age eee
sETYM Kronasser Sprache 6 (1960): 178 compares Hitt. Sulli- fight, quarrel’, Sulliazi
‘to fight, quarrel’; if a derivative *Sullima- ‘fight’ existed in Hittite, this could have
been the source of the Greek word.
Xtc [f.] ‘mud’ (pap. IV-III*, LXX, EM). <?>
eVAR Also BAtc.
*ETYM Frisk suggests that b\ic might have arisen from ihvc ‘mud, slime’ by way of
contamination with bAiCw, bAn ‘mud’ (cf. IG 1, 94: 20; 23 beside 2”, 2498: 9). This
solution does not inspire much confidence.
BAAOs [m.] ‘the Egyptian ichneumon (glossed by LSJ as ‘tracker’), Pharao’s rat’ (Tim.
Gaz.); name of a fish (Cyran.). <LW Egypt.?>
eETYM The meaning suggests a loanword. The hypothetical connection with téwp
‘water’ as *U8-Aoc, which is found in older literature, must be given up as it finds no
support whatever.
vpeic [pron.pers.] ‘you (ply (Il.). <IE nom. *iuH, acc. *usmé, loc. *usmi ‘you (pl.)’;
gen./acc. *uos, *uds>
eVAR Acc. bude, Ion. byéac; Dor. bpiéc, acc. bpté; Aeol. bytes, acc. Bpyte.
DER Possessive adjective bpiétepoc, Dor. also ty1dc, Aeol. tupog ‘your’.
*ETYM The acc. bye, byte go back to *usme, and the nom. wpéc, bye arose by
analogy with the nominal inflexion; later also bpieic < *-éec, and a new acc. bpléac,
buds were created. Furthermore, the gen. budv, bpéwv, dLytéwv, and dat. bytv, dptiv,
Bupu(v) were formed.
bpvoc 1531
Cognate forms: Skt. nom. yiydm, acc. yusman, vas, OCS nom. vy, acc. vase, Hitt.
nom. sumés, acc. sumds, etc. The PIE basis *us-(s)me contains the zero grade of the
full grade seen in Lat. vds, Skt. vas (encl.), etc. < PIE obl. *uds.
buy 1, -Evoc [m.] ‘thin or weak skin, film, membrane, sinew’ (Hp. Arist., Thphr., A.
R., etc.). <1E *siuH-mn- ‘thread, sinew’>
*COMP bptevoetdrjc ‘membrane-like’ (Hp., Arist., etc.).
*DER Diminutive ttév-tov [n.] (Arist. etc.), -ddn¢ ‘provided with a film, membrane-
like’ (Hp., Arist.), -\voc ‘consisting of a film’ (Clearch.), -dopat [v.] ‘to turn into a
film’ (Hp.;, Gal.), -6w ‘to cover with a film’ (comm. Hp. VII); evupev-ifw [v.] ‘to
remove a film’, -totip [m.] ‘knife for flaying’ (medic.).
*ETYM Except for the quantity of the v-, the Greek word is formally matched by Skt.
syuman- [n.] ‘band, throng, bridle’. For the verbal root, compare Lat. suere, siitum ‘to
sew’, Go. siujan, Lith. siiti ‘id.’< PIE *siuH-C- from earlier *siH-u-C-, cf. Skt. sivyatu
‘to sew’. Formerly, Hitt. Sumanza- ‘rope, snare’ used to be compared too, but
Melchert 2003 has shown that the word means ‘(bul)rush’ and must be posited as
Sumanzan- (cf. Kloekhorst 2008 s.v.); it is therefore unrelated to bjujv.
bpujyy 2, -Evoc [m.] ‘wedding-cry’, secondarily ‘god of wedding’, ‘hymen’ (trag., Ar.,
Theoc., Opp., Ovid., etc.), usually in connection with bjtévatoc ‘id.’, also ‘wedding’ (2
493, Hes. Sc., Pi., trag., Ar., Catull. etc.), Aeol. bptjvaoc (Sapph., Cyrene), bprvatoc
(Call.), e.g. Ypuyv @'Yptévar dvak (E. Tr. 314). <PG?>
VAR Also b- metrically lengthened; voc. bpév Call. Fr. 473 Pf.
*DER buEv-locg epithet of Dionysus (AP), -aikov pétpov (Serv.); bptev-aidw [v.] ‘to
strike up the tjtévatoc (A. Pr. 557 [lyr.], S. Fr. 725, Plu.), ‘to marry’ (Ar. Pax 1076),
also with dv-, ovv-.
*ETYM Frisk insists on the identity of the wedding-cry with » bur 1 in the sense of
‘membrana virginalis’. A different, non-IE (Pre-Greek) origin of the wedding-cry is
assumed by Muth Wien.Stud. 67 (1954): 5ff. Similarly Fur.: 383, but without further
argumentation. ‘
bptvog [m.] ‘song, chant, hymn, elegy’ (0 429). <PG?>
*COMP byLv@d-d¢ [m.] ‘hymn-singer’, whence -ia, -éw (A., E., Pl. etc.), ToAbupLVoG
‘with many songs, much sung of (h. Hom. 26, 7, Anacr., E. etc.).
*DER 1. diminutive buv-dpiov [n.] (Lyd. Mens.), adjective -wdnc¢ ‘full of lauds,
praising’ (Philostr.), -txdc ‘consisting of hymns’ (Didyma II-III?). 2. épvyimov [n.]
‘refrain’ (A. R., Call. etc.), -ta¢w [v.] (Eratosth.). 3. bpvéw [v.] ‘to sing (a song), praise,
glorify in a chant’ (Hes., h. Hom., Alc., Sapph., IA, etc.), often with prefix, e.g. ég-,
av-, Ka8-, 2€-; bevntis [m.] ‘glorifier’ (Pl. Att. inscr.), -tHp ‘id. (AP, Opp.), fem.
-tpta (Attica, Pergam.), -otpia (Pergam.), -tpic (Poll. v.l.), -otc [f.] ‘the praising’
(LXX, D. S.), -tukéc ‘praising’ (Str.).
*ETYM No certain etymology. It could be derived from buy < *siuH-mn ‘tie, seam’ as
*siuH-mn-o- ‘construction of song(s)’ (compare formally Aun : Ain, etc.,
semantically MoHG Liedgefiige). This explanation can be supported by an antique
conception (e.g. bedvac tpvov in B.), but a derivation of buvoc from the root of be-
}, be-aivw is phonetically difficult (only PGr. *bn, gn > tv, not e.g. PGr. *p"n).
1532 Bvic, -Ews, -l0G
Alternatively, tuvoc could be connected with burv ‘wedding-cry’, cf. Maas Phil. 66
(1907): s9off. The word was also considered to be a Mediterranean loanword, for
instance by Autran 1938: 33, and by Fur. 383. The latter regards bytvoc as Pre-Greek
without further comment; Pre-Greek origin may be suggested by the sequence -\v-.
Yet, another solution would be to connect tjvog with Skt. sdman- ‘song of praise’ (<
*sh,omen-) and Hitt. ishamai- ‘song, hymn’ to PIE *sh,- ‘to bind’; buvoc would then
require a preform *sh,omn-os, Mallory & Adams 1997: 520A.
Vine 1999b: 576 reconstructs *suon(H)-mo- with development *syon- > *syun-,
analogous to that of *TyoR-. This seems phonetically preferable to *sh,omn-o-, on
account of the conditioning of the change of mm to Gr. v, on which see Vine op.cit.
Svic, -ews, -to¢ [f.] ‘ploughshare’ (Hell. and late pap., Corn. Babr. Plu, AP, etc.)
<PG(V)>
eVAR Rare variants tvvic (sch. Hes. Op. 425, H.), bvvn (HL), acc.pl. Bvvac (Aesop.);
bvvudyos ‘fighting with a ploughshare’ (Max. Tyr.).
*DER Diminutive bwov (pap. IVP).
*ETYM Already in antiquity (Plu. 2, 670a), bvic was connected with tc ‘swine’. The
ploughshare would have been compared to a swine browsing the earth. A parallel
case is provided by W swch ‘swine-snout’ and ‘plough-share’. Brugmann IF 28 (1911):
366ff. unconvincingly explains bvic as a compound of bc and a word for ‘snout’ (to
MHG snouwen ‘to snuffle’), with the ending after d@vic, so from IE *su-sn-i-; then
the geminate would have to be old.
Fur.: 387 regards the word as Pre-Greek on account of the incidental gemination.
inap [n.] ‘vision’, as opposed to dvap ‘deceiving dream’ (t 547, v 90), ‘true and visible
appearance, reality, being awake’, often as an adverb ‘while being awake, in reality,
really’ (Pi. IA, Epid., etc.). <IE *suep-6r ‘sleep’>
eVAR Indeclinable.
*ETYM Originally ‘sleep, dream’; the opposition to dvap “deceiving dream’ > ‘dream’,
led to the meaning ‘true dream’, whence ‘reality’ (Frisk Eranos 48 (1950): 131ff.).
Cognate with » titvoc, which points to a PIE r/n-stem. The r-stem further appears in
the denominative Hitt. uppariia- ‘to sleep’ < *sup-r-ie/o-, and in Lat. sopor < *suep-
és or *sue/op-r. Gr. bmap may regularly go back to *sup-y for an earlier nom.acc.
*suep-r.
bnatos [adj.] ‘the uppermost, highest’ (Il, epic Ion. poet.). Also as a msc. noun = Lat.
consul. IE *up- (from) below, up, above’>
VAR With metrical enlargement tmatrjiog ‘id.’ (Nonn.).
eCOMP avOUmatog = proconsul, etc. (Plb., D. H. etc.).
*DER (av0-)bmat-tkdc, -ebw, -eia (Str, D. S, D. H., etc.), avOurtat-tavéc =
proconsularis (Iust.).
eETYM Superlative to » bmo. Instead of the original suffix -mo-, as found e.g. in Skt.
upamd-, Lat. summus < *sup-mo-, we find -to- after goxatoc, déxatoc, LEooatoc,
etc. Cf. > ty, > byoc.
bnEepvypvKe (X 491) >Hpbw.
brep@iadoc 1533
inep [adv., prep.] as an adverb ‘over, above measure’ (very rare); preposition with acc.
and gen. (Arc. also dative [Tegea III*]): ‘over, beyond’ (local and temporal), ‘above,
protecting from or against, because of (Il.). IE *uper(i) adv. ‘over, above’, *upero-
adj. ‘upper’>
eVAR bnép (metrical lengthening bmeip). Dialectal forms: Lesb. inep (gramm.),
Pamph. trap (-ap for -ep phonetic, or after map), Arc. Omép, Boeot. ovrép.
*DER 1. brtepov [n.] (-o¢ [m.]) ‘pestle’ (Hes. Op. 423), bnépa, plur. -cu [f.] “upper ropes
on the sails, steering-ropes’ (€ 260 etc.). 2. comparative forms: bméptepoc “located
above, upper, higher’, -tatog ‘upper, highest’ (Il, epic poet., also late prose); -wtatocg
‘id’ (Pi.), from the adj. *bmepoc (cf. below).
*ETYM Cognate forms are Skt. updri, Av. upairi ‘above, over’, OP upariy ‘over,.on’,
Arm. i ver ‘up, above’, Go. ufar, OHG-ubir ‘over’; also Lat. super ‘above, over’. The
adjective tmepoc is matched by Av. upara- ‘upper’, Skt. ipara- ‘below, under, later’,
Lat. superus, Osc. supro- ‘upper’. » bro.
brepdens [adj.] only in bnepdéa Shpov Exovtac (P 330), with hyphaeresis for -deéa.
Meaning uncertain. <GR>
*ETYM Perhaps ‘highly inadequate’ to déota ‘to lack’ (Apollon. Lex., H.), inflected
after the s-stems. Yet, Eust. ad loc. connected it to 5é0c ‘fear’. Cf. Chantraine 1942: 74
and Sommer 1948: 108.
breprvwp [adj.] ‘arrogant’ (Hes., E.). <GR>
DER Urteprvopén (A. R.).
eETYM A compound in -rvup, see > avijp.
bneprgavoc [adj.] ‘overbearing, haughty, arrogant’, rarely positive ‘outstanding’
(Hes., Pi. B., A. Pr. 405 [lyr.], Att. prose, etc.). <?>
eVAR Dor. (Pi., B.) -A@avoc, -npavwe [adv.].
*DER brepngav-ia, -in (ka-) [f.] ‘haughtiness, pride’ (Sol. Att. prose, etc.). Enlarged
bneprnavéovtes [m.pl.] ‘wanton’ (A 694), after brtepnvopgovtec etc. Denominative
verb brepnpavéw (also -evw) ‘to be haughty, treat haughtily’ (Hell. and late), rarely
with kaQ-, av6-.
eETYM Origin unknown. The compositional vowel -n- may have been taken from
breprvwp etc. the ending -avoc can be suffixal. All of the solutions proposed (see
Frisk s.v.) involve difficult ad hoc-hypotheses.
brépivoc Sivdw.
brepkvdac >Kddoc.
bnépomAog [adj.] ‘presumptuous, arrogant, excessive, immense’ (Il, epic poet.). <GR>
eVAR Superl. breponAnéotatos (A. R. 2, 4), as if from an enlarged *bmepomAnetc.
*DER bmeporth-ia, -in [f.] ‘presumptuousness, arrogance’ (A 205, Rhian., Theoc.),
-iGoptat (only in aor. opt. -icoaito p 268) ‘to treat presumptuously or arrogantly; to
despise’ (acc. to Apollon. Lex.).
*ETYM Literally *‘whose drtAa are superior’ = ‘superior (in battle), presumptuous’.
brepgiados [adj.] ‘superior, arrogant, excessive’ (Il., epic poet.). <GR>
1534 brepwa
eVAR Adv. -we.
*ETYM Probably contains a suffix -aAoc, but the further analysis is unclear. The old
onnection to gidAn ‘dish’ is semantically uncompelling. The adjective is usually
connected with bnepurg ‘extraordinary’ and Lat. superbus, compounds with a
second member in PIE *-b'(h:)u- ‘being, arising’. With a dissimilation of v - v to v -
L, Orteppiadog could stem from *breppbahoc (Mastrelli Stud. ital. fil. class. 32 (1960):
109, De Lamberterie 1994), compare dreppurs ‘enormous’ and bitéppev ‘excessively’.
brepea [f.] ‘palate’ (X 495, Hp., Arist. Plu.). <GR>
eVAR Ion. -@n.
*DER Beside it brepwiov, -@ov [n.] ‘upper story, upper chamber, attic, garret’ (Hom.,
Ar. inscr., pap., LXX, Act. Ap. etc.). Adjective bmepwioc, -@oc ‘belonging to the
bmep@ov, situated upstairs, living upstairs’ (LXX, Hell. and late inscr, D. H., Plu.
etc.).
*ETYM From » bnép; but the formation not explained. It would be easiest to start
from an adverb *bnépw (cf. bitepwtatoc Pi.), formed like dvw, Katw.
bmvn ([f.] ‘moustache’, secondarily ‘beard’ (A. Fr. 27 = 58 M, com. Arist. etc.).
<PG?(S)>
*COMP odmnvoftog ‘living off his moustache’, ie. ‘acting arrogantly’ (Pl. Com.),
avimiyvoc ‘without a moustache’ (Eust., H.).
DER bmrvi}TN¢ [m.] ‘the beardy one’ (Q 348 = « 279, AP, late prose).
*ETYM For ‘beard’, Greek has an innovation formed on the basis of PIE ‘chin’ in
yévetov; further it has »pbotak. Both moywv ‘beard and titjvn are without
etymology. The older connection with a word *ano/a- ‘face’ (to Skt. and- ‘face,
mouth, nose’ to the root *h,nh,- ‘to breathe’) is revived by Adams Glotta 64 (1986):
16f., who posits *upo-dno/eh.-. Yet, this etymology is semantically unsatisfactory and
formally difficult; see » amvr¢ and > nprvij¢ for the formal problems.
Alternatively, the word has often (and understandably) been considered to be Pre-
Greek (with folketymological conection with t16). Pre-Greek indeed has a suffix
-1V1)-
banpétng [m.] ‘servant, helper, mate, aide’ (Att., Hdt., etc.). <GR>
eVAR Dor. (since IV*) -tac.
*COMP apx(t)umnpétnes [m.] ‘chief minister’ (late inscr. and pap.).
*DER 1. brnp-étic [f.] ‘servant (fem.y (E, Pl, et al.). 2. -etixdc ‘belonging to the
servant, serving, assistant, subordinate’; -dv (scil. mAoiov), -d¢ KéAng¢ ‘little boat,
express boat’ (Att., etc.). 3. banp-eoia, often plur. -eciar [f.] ‘crew, staff, service’ (Att.
Hell. and late). 4. bmnp-éowov [n.] = -ettKdv mAoiov (Eratosth. apud Str.). 5. bmnp-
etéw [v.] ‘to be a bmnpétng, to serve, aid, obey’ (IA), also with ovv-, é&- etc.; banp-
étrjpa [n.] ‘attendance’ (Att.), -Etrotc (8&-) [f.] ‘service’ (Arist, pap. etc.). 6. bmnp-
etevw [v.] ‘id’ (Messen., Cos), -eteia [f.] (App. Anth.).
eETYM A compound of b7- and » épétng¢ ‘rower’, originally a sailors’ expression. The
literal meaning cannot have been ‘under-rower’; rather, b1- is a hypercharacterising
prefix stressing the opposition to the higher keAevotng cf. b10-dyws = Sprw¢. On the
meaning and spread of bmnpétic and its cognates, compare Kretschmer Glotta 18
ne
bndBpvya 1535
(1929): 77f. and Fraenkel 1910: 190 (different on details). Gr. trmpéotov is an
independent formation meaning ‘cushion for rowers’, metaphorically ‘riding
cushion’ (Att. Hell. and late); it is probably a hypostasis (“lying under the épétnc”).
bmtoxvéonat [v.] ‘to promise’ (Att. Hdt.). <GR>
eVAR Older tricyouat (epic Ion., Delph. etc.), aor. tmooxéo8at (Il.), fut.
brooxroopa, perf. ditéoxnWal (Att., etc.).
*ETYM In Attic and Hdt., the v-formation bmoyvéopat replaced bricyouat due to the
antonym dpvéouat, acc. to Wackernagel 1916: 217f. See » éxw 1.
bnvov [n.] ‘a kind of lichen’ (Aet.). < ¢
*ETYM Unknown.
irvog [m.] ‘sleep’ (I].). <1E *su(e/o)p-no- ‘sleep’>
*COMP Uitvo-d6T19¢, fem. -d6Tetpa ‘giver of sleep’ (A. and E. [lyr.]); dumvos ‘sleepless’
(Il.), whence aurtv-ia, -€w, -ootvi. Hypostasis éviitviog (to év intvw) “occurring in
one’s sleep’ (A., etc.), -tov [n.] ‘dream’ (since B 56 = & 495; cf. below).
*DER 1. Adjectives: brv-tkdc ‘somniferous’ (Hp., Aret. etc.); -w5n¢ ‘sleepy, sleeping,
somniferous’ (E, Pl, Arist. etc.), -wéia [f] (lamb.); -1pd¢ ‘sleepy’ (Hp.), -nddc
‘sleepy, somniforous’ (Nic., late prose), -aAgog ‘id.’ (Pi. Pae. 8, 34 [?], Nic. etc.). 2.
Verbs: a. bmv-dw (ka8- etc.) ‘to lull to sleep, fall asleep’ (Ion. Hell. and late), -wttkdc¢
‘sleepy, lulling’ (Hp., Arist. Plu, etc.), ka8tmvwot< [f.] ‘falling asleep’ (Arist.); b. bmv-
woow, Att. -wttw (ag-, ép-) [v.] ‘to be sleepy’ (IA); c. brtv-itw [v.] ‘to fall asleep’
(Phryn.); but éurv-iCopiat, -ifw ‘to wake up’ from éumvog; 4. bitv-€w = -6w (Anon.
Fig.). 5. btv-@w, almost only ptc. -wovtac, -wovoa, etc. (Il. epic), ipf. -weoKe (Q. S.)
‘to sleep’.
eETYM Gr. titvoc goes back to PIE *sup-no-, as do Alb. gjumé and OCS sone, Ru. son
‘sleep’. With a different root ablaut, we find PIE *suop-no- in Arm. k‘un, Celtic (OIr.
stian, MW hun) and Baltic (Lith. sapnas), and *syepno- in Germanic (ON svefn) and
Tocharian (ToA spdm, ToB spane). Indo-Iranian (Skt. svdpna-) and Lat. somnus
could reflect either *suepno- or *suopno-. The presence of three different ablaut
grades may point to an older athematic n-stem. For a complementary r-stem, which
points to an older PIE r/n-stem, see » bnap. The nouns were probably formed on the
basis of the corresponding verbal root *suep-/ *sup- ‘to fall asleep’, cf. LIV’ sv.
*suep-.
tno, bao [adv., prep.] ‘under, underneath; (from) under, below, down (to), by,
because of (I].). <IE *upo ‘below, under’>
VAR With gen., dat., acc. Epic poet. also trai, Aeol. etc. dita, Ion. also hutv (Cumae
V?), Arc. om.
eDIAL Myc. u-po.
*ETYM Cognate forms: Skt. ipa, Av. upa ‘towards, near, to, etc.’, Go. uf ‘on, under’,
Olr. fo ‘under’, all < PIE *upo. With additional *s-, Lat. sub (as in super : bmép).
Greek bnai after napai, katai, and tna after kaTé, [leTd etc.
bm6Bpvxa =Bpvytoc.
1536 brdyv(L)oc
bmdyv(L)os =éyyvn.
brodektin =déx opat.
brddpa (idwv) [adv.] ‘glancing from below, with a glance from below’ (Hom., Hes.).
IE *derk- ‘see’>
VAR bm0dpaé ‘id.’ (Call., Nic.), after O5aE, avapig, etc.
*ETYM From *in6-dpak < *upo-drk- ‘having a glance from below’, formally identical
to Skt. upa-drs- [f.] ‘sight, look’; for the verb, cf. tbmodépxkopat. Greek bnddpa
represents the original neuter of the compound, used as an adverb.
broAais =)aac. &
bnometpidtos [adj.] ‘winged’. <GR>
eVAR In tnonetpidiwv dveipwv ‘winged dreams’ (Alcm.); variant bnomtepidioc
(Dionys. apud EM 783, 20f.).
*ETYM Derived from tndémtepoc ‘winged’ (Pi. Ion. Att.), see »mtepdv, the IE
cognates of which go back to PIE *petr-. Therefore, the Alcman variant b1ometp-
iStocg could in theory preserve the PIE sequence *petr-. Yet, since this would require
separating titonetpidtoc from all other Greek attestations of mtépov and its
derivatives, the Alcman form may be due to an idiosyncratic development of
*DMOTITEP-.
tnttog [adj.] ‘ying on one’s back, bent backwards, reverse, downside up’ (IL), ‘flat’
(Hdt., etc.), metaph. ‘inoperative, supine’ (late), ‘passive’, of verbs (as opposed to
avbmTlo¢) ‘not passive’ (D. L.), maptmtiog as a geometrical term beside tmtioc
(Papp.); ta Urtia also ‘belly’, ic. the upper side when lying tmtioc. <IE *upo “‘below’>
*DER Urtt-OrN¢ [f.] ‘reverse position, flat shape, slackness’ (Thphr, Str. etc.). Verbs: 1.
bntt-dCw ‘to bend (oneself) back, stalk along, be slack’ (Att. Hell. and late), also with
é-, etc.; -aopa [n.] ‘bending back, bent back figure’ (A.), -aoudc [m.] ‘bending back,
aversion’ (Hp,, late prose). 2. bmti-dopat [v.] ‘to turn back, be upset, supine, slow
(A., late prose), -wotc [f.] ‘slowness, aversion’ (late medic.). 3. bmtl-aw (ptc. -dwoa,
subj. 3sg. -anot) ‘to bend oneself back’ (Arat.).
eETYM Derived from *upo ‘below with the suffix PIE *-tio-, which was productive in
Greek as -tto- (cf. aitioc, dptioc, oKdTLOG, VUKTLOG). Compare Lat. supinus ‘lying face
downwards’ < *sup-ino-, subtus ‘underneath, below’ (on the model of intus).
bpak, -akog [m.] ‘shrew-mouse’ (Nic. Al. 37). <PG(S)>
*ETYM The word is close in form to Lat. sérex, -icis [m.] ‘id’, and is probably related
to it. The suffix -af is Pre-Greek, like (probably) the word itself; the Latin word may
come from the same source. On Lat. o beside Gr. v, cf. Fur.: 361. The older
connection with Latin susurrus ‘humming, whisper, etc.’, Gr. pov: opijvoc. Kpritec
‘beehive, swarm of bees (Cret.) (H.), and the PIE root *suer- ‘to resound’ is
semantically unconvincing, as is the supposed ablaut Gr. *sur- : Lat. syor-. Still, the
IE etymology is defended by Vine 1999b: 572f., arguing for the possibility of an o-
grade *suor- in Greek.
bpaé [adv.] - piydrv, avayik ‘promiscuously’ (H.), see also on OA vpa.
Bokdog, boyAoc 1537
VAR Also bppaé or bppak, if the word is Aeolic (Theognost. Can. 23).
eETYM Perhaps a variant of etpa& (DELG)? There is no connection with > bpak.
dpixdc =ovpixoc.
bptip [2] mAvvetc ‘cleaner of clothes’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
bpxn [f.] ‘earthen vessel used for salting fish, etc.’ (Ar., Hell. pap., Poll., sch.). <PG>
*eETYM A technical word, Aeolic acc. to Poll. and others. Lat. orca ‘large-bellied vessel,
tun’, whence urceus ‘pot, pitcher’, may have been borrowed from Greek, as may Lat.
urna ‘water-, ash-pot’. Alternatively, both languages may have independently
borrowed them from a Mediterranean language (thus also Fur.: 361, etc.).
tc, bé¢ [m., f] ‘swine, sow, boar’ (Il); b¢ (addttioc) name of a fish (Epich,
Archestr.). <I *suH- “swine’>
eCOMP bd@opfdc [m.] ‘swineherd’ (Od., etc.), bpopBéw [v.] (Chios V-IV*); also
bogopdéc, whence -ia, -tov (Hell. and late); boméAeBoc [m.] ‘swine excrement’ (D.
C,, Poll.), bomoAeiv- ovBwteiv (H.), “Yornopoc [m.] name of a river (Nonn.), perhaps
folk-etymology after Béomopos, cf. Maas KZ 52 (1924): 305.
*DER1. Diminutive vidiov (06-) [n.] (X. etc.). 2. adj. betoc ‘of the swine’ (IA), bikdc
‘id’ (X., Hell. and late); pejorative brvdc ‘hoggish, piggish’, bia [f.] ‘piggish, loutish
creature’, béw [v.] ‘to be piggish, dumb’, tetc [m.] ‘piggish, base person’ (Att.);
b@51)¢ ‘swinish’ (Plu.), fem. -wdia (Ath.). 3. b@v [m.] ‘pigsty’ (Hell. pap.). 4. biCw ‘to
cry like a pig’, whence -toudc (Poll.). 5."Yorrpia [n.pl.] name of an Aphrodite festival
in Argos (Zenod. apud Ath. 3, 96a). See further »'Yddec, > Baiva, > bkno, » bvic.
eETYM A PIE word *suH-s for the swine and wild boar. Cognate forms: Lat. sis, U si-
< *sa-, OE su, OHG su, Av. hi-. With additional suffixes Skt. siikard- [m.] ‘wild
boar’, OHG swin = MoHG Schwein, OCS svino [adj.] ‘pig-’, svinija ‘pig, swine’, ToB
suwo, etc. Cf. » cbc, » xoipoc and » yAovbvi\<.
doyn [f.] name of a shrub, probably ‘kermes oak, Quercus coccifera’ (Suid* also Paus.
10, 36, 1 [conj.]). <PG(V)>
VAR Variantioyévn (Edict. Dioclet. 24, 9-12), ioyivn (ibid. 19, 8).
*COMP boyivopagrs ‘colored with toyr’ (X., Clearch. et al.); boytvdetc “Boyn-
colored’ (Nic.), with metrical shortening?
*DER boytvov [n.] name of a red pigment taken from the toyn, also ‘red cloak’ (Nic.,
AP [both witht due to metrical lengthening], pap., Plin., Dig. etc.).
eETYM Pausanias (l.c., where the codices have bc¢ [before yiveto; probably
haplography]) calls the word Galatian (Celtic?), identical to k6xKxog ‘kermes oak’.
Fur.: 367 regards the word as Pre-Greek, because of the variants in ioy-.
todos, toxAog [m.] ‘a device (4yKbAN, Bpdxoc) on sandals used to fasten the straps’
(Phryn. PS, Poll., H., Theognost.). <PG(v)>
eVAR évvtvokAol brodHpata Aakwwka@v égrpwv ‘sandals of Laconian ephebes’
(H.), éntvcyAor avdpetov b165rNWa (H. = Hermipp. 67).
*ETYM In view of the variants, the word is clearly Pre-Greek.
1538 bokv0a
boxv0a [?] - boc a~ddevua (H.). <2>
eETYM Unknown.
bdopivy [f.] ‘battle, fight’ (Il, epic, lyr.). «IE? *Hiud’-(s)mo-, PG?(s)>
VAR Dat. also -ivi (udxeo0at [verse-final] B 863, © 56).
*DER boptvatai [m.pl.] name of a phyle (Epid.).
*ETYM If the word was inherited from PIE, we have to posit a basis *bopdc (with
analogical -opo- for *-uo-?) which can be compared with Skt. yudh-md- [m.]
‘warrior’, to Ir. *Hiud"- ‘to battle’ from PIE *Hieud'- ‘to move’. Gr. bopivn can be
explained as a derivative in *-in- (cf. pryyuiv-, otapiv-), remade into an d-stem.
Another derivative of *boudc¢ might be the PN" Youwv (Elis). Alternatively, bopivn
could equally well be a loanword from Pre-Greek, given its suffixation.
borAné, -nyos [f., m.] ‘triggering device for releasing footracers, for catching birds and
animals, etc.’ (Att. inscr. [end V*], Pl. Phdr. 254e, Hell. and late). It is unknown what
the device actually looked like (a snare, small stick, or rope?). <PG?(v)>
VAR Dor. (Epid.) -dxog; also (rarely) -17y&, -1yyyoc, Dor. (Theoc.) -ayé.
*ETYM Traditionally analysed as a compound of » mArjoow and bo- in » botepos, but
the use of suffixless bo- would be unique, and the semantics are hardly convincing. If
this is indeed a compound with » mArjoow, the first part may reflect tc ‘swine’ (as
already suggested by Eustathius Episcopus Thessalonicensis in a comm. to Dionysius
Periegeta). In that case, the animal trap would reflect the oldest meaning. In view of
the variant with prenasalization, however, Pre-Greek origin seems the most likely
option (see also Jiithner Die Antike 15 (1939): 251).
tooakos [m.] only boodKouc: nacodhovuc (EM 785, 7, Phot.); gen.pl. -axwv ‘cunnus’
(Ar. Lys. 1001); also tooaxocg: botaxdg (H.), = m&ooahoc (Theognost. Can. 24),
tbotak maccakoc Kepdtivos ‘penis made of horn’ (H.). <PG(v)>
VAR Also -ak? (cf. s.v. booag).
*ETYM Probably a Pre-Greek word, given the suffix -axdc or -a&. In the sense of
mdooaXosg, it can hardly be separated from boods ‘javelin’; as a vulgar expression in
Ar., booakog perhaps alludes to tc as a substitute for yoipoc, which is often used for
‘cunnus’ in comedy.
booak [?] ‘sex of the woman’ (Ar. Lys. 1001, gen.pl. boodKwv).
*ETYM Ernout BSL 41 (1940-1941): 121' derives it from bc, with the suffix -ax-; but this
etymology is obviously wrong, as it would have given *tat. The word is no doubt a
variant of » booakoc.
boodc [m.] ‘javelin’, Lat. pilum (Plb., D. H.,, Str. Plu.). <?>
*ETYM Technical word of uncertain origin; no IE etymology is available. Bechtel BB
30 (1906): 271f. derives it from Carian, comparing PNs like “Yoototc, “Yoowdog,
Matoowdoc. Lewy KZ 55 (1928): 30f. compares Assyr. ussu, Hebr. hés ‘arrow’. The
word could well be Pre-Greek.
boownos [f.] ‘hyssop, Origanum hirtum’ (inscr. Ceos V*, Hell. and late). <Lw Sem.>
eVAR Also bo-. Also -ov [n.].
botplg, -1xoG 1539
*DER bownmic: 1] oduwoxoc (H.); ba(o)wmitns (oivoc) ‘wine prepared with hyssop’
(Dsc., Plin., Colum., Gp.).
*ETYM A loanword from Semitic, compare Hebr. ézob (Lewy 1895: 38 with
references).
botakods, botak =booakoc.
botas + m[AJaotac dunédwv ‘row of vines’; botada: 1) Saceia Gyinedog ‘dense(ly
planted) vine’ (H.). Cf. naotdadec¢ ... THV dyiméAWV oi GvoTASEs ‘vines standing close
together’ (H.). <GR>
*ETYM Probably a dialectical (Cypr.) form of ovotdc, plur. ovotddec [f.] ‘vines
planted closely together (but not in rows)’ (Arist. etc.), metaphorically of water
cisterns (Str.), which derives from ovviotapau, as maotac from tapiotapal.
botépa [f.] ‘womb, uterus’, also ‘ovary’ (Ion., Pl. Ti. 91, Arist., etc.). <1E *ud-tero->
eVAR Ion. -p1).
*DER boteptkdc ‘concerning the womb, suffering from one’s womb, hysteric’ (Hp.
Arist., Gal. etc.); compare MoGr. botepitic ‘hysteria’.
eETYM Feminine (scil. urjtpa ‘womb’?) of the comparative » botepocg ‘outer’. The
semantics can be explained from a shift *‘outer, protruding’ > ‘belly’. A close cognate
is botpoc¢: yaotnp (H.) < *ud-tro-. With a suffix PIE *-ero- instead of *tero-, we find
the same meaning ‘belly’ in Skt. uddra- [n.] ‘belly’, Gr. » bSepoc, Lat. uterus < PIE
*ud-ero-.
toteposg [adj.] ‘ulterior, posterior’, super]. botatog ‘latest, last’ (Il). <IE *ud-tero-
‘higher, outer’>
eVAR Adv. tbotepov, -a, botatov, -a (Il.), -Epwe, -dtwe (late and rare).
*COMP botepdrotvos ‘bringing later punishment, punishing later’ (A. [lyr.]).
*DER 1. 1] dDoTEpaia (Mépa) ‘the next day’ (IA). 2. botep-ew [v.] ‘to be late, miss the
right time, be inferior or in want’ (IA), often with xa0-, also ag-, é@-; thence botep-
Ma, -nots ‘lack, want’ (LXX, NT), -jopds ‘arrear, debt’ (pap.), -17t1Kd¢ ‘happening
later’, of fever (Gal.). b. botepitw [v.] ‘to be late, lag behind’ (also ég-, ka0-).
eETYM Identical with Skt. uittara- ‘upper, higher’, also ‘behind, later’, derived from
PIE *ud ‘on high, up, out’.
botiakov [n.] ‘drinking cup’ (Rhinth. 3 = Ath. 5oof.). <PG(v)>
eVAR bdOTIAKKOG + MOTIplov Toldv. “ITaALWtat (H.); botic (ms. vetic) bédpic.
Tapavtivot (H.).
*ETYM In view of the variant in -xx-, the word may be Pre-Greek (Fur.: 150).
botptt, -1x0¢ [m., f] ‘porcupine, hedgehog’ (Hdt., Arist. Ael.), plur. metaphorically
‘swine-breasts’ (Pl. Com.). <PG(V)>
VAR Gen.pl. botp-iyywv (Opp.), as if from totpryé.
DER botptyic, -i5o¢ [f.] ‘cat-o’-nine-tails’, for punishing slaves (Ar., etc.).
eETYM Uncertain etymology. Often analysed as to-tpik, from Opie, tprydc ‘hair’ and
bo- like in » botepos, so ‘with rising hairs’. The ancients (e.g. Pl. Com.) connected it
1540 bilo
with bc ‘swine’. To my mind, however, the nasalization proves Pre-Greek origin.
> bomlné.
btGw [v.] ‘to make the sound u-v’, of owls (Poll.). <ONOM>
eETYM An onomatopoea. Varia lectio for iv(w, according to LSJ.
bepaivw [v.] ‘to weave, warp, devise, produce’ (Il.). <1E *(h, ueb"- ‘weave’>
eVAR Aor. beijva (Od.), bgavat (B. [Dor.], Hell. and late after tetpavat etc.), pass.
dbgavOijva (1A), fut. beav@ (Att.), perf. pass. Kpacpat (IA), act. ovv-, map-, &&-
veayKa (D. H. etc.),
DIAL Myc. e-we- pe-se-so-me-na /ewepsésomena/ ‘which are to be woven’, see Beekes
1969: 67. %
*COMP Often with prefix, e.g. év-, &&-, ovv-. As a second member: 1. adjectives in
-VOnS, e.g. Ovvv@PTS ‘woven together’ (to ovvugi, ovvvugaivw, Arist.), fem.pl.
ovvbgetat ‘cells of a honeycomb’ (Arist.; uncertain reading), napv@-r¢ ‘equipped
with an edging (mapugn)’ (Ar. Fr. 320, 7, Poll, Phot.), fem. -ic ‘garment equipped
with an edging’ (Men., Poll.); hutvers ‘half-woven’ (Att. inscr. IV*). 2. nominal
-v@os, e.g. Aivu@os (Atvd-) [m.] ‘cloth-weaver’ (pap. inscr.).
*DER 1. D~avTds (Tpl-, Av-, Ev-, etc.) ‘woven’ (Od.). 2. bedv-tI¢ (ovv-, Tamd-, etc.)
[m.] ‘weaver’ (Att. Arist, pap. inscr.), -tpta [f] (late; -tpa [f]), whence -tixdc, 1
deavtiki (tExvn) ‘belonging to the weaver, weaving’ (Att., etc.). 3. bpav-tdptosg ‘id.’
(Cyzicus). 4. bpaopa [n.] ‘weaving, fabric (y 274), also é&-, év-, etc. hence -pattov
(H.); Beata (Att. inscr. IV*). 5. be~avotg (ovv-) [f.] ‘weaving’ (Pl, Gal. Poll.). 6.
beav-tpov [n.] ‘weaver’s wage’ (pap.). 7. bgav-tetov [n.] ‘weaving mill’ (pap. III*);
-twv (?) ‘id’ (pap. ITIP). Epic byforms: baw in bd~dwot (NH 105), bpavaw in
b~avowvtas (Man. 6, 433).
Further nouns, probably back-formations: 1. ber (map-, ovv-, &g-, yuvatko-) [f.]
fabric’ (trag. Pl, Arist, Hell. and late). 2. b@og [n.] ‘id’ (Pherecr., Eub., Hell. and
late).
eETYM The Myc. form may prove that the root was *h,yeb"-. The chronology of the
attestations suggests that b@aivw is not a denominative from ben, boc, but was
transformed from an older primary present, a nasal present (cf. the Skt. forms) or
from a nominal form in *ub"-n- (thus LIV). Gr. db, bog may be explained as PIE
derivatives, or as back-formations within Greek. The hapax legomena b@dwot,
bd~avowvtes are incidental formations of the epic language.
Cognate forms: Skt. pres. ubhnati, inj. sém unap, pres. umbhdati ‘to bind, fetter’,
turnd-vabhi- ‘spider’ [m.], YAv. ubdaéna- [adj.] ‘consisting of woven texture’; Alb.
ven ‘weave’ (also from a nasal present?); OHG weban ‘to weave, twist, spin’; ToA
wap-, ToB wap- ‘to weave’.
beeap, -eapos [n.] Arcad. name of the mistletoe, “Viscum album’ (Thphr., H. who has
deaiap). <?>
*ETYM Traditionally derived from Cypr. » b- and *péfap, which would be a verbal
noun to égvv ‘grew’, following the explanation in H.: 6 émipudjtevov taic mevKac
kai €Adtauc ‘what grows on firs’. This is quite doubtful, as a full grade gev- from this,
root has further not been demonstrated in Greek with certainty (cf. on » ov@edc).
tw 1541
Perpillou therefore assumed that the word underwent dissimilation from *u-p"uwar
(doubtful); the note by Nikolaev Glotta 80 (2002): 221-230 is hardly acceptable.
Connection with >» obdgap ‘wrinkled skin’ (Pisani RILomb. 73:2 (1939-40): 27) is
implausible, too.
byt [adv.] ‘up, above; aloft, upwards; high’ (Hom., Hes.). <1IE *up-s- ‘above’>
eCOMP E.g. in bytBpeuétnyg ‘high-thundering’, of Zeus (Hom., Hes.), bwavd nv ‘with
the neck high, proud’ (E, Pl. Phdr. 253d, AP, late prose), whence bwavyev-éw, -iCw
‘to bear the neck high, to strut’ (Hell. and late).
*DER 1. adverbs bw-ov, -d0t, -dc¢, -d8e(v) ‘above’, ‘upwards, from above’ (IL, epic
poet.). 2. superl. bytotog (Pi, trag., A. R. etc., also late prose), compar. -iwv (Pi. Fr.
213), -itepoc (Theoc. 8, 46); also superl. -otdtw [adv.] (B. Fr. 16, 6). 3. tyog [n.]
‘height’ (Hdt., Emp., Att. since A., Hell. and late), bw-metc ‘high’ (Nic. AP), after
aiyAnetc, etc; bw-dw ‘to raise, elevate’ (Hell. and late), ptc. bwevjtevoc (Hp.), also
with dav-, &-, etc; hence -whta, -wptatikdc, -wotc, -wttjc¢, -wttkdc. 4. bynddc ‘high’
CIL.). 5. short names:"Ywevc [m.] (Pi), Yyo [f.] ="YwurbAn (Ar. Fr. 225, EM, Suid.).
eETYM Old locative in *-i, as in pt, dptt, dvtt, etc., derived from the adverb *up(-) as
seen in > bnatoc, » bnep, » imo. The enlarging -o- has a parallel in Aeol. é6yt, Hom.,
etc. Owé ‘late’, in Gy beside dn-o, etc. In Latin, too, it was productive: ab(s)-, ec/ex-,
sub(s)-. An additional *s to PIE *up- is also found in Celtic, e.g. Olr. ds ‘above, over’
< *oupso-, Olr. tasal ‘high’, W uchel, Gaul. Uxello- ‘high’ < *oupselo- ‘higher’,
perhaps with the same /-suffix as in Gr. bynAdg < *up-s-él-? Also in Slavic, eg. Ru.
vyse ‘higher’ < *Hups- (see Derksen 2008: 535), OCS vysoko ‘high’.
bw [v.] ‘to rain’, mostly impersonal ‘it is raining’, also ‘to cause to rain, send rain}
passive bdptevos (C 131), beta, boBivat (Hdt. etc.), Epvopévoc (X.) ‘to be affected by
rain, get rain’. <IE *suh,-ie/o- ‘rain’>
VAR Only 3sg. pres. ipf. bet, be (IL), 3pl. bovot, of vepéAau (Luc.), aor. boat (Pi, Hdt.,
etc.), ipv. boov (@ Zed, prayer by M. Ant.), fut. boet (Cratin.), ipl. boopev, of the
clouds (Ar.). :
*DER vetdc [m.] ‘rain’ (M 133), bét-tog ‘rainy, bringing rain’ (Ion., Arist., Hell. and
late; Hdt. 2, 25 codd. vetwtatot), -wdn¢ ‘id.’ (J.), -ia [f.] ‘rainy weather’ (Hell. and
late), bet-iCw [v.] ‘to send rain, rain upon’ (LXX, pap.).
*ETYM Present in *-ie/o- to the PIE root *suh,- ‘to pour, scatter’. Cognate forms: Hitt.
Suhha-' / Suhh- ‘to scatter’, ishuyai-' / ishui- ‘to throw, scatter, pour’ (Kloekhorst
2008: 396, 773), ToA 3pl. swifc, ToB 35g. and pl. suwam ‘it rains, ToA swase, ToB
swese ‘rain’; Alb. shi ‘rain’ < *su-, OPr. suge (= suje) ‘id.’. Compare LIV’ s.v. *sh,eu-.
For other IE expressions for ‘rain’, see on » obpavdc, » Epon and » mAEéw.
My
@ayeiv [v.aor.] ‘to eat, consume, swallow’ (II), late and MoGr. also metaphorically ‘to
swallow, endure’. <IE *b'(e)h.g- ‘distribute’>
VAR Fut. ayoztat (Hell. and late).
eCOMP Also with xata-, év- etc. In compounds wpogdyog ‘eating raw flesh’, of
animals, also of wild peoples (Il.), @pogayéw [v.], -ia, -tov; maptatopayetotat
[inf.med.] ‘to be affected by confiscation’ (Locr.), from *najtato-pdayoc. Hence by
reanalysis @ayoc [m.] ‘devourer, glutton’ (Ev. Matt., Ev. Luc.). Rarely as a first
member: gayavOpwnwv: dkalaptwv (H.), reversal of dv@pwrogaywv;
gayodoidopos ‘bearing insults’ (gloss.), payé-owpog ‘gluttonous’, whence -owpitic
yaotrp (Com. Adesp.). Hypostasis npoopayiov [n.] ‘side dish, cheese’.
*DER 1. gay-dc¢ [m.] ‘devourer’ (Cratin.), kata- ‘id.’ (A. Fr. 428 = 709 M.), katw-
(nick)name of a bird (Ar. Av. 288). 2. pay-€Satva [f.] ‘cancerous ulcer’ (Hp., trag.,
D,, etc.), ‘gluttony’ (Gal.), whence -edorvixdg ‘cancerous’, -edatvdouta, -dw ‘to suffer
from cancer’, -wya (medic., Plu., Poll. etc.); to *payedwv. 3. Also payatva: 1 beta
Tac voooucg toAveayia (Ammon. Diff), acc. to H. also = payédatva. Further paywv,
-wvoc [m.] ‘glutton’ (Varro, Vopisc.); also payévec: ciaydvec, yva8ot ‘jaws’ (H.). 4.
ay-nua [n.] ‘food, dish’ (late), mpoo- ‘side dish’ (Aesop.). 5. -1ota (scil. iepd&) [n.pl.]
‘eating festival’, -nowntdéoia ‘eating and drinking festival’ (Clearch.). 8. payvAot
jaotol, Ldapoinmot (H.), paydAtov: LLapoinmov (Phot.). On » paytAog, see s.v.
*ETYM Gr. gayetv funtions as an aorist to éo8iw. Cognate forms: Skt. bhdjati pres. ‘to
distribute, assign’, med. -te ‘obtain, participate in, enjoy’; bhaktd- [n.] ‘portion, meal,
food’, bhaksd- [m.] ‘food, drink, delight. PIE *b"eh,go- [m.] > Skt. bhaga- [m.]
‘prosperity, well-being, happiness’, Av. baga-, baya- [n.] ‘share, (favourable) lot’, OP
baga- ‘god’. The short vowel of IIr. *b'aga- is expained by Lubotsky’s Law (Lubotsky
MSS (1981)) from the loss of the laryngeal in front of a voiced stop plus another
consonant; this condition would have been given, for instance, in athematic verb
forms, and in bhaks-, Av. baxs-. ToB pake, ToA pak ‘part, piece’ might reflect a
borrowing from Middle Iranian (Adams 1999: 363), and the Slavic cognates (e.g.
OCS bogato, Ru. bogatyj ‘rich’, OCS bogs, Ru. bog ‘god’) must also be loanwords
from Iranian, since they do not show reflexes of Winter’s Law. See » Bayaioc.
payiros [m.] = dttvdc ‘lamb’ (Arist. Fr. 507). <GR>
eETYM Derived from »qayetv and referring to the age of the lamb, scil. when
becomes edible.
ayvos ‘salvia’ (gloss.), cited by Fur.: 124.
1544 paypog1
*ETYM Cf. » opdyvoc.
aypos 1 [m.] Cretan word for dxdvr ‘whetstone’, acc. to Simias (fr. 27) apud Ath. 6,
327e. <>
*ETYM Might be formally and semantically identical with Arm. bark ‘bitter, sharp of
taste, vehement, angry’, if from PIE *b'h,g-ro- ‘sharpening’; but see » pokdc.
@aypos 2 [m.] name of a fish, perhaps ‘sea bream, Pagrus vulgaris’ (Hp., com., Arist.,
etc.). <PG>
eVAR Variants maypoc (Hdn. Gr. 1, 203); paywpoc: ix8ic¢ mods (H.), paypwpioc
(Str.), dissimilated from *pdyp-? Also ma youpoc?
*ETYM Probably identical with » paypoc 1, because of the pointed shape of the body,
or the sharp teeth. Acc. to Isidorus, the Greeks called this fish fagrus “quod duros
dentes habeat, ita ut ostreis in mari alatur”. The variants 1-/@- and -poc/-wpoc show
that the word is Pre-Greek (Fur.: 165). Differently Taillardat in DELG Supp.
gaddoat [v.] - yvawat ‘to card’ (H.). <GR>
sETYM Read gadct>doat, derived from padi = trama, KpOKn, TIWviov ‘woof, weft’,
whence the denominative verb padtd%ewv; pad is the popular form of dpadiov (see
> d@aivw).
de, paéOwv, etc. =pdoc.
gataAn [f.] - t480¢ owpatiKkdv, 6 yivetat Tots épvOpav BaAaccav mAgovot (H.). <2>
eETYM Unknown.
pacatva [f.] a disease of horses (Hippiatr.). < PG(S)>
eETYM Clearly a Pre-Greek word in -otva (Fur.: 172"”).
paidutoc [adj.] ‘shining, noble’, often as an epithet of “Extwp, Aytdievc, and others
(Il., epic poet.), also as a PN; metrically enlarged “etc (N 686). <IE *g""(e)h.id-
‘bright, clear’>
*DER paidpdc ‘bright, clear,. cheerful, joyous’ (Pi, Sol, A, etc; Baidpn A 321); in
compounds eg. in patdpdvoug ‘with a joyous mind’ (A.), patdpwrdc ‘with a bright
look’ (A., E.). Hence 1. poudp-dtnj¢ [f.] ‘brightness, cheerfulness’ (inscr., Plu. etc.). 2.
-Oopat ‘to be cheerful’ (X.). 3. -dvw ‘to make clear, clean, wash; to cheer up, refresh’
(mostly poet. since Hes. Op. 753), rarely with ék-, éu-, a7to-; thence -vvtij¢ [m.], lit.
‘purifier’, of the statue of Zeus in Olympia (Paus., Poll.), but usually patSvvtte, -tai
(El. and Att. inscr.; cf. below); fem. paidpvvtpia (A. Ch. 759). Isolated is paiSet- Owet
(H.), probably from *@aidoc [n.].
*ETYM We find a stem patd- with various suffixes: pa15-pdc, paid-tmoc, *paid-oc; for
a similar system, compare e.g. Kvdpdc : KUSit0c : KdS0c, etc, Another derivative must
have been *gatd-vvw (compare aio'xpéc : aioxoc : aioyvvw), which has left a trace in
poudvvtic, and may have been replaced in the transmission by pardptvw. However,
- formations such as padptvtpia and aiSpdvouc (for *patdi-vouc) in A. testify to the
productivity of the adjective podpdc. Cognate forms are Lith. gaidrus ‘bright, clear’,
gaidra ‘cloudless heaven, clear weather’, also giédras, -riis ‘id’ < PIE * "eh. id-.
gaivw, -onat 1545
gaikavov [n.] = m1yyavov ‘rue, Ruta graveolens’ (H.). 4 PG>
eETYM Probably foreign, acc. to Schwyzer: 490. The word is probably Pre-Greek;
compare @atkdc.
akos [adj.] synonym of Aauspdc (S. fr. 1107 P., H.).
*DER gaik@c: Aapnpwc (H.); patkdc, -ddoc, also @aikdotov (Eratosth.) ‘white shoes’,
also shoes of farmers (H.), borrowed into Latin as phaecasia. Here probably PN
Darxiac, Daikivac, DaucvAoc, Paikwv (Bechtel 1917b: 495).
eETYM A variant of matdc? Fur.: 32874 separates the two, in view of the difference in
meaning.
Matrdovys =gatvoArg.
@atvoArs [m.] ‘thick upper garment, cloak’ (pap. since I?, Arr., Ath.). 4GR?>
eVAR Dor. gatvéda (Rhinth.); also gaivovAa, naivovAa, tévovAa (Edict. Diocl.).
*DER Diminutive gatvodov [n.] (pap. II’). With metathesis pathdvng, ped- (2 Ep. Ti.
4, 13), and the more usual @atAdwov (pap.), probably after the instrument nouns in
-6vn, -dviov; MoGr. patAdvi (ped-).
*ETYM Formation like patvoAng ‘raving’, okwrtdAng ‘mocker’, etc. (Chantraine 1933:
237f.), but since it refers to an instrument, the semantics are deviant. An old
feminine formation (like watvoAic etc.) is found in matvoAlc, an epithet of hw, abwe
(h. Cer., Sapph.), in the sense of ‘bright, illuminating’ clearly belonging to gaivw. It is
unclear why the cloak was referred to as “the illuminating / shining one”. Borrowed
as Lat. paenula.
gaivew, -opat [v.] ‘to show, make visible, bring to light, make known’, med. and act.
intr. ‘to become visible, come to light, appear’ (II.). <1E *b'eh,- ‘light, shine’>
eVAR Reduplicated map-gaivw, ptc. -pavdowoa, -pavd-wvta (Il, epic poet.),
tangavaa Adurtel (H.), aor. pivat (Dor. pavar), intr. pavijvat (all Il.), fut. pavéw,
-@ (since T 104), -€opat (since pt 230), -toopat (Hdt. et al.), Dor. -oéw (Archim.),
meproetat (P 155), perf. med. népaopau, 38g. Tépaveat (Il.), act. intr. méprva (IA),
Dor. mépava (Sophr.), trans. négayka (later Att.), aor. med. trans. grjvacGat (IA),
intr. and pass. pavOfjvat (Att.).
*COMP Very often with prefix, eg. dmo-, ék-, év-, é7tl-, KaTa-, mpo-, b70-.
Compounds: as a first member e.g. in @atvounpides (Ibyc.), sing. pavdunptc (Poll.)
[f.] ‘showing the thigh, with visible thighs’; PNs, eg. Datvédaoc, Davvdbeutc,
PDavodtyioc. As a second member, adapting to the s-stems, e.g. trAeaviic ‘far-seen,
conspicuous’ (poet. since w 83); innumerable PNs, e.g. Aptoto-@dvijg; very often
from prefixed compounds, e.g. éu@avi¢ ‘visible, apparent, evident’ (IA) (to
éupaivw), whence -eta, -ia, -ifw, -totc, -ioywioc, -top10c, -LoTH¢, -LoTIKOC.
*DER 1. @av-epdc ‘visible, apparent, clear’ (Pi, IA), whence -ep-dt1@¢ (late), -dopat
(Hdt.), -6w (late), -wotc. On @avepdcg meaning ‘quidam’ in Byzantine Greek, see
Tabachovitz Eranos 30 (1932): 97ff. 2. Davis, -17to¢ [m.] name of an Orphian god
(Orph.). 3a. ga-otc [f.] ‘announcement’ (Att.), “appearing, appearance’ (Ti. Locr.,
Arist., Hell.+); frequently from prefixed compounds, e.g. mpdgaotc [f] ‘alleged
motive, pretence’ (Thgn., IA), whence -oiGouat (Thgn., IA), -o1otikd¢ (LXX, Ph.);
1546 paivw, -opat
éuga-otc [f.] ‘appearance, reflection, clarification, emphasis’ (Arist., Hell.+), -tuxdc
‘emphatic (Demetr. Eloc., etc.). b. pavotc [f.] ‘appearance’ (very rare and late),
andpav-oicg [f] “declaration, statement’ (Arist. Hell+; beside andqactc), whence
-t1K6c (Arist. etc.), avapavoic [f.] ‘appearance’ (late), Gupav-cicg ‘adoption’ (Leg.
Gort.), -t6¢ ‘adopted’ (ibid.). 4. duavtic [f] ‘id’ (Leg. Gort.). 5. pdaopa [n.]
‘appearance, omen’ (Ion. poet., Arist. etc.). 6. Verbal adj.: a. -pavtoc, often in
compounds: G@pavtog ‘invisible’ (Il, epic poet., late prose), vuKtipavtos ‘appearing
in the night’ (A., E.); mpdgavtocg ‘announced, revealed’ (Pi, Hdt., S. etc.), to mpo-
gaivw; secondarily @avtédc as a simplex ‘visible’ (Orph.). Also b. -patog in
anapéupatog (to map-eu-paivw), scil. %yKAtotc, lit. “not showing anything
alongside”, as a grammatical term = Lat. modiis infinitivus (D. H, etc.), opposed to
TapenPatikds, also dv-, Kak-EUPatos, etc. (late), also mpd-, bmép-Patog (Pi.).
7. -pavtng [m.] in univerbations, e.g. iepopav-ty¢g (ipo-) “who explains holy
practices”, ‘senior priest’ (IA), whence -ttc, -téw, -tia, -tikdc. 8. -~a(v)tiKdé¢ to
prefixed compounds, e.g. éuga(v)ttkdcg ‘expressive, demonstrative’ (Hell.+). 9.
gavtwp [m.] “one who displays’ (Att. epigr. IIP), éx@av-twp, -topia, -topikds (late);
also in univerbations, e.g. iepo-pavtwp (Suid.), -pavtpta [f.] (Rom. inscr. IV?). 10.
Denominative (to derivations in -t-): pavtdfopuat [v.] ‘to become visible, appear’
(1A), occasionally with ék-, év-, kata- etc., act. -4@w “to make visible, present’ (late),
whence gdvtao-a [n.] ‘appearance’ (trag., Pl, etc.), -ydtiov (Plu), -pdc ‘id’
(Epicur.), -t¢ (éu-) [f] “sight, appearance’ (Pl. etc.), -ia [f.] ‘sight, imagination,
fantasy’ (PL, Arist. etc.), whence -1wdij, -taCopat, -Ld0p1a1, -L6W, -LaoTIKdG PavTao-
tc (Arist. et al.), -tixd¢ (Pl. Arist, etc.) ‘able to produce the appearance’. 11.
Adverbs: -paddév in a1paddv ‘publicly, openly’ (Hom.), adj. -6d6c¢ (1 391, A. R.), -dt0¢
(€ 288), adv. -div (H 196, Thgn., et al.); -pavdov in (é&-)avapavddv ‘id? (Hom.);
dta-, Gupadnv, Dor. -dav ‘id’ (Archil, Sol, Alcm.), éxpdavdrny ‘id. (Philostr.);
avagpavdd (Od., A. R.).
Hence, from the present stem, the jocular adverb gatvivda mailev ‘to play ball
(Antiph. Com. etc.). On gavy [f.] ‘torch’, see on pavéc (s.v. » paoc).
*ETYM Derived from the PIE root *b"h,- ‘to shine, appear, seem’. A primary verb’is
found in Skt. bha-ti ‘to light, shine’, noun bhanu-, Av. banu- [m.] ‘splendour’; a
nominal n-suffix is also found in Olr. ban ‘white’, ToA pai, ToB pefiiyo [m.]
‘splendour’, and in Germanic: OE bonian, LG bohnen ‘to polish, scrub’.
Most of the Greek forms are formed on a verbal stem gav-, whence gaivw < *p"an-
ie/o-. Acc. to LIV, this goes back to a PIE nasal present *b"-n-(e)h,-, whence with
thematization Proto-Greek *@ave/o-. Cognate nasal presents are (continued in)
Arm. banam ‘to open, reveal’, nasalless aor. bac‘, Alb. Gheg baj, Tosk bénj ‘to make,
do’ < *ban-. A verbal form without stem-final nasal is the hapax legomenon
Tegroetat; it is also found in zero grade paotc, -patog, -patixdcg and pdopa. Some
of these may also have been formed analogically: for paopa, compare b~acua to
deaivw, for pdotc, -patoc, compare Bao, -Batog to Baivw; and neprioetat could
have been supported by Broeta to Baivw. Alternatively, @dotc, -patoc reflect
nasalless forms in *b'h,-, and negrjoetat < PIE *b'eh,-. The H.-glosses négiy épavn fj
mTepdkaot and pavta: Adutovta are not very reliable. See » pdog, > prt.
pakds 1547
qatds [adj.] ‘grey, dark grey, blackish’, also of dark colors in general (Pl. Arist.,
Hell.+), metaphorically of the voice (Arist.). <?>
*COMP gauoxitwvec [f.pl.] “having dark chitons’ (A.), AevKd@atoc ‘whitish grey’ (pap.,
Ath,, Poll.).
*DER paudtig [f.] ‘dark grey color’, bnogatéw (to dbmd@atoc) [v.] ‘to color grey’ (late).
The ethnonym ®aiakec, Dainkes has also been compared to this adjective (cf. Bjérck
1950: 26of.). Furthermore @atkdc = Aaumpdc (S. Fr. 1107, H.), paixdc: AapmMpdc ...
(H.), influenced in form and meaning by Aevukdéc. Hence gatk-dotov [n.] (Hell.+), -ac¢
[f.] (AP) designation of a white (?) shoe? Here also gawtdc (of yAaiva Delph. IV’),
or to pdoc?
eETYM ~atdc has been compared with Lith. gaisas ‘beam of light, redness in the sky’,
and reconstructed as PIE *g’"aiso- or *g"aiso- (compare paidpdc : Lith. gaidris);
neither is possible in the current reconstruction of PIE (at the most, *g’"eh,i-so-).
Other reconstructions which have been proposed are *@aurdéc¢ and *@atofdc. Lith.
gaisas has also been derived from *gaid-sas (cf. gaidrus), but apparently without any
support. In short, the etymology of patdc is unknown.
parpiddw [v.] = opaipiCw (H.). <GR>
eETYM For the form, see Schwyzer: 1, 334. It must be a dialectal form of ogaip-.
atotdc [?] town in Crete, in the Peloponnese, in Thessaly (Plu.). <PG>
eVAR @aiotoc is a PN, a Trojan (E 43ff.).
eDIAL Myc. pa-i-to.
*DER Matottoc inhabitant of Phaistos.
*ETYM A Pre-Greek name (DELG); strangely enough the name is not mentioned in
Fick 1905, except on p. 15, where no interpretation is given.
axedos [m.] ‘bundle’ (Hdt. Th., E. Cyc. 242, Arist., Hell.+). <PG(v)>
VAR Also @axeddog (Arist.).
*COMP OAopaKe[AOc] [adj.] ‘forming a whole (unbroken) bundle’ (pap. II).
eETYM The suffix is reminiscent of mbedoc, oxdmedoc etc. (Chantraine 19333: 244), but
the variant in -AA- proves that this word is Pre-Greek. Fur: 173 further compares
pacokwarog and Pdoxtol, Packevtai- packides. Solmsen 1909: 7’ hesitatingly
compared opdkeAoc ‘gangrene, spasm’ (which is quite possible if the word is Pre-
Greek); the common meaning would be “drawn together, tied together”.
@axtdAtov [n.] ‘face-cloth, headscarf, towel’ (late pap. etc.). <Lw Lat>
eVAR Also -tdptov, -tOALOv, TaAKIdALOV.
eETYM Loanword from Lat. facidle; details in Georgacas Glotta 6 (1958): 187.
gaxéds [m.] ‘lentil’, often metaphorically of lentil-like objects, e.g. ‘hot-water bottle,
birthmark, freckle’ (IA). <PG?>
*COMP pakoetdre ‘lentiform’ (Arist., Str. etc.). rar
*DER 1. Qak-tov [n.] ‘decoction of lentils’ (Hp.). 2. -tvos ‘prepared with lentils’, -lvac
[m.] ‘seller of lentil-products’, paxivo-nwAtov [n.] ‘shop with lentil-products (Pap.
etc.). 3. pax-6n¢ ‘lentil-like, full of lentil-like spots’ (Hp. etc.). -w16¢ ‘lentiform
(medic.), -doetc [f.pl.] ‘formations of freckles’ (Heph. Astr.). Also 4. paxéa (Epich.),
1548 *paxtat
gai) (Ar., Hell) [f.] ‘dish made of lentils, lentil soup; paxeyoc, gaxnyoc [m.]
‘cooker of lentil (soupy (Hell. and late pap.). 5. nickname Daxdc [m.] (Suid. sv.
AtooKopidijc). On » agaxny, see s.v.
*ETYM Possibly Pre-Greek, if apaxn, d@akosg ‘vetch’ can be connected. Phonetically,
@axdc agrees well with Albanian bathé ‘broad bean’ < earlier *ba/ok-. For the
ending, cf. dpaxoc. The initial syllable ga- also occurs in Lat. faba < *b'ab'd, Ru. bob,
OPr. babo ‘bean’, and Gr. » gaonhoc.
*PAKTAL =PaKTOV.
g~axtwvaptos [m.] “head of a compamy of charioteers with the colors of his faction of
the circus’. <LwW Lat> *
VAR Also paktovaptoc.
eETYM From Lat. factiondrius.
@axtov 1 [n.] ‘act, action, fact’ (Leo Mag., Priscian.). <LW Lat.>
*ETYM From Lat. factum, which entered Greek after the V?.
@axtov 2 [n.] ‘a recipient and a measure’. See Naoumides Gr. Rom. Byz. St. 9 (1968):
280, who cites from Cyr. (cod. Matritensis) paxov- pétpov mapa Apkdotv, KoTUAGL
Attixai tpeic. Compare H. [on @ 74] paxtet [leg. paxta]: Anvoi, oundai, medot.
< PG :
DIAL Perhaps Myc. pa-ko-to, see Lejeune 1958: 341”.
eETYM An Arcadian measure. Meier-Briigger KZ 107 (1994): 90f. follows Neumann,
who derives the word from the root of gayetv ‘eat’ (originally ‘distribute’), *b*h,g-,
with substantivizing accent. DELG suggests a connection with maytc, which seems
highly improbable to me. Fur. 171 compares *Bdkavov, and BaBdktvov <kai
BaBaktvov> xbtpac eidoc (H.), and Bakdiov: tétpov tt (H.); there also extensively
on MLat. baccinus.
ard [2] + puKpd Kapa (H., Fur.: reads pada). < PG(V)>
VAR Also pada: Spot, oxortai (H.).
*ETYM Fur.: 172 connects Baddv: obpavov (H.), and further » @aAoc.
padayé, -ayyosg [f.] ‘round and longish piece of wood, log, roller, beam’ (Hdt., Delos
Ill’, A. R., Orph.), ‘balance beam’ (Arist.), ‘joint of the fingers’ (Arist. medic.), ‘row
of eyelashes’ (Paul. Aeg.), ‘spider’ (com., X.), after the long joints of its legs;
traditionally a technical term in the military: ‘(close or dense) battle-array, line of
battle’ (I1.), in later times of the so-called Dorian and especially of the Macedonian
phalanx, with heavy-armed infantry (X., Plb. etc.). <PG(S)>
*COMP gadayyonax-éw [v.] ‘to fight in or against a line of battle (on foot) (X., D. S.),
opposed to inno-, mupyo-pLaxéw; parkayyouday-ac [m.] ‘fighting in a line of battle’
(AP).
*DER 1. pahdyy-tov [n.] ‘kind of poisonous spider’ (Att, etc.), “spider herb”, used
against spider-bites (Dsc.), ‘roller’ (H., Eust., EM). 2. -img [m.] ‘soldier of a phalanx’
(Plb. etc.), “spider herb” (Gal.), -itic [f.] ‘id.’ (Dsc.). 3. -tttkdc ‘consisting of soldiers
of a phalanx’ (Plb.). 4. -166v ‘in battle-array’ (O 360, PIb. etc.). 5. pakayy-dw [v.] ‘to
pardatva 1549
furnish with rollers’ (Ph. Bel., etc.), -wya [n.] ‘roller’ (Phryn. PS), also = moun tic év
toic Atovuoiotc (H.), -wotc [f.] name for a disease of the eyelashes (medic.). 6.
gahayKtnpta [n.pl.] ‘round logs’ (Milete V’).
*ETYM Formation like gdpayt, ofpayé, gapvy— etc. The prenasalized form proves
Pre-Greek origin (not in Fur.!). The nasal and the consistent vocalization as -aha-
render the earlier comparison with Germanic ‘beam’ (ON bjalki [m.] < *belkan-,
OHG balko [m.] < *balkan-) and Balto-Slavic words (Lith. balziena(s) ‘flexible
crossbeam on a sledge, stick’, Ru. (dial.) bdlozno ‘thick plank’, etc.) obsolete. Latin
sufflamen [n.] ‘clog, break’ (if < *flag-(s)men- or *flag-smen-) is also problematic.
The Greek noun was borrowed into Latin as phalanga, whence late Latin / Romance
planca, MoHG Planke, etc.
@adrakpds <PG>
eVAR Also pddavOoc, pardapoc, Parnpos, PaAtds, etc.
*ETYM The group of @dAav0oc and pahaxpéc is no doubt of Pre-Greek origin; see on
> paddc.
padapa [pl.]=@pdroc,
paniCet [v.] - 0éAet (H.). 42>
eETYM Unknown.
adtkpov [adj.] - dxpatov ‘unmixed, pure’ (H.). <PG>
eETYM Fur.: 389 compares > xdAtc,
panic [2] - kavvabic (H.). <GR>
*ETYM To adds = hevkdc; cf. SCr. bjelojka, Sln. belica ‘white hemp’, MoHG
Wifhampf.
adn [m.] part of a ship, acc. to Poll. 1, 85f. = TO tH orteipa 11poonAovpeEVov, ag’ od
devtépa tpdmic, usually interpreted as ‘beam, board, rib of a ship’. <PG?>
eETYM The uncertainty about the exact meaning renders etymologizing difficult. The
word has been connected with mdAay§ and with Lat. falx, flect6 (see Frisk s.v.). The
Latin noun might be related to Gr. éupadkwwévotc: tteptitetk_eypevotc (Suid.).
Another unclear word is paAkn: 6 Tis KO"NS adyLLdc, } vuKTEpic (H.). In the first
meaning, perhaps related to maAxoc (see » mnAdc)? On the different names of the bat,
see Schwentner KZ 71 (1954): 95f. The word may well be Pre-Greek.
adAatva [f.] ‘whale’ (A. Fr. 464 M,, Arist. Str., Nonn,, etc.), of a monster (Ar. V. 35,
39; Lyc. 841); also ‘moth’ (Nic. Th. 760; Rhodian acc. to sch.). < PG(V)>
eVAR Codd. often pdAatva, but the length of the syllable is metrically ascertained.
*DER Shorter form @dAAn [f.] ‘whale’ (Lyc. 84, 394), = 1) metouévn woxr (H.);
Par<h>at Par<A>atvat (H.).
*ETYM Formed with the feminine suffix -atva to a stem *@addwv or @addog; see
> paddoc. Borrowed as Lat. ballaena; Latin b- instead of p(h)- shows that it entered
Latin through a third language. The word will be of Pre-Greek origin (note the
variation between single and geminate \); see Fur.: 1717” on words in -atva.
1550 parAatva 2
gaAXatva 2 [f.] ‘night-moth’. <?>
eETYM DELG discusses the possible relation between this word and » pdAAatva 1. Cf.
Keller 1913: 437ff.; Gil Fernandez 1959: 204-207.
@aAAdc [m.] ‘membrum virile’ (Hdt., Ar., Att. inscr. etc.). <PG(V)>
*COMP gadAogdpoc, -popéw (late), also gakAngopéw, -pdpia [n.pl.] (Plu.),
i8v@adAog (Cratin., D. [from youth slang] etc.).
*DER gadAtkds ‘belonging to the g. (Ar., Arist.); DadAry, -ijvoc [m.] epithet of
Dionysus (Paus. 10, 19, 3; codd. KegaAijva); gaddiwv = gaddogdpoc (Suid.);
TepipaAddia: opm Atovbow teAovpévyy TOV ahA@v (H.). Also @aAng; -11TOS (-7c;
-f\t0c) [m.] = paAAds, also personified (Sophg., S. Ichn., Ar., Theoc., H.); Ion. gen.
gdAew (Hippon. 14b). ,
eETYM The meaning ‘membrum virile’ probably developed from another, more
concrete meaning. In meaning, the word BaAXia ‘private parts’ (Herod.) is closest;
some have connected the ethnonym TpiBadAoi (= *TptpaddAot). Other look-alikes in
form and meaning are MoHG (dial.) bille ‘penis’ and Olr. ball ‘member, body-part’,
which have often been compared with various words (especially from Germanic) for
‘ball, bullet, sack, drinking vessel, testis, bull’, from a hypothetical PIE root *b'el-
‘blow (up), swell’. Because of its body shape, the whale » paAAatva might also be
cognate with gaAAdc. The connection with ‘pyralis, night-moth’ remains unclear
(Immisch Glotta 6 (1915): 194ff; cf. also Giintert 1919: 2109f.).
The forms with B (BadAiov Herod. 6, 69) and the variation A/AA clearly point to Pre-
Greek origin, see Fur.: 172.
@aXog [m.] helmet ornament or part of the helmet, ‘grainy top’, ‘band of the helmet’?
(Il.). <PG?(V)>
*COMP dgadog ‘without a g.’ (K 258), tetpagados ‘with four pddAov (M 384, X 315),
augipados ‘with a pddoc on both sides, surrounded by paAov (E743 = A 41, Q.S. 3,
334). On » tpv@arela, see s.v.
*DER pdaAdpa [n.pl.] part of a helmet, ‘decorations’, ‘jaw piece’ ? (II 106), ‘jaw piece
of horses’ (Hdt, E, X. etc.), ‘jaw dressings’ (late medic.), metaphorically
‘decorations’ (Plu., D. Chr.), -Gpov [sg.] ‘ornament of the tidpa’ (A. Pers. 663 [lyr.]);
acc. to H. = dotpayadioxog 6 énl tij¢ Tepikegadaiac, Kal napayvabidec, xaAtvoi Tj
immoxdomia. Hence @adapitic [f.] epithet of Athena (Call. Fr. 503). Also
TetpapdaAnpos, epithet of kvvén (beside dugipadoc; E743 = A 41).
eETYM As the form and function of the gdAot and gdAapa remain unknown, any
attempt at an etymology remains hypothetic. Borrowed as Lat. phalerae. Fur.: 231
adduces Baddv: ovpavov ‘sky’; see also op.cit. 2573° on the suffix -apa. So the word
may be of Pre-Greek origin, provided that the identification is correct.
arde [adj.] - AevKdg (H.). <PG(V)>
*DER gadvver Aaumpdvel; gadicoetar AEvKaivetat, deppitel, probably also gahintet
uwpaiver and gadwOeic: mapatpaneic (all H.); cf. Aevkai ppévec: patvdpuevat (H.),
from Pi. P. 4, 194, and @addc also = pwpdc, éupaviic (H.) (not to @ijAdc, pace eg.
Pok. 48of.).
dog 1551
Furthermore: 1. gadtdc ‘bright, white-spotted’ (Call. Hell. pap., Procop.), after
TLOALOG; PadLdttovv- AevKdTIOVvV (H.). 2. PaAnpos (Nic.), Dor. -apoc (Theoc.), ‘white-
spotted’, also as an animal name (Theoc.), denominative ptc. paAnptéwvta ‘frothing
up white’ (kbyata N 799). Hence @aAnpic, -apic [f.] “Eurasian coot, Fulica atra’ (Ar.,
Arist., etc.), also ‘canary grass, Phalaris nodosa’ (Dsc.), -1piov [n.] ‘id’ (Ps.-Dsc.). TN
@aAnpov [n.] a harbour of Athens. 3. padaxpdc (also dva-, tut-, etc.) ‘bald-headed,
round and bald’ (IA), -6t1¢ [f.] (Hp. Arist.), -Gopat ‘to become bald-headed’, -dw ‘to
make bald’ (Hdt., Arist., LXX), amo- (Phryn. PS), -wpia, -woicg (LXX, Plu., etc.); -1dw
‘id’ (Suid. s.v. dwpdAetoc); fem. gaddkpa ‘bare hill (St. Byz.); TN Daddaxpa(.),
-akptov etc; also Bakaypos, -aypat. As Frisk 1934: 62-64 showed, -akpo- is suffixal
and has nothing to do with the word for ‘top’. 4. paAavOoc “‘baldheaded, bald’ (AP,
D. L., pap., etc.), also as a PN and TN; -avtiac [m.] ‘bald head’ (Luc.), -4vtwya [n.]
‘bare spot’ (vl. LXX), often dvagdAavtoc (-avOoc) ‘id.’ (pap. LXX), and -avtiac
(-avOiac), -avtiaioc, -avtiaoic, -avtwpa (Arist., LXX, Luc. etc.); probably after the
verbal adjectives in -avtoc (cf. e.g. dBEppavtocg = dBEppoc, etc.), then sporadically
adapted to dvOoc. See also » nappaddw and >» paXic.
*ETYM All Greek forms may be derived from the adj. padAdc, which was compared
with Lith. balas ‘white’, as a plant-name ‘snowdrop, etc.’ (beside more usual bdltas
‘white’), and with Alb. balé ‘horse with a white spot on its forehead’. A lengthened
grade to this root is found in Latv. bdls ‘pale’, and OCS béle, Ru. bélyj ‘white <
*bhélH-o-.
Among numerous other formations, the Lat. and Germanic designations of the coot
(= gadnpic) has also been compared: Lat. fulica (probably < *b'ol-ik-), OHG belihha,
MoHG Belche. It was further supposed that » Badtdéc was related as a word from the
Balkans, with Badiog (name of a horse of Achilles), see Brandenstein Sprache 2
(1950-1952): 76 with further combinations.
However, the whole group, with interchanges ¢/B, 1/8, «/y, is clearly of Pre-Greek
origin, see Fur.: 192.
gavdoupoc =1davdoupoc. ~
@avdc >pdoc.
aoc [n.] ‘light, daylight’, also metaphorically (II. epic poet.). <1E *b"eh,- ‘shine’>
eVAR @ows (epic), pws (Att.), also paBoc = pdfoc (Pamphyl.), gen. pdeoc, Att.
douc and gwtdc, nom.acc.pl. pdea, Par, PwTa, etc.
*COMP @aea@dpog (Call.), paoodpoc (Lyr. Adesp.), pwopdpos (Att.) ‘bringing light,
bearing a torch’; pavogdpor Aiodeic, iépetot (H.). Frequent as a second member, e.g.
AevKogars ‘with white light, white-gleaming’, mayan ‘all-shining, wholly radiant’
(trag.), abEtparis ‘increasing light’ (Man., Cat. Cod. Astr.), Ebpupdeoca [f.] mother
of Helios (h. Hom. 31; analogical formation metri causa); furthermore @wt(o-)
(Hell.+) in e.g. pwtoetdrj¢ ‘luminous, full of light’, pwtaywydc ‘bringing light’, fem.
‘opening for light, window’, whence -aywyéw, -ia; avéigwtocg ‘increasing light’,
whence -gwtéw, -ia. .
*DER 1. From @doc: gaeivdg < *pafeo-vdcg (Il. epic poet.), paevvocg (Aeol.), PN
®anvoc (Dor.), Parva (Arc.), pavdc (Att.) ‘shining, bright, pure’; thence pavdti¢
1552 pao
[f.] ‘brightness’; as a noun @avdc [m.] ‘torch’ (com., X., etc.), also pavi [f.] (Hes. Fr.
47, E.), perhaps after pavijvat, -pavijc? Pavatoc epithet of Zeus (E. Rh. 355 [lyr.]), of
Apollo (Achae.). From gaetvdc: pagivw (dytgt-) [v.] ‘to come to light, shine, glow
(Od., epic), also trans. ‘to bring to light’ (Nic.), pass. ‘to appear’ (Call, A. R.); aor.
pass. padvOny (IL. {1 441), probably for *paévOnv after pavOnv (Chantraine 1942: 81;
cf. Schwyzer: 723), whence gadvtatoc ‘most radiant’ (v 93), compar. padvtepoc
(AP).
2. From @@c: gwt-etvdc ‘glowing, light, bright’ (X., Hell+), gwt-ilw [v.] ‘to
(en)lighten, brighten, reveal, instruct’, also of baptism (Hell.+), also with dia-, ém-,
kata- etc; thence -topdc (Kata-, émt-, tept-) [m.], -to1g (dia-) [f.] ‘enlightenment’
(Hell.+), -totikdc ‘enlightening’ (late), -totrptéy [n.] ‘baptistery’ (Epigr. VIP), plur. =
luminaria (gloss.), -topta [n.] ‘lunar phase’ (comm. Arist.). On @wottip, PwoKW, see
pavotnp, pavokw below.
Them. aor. pde ‘lighted up, appeared’ (Hwe, & 502), subj. mpopanot (Max. 280), pte.
gaovoat (or rather gaotoa, Arat. 607 of the constellation XnAai), also p@vta-
Adyutovta (H.). Thence two presents: 1. With an enlargement -0- only ptc. pagOwv
‘shining, radiating’, of the sun (Il, epic poet.), also as a PN DagOwv (Od., etc.), and
-ovtic, -ovtiac (AP, Opp.); as a first member @aeoitBpotoc ‘bringing light to
mortals’, of "Hac, HEAtoc, etc. (epic poet. since 1 785, k 138), @avoi- (Pi.), note
paéoaoBar: ideiv, uaBetv ‘see learn’ (H.). 2. With a suffix -ox- and reduplication: m-
gavoKw [v.] (only pres. and ipf.) ‘to reveal, show, announce’ (IL, epic, lyr.); prefixed
without reduplication: dia-, ém-, b1o-gavoKw, rarely aor. -padoai, fut. -pavow ‘to
shine, rise’ of stars, ‘to dawn’ of daylight (Arist., Hell.+), also (after p@c) -pwoxw
(Hdt, late); simplex p@oxet- Siapavet (H.).
To the primary verb belong several nouns: &-pavotocg ‘unilluminable,
unannouncable’ (Plot.), jui- (Poll.); patois (dta-) [f.] ‘enlightenment, illumination’
(LXX, Plu.), bm6- “(narrow) opening, opening for light’ (Hdt. 7, 36, LXX, Ph.);
dta~avjia [n.] ‘dawn’ (pap. VI?); gavotiip [m.] ‘lamp, torch’ (Epid. III*), whence
~avotiptoc epithet of Dionysus (Lyc.); also gwotnp [m.] ‘light, radiance’, plur.
‘lights of heaven’ = ‘stars, sun and moon’ (LXX, NT, Vett. Val. etc.) = Oupic (H.).
Several PNs: Davdajtoc, Paxpttoc, Nikogang, Ebpupawy, Anpogowy, Avti@av, etc.
*ETYM All the above forms can be derived from a thematic aorist pafetv (Schwyzer:
747), which is seen only in the hapax legomena @de, npopadnotv, paovoa (*paodoa),
from PIE *b*h,-u-V-, and perhaps in pavbw (EM, etc.). The derived noun doc yields
@c with contraction (whence @dwc by diectasis, Chantraine 1942: 81); thence the
gen. pwtdc after xpwtdc, Epwtoc, imtatoc etc; and the derivatives pwotrp, pwoKw. It
is superfluous to assume a special by-form @@c < *b'oh,-s- (= Skt. bhds- [n.]; cf.
below).
The PIE root is *b'eh,- ‘to shine’ as seen in Skt. bhati. The forms with -u- are not
found outside Greek. A cognate with long vowel is generally seen in Skt. vi-
bhava(n)- ‘shining, lighhting’, but this belongs to bhdti ‘to lighten, shine’ and thus
allows for an analysis as vi-bhd-va(n)-. A form without -u- is seen in te@rioetat (see
> paivw).
apxic, -id0¢ 1553
gapayé, -ayyos [f.] ‘gully, chasm, deep trench, abyss’ (Alcm., trag., Th., X. etc.).
<PG(S)>
VAR Also o@apayyec (H. sine expl.); Go@apayos (Il. Plu., Q. S.).
*DER gapayy-w5n¢ ‘full of gullies’ (Arist., D. S., etc.), - itn¢ [m.] epithet of the wind
Iapyx (Arist.), @apayyaiov: tij¢ gapétpac tO KdAvpHLa “quiver-case’ (H.),
papayyooptat in yi) (4povpa) mepapayywpévn ‘craggy field (caused by the Niley
(Hell. pap.). :
eETYM Connection with a verb ‘to cut, split, bore’ (Frisk) is a chimaera. Like
> ofpays, > pddayk, pdpayé is of Pre-Greek origin (note the prenasalization). Fur::
227 compares pLapayor oi a7téKpNtvot Td7t0t ‘overhanging places’ (H.) and Spanish
(Pre-Roman) barranca (cf. Alessio REIE 2 (1939): 153).
papat - dpaivetv, 1AEKetv ‘to weave, plait’ (H.).
*ETYM The gloss is suspect, see DELG.
apétpa [f.] ‘quiver’ (Il.). <GR?>
eVAR Ion. -tpn. Also papatpitac (Boeot.).
*COMP apetpopdpos ‘bearing a quiver’ (AP).
*DER Diminutive gapétp-tov [n.] (Mosch.), -ewv, -e@voc [m.] ‘quiver’ (Hdt.), after
the local nouns in -(e)wv; -itac [m.] ‘archer’.
eETYM Instrument noun and local noun in -tpa, for which derivation from pépw
with a reduced grade has been assumed (cf. Schwyzer: 358), beside a full grade in
épetpov; one compares Bapabpov : BépeBpov, xapddpa : xépadoc, etc. However,
because a reduced grade is not accepted anymore since the laryngeal theory, a
loanword should be considered, e.g. from Iranian, with folk-etymological adaptation
(see Chantraine 1933: 333 and especially Hubschmid 1953a with more examples of
loanwords for ‘quiver’).
gapia unknown (pap. II?).
eVAR xajLarpdaptov (pap. III).
gapidv [n.] a fish (Nic. Al. 398, Dsc.); also papiaxov pappaKov (Phylarch. apud
Athen. 81e).
*ETYM Unclear, see DELG.
gapkacer [v.] - KAEgr TEL ‘steals’ (H.).
*ETYM Unclear, see DELG.
apxes [pl.] - veooooi ‘young birds’ (H.).
eETYM The gloss does not appear in the correct alphabetical place; does it contain an
error? Speculations in DELG.
eapxic, -id0¢ [f.] ‘wrinkle’ (S.Fr. 1108, Erot.). <PG?>
eVARAIso >» popkdv: AevKov, TtoALOv, pvodv ‘white, gray, wrinkled’ (H.), s.v.
*DER gapktdwdn¢ ‘wrinkly’ (Hp. apud Erot.), -.dovpevor otvyvalovtes (H.), of a
gloomy look, literally ‘wrinkling’.
eETYM Gr. gapkic has been compared with Lat. fricdre ‘to rub off, Lith. briakis
‘stroke, line’ and bratkti ‘to strike, rub’, but this is formally hardly possible; so Pre-
1554 PapLLakov
Greek? The connection with gopk6v is quite uncertain. In the meaning ‘white, grey’,
opkdc may belong to a verb for ‘gleam’, to which e.g. Go. bairhts, MoE bright; this
would presuppose a secondary shift from ‘grey’ to ‘wrinkling’ (bva6dc).
gappakov [n.] ‘healing or harmful medicine, healing or poisonous herb, drug,
poisonous potion, magic (potion), dye, raw material for physical or chemical
processing’ (I].). <PG(v)>
*VAR @apLakog (accent following Hdn. Gr. 1, 150) [m.] ‘poisoner, enchanter’ (LXX,
Apoc.).
eDIAL Myc. pa-ma-ko.
“COMP appakomwAnc [m.] ‘medicine seller, pharmacist’ (Att.), moAvpappaKoc
‘having many @., skilled in many g.’ (Hom., Sol., A. R., Thphr.).
DER A. 1. pappdx-tov [n.] ‘healing or harmful medicine’ (P1., Hell. pap., Plu. etc.). 2.
gapptak-ia, Ion. -in [f.] ‘remedy (Hp., LXX etc.). 3. pappak-euvc [m.] ‘who prepares
@. poisoner, enchanter’ (S., Pl. etc.), probably backformed from -etw. 4. pappak-
itns [m.], -ittg [f.] "containing @., concerning g.’ (Hp., Eup., etc.). 5. papptak-iwv [m.]
epithet of a physician (Gal.). 6. papjtak-ic (Ar. D., Arist. etc.), -ela (Arist.), -ebtpia
(Theoc. in tit, Eust.), -tooat [pl.] (H., see BapBaxevdtpiat) [f.] ‘enchantress’. 7.
pappak-wv, -@voc [m.] ‘dye works’ (S. Fr. 1109).
B. Adjectives 1. pappiaKk-w6519¢ ‘medicinal, poisonous, rich in .’ (Arist., Hell.+). 2.
appiax-detc ‘id.’ (Hell. and late poetry). 3. pappax-npdc ‘treated with @., imbued,
impregnated’ (pap. II’). 4. -txd¢ ‘concerning the g.”’ (Tz; usually -evtucd¢ for
euphonic reasons).
C. Denominative verbs: 1. pappiak-evw ‘to prepare or use g., to heal, poison, enchant’
(IA), also with kata-, dta-; hence -evtri¢ = -evc (late), -evtixdc “concerning the use of
g., belonging to g.’ (PL, Gal. etc.), -eia [f.] ‘preparation or use of @., healing,
poisoning, enchantment’ (Hp., Att., Hell.+), -evots [f.] ‘id’ (Hp., Pl.), -evtpia (see A
6); also as a back-formation -evc (see A 3). 2. pappLak-dw “to feel the effect of a @, to
long for g. (D., Thphr., Plu. etc.). 3. pappiak-doptat ‘to be poisoned, enchanted’ (Plu.,
pap.), aor. act. -@oat ‘to provide with g.’ (Pi.). 4. pappdoou, Att. -tTw ‘to treat with
g., to heal, poison, enchant’ (t 393), rarely with xata-, év-, émt-; hence pdppaktc [f.]
‘medical treatment, enchantment, metalworking’ (PL, Plu., etc.), -axtip, -aKtn¢ [m.]
= MappaKet¢ (Opp.), -aktiptog ‘healing’ (Lyc.). Also back-formation pappaxdc [m.]
‘lustration, scapegoat’, also as a term of abuse (Hippon., Ar., Lys., D., Call.); perhaps,
the long a was introduced after pejorative words in -a& (the length is certain in
Hippon. and Call., but shortvowel in Ar. Eq. 1045, both are possible in Ar. Ra. 733).
*ETYM The original meaning of pappaxov cannot be established with certainty. The
word is clearly Pre-Greek. Fur.: 220 compares pdpfavta: iatpikd pappaKka (H.),
doppia: pappaka, oi 5& gdopBa (H.). Note the variations a/o and 1/8, well-known
from Pre-Greek. Foreign origin is already pleaded for by Chantraine 1933: 384 and
Schwyzer: 497.
apos [n.] ‘plough? (Alcm., Antim. Eleg.; both very doubtful), ‘ploughing’ (H., EM),
also = papuy— (Lyc.)? <?>
papoog 1555
*DER Papodv: ApoTpLav; Papw@oat- dpdoat ... (H.); 3pl. papdwot ‘to plough’ (Call. Fr.
183 = EM 788, 24), perhaps after apdwot? dpapoc, apapwtog = davijpotoc,
avapotpiaotoc? (Call. Fr. 183, 82 c = 555 Pf; very uncertain, cf. Pf. ad loc.), Bob~apov
(-1v cod., -f Latte): thv evdpot[plov yiv. papocg yap 1) dpootcg (H.). Further aor.
papoat = oxioat (EM). Compare > papayé.
*ETYM The relation between the words cited is unknown, because of their meagre
attestation. The present gapdwot seems an intensive deverbative (*papdw);
imitation of dpdwot is quite improbable. The sequence gap- could be interpreted as
the original zero grade of a verbal stem PIE *b'erH- ‘to pierce, bore’, continued e.g.
in OHG borén ‘to bore’, bora [f.] ‘borer’, Alb. biré, brimé [f.] ‘hole’; with o-grade Lat.
forare ‘to bore (through); with e-grade MIr. bern(a) [f.] ‘cleft, split’, Arm. beran
‘mouth’; with é- or 6-grade Arm. brem ‘to dig up, bore up’, < *birem < PIE *b'ér-, or
*burem < PIE *b'ér-. Words for ‘to beat, hew’, such as Lat. ferire, ON berja, OCS
borjo, brati ‘to fight’ have been kept separate by E-M for their deviating meaning.
@apos [m.] ‘lighthouse’ (AP). <?>
eETYM Origin unknown. Borrowed into Late Latin, French, etc. Hence derives the
name of the island in Alexandria, famous for its lighthouse (6 355).
apos [n.] ‘cloth, linen, garment, cloak, costume’ (II., epic poet.). < PG?>
eVAR Later also pdpog (papéeoot Hes. Op. 198 codd.).
eDIAL Myc. pa-we-a [pl.].
*COMP Ltehayipaprs ‘having a black garment’ (B.).
*DER Pdpat: deaivetv, thékelv ‘weave, plait’ (H.); also popitdc?
eETYM An isolated word, which could well be Pre-Greek. On the erroneous
connection with Lith. buré ‘sail’, barva, burva ‘color’ see Fraenkel 1955 s.vv. with
Nieminen KZ 72 (1955): 129ff. and 147ff. Acc. to Solmsen 1909: 246, it belongs to
> pdpoos, > pdpvyk, etc.
~apoayylov = > tapacdyyne.
@apoog [n.] ‘quarter, part’ of a city (Hdt. 1, 180f., 186 said of Babylon, which is divided
into two parts by the Euphrates), of a house (Poll.); of a felt hat and of a bunch of
grapes (AP); of a root (Nic.); of a gown (J.), ‘cloth, covering, banner’ (J.). <1E? *b'rs-
‘break’, PG?>
*COMP gapoodpos = signifer (gloss.); Siapap(o)oug xttHvac (EM 175, 37).
*DER papowpa [n.] ‘frame ofa ship’ vel sim. (Demetr. in Cat. Cod. Astr.).
*ETYM An Ionic word according to Solmsen 1909: 6f. Connection with @dapoc
‘plough’ makes little sense. Previously, it was assumed that the -o- was suffixal, and
awoc, uvoos etc. were compared (Schwyzer: 513). Fur.: 254 suggests a Pre-Greek
word, because of the suffix -ooc.
The most promising etymology, however, is a connection with Hitt. parsi-“, pars-
“") ‘to break’, parsa- ‘morsel, fragment’, if we assume that in a zero grade *b'rs-o-, the
-s- was preserved between vocalic resonant and vowel. The Hitt. word is compared
with the Gm. group of ON bresta, OHG brestan, OE berstan ‘to burst’. Within
Greek, we find a verbal form @apoat = oxioat (EM).
1556 papvyg
gapvy§ [f.m.] ‘throat, gorge, larynx, windpipe’ (Od.), also ‘throat disease’ (Hp.).
<PG(S)>
eVAR Also -v€, gen. -vyoc, -vyyos, acc. -vyya.
*COMP gapvyyotoptia [f] ‘aryngotomy’ (late medic.), taxpopdpv(y)& ‘long-necked’
(AP).
*DER gap-vy(y)e8pov (medic., Poll.), -byafpov (H.) ‘id.’, on the model of the
synonyms Bépe8pov, Bapabpov [2]; pap-vy(yyivény ‘like a gullet’ (Com. Adesp.,
Lex.); papvyyilw = Aapvyyiw (Poll.). Cf. koAoi-ppvé, also papay— and Adpvyé.
*ETYM Frisk interprets this as an inherited Indo-European word for ‘throat, gorge’,
identical with Lat. friimen ‘id? < *frigsmen, Arm. erbuc, gen. -oy (o-stem) ‘chest,
breast-piece of sacrificial animals’; it would be further connected with » papoc. Yet,
this analysis is completely wrong: the prenasalized suffix -v(y)y- shows that the word
is of Pre-Greek origin.
acyavov [n.] ‘sword’ (IL, epic poet., Cyprian acc. to AB 1095), ‘sword lily, gladiolus,
iris’ (Thphr., Dsc. etc.), “sword of the swordfish’ (Opp.). <PG(S)>
*DIAL Myc. pa-ka-na.
*COMP gacyav-oupyoc ‘sword-forger’ (A. [lyr.]), ypvoopacyavoc = xpvodwp (sch.).
*DER Diminutive gaoyav-ic, idog [f.] ‘razor blade’ (AP 6, 307), -tov [n.] ‘sword lily’
(Dsc., Gal. etc.); verbs gacydveta Eiger dvaipeita (H.), gaoyavdw in
gacyandoav: cE@loievyy, Pacyaviwv<twv> épiopéevwv (H.).
eETYM Formation like Spénavov, kémavov and other instrument names. The
traditional connection with opdCw, cgay through *o@ay-oK-avov (Prellwitz) is
unconvincing phonetically and morphologically. The connection with Skt. khadgd-
‘sword’ (Specht KZ 66 (1939): 220) is refuted by Mayrhofer KEWA s.v.
The word is no doubt Pre-Greek (cf. the a-vocalism, suffix -av-). Fur.: 300 takes up
the traditional connection with oay- (s.v. opatw) and interprets it in Pre-Greek
terms. Isebaert Glotta 63 (1985): 15of. connects Skt. bhdjate, but he does not explain
the Greek -a-, nor the meaning.
@aonros [m.] ‘an edible bean’ (Epich., Ar., pap. II’, etc.). <Lw?>
*DER gaorAtov [n.] ‘id. (Dsc., pap. [V-V?).
*ETYM Identical with Lat. phasélus [m., f.] ‘kind of beans, husk-like bread’ (Cat. Cic.,
Aug. poetry, Colum., etc.), which probably was a loanword from Greek. The inverse
direction was assumed by Pisani Rend. Acc. Linc. 6:6 (1930): 184ff.: paondocg would
be an Italic loanword into Greek, cognate with @akés ‘lentil’. Because of Alb. bathé
‘tick-bean’ (see »@ak6c), Kretschmer Glotta 21 (1933): 181f. considered Illyrian
intervenience. Further details are found in WH s.v., where Mediterranean origin is
assumed. From the Lat. diminutive phaseolus (Colum., etc.), Greek took @actodog,
-wdoc, TacioAog (Gal. Poll., Edict. Diocl.). Fur. 175 follows Alessio in comparing
Lat. basélus ‘light vessel’, which would point to substrate origin, either
Mediterranean or Pre-Greek.
aoc 1 [f.] ‘notification’. «VAR Also paoyia. =gatvw.
dots 2 [f] ‘declaration’. VAR Also patic, paokw. =pnpi.
pacoa 1557
Packaivw =Backaivw.
gaoKds =Backaec.
gaoxia, -150¢ [f.] ‘bandage, strip’ (Sor., Poll.). <Lw Lat>
eETYM From Lat. fascia.
gaoxic in 1. Backevtal: packidec, dyKdAa (H.). 2. diapuooc packic. <?>
eETYM 1. Could be a loan from Lat. fascis, or a Greek word, cf. Baoxot dSeoptai
ppvydavwv. 2. Possibly to be read as oxagic ‘cup’.
@aokos [m.] ‘tufts of moss drooping from oak trees’ (Thphr., H.). <PG?>
eETYM Starting from original *@apoxoc, Solmsen 1909: 5ff. proposes three
possibilities: 1. related to the group of LG barsch ‘sharp, rough, stern’ < PGm. *bars-
ka-, Olr. barr ‘point, top, etc.’ < PCI. *barso-, OHG burst ‘bristle’, Lat. fastigium
‘point, ridge, etc.’;
2. related to » pdpoos ‘piece, part’;
3. from earlier *papk-oKoc to PopKOv: AEUKOV, TOALOV, PUOOV.
Differently Mann Lang. 17 (1941): 12: to Alb. bashké ‘pellicle’. On @aokdc, -45o¢ ‘kind
of duck’, see » BaoKac.
Fur. 124 compares opdkocg ‘kind of moss’, ogayvoc, packov (Thphr.) ‘kind of moss’.
Op.cit.: 300 he adduces pdoxwdog and Bdaoxtot, etc. It is impossible to make a
definite choice. A Pre-Greek word seems quite possible.
@aokos [n.] ‘bundle of wood’ (Edict. Diocl.). <Lw Lat.»
*ETYM Adaptation of Lat. fascis.
Qaokw En Li.
paoKwhoc [m.] ‘leather bag, bag for clothing, for metal objects, etc” (Ar. Fr. 319, Lys.
and Is. apud Harp., Att. inscr.). <PG>
eVAR -ov [n.].
*DER Diminutive -wAtov [n.] (Hell.+).
*ETYM It seems formally evident to connect » pacKog (cf. doxwAta : doKdc), in which
case the bag would have been denominated after a skin from which the hairs have
not been removed (Solmsen 1909: 7). Pok. 111 connects Bdacktot deojtol Ppvyavwv
‘bundles of dry wood’ (H.) as Macedonian. Borrowed as Lat. pasceolus (since Plaut.),
phascolum (Paul. Fest.). Pre-Greek origin seems probable (Fur.: passim).
re
acoa [f.] ‘wood-pigeon, ringdove’ (Ar., PL, Arist., etc.). < PG?>
eVAR Att. -tTa.
*DER gacoogévoc [m.] ‘killing pigeons, pigeon killer’ (ipn§ O 236), ‘kind of hawk’
(Arist., Gal. etc.), -pdvtng [m.] ‘id’ (Ael.); pay, -Bdc [f.] a wilde dove (A. Fr. 210, 257
= 3, 403 M.; Arist., Lyc.), difficult to distinguish from @aooa; pabo-tbm0¢ [m.] “kind
ofhawk’ (Arist.), paBoxtévoc: igpakoKtovoc (H.).
*ETYM As paooa may have been reshaped after vijooa, kiooa etc. we cannot draw
any conclusions from the opposition dooa : pay for the origin of -oo- and -B-. For
1558 patvy
day, compare monosyllables such as yo, oxwy, yAavé etc. The hypothesis by Hamp
2005: 102-5, seems too complicated. The word is probably Pre-Greek.
atv [f.] ‘crib, manger’ (Il.), ‘depression, coffer in a coffered ceiling, coffer’ (Hell.
inscr.), ‘tooth socket’ (Poll.), name of a star in the constellation Cancer, beside the
"Ovot (Thphr.). <PG>
VAR Late also 140vn.
*DER 1. Diminutive gatviov [n.] ‘tooth socket, gums’ (late medic., Ph.), name of a
star = patvy (Hephaest.). 2. Verbs: a. patv-etw [v.] ‘to feed at the manger’ (late),
-iZopiat (ék-) ‘to be fed at the manger’ (Hld., Nic. Dam.), -aGouat ‘id’ (Aq.); b. patv-
6w [v.] ‘to deepen a ceiling, furnish with panelwork; to coffer’ (LXX), -wpa [n.]
‘coffering, coffered ceiling, coffer, embrasure on a ship’ (A. Fr. 78 = 114 M., Plb. etc.),
‘tooth socket’ (Gal.), -wptatixdg ‘panelled’ (Plu., Anatol. inscr.), -wtdg ‘id.’ (H.,
Phot.), -wotc [f.] ‘coffering’ (LXX). 3. as a hypostasis from *éx atv: éxpatv- Copan
‘to be cast out (of the manger)’ (Posidon., Eust.), -tojia [n.] ‘litter, scrap’ (Philostr.
VA, etc.). 4. Datvioc, epithet of Zeus in Phrygia (Laodicea Combusta; imperial.
period).
*ETYM The byform 7d0vn, attested by Moeris 212, 9 as Hellenistic, lives on in MoGr.
and could come from Ionic (Schwyzer: 121; Wackernagel 1916: 23 with ref.). It is
widely assumed (Frisk, DELG) that md0v17 is the oldest form, whence by shift of
aspiration gatvy. Inverted writing yielded another variant m&0yn (LXX; Schwyzer:
216). Yet, Beekes 2003: 109-112 stresses that @dtvi) is the oldest form (Hom.),
whereas m&0v1) is only Hellenistic. There are parallels for a progressive shift of
aspiration (@idaKvn > mOdKvI)).
Frisk follows the traditional etymology of patvn as a derivative *b"nd'-n-h,- to PIE
*biend'- ‘to bind’ as in Skt. badhnati, perf. babandha, Go. bindan. The same n-suffix
is recognized in some Celtic forms with full grade: Gaul-Lat. benna ‘two-wheeled
chariot with a plaited basket’, W benn ‘carriage’, and, as a loanword, MoHG dial.
benne ‘waggon box’.
It has been assumed, on the basis of the Celtic word, that patvn originally denoted a
‘wicker basket’. However, the crib to which horses were tied is a solid construction
(év§éotn) and cannot have been of wicker-work. As patvn cannot be derived from
*bhend"-, the word is most probably Pre-Greek.
gattayns [m.] ‘scaly ant-eater’ (Ael.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Also onatayync (Sophr.), matéyyng¢ (Poll.).
eETYM The variants show that the word is Pre-Greek (Fur.: 164, 281).
gatlev >padorye.
gaddog [adj.] ‘bad, unfit, ill, mean, poor, etc.’ (IA). <PG>
*COMP @avadftos ‘leading a bad life’ (sch.), bmdqavAog ‘somewhat bad, etc.’ (Hp.).
*DER @avAtog (of fruits) ‘coarse, etc.’ (Thphr. etc.). pavA-dtij [f.] “bad character, etc.’
(Att.), -i€w [v.] ‘to regard as bad, despise’ (Pl., X., LXX, late), also with dta-, éx-, etc.,
whence -toudc (ék-) [m.] (LXX, J.), -topa [n.] ‘contempt’, -iotpia [f.] “despiser’
(LXX).
péyyos . 1559
eETYM Pejorative adjective with a suffix -Ao- and barytone accent, like ,tdyAoc,
otb@Aoc, etc. May have been dissimilated from *pAabAoc; compare the synonym
gAadpoc. The form is also reminiscent of » d~aupdc ‘weak, powerless’, and is no
doubt a Pre-Greek word.
gadotyé [f.] ‘blister from burns, blister’ (Ar. Fr. 883, Hp. apud Gal. 19, 150, Poll. 7, 110,
EM 789, 52, H.). <PG(S,V)>
VAR Also gadottyé, plur. -tyyes.
*COMP No compounds or derivatives.
*ETYM Formation like tfjwyt, otpdgryt, etc. that has been compared with gavlel-
ppbyet ‘roasts, dries’ (H.). The prenasalized suffix and the variation o/ot show that
the word is Pre-Greek; note the intervocalic -o-.
gay =pdaooa.
péPopat [v.] ‘to flee, take flight’ (Hom, A. R.). <IE *b'eg’- ‘run away, flee’>
eVAR Only pres. and ipf.
DER Causative-iterative poBéw ‘to put to flight, frighten’, -éop:at ‘to flee, take flight,
be put to flight’ (Hom.), also ‘to frighten’ and ‘to be frightened’ (post-Hom.), also
with éx-, kata-, bmEp-, mpo-, etc; later, the verb was interpreted as a denominative.
Hence @6B-nua (ék-) [n.] ‘fear’ (S. [lyr.], sch.), €x-p6B-notc [f.] ‘fright’ (Hdn., Sch.,
H.), poB-1yt1Kdc (ék-, mpo-) ‘fearful, daunting’ (Arist. etc.), -1;tpov (é«-) [n.] ‘terror,
scarecrow, terrible event’ (Hp, LXX, Ev. Luc., AP). As a first member in
Mofectotpatn, epithet of Athena (Ar. Eq. 1177), on the model of édxeot-, dAqeot-,
Taptect- etc.), also DoPéotpattog ‘id’ (Hes. Th. apud Chrysipp. Stoic, EM 797, 54;
after Apye- etc.). Verbal noun @dBoc [m.] ‘flight’ (IL, epic poet.), ‘fright’ (post-
Hom.), probably also A 544 etc. often as a second member, e.g. mepi-, &k-, éu-,
bmépgoBoc, partly back-formations from éxgoféw, -éopat, etc. Hence gpoBepdc
‘dreadful, fearful’ (IA), poBep-dotn¢ [f.] ‘terribleness’, -i(w ‘to terrify’, -tot6¢ [m.]
(LXX). péBos ‘fright’ replaced the noun dé0¢ (to deidw). On > pdfn, see s.v.
*ETYM Beside thematic péPopat with *e , we find Balto-Slavic cognates with -é- from
Winter’s Law: Lith. bégti, isg. bégu ‘to walk, run’ , Latv. bégt, isg. bégu ‘to walk’,
bégtiés ‘to flee’ (béga ‘light’, béglis ‘fugitive’), OCS béZati, isg. bézZo ‘pevyetv’, Ru.
bezatv, 1sg. begu ‘to walk, flee’. Van Windekens 1941: 96 suggested connecting ToA
pkant ‘apart’, pukdl ‘year’, ToB pikul ‘year’; considered conceivable by Adams 1999
s.v. pikul.
géyyos [n.] ‘light, splendour, lustre’ (mostly poet., h. Cer. 278, also Att., Hell.+). <2>
*COMP Eg. xpvoogeyyrc ‘with golden radiance, gold-radiant’ (A. Ag. 288);
geyyoBoAéw ‘to cast light? (Man.).
*DER geyyitns [m.] name of a stone = oednvitng (Plin. etc.); Bpayvgeyyitns =
Bpaxugeyyric (Abxvoc) ‘casting a sparse light’ (AP 6, 251; metrically enlarged). As a
back-formation: géyyw [v.] ‘to glow, shine, enlighten’ (Ar. Ra. 344 [lyr.], A. R, late),
only pres. and ipf., also with mept-, occasionally kata-, dva-.
*ETYM No etymology. Has often been connected with Lith. spingiu (spingu), spingéti
‘to give a weak light, glitter’ and with OE spincan ‘to spark’, OHG funko, MoHG
1560 pel
Funke ‘spark’, but this suggestion is impossible in view of the initial stops. Nor is a
contamination of *onéyyoc and doc probable.
get [n.] name of a letter.
eVAR Indeclinable.
eETYM After p> mei, s.v.
peidoztat [v.] ‘to spare, save, refrain from’ (IL). <1E? *b'eid- ‘split’ (?)>
VAR Sigm. aor. peicacBar (O 236, etc.), redupl. them. aor. megidéoOa, opt. -ofuryv
(Y 464, ® 101, t 277); on the differentiation in meaning against geicacBal, see
Chantraine 1942: 415; fut. peicoua (Att), Tepidnoetat (O 215, Q 158 = 187),
getoOroopat (pap. II’), perf. med. ptc. meeiopévoc (Luc, D. C.), mepiSnpéevoc
(Nonn.), ipv. megidrjoo (late epigr.).
eCOMP Rarely with tmo-, mepi- (X., A. R. etc.). As a first member in the univerbation
pedargit-foat (aor.) ‘to handle the barley thriftily’ (Com. Adesp.), -w¢ (Phryn. PS).
Numerous PNs, eg. Deidinnoc with Derdinnidyc, AeweetSnc, Detd-dAoc, -iac, -wv,
etc., aking in Argos (Hdt.), whence -wvetog, -wvid1s.
DER eid-w [f.] (Hom., Hes., Democr., Th., LXX etc.), -wAr [f-] (X 244, Sol.) ‘saving,
thrift, sparing’, -wAdc ‘thrifty’ (Hes. Op. 720), whence -wAia [f.] (Ar. Pl. etc.), ped
: parsimonia (gloss.). Backformed adjective petddc ‘thrifty’ (Com. Adesp., Democr.,
Call. Fr. 460), whence geidwv, -wvocg [m.] ‘oil-can with a narrow neck’ (Poll.),
frequent as a PN (see below).
*ETYM Gr. peiSopat must be inherited, and agrees phonetically PIE *b'eid- ‘to split,
etc.’, as attested in Go. beitan, E bite, Skt. bhinddmi, Lat. findo ‘to split’, root aorist
Skt. abhedam, dbhet. A convinding semantic motivation has not been found:
originally ‘to cut off niggling, nip off or ‘to cut away from sth. = to withdraw’?
gedybvet [v.] - dovvetet, Anpet ‘is stupid, talks nonsense’ (H.). <?>
eETYM Has often been connected with Skt. phalgu- ‘futile, weak, useless, etc.’, Lith.
spilgti ‘to languish from lack of light, die off (of plants), get a bad appearance (of
men)’ and others, but this comparison is doubtful in all respects.
gedAev¢ [m.] ‘uneven, stony ground’, also the name of a mountainous region in Attica
(Cratin., Ar., Pl. etc.). <?%>
*DER MedAgitr¢ [m.] ‘inhabitant of the ® (St. Byz.). Also eAAia [n.pl.] (X. Cyn. 5,
18), peddAic (yi, Poll: 1, 227), peAAewv, -@voc [m.] (Arr. Cyn.17) ‘id.’; DedAgic [f.]
region in Attica (IV*).
*ETYM The word has been connected with méAAa: Ai®oc ‘stone’ (H.) in different ways;
Fur.: 161 suggests that it shows Pre-Greek interchange m/@; uncertain. Alternative: to
peAds, referring to the uneven, porous structure of corc?
@edXdc [m.] ‘cork, cork-oak’ (Pi. P. 2, 80, A. Ch. 506, Thphr., Hero, pap. III). <?>
*COMP gedAddpus [f.] ‘cork-oak’ (Thphr.), perhaps from Arcadian (cf. Ruijgh 1957:
90).
eDER ~éAA-vog ‘made of cork’ (Luc.), -@dn¢ ‘id.’ (Poll.), pedAivac: Kod@oc, a0 TOD
erXrov; peddevov: EmimtAéov (H.); probably also geAA-ivat [pl.] name of a fast water
gépBw, -opat 1561
bird (Dionys. Av.), pedAiviot dpoBakyat (H.). Also DeAAw [f.] the land of the
Medorodec (Luc. VH 2, 4).
eETYM One may compare > @odic and a Slavic word of comparable meaning, e.g. Ru.
bolond ‘outgrowth on trees’, bélonv ‘sap-wood, weak bark’. If correct, than peAAdc
could derive from *peA-vdc - but given the limited distribution of the words, this is
highly improbable. Fur.: 164 compares dxpd6-omeAXoc and o1td-omeAAos, on which I
have no opinion.
géAXovpa [f.] ‘giant fennel, Ferula communis’ (sch. Hes. Op. 52a). See André 1958: 60.
<LW Lat}
eETYM As DELG remarks, probably metathesized from *gépovAa vel sim., which
itself must be a borrowing from Lat. ferula, the Greek word for fennel being vap@né.
Given the productivity of the suffix -ovp- in plant names, folk etymology has
certainly been at work.
pévas, -axog [m.] ‘impostor, trickster’ (Ar. rare and late). <PG>
eVAR Cf. myvijkn ‘wig’ (Luc.); see below.
DER gevakilw (amo- Men. Prot.) [v.] ‘to deceive, trick’, -top16¢ [m.] ‘deceit, trickery’
(com., Att. orators), -iopata [pl.] (H.) as an explanation of mvikiopata; pevak-
totr¢ [m.] ‘deceiver’ (Phld., sch.), -totiKdc ‘deceitful’ (Poll.), -1x@¢ ‘id’ (EM). Also
gévayua [n.] (Phot.), to *pevaoow; pevakn [f.] ‘false hair, wig’ (Luc.).
*ETYM Probably a Pre-Greek word (compare the variant myviKn) with a
characteristic suffix -aé.
@evvijots [m.] ‘priest of Isis’ (Wilsken, Griech. Ostraka 413, 417, 420 [IP]). «LW Eg.>
*ETYM An Egyptian word; see Masson Revue d’Egyptologie 29 (1977): 58.
gevviov [2] - Mnduxt 056c. TaptptAtot (H.). <?>
eETYM Unknown.
gevvic, -ida [f.] ‘ball game’ (H., Phot., Suid.). <?>
eETYM The same game as gatvivda (naitev); the word was made from gevivéa (Et.
Gen.), with expessive gemination.
~éepBw, -optat [v.] “to pasture, tend, feed, nourish’, med. ‘to feed upon, consume, enjoy’
(Ion. poet., Hes. Op. 377, h. Hom. 30). <?>
VAR Only pres. and ipf., except plpf. énepdpBet (h. Merc. 105).
*DIAL Myc. po-qa /p*org"a-/, also i-po-po-qo-i /ippo-p*org"oi"i/ = innogopBoic with
dissimilation *k” - p - k” > p - p - k”, also po-qe-wi-ja-i /p*org”éwia"i/ = popBetaic
(see 4. below).
*COMP ToAv@opfos ‘rich in pastures, feeding many’ (Il., Hes.), etpopBoc ‘well-fed’
(Orph.), evpopBia [f] ‘good food’ (S. Fr. 848), -ov [n.] name of a tree, ‘Euphorbia
resinifera’, and its juice (Dsc., Gal, S. E. etc.). Also éupdpBiov- teAwvra (H.),
whence Arc. ivgopBiev (= *éupop Piet) ‘to raise pasture taxes’, ivpopBiojidc (Tegea
IV*). As a second member e.g. in ov(0)-popfdc [m.] ‘swine-herd’ (Hom, etc.).
*DER gépBovoa [f.] plant name (Ps.-Dsc.), pépBrytac: vopteic ‘herdsmen’ (H.). With
o-grade: opr, Dor. -a [f.] ‘pasture, food, nourishment’ (Ion. poet. since I].).
1562 epéoBioc
Thence: 1. popBdc, -45oc¢ [m., f.] ‘feeding, grazing, nurturing’ (Pi, S., E, etc; mostly
poetic), whence -adikéc (Plu.). 2. gopB-aywv ‘id’? (Hymn. Is.). 3. popB-atoc
‘belonging to the pasture’ (Call.). 4. popB-e1d, -ed [f.] ‘halter’, metaphorically
‘mouthband of a piper’ (Ar., S. Fr. 768, X., Arist., etc.), perf. ptc. gumepopperwpévoc
‘equipped with a mouthband’ (Ar.); 5. popB-aia [f.] id.” (LXX). 6. popB-aoia [f.] ‘id?
(Suid.). 7. popB-tov [n.] plant-name (Gal.). On @dpfia: pappaxa ‘drugs’ (H.) see
> pappakov. Note gopBa [n.pl.] = popBr (Orph.).
*ETYM Agricultural term without etymology.
epéoBios > pépw.
PEPEGOAKTG =OdKOc.
@éptotos [adj.] almost only in voc. péptote as a courteous address (Il., epic poet.). <IE
*bher-ist(H)o->
*ETYM Identical with Av. bairista [voc.] ‘helping best’, so probably inherited from
PIE. Superlative of the PIE root *b'er- ‘to carry, etc.’ attested in Gr. pépw, etc. The
original meaning is disputed: ‘most serviceable, most helpful, useful’?, ‘strongest in
carrying’? The co-occurring variants géptepoc ‘stronger, braver, better’ and
géptatog ‘strongest, bravest, best’ (Il, epic poet.) are innovations after bmép-tepoc,
-Tatoc; compare also @ik-tepos, -tatoc etc. Differently on péptotos, etc. Seiler 1950:
94ff. On the meaning, see also DELGs.v. péptepoc.
gepvn [f.] ‘dowry’ (IA) <1E *b’er-n->
evAR Aeol. (Hdn. Gr., EM) gépeva, Dor. pepva [f.] ‘god’s share at the sacrifice’
(Epid. V-IV*).
*COMP avtigepvos ‘instead of the dowry’ (A. Ag. 406 [lyr.]), ta avtipepva ‘return
present of the groom for the bride’ (Cod. Just.); 14 napapepva ‘what the bride brings
beside the dowry’ (pap. L-II?, Just. Nov.); &-, moht-gepvoc (H.); émpépva [n.pl.]
‘dowry’ (sch. 1147, Eust.).
*DER Diminutive gepvapiov [n.] (pap. Aug. times), gepv-itw ‘to furnish with a
dowry’ (LXX, Hell. and late pap.).
*ETYM Verbal noun of » gépw, originally meaning ‘load’. The nasal suffix is also seen
in Arm. be7n, gen. be7in ‘burden, load’, Lith. bérnas ‘boy, (farmer’s) servant’, Latv.
béerns ‘child, baby’; with o-grade Go. and ON barn [n.] ‘child’ < “what was borne”,
Alb. barré ‘load’. The disyllabic root-shape in Aeol. mépeva agrees with that of
gépetpov, @dpetpov; on the secondary -d, see Solmsen 1909: 259. See also
> Bepvwpe0a (H.).
épwov [n.] ‘fish-basket’ (Men., Com. Adesp., Ael.). <GR>
*ETYM Like » pepvij, but with agentive meaning (“carrier”).
éptepos Héplotoc,
pépw, -onct [v.] ‘to bear, endure, carry off, bring away, provide, reach, move along,
etc.’ (IL). <1E *b'er- ‘bear, carry’>
eVAR Only pres. and ipf.
eDIAL Myc. pe-re = pépet.
pépw, -opat 1563
*COMP Verbs frequently with one or two prefixes (in various meanings), e.g. dva-
(ovv-ava-, etc.), amo-(mpo-amo-), dia-, eia-(é7-eto-), etc. etc. Nominal compounds,
€.g.: PEPE-OlKOG ‘carrying one’s house’ (Hdt.), “house-carrier” > ‘snail’ (Hes. Op. 571),
= (@ov duotov yaAf (Cratin. 94, EM, H.); also pepéofioc ‘bringing sustenance,
nourishing’ (h. Hom., Hes. etc.); gepecoinovos ‘enduring, suffering’ = gepénovoc
(epigr.). On -@epric see A 6, on -pdpoc and -opoc B 3.
DER A. With e-grade (rare): 1. péppa [n.] fruit of the womb, of the earth’ (A. [lyr.]).
2. péptpov (Z 236, Ael.), pépetpov (Plb.) [n.] ‘bier’, pepetpevouat ‘to be carried on a
bier’ (Plu.). 3. péptpuc: &BA0c. @ovptor (H.); hardly correct, perhaps for *peptuc? 4.
geptoc, only in ob tAatdc od geptdac (E. Hec. 158 [lyr.]), Ggeptog (A. [lyr.]),
ovegeptoc ‘united’ (N 237, Nonn.); cf. below. 5. » péptotoc and -tepos, -tatoc. 6.
-eprjs in derivatives from prefixed verbs, e.g. mpopeprc (to mpo-pépw) ‘outstanding,
excellent’ (IL, epic poet.), mepipepric (to mepipépopat) ‘running around, revolving,
circular’, whence -eta, -ein [f.] “convolution, circumference’ (IA); hence rarely in
compounds, e.g. oivo-epric (H.), see > oivo@Avé.
B. With o-grade: 1. gopa, Ion. -1 [f.] ‘bearing, burden, fee, product, motion, course’
(1A); frequently from prefixed verbs, e.g. cvp@opa, -1 ‘event, coincidence, accident,
etc. (IA), -dCw ‘to lament, beweep’ (Hell.+), -aivw (Ps.-Hdt. Vit. Hom.); similarly
ava-, dta-, é7t-, mpoo-popd, etc. 2. dpoc [m.] ‘earnings, (collected) tribute,
payment’ (IA). 3. popdc ‘bearing, conducive, pregnant, advantageous’ (Hp., Arist.,
Hell.+). Independently in compounds, e.g. tof&opdpoc ‘bearing a bow, archer’ (®
483); in derivatives from prefixed verbs, eg. ovupopoc (to ovpgepw) ‘conducive,
suitable, advantageous’ (since Hes.), didaqopoc ‘various’ (IA), whence -dtn¢ [f.]
‘difference’ (Pl, late).
To @opa or pdpoc: 4. popets [m.] ‘bearer’ (Z 566, A. R, Plu.), dugt-, dva-, etc. 5.
gopac, -a5o¢ [f.], -ddtov [n.] ‘brood-mare’ (late pap.), also ‘productive’ (Thphr.). 6.
gopeiov [n.] ‘litter, sedan chair’ (Din., Hell.+), ‘porter’s wages’ (Poll.). 7. pdpetpov
[n.] ‘porter’s wages, expenses of transport’ (pap.), -tpiCw ‘to load, transport’ (pap.). 8.
pdptpios ‘fertile’ (Hell.+, AP, et al.), moti- ‘conducive, useful’ (Epich.). Adverbs 9.
gopadnv ‘borne along, quickly’ (S., E, D. etc.), -45av (Epid.); -nddov ‘by bundles’
(Luc.). 10. @dp-toc [m.] ‘load, freight’ (Od.), whence -tic¢ (vatc) [f.] ‘freightship’
(Od., late prose), -tiov [n.] ‘load, batch, freight, cargo’, plur. ‘goods’ (Aeol. poetry,
Att.), -tak, -takoc [m.] ‘carrier, barge’ (Com. Adesp., pap. I*), -tikdc ‘bearing a
burden, burdensome, coarse, crude’ (Att., etc.), -tixdtn¢ [f.] (Arist.), -tiKevouat
(sch.), - Toc ‘bearing a burden’ (sch.), -tifw, -tiCopat ‘to load up’ (since Hes.), also
with avtt-, ék-, émt-, dmo-, etc, whence -tiopdc (é7m-, €x-, d7o-) [m.] ‘loading’ (late),
-t6w ‘to load’ (late). 11. Iterative-intensive verb popéw ‘to bear, etc.’, aor. popijoat
(Il.), late -éoat, very frequent with prefix, e.g. dva-, ém-, ovv-; thence -1)pa (ém-, dta-,
ovv- etc.) [n.] ‘garb, load, dress, bier’ (1A), -eua (Phot., Suid.), -jotg (Sta-, év-, ovv-
etc.) [f.] ‘bearing’ (Hell.+), -eotc (Suid., sch.); -17t6¢ (am0- etc.) ‘bearable, endurable’
(Pi. Fr. 88, 1, A. Pr. 979, E. late prose), -1ttKé¢ (dva-, dta-, mepi-) in different
meanings (late). With apparent nominal first member, e.g. kapmo-popéw (X., Arist.,
etc.), denominative from kapmto-@dpoc (Pi. Hdt., E, Ar., X., etc.).
1564 ged
C. With lengthened grade: » wp (not » pwptajtdc). See further > papétpa, » Pepvn,
> dipopetc, » Sippoc; » PopLtdc (unrelated is » pPappLaKov).
eETYM A PIE present *b'er-(e/o)- ‘to bear, etc.’; cognate forms are eg. Lat. ferd ‘id’,
Go. bairan also ‘to give birth’, Arm. berem, Skt. bhdrati, OCS berg ‘to collect’, Ru.
berti ‘to take’. Beside the thematic forms, Greek has a unique form without a
thematic vowel, the ipv. pl. pépte (verse-initial in I 172), which agrees exactly with
Lat. ferte and also with fer, fertis, fers, fert, as well as with Skt. 3sg. bhdrti (RV, bis).
These may well be old athematic forms.
PIE *b'er- was originally limited to the present stem (fut. oiow, aor. éveyketv, éveikat,
also tAfjvat, taddooat, Lat. perf. tuli). Non-presentic forms are found in Greek only
occasionally: the late aor. epa (IG 3, 1379 = MoGr, after iveyKa), the isolated gloss
épepoev- Exb1W0eVv (H.), the incidental poetic formations meptdc, Upeptoc, ouppEpTdc
with a remarkable full grade (as against the zero grade in Skt. bhrtd-).
Cognate forms of the nominal derivatives (often independent innovations): @dpocg =
Skt. bhdra- [m.] ‘taking away, profit, booty’ (bhdrd- [m.] “burden, load’), OCS sz-
bore [m.] ‘congregation’, Ru. sbor ‘collecting’; -pdpoc = Arm. -vor, eg. lus-a-vor
‘bringing light’ (from loys ‘light’; cf. Lat. Lici-fer), Skt. -bhard-, e.g. vajam-bhard-
‘bringing the prize of a contest’; pépjta formally = Skt. bhdrman- [n.] ‘maintenance,
nurture, care’, to which OCS bréme, Ru. berémja ‘load, burden’ with acute intonation
(cf. Mayrhofer EWAia 2: 247, 249); pép(e)tpov is formally comparable to OE beordor
[n.] ‘birth’. However, the existence of a root variant *b'erh,- (for épetpov, Skt.
bhariman-, Ru. berémja) seems doubtful.
ged [interj.] ‘alas, woe, ah? (trag., etc.). <ONOM>
DER Aor. gett at ‘to cry get’ (A. Ag. 1308); also go ‘faugh’ (Ar. Lys.).
eETYM Onomatopoeic form, like Lat. fa, MoFr. fi, MoE phew.
gevyw [v.] ‘to flee, escape, be on the run, go into exile; to be prosecuted’ (Il.). <IE
*beug- ‘flee’>
*vAR Also pres. puyydavw (IA); aor. pvyetv, fut. pev§opat (IL), pevgodpat (Att.), &k-
gevtw (pap. II? etc.), perf.pte.med. nepuyptévoc (Hom. etc.), act. mepevydtec (a 12),
negvtores (IL), sg. -c (Nic.), after pia; ind. négevya (IA), opt. nepevyot (P 609),
extte@evyoinyv (S. OT 840).
*COMP Frequently with prefix, eg. dmo-, dia-, éx-, kata-. Nominal: eg. pvyo-
mtOAeptog ‘who shuns battle’ (E 213, Q. S.); rarely pvk(1)-, e.g. pvg-avopia or -avopa
[acc.] ‘fleeing from men’ (A. Supp. 8 [anap.]), also pevyvdpoc ‘shunning water’ (late
medic.), pevéixtepoc, a plant name (Ps.-Dsc.).
*DER Root noun gvy- in gbya-de (Il.), -4-5t¢ (Theognost. Can., EM) ‘to flight’, pvy-
5a (A. Eu. 256 [lyr.]), -Snv (Nic. Th 21) ‘on the run’.
Hence: 1. with suffix -1a-: pbCa [f.] ‘(wild) flight, panic’ (IL, § 269 = p 439), -aktvdcg
‘fugitive, shy’ (N 102), as if from *pbCak; -adéoc ‘id’ (AP), pulnddc: SetAdc, puydac
(H.); also isolated verbal forms: aor.ptc. pu(nOévtec (Nic. Th. 825), to *pvuCaouai; inf.
gulavat gvyetv, detkiaoat (H.), for -avat, or an artificial athem. formation? Cf.
mepulotec above.
gnyoc 1565
2. With suffix -a-: pvyn [f.] ‘flight, exile’ (Od.); frequently from prefixed verbs, e.g.
ava-, amo-, dia-, Kata-. 3. Adjectives npd-, mpdo-pv§ ‘fleeing, searching for cover’
(late), mpdoqvyog ‘id.’ (Aesop.), apvyrs ‘who cannot flee’ (Timo); katagvytov [n.]
‘refuge’ (Democr.), mpoo-, ounp@vyov ‘id.’ (late). 4. From @vy- or pvyr: pvydc, -a50¢
[m., f.] ‘refugee’ (IA), whence -adetw [v.] (Att.), -adeiw (El.) ‘to expel, banish’;
-adziov [n.] ‘place of exile’ (LXX), -adeia [f] ‘banishment’ (Plb., Vett. Val.),
-adevtikdc ‘banishing’ (Hld.); pvyttov [n.] ‘place of refuge’ (Andania I*).
From gvyeiv and gevyetv: 5. pvétc [f.] ‘flight, rescue’ (K 311 = 398, 447, Nic.), younger
pedis [f.] ‘id’ (S. Ant. 362 [lyr.]); from the prefixed verbs: ava-, amd-, 5td-, kaTa-
pvtic, -pevtic (Ar., Th., PL, etc.), often mixed up in the transmission; hence @v&y10¢
(Hell.+ also mev&uoc, Delph. [III*] pixtytoc) ‘granting refuge, rescue’ (e 359, Plb.,
Plu.), ‘capable of fleeing’ (S. Ant. 788 [lyr.]), “escapable, avoidable’ (Hp., Max.), kata-
(Plu.). From vc also: pbkioc ‘belonging to the flight’ (A. R.), as epithet of Zeus,
also of Apollo, ‘granting refuge’ (Apollod., Lyc., Paus., inscr. etc.); -nAtc ‘fugitive,
faint-hearted’ (P 143, Nic. Lyc.), formation unclear. 6. Verbal adjective @uxtdc
‘avoidable, escapable’ (Hom.), only with negation = d@vuxtog (Pi. Simon., Att.);
younger @evktdc ‘id.’ (S. Aj. 224 [lyr.]), with negation = dgevxtog (late); pevktaiot
anotpémaot (H.), gevkt-tkdg ‘fit or prone for escaping’ (X., Arist., Str.), also with
ava-, amto-, dia-, ék-; @evkt-iaw [v.] ‘to want to escape’ (Arist. Fr. 130). 7.
Desiderative pevteiw (E. HF 628; cod. -1@).
*ETYM Gr. gevyw is built on a PIE aor. continued in pvyeiv, cf. LIV? s.v. 1. *b*eug-.
The nasal pres. pvyydvw was built on the aorist on the model of tuyetv : tuyxdavw.
The Greek and Lat. nouns often agree with each other, e.g. pvyr = fuga. Cognate
forms are Lat. fugio, perf. figi ‘to flee’, Lith. bigstu, biigti ‘to be frightened’ (with long
vowel from Winter’s Law), baugiis ‘fearful, afraid’. Less certain (because alternatively
derived to *b'eug- ‘to be useful’) is the appurtenance of YAv. bijaiiamna- ‘setting
himself free’, YAv. bijat ‘sets free’.
@éyadog [m.] ‘spark of fire’ (Ar., Arist.). <PG?>
eVAR gewadvé, -vyoc (Archil., Ar., Plb.).
DER Pewaddoztat in peyadwOn ‘he was covered in sparks of fire’ (A. Pr. 364).
eETYM Unclear. Usually interpretated as a reduplicated form to » yodoc, but since
-aAo- is a suffix, the words can at best be remotely cognate (cf. » yaupoc, > wijv).
éyahog rather seems Pre-Greek.
gn [conj.] ‘like, as’ (B 144, & 499 acc. to Zenodotus, h. Herm., Call.). <1E *b’e/o->
°VAR Also ij.
*ETYM Not certainly explained. Probably cognate with Av. ba ‘indeed’, bdit ‘even’,
Lith. ba ‘really’, OCS and Ru. bo ‘for’, Go. -ba- ‘even’, etc. < PIE *b'e/o-. Gr. pr could
reflect PIE *b'eh, [n.pl.] (cf. Frisk), *b'eh, [ins.sg.] (cf. DELG) or a lengthened grade
*bhé (cf. De Vaan 2009: 53). Differently Fraenkel Gnomon 28 (1956): 238 (with
semantic parallels from Slavic) and Ruijgh Lingua 58 (1982): 205 (on the oxytone
accent): pr as a suffixless ipv. of prt ‘say’.
gnyds [f.] ‘oak, Quercus Aegilops’ (I1.). <1E *b'eh,g- ‘beech’>
VAR Dor. (Theoc.) paydc.
1566 prprné, -nKoc
*DER prytvos (E 838, Call., Dsc.), with extended suffix -iveog (AP, Orph.) ‘of the oak,
oaken’ (borrowed as Lat. faginus, -ineus), PN Oryetc (E11 etc).
*ETYM Inherited word, identical with Lat. fagus [f.] ‘beech’, Gaulish *bagos ‘beech’ (in
French place names), and with Gm. forms, e.g. ON b6k, OHG buohha [f.] ‘beech’,
Go. boka [f.] ‘letter’. The absence of the beech in Greece proper caused the change of
meaning of gryydc to ‘oak’. The name of the beech tree played an important role in
the discussion on the ‘Urheimat’ of the Indo-Europeans. An important question was
whether Eastern tree-names, like Kurd. biz ‘kind of elm’, Ru. boz ‘elder’ and
corresponding Slavic words had to be derived from *beh,g-, too. This was dismissed
by Eilers and Mayrhofer 1962: 6:ff.
@HAné, -nKoc [m.] ‘wild fig’ (S. Fr. 781[?], Ar. Pax 1165). <PG(S)>
*COMP @nAnkdOpertov: b16 dALVOOV (cod. dAoVOoVv) Tic CuKi¢ TeBpayutéevov (H.).
eETYM An evident Pre-Greek word in -1§ (cf. Fur.: 2457°). It might have been folk-
etymologically adapted to » prAdc, cf. Chantraine 1933: 381, Nehring Glotta 14 (1925):
181.
nAdc [adj.] ‘deceitful, deceptive’ (EM, sch. Ar. Pax 1165, H., Suid.). <PG?>
eVAR Accent following Hdn. Gr. 1, 155, 20.
*COMP Bpotdgnioc: avOpwrous grav, tovtéotiv anatw@v (H.).
*DER Denominative giAdw [v.] ‘to deceive’ (few attestations in A., E., A. R, etc.),
whence grjAwpa [n.] (Antipho Soph.), -wotc [f.] (EM) ‘deception’. gnArytns (accent
following EM 794, 1) [m.] ‘deceiver’ (Hes. Op. 375 (?); h. Merc., trag. etc.), often
written as @tA-, and at a very early date; hence -1;tevw ‘to deceive’ (h. Merc.), -1y01a01¢
kAerttoobvaic (H.), -atia [f.], -atiag [nom.sg.m.] = -rt1)¢? (Delphi III*). For the
origin of the spelling @tA-, cf. Bechtel 1921(3): 336, Luther 1935: 167f.
eETYM Has been connected with Lat. fallo ‘deceive’, and with » dnogwAtoc. On gaddc
= pwpdc, eutavic with gahintet, parwOeic see » pahdc: AEvKdc. DELG thinks that
the writing @tA- is not original, but to my mind, the argumentation is wrong. The
word may well be Pre-Greek.
nui [v.] ‘to say, explain, argue’, perfective (I1.), as against imperfective Aéyw, ayopebw
etc. ‘to speak, talk’. Hence, the old ipf. éeryv got aoristic function. Pres. med. épatnv,
Epato, etc. 41E *b'eh,- ‘say’>
eVAR Dor. gati, Aeol. pat, also pdoxw, inf. pavat (Att.), pduiev (Hom.), ipf. pry,
épav, epic also pany, inf. paoOal, fut. prow (© 148, 153), Dor. pao (Ar. Ach. 739,
et al.), gdaooptat (Pi.), aor. proa (Hdt. Att.), perf. med. négata (A. R.), ipv.
mtepaoOw (Pl. Ti. 72d).
eDIAL Myc. 38g. pa-si /p*asi/.
*COMP Often with prefix, e.g. dvtt-, d7t0-, Tapa-, TPOG-, OVV-.
eDER A. With full grade: 1. grpn, Dor. Aeol. gdtia [f] ‘quotation, enunciation,
rumour, reputation, speech’ (Od.); as a second member eg. in everttoc, -paytoc
‘bringing a good message, containing no evil omen = mute, boding well’ (Il; PN B
846), whence -éw, -ia, -iCoptal, -topidg; ToAVEILLOG, -Paytog ‘speaking much, much
spoken of, famous’ (Il; PN A 264, Od. [PN], Pi., Parm. etc.), whence -ia. From pny
is derived the PN Proc [m.] name of a singer (Od.), epithet of Zeus (Erythrae III*),
a
ryn 1567
-ia epithet of Athena (ibd.). Denominative gnuitw [v.] ‘to announce, spread by
rumour’ (Hes.), also with ém-, dta-, kata- etc; hence émpruopa [n.] ‘acclamation
of ill or good omen’ (Th., J.), -toptd¢ [m.] ‘benediction’ (Str.). From H.: d@rpovec:
Gppytot, obk SvoptaCdptevoy, A~npLodvtac: aypoikoug Aagrptiotouc aypotkiac (read
-KOUG?); dpapumtor oikétat dypoikot, mepiotkot (Cret.). 2. @ituc, oc [f.] ‘speech,
talk’ (epic poet. since K 207), probably a contamination of gyn and gatic. 3.
grata: pryata, paopata (H.). 4. Pnoobvny [f] ‘oracle? (Crete II-I*). 5. -gryrns
[m.] in brogrtne ‘interpreter, expositor’ (P 235, Hell. epic), -gijttc [f] (AP etc.),
-patic (Pi.), -pntebw, -eia (late); mpogrtns (IA), Dor. Boeot. -patacg (Pi, B.,
Corinn.) ‘announcer, seer, prophet’, -ijttc [f.] (E., Pl., LXX, etc.), -ertebu, -eia, also
-piycitw (Hp.), -pntatw (Man.), -prytixdg (late); PN Ev-, epuprtyes (11). 6. -eryrwp
= -grytijs in bno-, npoprtwp (Hell. and late poetry), ovpiprytwp: Lavtic, Laptus (H.).
B. With zero grade: 1. gatic [f.] ‘quotation, rumour, enunciation’ (epic poet. since
Od., Hdt.), patifw (kata-) [v.] ‘to state, confirm, betroth’ (epic poet. since Parm.,
Hadt., et al.). 2. pdotc ‘id’ (Hdt, Pl, Arist. etc.), often to the prefixed verbs avti-,
an6-, Ek-, KaTa-, Whence (avtt-, dmo0-)patikds (Arist. etc.); patnyg webotns (H.). 3.
gatdc, as a simplex only in opposition to dgatog ‘unmentioned, unknown’ (Hes.
Op. 3) and with negation = d@atosg ‘ineffable, unspeakable’ (Hes. Sc. 230, Parm., Pi,
etc.); as a second member (in original univerbations), e.g. madai-patog ‘spoken of
long ago, ancient’ (Od., epic poet.). 4. patetdc, only with ov: ‘unutterable’ (Hes.,
verse-final); probably metrical (or otiyoc peiovpoc) for -téo«, if not = Skt. -tavya-.
*ETYM PIE root present *b'eh,- / *b'h,- ‘to say’. Cognate verbs are Arm. bam ‘say’ <
*beh,-mi, bay <*b'eh,-ti ‘says’ introducing direct speech (see Schwyzer KZ 57 (1930):
242ff. on Lesb. gat ‘you say’), Latin med. fatur (cf. pato), Ru. bajati, isg. baju ‘to talk,
speak’, possibly OE b6(i)an ‘to brag’. A derived nasal present may be Skt. bhdnati
‘speak, sound’. Gr. gatic corresponds to Arm. bay ‘word, speeh’, and grun to Lat.
fama ‘rumour, fame’. Gr. &atog corresponds to Latin infitids ire ‘to deny’ from *in-
fato- ‘not said’; *fato- is also the basis for fateor ‘to admit’. Furher nominal
derivations are Lat. fas, fatum, fabula, facundus; Armenian ban, gen. ban-i, instr.
ban-iw ‘word, speech, matter’ with a suffix *-ni-, ON bén, OE bén ‘request, prayer’ <
PIE *b'e/oh,-ni- (cf. pwvi).
The PIE root *b'eh,- ‘speak’ may be identical in origin with *b’eh,- ‘to shine’ in Skt.
bha-ti ‘to light, shine’, see » gaivw. They are formally the same, and the semantic
derivation is common: ‘say’ < ‘explain, make clear’, etc., cf. Lat. déclaré, argud, etc.
See > @wvr}.
orn [f.] large bird of prey, perhaps ‘bearded vulture’ (Od., Ar., Arist., Opp., etc.).
<PG?(V)>
eVAR Also givic (v.l. Dsc. 2, 53); see Fur.: 171".
eDER Diyvevc [m.] (Apollod.), Pryvw [f.] (Paus.).
*ETYM Without convincing etymology. The variant givic may point to a Pre-Greek
word, which is most probable anyway. Osthoff 1901: 246 compared Skt. bhdsa- [m.]
bird a prey, in which case Greek would continue *b*és-nd or *b'ds-nd. Risch 1937: 98
supposes an original color designation, perhaps “bright”, like mepkvdc, keAatvdc etc.
cf. the bird names » ,td6p@voc and » KiKvoc.
1568 np, -POs
np, -pdc [m.] ‘wild beast, predator’, also of Centaurs (A 268, B 743) and satyrs
(Telest., Gal.).
*DER Onpevc [m.] a satyr (Nonn.); also prpea (-eia?) [n.pl.] ‘swollen tonsils’, because
of the similarity with budding satyr-horns (Hp.); adv. pnpeatixdc (Gal.).
eETYM Aeolic for » Orp.
@ijpov [n.] = Boda Pe@v (Hdn. Gr. 1, 385) ‘food of the gods’; pfpoc: | TaV apxaiwv
Bewv tpogn (H.). <?>
eETYM We find related forms in Germanic (Go. barizeins ‘from barley’, ON barr
‘grain’, OE bere ‘barley’ < *bar(e/a)z-), Celtic (Olr. bairgen, MW bara ‘bread’ < PCI.
*barag(en)o/d, Matasovic 2009: 56), and Balto-$lavic (OCS braswno ‘food’), pointing
to a root *b'ar(s)-, probably of non-IE origin (de Vaan 2008: 202).
@8avw [v.] ‘to anticipate, be ahead’, absolute and with acc., often with ptc. <IE
*d'gv*h,- ‘come near, nearly reach, pass’>
eVAR Pres. Hom. 4, Att. &; aor. €p@nv (Il.), inf. pBijvou (1A), ptc. pOac (Hom., Hdt.),
med. @Odtevoc (epic), pOdoa (IA), Dor. EpBacoa (Theoc.), fut. pOyoopat (Il.),
p0aow (X.), perf. EpPaxa (Philipp. apud D., Hell.+), népOaka (late), pass. POdvopat
(Arist. etc.), pBacBijvat (D. H., etc.).
eCOMP Also with prefix, e.g. mpo-, bm0-, mapa-.
*DER npogOaocia [f.] (or -ta [n.]?) “the anticipation”, name of a festival in
Clazomenae (D. S. 15, 18), mapapOadd6v [adv.] ‘in anticipation’ (Opp.), pte.
katapBatovplévn = katap8atov motovpévn ‘to take in possession beforehand’ (yijv
A. Eu. 398), pO8atior Oacn (H.), cf. Schwyzer: 705.
eETYM Without any doubt an inherited word. Connected with Skt. dhag-nu-, by
Hoffmann apud Eichner MSS 31 (1973): 67, 94°; the laryngeal was reconstructed by
K.T. Schmidt 1988: 475f.
The root aorist pOnv follows the model of gotny, EBnv, Extnyy, Eprv etc., with a zero
grade pOdtevoc. The 3pl. épSacav for Ep8av (PBdv A 51) gave rise to the sigmatic
aorist p0aca; to these aorists were joined the futures @Oroouai (from full grade
*d'g"teh,-) and gOdow, and subsequently the perfects p8aka, né~Baka. The present
p8avw < *pOd-vp-w probably continues *d"g”"-yu-V-, with the suffix *-neu-/-nu-
replacing *-neh,-/-nh,- (LIV*: 135”).
On the glosses yataéoOat- mpoxatadaBdvetv ‘to anticipate’; yatijoat- mpoetmetv ‘to
warn’; yaévat- pOdoat (H.), which have w-instead of @0-, see Schwyzer: 32.
0éyyoutat [v.] ‘to utter a sound, sound, raise one’s voice, call, talk’ (Hom.). <?>
eVAR Aor. pbEyEaoOu, fut. pOéEyEouat (I1.), perf. EpOeypcu, 2sg. EpBeyEau, etc. (Pl.
Arist. etc.).
eCOMP Very often with prefix, e.g. mpo0-, ano-, émt-, D70-.
*DER 1. QOEYLa (mPd0-, amd-, etc.) [n.] “sound, voice, cry, quotation’ (Pi. Att.),
-latiKdsg (dmo-, émt-) ‘sounding, etc” (Hell.+). 2. pOéyEtc (ava-, émi-, mpo-) [f.]
‘utterance, talk’ (Hp., late). 3. @Oeyk-td¢ ‘effable’ (Plu.), often and earlier in
compounds, e.g. d@0eyKtos ‘ineffable, unpronounced, soundless’ (B., A., etc.); -TUKd¢
‘sounding’ (Max. Tyr.); mpoo-@8eyktiplog ‘adressing, greeting’ (Poll.). 4. p8dyyoc
[m.] (11.), also p8oyyr [f.] (IL, epic poet.) ‘sound, voice’; in compounds Atyb@Boyyoc
Oeipw, -opat 1569
‘clear-voiced’ (IL, epic poet.), otp-p8oyyoc ‘with one voice’ (A.), avti-p8oyyoc
‘resounding’ (Pi.), to ovjl-p0éyyopual, etc; hence pBoyy-dptov [n.] ‘sound-pipe’,
-aCopat = pbéyyouat (Pi. etc.).
*ETYM Could be a stem @@ey- with regular ablaut and with nasalization (as in
kAayyn, KAGyEat etc.), but it has no certain etymology. None of the existing
connections with semantically comparable words (e.g. with OCS zvego “adetv’, Ru.
zvjdgato, 1sg. zvjagu ‘to bark, yap’, Lith. Zvéngti, isg. Zvéngiu ‘to neigh’, or with Lith.
spefigti, of the ears, ‘to resound, bite, hum, drone’ (cf. Frisk) is phonetically
convincing.
@Geip, -pdc [m., f.] ‘louse’ (IA); also a fish that lives on dolphins, ‘Naucrates ductor’
(Arist. etc.); metaphorically of the seed of the spruce-fir (Phot.), of the middle part of
the rudder (Poll.). <?>
*COMP @8elpoktdvov [n.] plant-name (Ps.-Dsc.).
*DER @Oeip-iov [n.] plant-name (Ps.-Dsc.), -w6n¢ ‘lousy’ (Arist.), -aptog ‘id.’ (gloss.).
Verbs: 1. pOeip-taw ‘to suffer from lice or phthiriasis’, -iaotc [f.] ‘phthiriasis’ (Com.
Adesp., Str., medic. etc.); 2. pOetp-ifopicu, -ifw ‘to delouse oneself (Arist.. Thphr.,
LXX etc.), -totixd¢ “delousing, searching for lice’ (Pl.), -totd¢ [m.] “delousing’
(gloss.).
*ETYM The word was already derived from @@eipw, pOeipa by Galen, ie. as a back-
formation with retained -el-. Doubt about this is voiced by Schwyzer: 326 and
Chantraine 1933: 3, the latter of whom considers folk-etymological adaptation of the
original word to @0eipw. DELG mentions the fact that the Greeks thought that lice
grew from rotten flesh, and then defends the connection with @@eipw, which is
doubtful.
8zipw, -opat [v.] ‘to ruin, destroy, destruct’, intr. (pass.) ‘to be ruined, perish, suffer
shipwreck, fall out of course, be ruined, destroyed’ (Il.). «IE *d'g’"er- ‘flow away,
disappear’>
eVAR Aecol. p8éppw (Hdn. Gr.), Arc. pOjpw (Tegea IV’), Dor. pOaipw (Eust., EM),
aor. pOeipat (IA), pOEpoat (Lyc.), fut. pbepe@, -odpiau (A., etc.), Ion. -éw, -Eopo Hdt.),
epic 3sg. Stap0époet (N 325), perf. pass. EpOappiau (IA), act. EpOapka (Att.); intr.
(pass.) pOapfvat (Pi. IA), fut. -f}oouat (IA; whence Ion. also -éw), perf. 51-E~O0opa
(O 128, Hp., late prose), also trans. (trag.and com.).
*COMP Mostly with dia- (including ovv-, mpo-, kata-, émt-dia@Oeipw, etc.), also with
amMo-, OVV-, KaTA-, etc.
*DER 1. POEpoibpotoc (Epigr. apud Paus. 3, 8, 9) = pOetoiiBpotoc. 2. With o-grade:
8opd, Ion. -1) (dta-, kata- etc.) [f.] “deterioriation, destruction, ruin, plague,
seduction, abortion, miscarriage’ (IA), @Odpoc [m.] ‘deterioriation, destruction’
(Thgn., Att.), mostly in sayings. From @O0opa (@Odpoc) the nouns: 3. (dta-)p8opet<
[m.] “destructor, seducer’ (E., Pl. etc.); pOopia [f.] ‘destruction, mischief (Hp. Iusi.),
often from compounds, e.g. oikog@opia (Pl. Plu.), to oikopOdp-oc, -éw; P0op-eiov
(-etov) [n.] ‘drug for producing abortion’ (Hell. and late inscr.). 4. adjectives @Od6p-
tog ‘producing abortion’ (medic.), ‘concerning seduction’ (pap. V?), dta- ‘decayed’
(Gal.); -twocg “destructive, perishable’ (Man., Herm. apud Stob.); «dc ‘destructible’
1570 dive
(late), ypnpato- ‘wasting money’ (PI.); -wdnc¢ ‘depraved, harmful’ (Hdn., Lyd.). With
zero grade: 5. p8dppa [n.] ‘corruption, throw-off’ (LXX, J.), a6- ‘miscarriage’ (Hp.).
6. ovp@Oapoic [f.] ‘simultaneous destruction’ (late). 7. pOaptdc ‘destructable,
perishable’ (Arist. etc.), often G@Oaptocg ‘imperishable’ (Arist., Hell.+), apOapoia [f.]
‘imperishability’ (Epicur. LXX, NT etc.), whence p@apcia (Thales apud Fulg.). 8.
pPaptikds ‘destructive, harmful’ (Arist., medic., etc.).
eETYM Greek @Oeipw < *d"g”"er-ie/o- corresponds to an intransitive present in Indo-
Iranian: Skt. ksdrati, Av. yZaraiti ‘to flow, stream’, Skt. also ‘to flow away, diverge,
disappear’. An PIE s-aorist (£p0eipa < e@0ep-o-) is retained in 38g. dksdr (RV) < *a-
ksdr-s-t; the other verbal formations of Greek and IIr. (e.g. caus. Skt. ksdrayati = Av.
yZaraiieiti ‘to let flow’, ptc. ksarita, etc.) are innévations. The morphological identity
of p8dpoc and Skt. ksara- [n.] ‘water’ (Lex.) is due to independent development, as is
the comparison between d@8opoc ‘unspoiled, pure’ (late) and aksdra- ‘not flowing
away, imperishable’ (RV). LIV? follows the reconstruction *g”¢"er-.
0ivw [v.] intr. ‘to decline, decay, perish’, (exceptionally) trans. or caus. ‘to cause to
decline, consume, destroy’ (Il.). <IE *d'g’"ei- ‘disappear’>
eVAR @OtvUOw intr. and trans. (epic poet. Il.). Further intr. forms: athem. aor. éq0i-
LiNv, -TO, -ato, PBicBal, POipEvos, etc. (Il. epic poet.), 3pl. EpOiWev (Od.), for -iato;
act. them. subj. ping (8 368), fut. pbeioouat (Hom.), aor. pOicacBat (-el-; Q. S.),
perf. p@ttat (v 340), -tvtat (A. Pers. 679 [lyr.]). Built on the present: pOtv-fjoat (Hp.
Epid.), -ow, épPivnka (late); trans.-caus.: epic aor. p0etoat (-i-), Att. pBical, them.
38g. EpOtev (Z 446), epic fut. POEiow (-i-), Att. pBiow (-i-), perf. EpOika (Them.).
eDIAL Myc. e-qi-ti-wo-e /ek"*tiwore/.
eCOMP Also with prefix, especially dmo-, kata-. Compounds: eg. pOtvdKaprtog
‘whose fruit has decayed, without fruit’ (Pi.), pOivotwpov, see Opa; POEtciuBpotoc
(8ioi-) ‘destroying people’, p8etonvwp ‘ruining men’ (epic), etc.
*DER 1. From the present: pOtvdg, -ddo¢ ‘declining, decaying, consumption’, as a fem.
subst. ‘consumption’ (Hp., S., E., etc.); p8ivvAAa [f.] taunting address of an elderly
woman (A. Eq. 935; after the PN); cf. pOioa: 1 Aemtr and POicews (H.); pOivacpata
(iAiov) [n.pl.] ‘setting (of the sun), poet. formation (A. Pers. 232). 2. From the verbal
stem: @@iotc [f.] “declining, waning, consumption’ (Pi, IA), -tkd¢ ‘consumptive’
(Arist., Epid. IV’, Hell.+), -txevopot (Androm. apud Gal.), «aw (Hp.; Arist.) ‘to be
consumptive’; p@rtoi [pl.], rarely -d¢ [sg.], ‘the deceased’ (trag., late prose), dpOttoc
‘imperishable’ (Il., epic poet.). 3. With o-grade: ~80-n [f.] ‘consumption’ (Att., also
Hp, Ion. Hell. use pOiotc instead), -wSng ‘consumptive’ (Paus.). On » Odi, -ic, see
s.v. Also ®Oin [f.] (IL. etc.) land of the ®Giec (St. Byz.), perhaps originally ‘land of the
dead’ (= pOipvevor), a mythical place?
eETYM PIE had a verbal root *d"g’"ei-, whence (acc. to LIV? s.v.) a nasal present
*d'gt_n(é)-i-, which was remade into *d'g”"i-n(é)u- in Greek (whence pO@vi-8w and
*o8ivp-w > g0ivw, with Ion. i, Att. 1), and into *d'g”"i-n(é)H- in Indo-Iranian
(whence Skt. ksinati, Av. jinditi ‘to destroy’). PIE also had an athem. aor. *d"g”"(é)i-
> Gr. @Oito, pOipevoc, etc. Garcia Ramon MSS 51 (1990): 7-20, following Ruijgh,
explains the Mycenaean form as meaning ‘dead’, an act. ptc. nom.pl. in -uvos-, with
medial-intransitive meaning, and perfect reduplication *e-; the form was later
plarn “ 1571
replaced by °Oiptevoc. In Greek, the original diphthong et in the s-aorist and s-future
was replaced by i at an early date, at least in writing and perhaps also in reality, first
after p8ivw (with 1). In Attic, shortening was introduced in @Bioat, pOicow after the
short vowel in @8ivw and on the model of oyioat and denominatives in -ioat (-ifw).
Gr. pOiotg = Skt. ksti- [f.] ‘languishing, destruction’, probably also Lat. sitis [f.]
‘thirst’ < *“disappearing, languish(ing)’. As a formula, Gr. kAgocg dpOttov (Hom.) =
Skt. srévah ... dksitam (RV beside dksiti srdvah). The initial *d"- is retained in OAv.
dajit.arata- /djit-arta-/ ‘destroying Arta-’. See also > yivowau.
Odi, -tog [f.] ‘kind of cake’ (Erythrae IV’, Cos IV-III*, Ar. etc.), ‘pastille used for
fumigation’ (Hp.), ‘bar of metal’ (Att. inscr.), perhaps ‘kind of cup’ (Eup. 373 acc. to
Ath. 11, 502b; very uncertain). <?>
VAR Also @Ooic, -idoc.
*DER Diminutive p8oioKkoc (Hp.).
eETYM The strongly deviating meanings provide a problem that is still unsolved; we
can only speculate about the etymology. Formally, one might connect g06n
‘consumption’ (to @8ivw ‘to decline, consume’); the meaning ‘decline’ might be
recognized in the explanations by H. s.v. @Odic¢ (except for ‘tAakodc’): ta mpdc
AerttOv GAndeopeva Kai TO Attoppéov Wijypia Tod ypvoiov. See DELG, where the
possibility of a loan is kept open.
86voc [m.] ‘envy, jealousy’ (Pi., IA). <1E? *d’g’"en- (?)>
*COMP d@8ovocg ‘without envy, unenvied’, usually ‘bounteous, plentiful’ (h. Ap.,
Hes.), a@Oovia [f.] ‘abundance’ (Pi, IA).
*DER POovepdc ‘envious, jealous’ (Thgn., Pi, IA), -epia [f.] ‘envy’ (Arist. etc.). Verb:
p8ovéw [v.] ‘to envy, begrudge, refuse’ (Il.) also with ém-, bmo- etc; thence -nots [f.]
‘envying, jealousy’ (S. Tr. 1212), -ntikdc ‘envious’ (late).
*ETYM Probably to be analyzed as @O6v-o0-, to a root *@0ev- (to which pBovéw is a
causative or iterative?). De Vaan (p.c.) tentatively suggests connection with g@avw
‘to anticipate, be ahead of, which could imply that it is related to Av.
ayz6.nuuamnam < *a-gzanyamna- ‘which cannot be missed’ (De Vaan 203: 44if.).
giaAn [f.] ‘flat vessel, dish, flat bowl for drinking or sacrificing, etc.’ (post-Hom.), also
for cooking and to preserve ashes (‘Y). < PG(V)>
eVAR Also giéAn (Hell. acc. to Moer.).
eDIAL Myc. pi-a,-ra /p*iala-/, also pi-je-ra, /pielai/.
eCOMP giadnpdpos [f.] ‘bearer (fem.) of a g.’, title of a Locrian priestess (Plb.).
*DER Diminutives: gidA-tov [n.] (Eub., Arist. Hell.), -idtov [n.] (Hero), -icxa [f.]
(Gortyn V-IV*), -ioxoc(?) [m.] (Maced.), -ic [f.] (Luc.). Further: giaditor apr8uoi
[pl.] a game (Procl., etc.), -wSn¢ “dish-like’ (Ath., sch.), -wtdc ‘id.’ (Delos III’, Gp.),
-dw (Bd8pov) ‘to hollow (the bottom) out into a flat shape’ (Gp.).
eETYM A loanword of unknown origin, formally fitting the instrument names in
-ahn; -ado- (oxvtarn, yoadrov, -n). Etymologies to be rejected: *mt-oada from m- =
émt- and éhetv ‘grasp’; also *m-Fhaha < *pi-syald to eAn ‘heat of the sun’ < PIE *suel-
‘to burn’. Cf. also » brep@iakoc. The word is probably Pre-Greek on account of the
interchange of suffixes that is already attested in Mycenaean (Fur.: 346).
1572 @plapdc
@tapdc [adj.] ‘gleaming, shining, oily, bright’ (Alexandr. poetry). <PG?>
VAR glapvvet Aaynpvvet (H.).
eETYM No etymology, but reminiscent of miapdc and patdpoc. It has been assumed to
be a contamination of those two adjectives, but this is unwarranted and therefore
better rejected. Fur: 165 compares mtaAdc: mapaAevKoc and assumes Pre-Greek
origin.
otpdarews [f.] ‘a fig suitable for curing’, also metaphorically of thin people (com.); acc.
tosch. Ar. Ach. 802, a place in Megaris or Attica. <PG>
VAR Plur. nom. -€w, acc. -Ewe.
eETYM Without any doubt a Pre-Greek word {not in Fur.). Formation like kopwv-
ews [f.] ‘tree with raven-black figs’, pedivews: el6oc¢ dyiméAov ‘kind of vine’ (H.),
kavOdpews [m.] a vine. As the basis of the TN, the sch. gives giPaAtc = yEvoc ovKic
‘kind of fig’, with the plur. giBdAets = of ioyvoi Tov avOpwrwv; in EM 793, 26 (acc. to
Apolloph.) giBddea = ta odKa, -Aéau = ioyddec.
gdaxvy [f.] ‘wine-jar (A. D., Thphr.). <PG(s,v)>
VAR Late m8akvn (Thasos V*, Moer., Phot.); Dor. miodkva (H.).
eETYM Since piddkvr is the old form, the word has nothing to do with mi8oc. Frisk
assumed (s.v. mi80¢) that the word had the diminutive suffix -yvy, which became
-akvn, but this is impossible. The group of suffixes -ax-v- is typical for Pre-Greek.
For the shift of aspiration, compare ~patvn. See Fur.: 197, 393.
gtditia [n.pl.] the collective meal of the Spartans; also the place where this meal was
consumed (X,, Arist., Plu., etc.). <PG?>
VAR Rarely sing. (often cpta-, also written @et6-).
DER cpiditijs, Dor. -tacg (petd-) [m.] ‘participant of a piditia’ (Sphaer. Stoic., Ath.).
eETYM Plu. Lyc. 12 explains the word from giA{a, with 6 for A, which is clearly a folk
etymology. A connection with petdw ‘saving, thrift’ is at least formally possible. Fur.:
238% thinks that the interchange 6/A shows that the word is Pre-Greek; this is
uncertain.
pixie [?] ‘anus’ (Hdn. 1, 88, 35), see DELG Supp. <IE?>
DER GIKLA; cprdikiCerv- Ei TOD TaLdepaoteiv (Suid. @ 992, x 42 Adler).
eETYM Hardly from Lat. fica. Taillardat thinks of *p“uk-, Pok. 847, whence *«puK-t6-,
which became @ik-t6-. Katz 2004: 277-284 compares Skt. sphij- ‘hip, buttock’, and
reconstructs PIE *(s)phiK-(i-). Rather uncertain.
gtAntygs [m.] ‘impostor, thief. «PG? >
eETYM A common, and perhaps correct, writing for pnAntis see on » prAdc, The t-
form stands etymologically isolated and may be Pre-Greek.
gtAounAtov [n.] ‘name of a plant, celandine, Chelidonium maius’ (Ps.-Dsc. 2, 180).
<GRE
*ETYM Literally ‘herb of Philomela’ (who was changed into a swallow). See André
1958: 6of.
pido 1573
gidog [subst., adj.] ‘friend, friendly, dear’ (II.), ‘related, own’, also reflexive possessive
‘suus (tuus, meus)’, of relatives, body-parts, clothing, etc., plur. ‘kinsmen, relatives’
(IL, epic poet.). <?>
eVAR Grades of comparison: a. @iAiwv (Tt 351 = w 268), -totog (S. Aj. 842
[interpolated?], ascertained as a PN); b. pi tepoc (epic poet., late prose), -tatoc (also
Att. prose; Dor. givt-) ; c. gthaitepoc, -tatocg (X., Call, Theoc., etc.) after
mahaitepoc, -tatog etc; d. piAWwtepoc (X., Call.); e. taAAov gidocg (A. S. Thphr.),
udhiota @. (X.).
*DIAL Myc. pi-ra-me-no /p*ilamenos/?
eCOMP As a first member e.g. ptAdgpwv ‘well-disposed, friendly-minded’ (Pi., IA),
piroppeldis ‘with a friendly smile’ (epic I 324+); early on in epic tradition, it was
reinterpreted as a verbal element, e.g. cpiAdEeivoc (or -Eevoc) ‘to whom the guest is
dear’ > ‘loving the guest, hospitable’ (since Od.); in univerbations, e.g. piAo8bt1\¢
[m.] (to gtAet Ovetv) ‘loving the sacrifice, friend of the sacrifice’ (Ar. etc.). As a
second member, eg. moAtvgtAoc ‘with many friends’ (Pi, Lys. Arist.), often
considered verbal, with transition to the s-stems, e.g. 8eogtArj¢ ‘loved by the gods,
dear to the gods’ (IA); mpoogiAng ‘friendly, beloved, affectionate’ (IA).
*DER 1. gtAdt1¢, -1To¢ [f.] ‘friendship, hospitality, love’ (Il, epic poet.), -otrotoc,
Dor. -otdotog ‘belonging to ~iAdtI¢’ (epic poet. since A 246); also -ottdpiov address
to a girl (Ar. Ec. 891), perhaps the hypocoristic gemination after vijttdpiov? 2. piria,
Ion. -in [f.] ‘friendship, affection, love’ (Thgn., Emp., IA); independent of @iAtoc.
Adjectives: 3. piA-toc ‘friendly’ (Pi. IA), -(kwtixdg (Theol. Ar.). 4. -tkdc ‘id.’ (PL, X.,
Arist., etc.). 5. -takdg ‘id.’ (Plot.), -taxév [n.] name of an association (inscr. Corycos).
Verbs: 6. pthéw (II.) ‘to be a friend, treat friendly or affectionately, to love, entertain,
care’, post-Hom. also ‘to kiss’ (especially with xata-), with inf. ‘to like to do, use to
do’, sometimes with prefix, especially kata-. Forms: Aeol. piA-nupu (Sapph.), -fwevat
(X 265), aor. -fjoar (Il), erroneous -doat (Theoc.), pass. -Onv (B 668 [3pl. -nBev),
Att.), med.ipv. gidat, (€)pikato, gikwvtat etc. (epic since Il.), fut. -how, -foouat
(Od.), perf. megidrpta, -17ka (Pi, etc.).
7. From gtAia (giAtoc): gidtdtw [v.] ‘to become friends’ (LXX, Hell. pap. etc.),
whence -taotr\¢ (H.); -tdopal, -t6w “to make friends’ (late), -iwotg (sch.), awti¢ =
diadAaktr¢ (Suid.); -taivopat ‘id.’ (late). From giéw: piAjtwp [f.] ‘lover’ (A. Ag.
1446), ‘loving, with love’ (Nonn.); -nt1¢ [m.] ‘lover’ (AP), -1;t1kdc¢ ‘inclined to love or
kiss ’ (Arist., etc.), -1yja (Hyperdorism -dat1a Mosch.) [n.] ‘kiss’ (A. Fr. 135 = 228 M.,
E., X., etc.), -npuatiov PN (Luc.), avtigiAnotc [f.] ‘returning love’ (Arist.), ptAnpiootvn
[f.] ‘friendliness’ (Thgn.), to qiAnpiwv (EM, further only PN).
Also cidtpov [n.] ‘love potion’ (poet. since Pi., also late prose), -tpi¢ AiBoc ‘love-
bringing stone’ (Dam.); giAntpa [n.pl.] (AP 11, 218; text and meaning uncertain);
geidos (for -1-) [n.] = giAia (epigr. Caria, ca. I’). Numerous PNs, among others with
*puto-, e.g. DiATO-Eevoc, Dirt-ddn. Literature: Landfester 1966. Kakridis 1963.
*ETYM For the epic aorist forms (&-)giAato, etc., analogical origin to ptAéw is well
possible (cf. doxéw beside €50&a); there is no need to assume a present *@iAAw. The
element gtAto-, which occurs only in PNs, may have arisen analogically to gtAo-:
@16-Eevoc to DirAd-Eevog like e.g. Pavt-aydpac beside Pav-aydpac, Pavt-iac
1574 prvKn
beside Pav-iac. piAtpov seems to have joined the numerous instrument nouns in
-Tpov; the causative meaning ‘stimulating love’ is clear.
The original meaning of gikoc was ‘own, accompanying’ rather than ‘beloved’. The
etymology is unknown; the connection with a Celto-Germanic adjective for ‘fitting,
good, etc.’ (Ir. bil, W Bil- in PNs, OHG bil-lih, etc.) must be abandoned. Lyd. bilis
‘his, her’ looks formally similar, but must be explained within Anatolian (from the
pronoun Di- ‘he’). Some have argued that giAoc represents an I-derivative of reflexive
o@t, Lac. piv (see Landfester op. cit.: 34ff. with a review of all earlier etymologies); in
that case, the original meaning would be ‘one’s own’.
gtAv«Kn [f.] name of a shrub ‘Rhamnus Alaternus, evergreen buckthorn’ (Thphr.).
<PG?> ‘
eETYM Unexplained, perhaps as a substrate word related to » piAvpa?
gtr tpa [f.] ‘(bast of the) lime tree’ (Hdt., Thphr., Gal. etc.). <PG?>
eVAR Ion. -pn.
*DER gthup-éa [f.] ‘mock privet, Phillyrea media’ (Thphr.), after mteAéa etc., pivp-
tov [n.] ‘tablet of lime wood’ (Ael.), -tvoc ‘made of lime wood’ (Hp., Ar., D. C., etc.).
eETYM Stromberg 1940: 119 surmises a compound of gikoc and tpov ‘swarm of bees’
(see » bpak), because the lime attracts bees; compare Lat. apium ‘celery/ivy’ (to apis),
MoHG Bienenbaum ‘Acer campestre’. The European lime tree is not found in
Greece; only in the North of the Balkans; the silver lime which is described by
Thphr. HP 3, 10 is found especially on the Macedonian mountains. Probably a
substrate word.
iudc [m.] ‘muzzle, gag’ (A. Th. 463, Fr. 326 = 647 M. LXX, Dsc., Luc, etc.),
metaphorically of a dice cup, or of its cover (Aeschin., Poll. etc.)? <?>
eVAR Plur. also -4 (AP 6, 312).
*COMP evq@itiog ‘astringent, styptic’ (wwptoc, Nic.), ‘well-bridled’ (Hdn. Epim.),
evoutia (EM as an explanation of edaytia, see KryL16g; cod. -@ntt-).
DER Pl-Wdij¢ = EV@ULoc (LLWpTa, Nic.), pyt-dw [v.] ‘to seal with a muzzle, gag, fix,
put to silence’, pass. ‘to fall silent’ (Ar, LXX, NT, J., Luc. etc.), rarely with mept-, etc.
Thence -wotc (nept-) [f.] ‘sealing, plugging’ (medic., Vett. Val.), -wtikdc ‘putting to
silence’ (P.Mag. Lond., Tab. Defix. And.), -wtpov [n.] ‘instrument for plugging’
(Suid.); neprpusiCw [v.] ‘to fix, tie up’ (Tab. Defix.).
eETYM Unexplained. The identity of the suffix with the synonym xnjtdc is
remarkable. Contamination with » gitpdc seems improbable.
gttpdc [m.] ‘trunk, block, log’ (IL, epic); acc. to sch. and Eust., from Amathus on
Cyprus. <?, PG?>
*ETYM Traditionally (Frisk, Pok.) explained as an instrument noun in *-tro- to the
PIE root *b'iH- ‘to strike, hew, cut’ seen e.g. in OCS biti, Olr. benaid, Lat. perfines
‘perfringas’.
gitta =oitta.
guttakides =yittaxn.
préyw 1575
itv [n.] ‘seed, sprout’ (S. Fr. 889, old com.). <?>
*COMP gitumoiLuy [m.] ‘gardener’ (A. Eu. 911).
*DER gitbw [v.] ‘to sow, plant, bring forth’ (trag., Pl.), aor. -boat, med. <Voac8ar, fut.
-boopat ‘to bear’ (Hes., A. R., Opp., Mosch.), -dpta [n.] ‘produce, sprout, son’ (A. Ag.
1281, Plu.); back-formation gituc [m.] ‘begetter’ (Lyc.).
eETYM Probably a noun suffixed in -tv-. Previously, often compared with the verbs
Lat. fi6, fit ‘to become, originate’, Olr. biid, -bi ‘is’, but these probably represent PIE
*b'Hu-ie/o-, cf. » pbw. Still, one could assume that gitv is dissimilated from *gitv,
but this remains uncertain.
gAaédetv [aor.] only in Aaxidec ¥pAadov ‘they tore the rags’ (A. Ch. 28 [lyr.]). <>
eETYM Unknown. Older, rejected etymologies of pAadetv are found in WP 2, 210. See
r TAPracw, » Paw.
gAavobooet - pAvapel, Anpei ‘talks nonsense’ (H.). >pAnvagaw.
@Aadpos [adj.] ‘bad, petty, poor, useless’ (Pi. Sol. IA). <PG?>
«COMP @Aavpoupyos ‘working badly, fumbler’ (S.).
*DER gAavp-dtij¢ [f.] ‘poorness’ (Plu., Poll.), pdavp-itw (Plu.), kata- (Pi., Hdt.) ‘to
slight, humiliate’,
*ETYM No clear etymology, perhaps a Pre-Greek word? The adjective does look
similar to synonymous » @atAoc; both could have dissimilated from an original
form *pAaddoc. Similar form and meaning are shown by some Gm. adjectives, e.g.
ON blaudr ‘fearful, timid’, blautr ‘weak, fearful, humid’. Others have compared Latv.
blaurs ‘very angry, grim, bad’ and Lith. biaitrus ‘filthy, appalling, ugly’.
@Adw [v.] ‘to crush, bruise’ (Pi., Hp., Ar., Theoc. etc.). <?>
VAR Aor. pAdoat, pass. phacOFjvat, fut. pAdow, perf. med. népAaoztat.
eCOMP Also with ava-, kata-, eio- etc.
*DER @Ad-otc (eio-) [f.] ‘bruise’ (Hp.), -opta (augi-) [n.] “bruise, contusion’ (Hp.),
avaphaoldc [m.] (Eup.) to dvapAdw ‘to masturbate’ (Ar., Luc.); a back-formation is
MoGr. davagda. Unclear: pAaopidc: tdpoc ‘fever’, pAaopiévoc: TetvPWLEVOG
‘smoking, gleaming’ (H.).
eETYM An expressive word rhyming with > @Adw and > kAdu; cf. priBw beside BAiBw.
On the anlaut variation 0-/ @-, see Schwyzer: 302f. With an enlargement -6-, we find
> pAadetv, cf. kAdSoc beside kKAdw.
gAéyw [v.] trans. ‘to ignite, burn, light’; intr. ‘to burn, flame, blaze, shine’ (Il.). <IE
*b'leg- ‘burn, shine’>
eVAR Fut. pdéEw (IL), aor. préEat (Hes. Sc., A. Pr. 582 [lyr.]), pass. phexOfjvot (Hom.
Epigr., Th.) with fut. -r}oouat (Ach. Tat.), secondary pAeyivat (Luc., AP) with fut.
-Hooptat (J.), perfipass. mépdeyptat (Lyc.).
Enlarged: pAeyé8w, only pres. and ipf. = pAéyw (IL, epic, lyr.), mostly intr. also with
émt-; hence IIvptpAeyé8wv, -ovtoc [m.] river of the Underworld (k 513, Pl. Phd. 1142);
Aeyiaw = phéyw (Hdn. Gr.). ;
*COMP Often with prefix, e.g. ém-, KaTa-, dva-, TEpt-.
1576 preyw
eDER A. With e-grade: 1. pAgy-tia (éni-) [n.] ‘flame, blaze’ (P 337), ‘inflammation’
(Hp., etc.), ‘phlegm, slime’ (Hp., Pl, Arist. etc.), -udtiov [n.] ‘slime’ (Sotad. apud
Stob.), -patiac, Ion. -ing [m.] ‘suffering from phlegm, full of slime’ (Hp.), -watwdnc¢
‘igniting, full of slime, slimy, phlegmatic’ (Hp., Pl., Arist., etc.), -watikds ‘id.’ (Gal, et
al.), pAeyuatéev Expnytla: Tic PAoydc, PAEypatic: 1 pA€ypiata ~xovoa (H.). The
semantic development here is unexplained.
Derived verbs: a. pAeyptaivw [v.] ‘to be inflamed, be heavily excited’, often with
prefix, e.g. ék-, dva-, ovv-, émt-; hence -pavoic or -pavtuc [f.] ‘inflammation’ (Hp.),
-pacia, Ion. -in [f.] ‘id.’ (Hp., Arist.); b. pAey-tratdoptat (éx-) ‘to become slime’ (Hp.,
Gal.); c. b10-@Aeypatitw ‘to become slimy’ (Alex. Trall.), pAeypatiopdc (gloss.).
2. pdeyztovt] [f.] ‘inflammation, inflammatory“swelling, heavy excitement’ (medic.,
Hell.+), -povikdc ‘inflammatory’, -yovmdr¢ ‘tumorous’ (Gal.), -povdopa ‘to be
inflamed’ (Alex. Trall.). 3. pAé&tc: ardor, flammatus (gloss.); further only to the
prefixed verbs: dva-, émi-, xatd-, mepi-prektc [f.] ‘kindlng, etc.’ (late); isolated is the
birdname @Aé&ic (dat. -16t Ar. Av. 884). 4. pAey-pdc [m.] in Bpopiov g. (Thespis),
uncertain; perhaps = 16 aitia (H.), -pwdng = -patwdis (Gal.). 5. pdéyoc: TO PAEypa
(H.). 6. phey-bac [m.] ‘eagle’ (Hes. Sc. 134; after the color, H., EM); -vpdc ‘burning’
(Ar. and Cratin. [lyr.], Hp. apud Gal.), dissimilated from -vAdc?; -vaw = dBpitw
(Ephor.), cf. H.: DAeybat Z6voc bBptiotiKOv Kai doeBéc. 7. DAEypa, Ion. -pn [f.] old
name of the Macedonian peninsula Pallene (Hdt., Str.), also MAéypac mediov (Pi.
Ar.), DAeypaia TAGE (A.); Ta DAeypaia (media) plain in Campania (Plb.), after its
volcanic nature. 8. -Aeyrjc in ém-, mept-@Aeyric ‘fiery’ (Arist., Plu.), also e.g. in mupt-
pAeyri ‘ablaze, fierce’ (Hp., Plu.).
B. With o-grade: @Adk, -oydc [f.] ‘flame, burning fire’ (I].), also as a plant-name
(Thphr.), after the color. In compounds e.g. pAoy-wy and -wmdc ‘flame-like, fiery’
(A. Pr.), KaAAi@Ao€ ‘with fair flames’ (E. [lyr.]).
From gAdéé, partly also directly from @Aéyu: 1. Diminutive pAdy-tov [n.] (Longin.).
2. -idec [f.pl.] ‘roasted pieces of meat’ (Archipp. and Stratt. [lyr.]), acc. to H. dia 10
proyitec8at (so perhaps backfomation); @Aoyidta: ai Keyypidec SV édaiov
okevaCdptevot (H.). 3. pAoy-etdc [m.] ‘burning, heat’ (gloss.), after mupetdc. 4. proy-
{ty¢ [m.] name of a precious stone, which looks like carbuncle (Solin.); -ittg [f.] ‘id’
(Plin.), also kind of anemone (PMag. Leid.). 5. pdoy-u} (-i17?) [f.] ‘flame’ (Nic.). 6.
Adjective pAdy-eoc ‘flaming, sparkling’ (IL, E. and Ar. [lyr.]), pAdy-tog (2) ‘id’ (Hp.,
Orph.), -epdc ‘id.’ (E. [lyr., anap.], A. R., AP etc.), -tvoc ‘id’, also of colors (LXX, D.
S., pap. etc.), pAdy-tvov [n.] ‘wallflower’ (Thphr.), -wdn¢ ‘flame-like, blazing red,
inflamed’ (Hp., Arist., etc.).
7. verbs: a. pAoy-iGw = pAéyw (S. [lyr., anap.], Arist., LXX, AP etc.), also with ava-,
Kata-, ovv- etc. Thence -iopiata (ém-) [n.pl.] ‘fire-damage, external inflammation’
(Hp., H. s.v. 008 GAa), mapa-proyiopata ‘roasted food’ (Achae.), -top16c¢ (mtept-) [m.]
‘the scorching’ (Sm., Thd., H. s.v. pAoydc), -iotpa [f.] = etotpa (sch., Eust.). b.
gAoy-dopal, -dw (ék-, dmo-) ‘to inflame’ (Arist., Thphr. etc.), -wotc (ék-) [f.]
‘ignition, inflammation’ (Th., Thphr., D. S., et al.), gAoy@pata: tv dptwv ta
émukekavpléva (H.). c. pAoy-tdw ‘to become inflamed’ (Hp.).
ohev-C- 1577
C. With o-grade: pdoy-16c [m.] ‘flame, glow, inflammation, heat of the sun or of
fever’ (A. and E. [lyr.], Hp., Arist. etc.), -wdw ‘to burn’ (PMag. Berol.),
*ETYM Inherited from PIE *b'leg- ‘to burn, shine’ (LIV* *b'le&Y-), nominal also
*bilog-. Nearest cognates are Latin fulgd (secondarily fulged), perf. fulsi ‘to lighten,
glitter, shine’ < *b'lg-, flagr6, -are ‘to burn, flame, glow’, built on nominal *flag-ro-,
and flamma ‘flame’, probably < *flag-md. Also ToAB péilk- ‘to shine, burn’, also ‘to
see’ < *b'lg-; OHG blecchan ‘to make or become visible’ < PGm. *blakjan, MLG,
MoDnu. blaken ‘to flame, glow, smoke’.
@Azdwv, -ovoc [m., f.] “babbler’ (A. Ag. 1195, Timo). <PG(V)>
VAR gAedovec [f.pl.] ‘babble’ (Plu., Anon. apud Gal.).
*DER gAeSov-Wd1j¢ ‘loquacious’ (Hp. [codd. gdeBo(So)vwdn¢], Erot.), predovet:
avaoOntet, pAvapet (H.), -evopat, -evw ‘id.’ (H., EM), whence -eia (EM).
sETYM The variation pAed-/@And- (in pAnd@vta- Anpodvta H.) has been interpreted
as ablaut, and the word thus connected with ghéw, by Frisk (assuming a suffix
-5ov-). However, we find -a- in »nagha{w and napAdopata ‘stilted words’, and
gAnv- in » pArvagaw ‘to babble’. The variation pred-/pAnv- shows nasalization (i.e.
replacement of a consonant by the nasal of its series), which points to Pre-Greek
origin; see already Kuiper 1956: 216.
The inner-Greek variation renders the connection with the proposed non-Greek
evidence doubtful: e.g. pknS@vta to OE blé@tan, OHG blazan ‘to bleat’ (suggested by
Holthausen KZ 47 (1916): 310). The connections with ToB place, ToA plac ‘speech,
talk, word’ < IE *b'ldd-en- (Van Windekens, criticized in Adams 1999 s.v. place) and
that with OCS blesti, sg. bledo ‘to err, brag’ is from *b'lend"- (see Derksen 2008 s.v.
*blesti) are formally doubtful anyway.
@déutva [n.pl.] ‘a disease of the knees of horses’ (Hippiatr. 1, 227, 18 [ed. Oder-
Hoppe]). <Lw Lat.>
eETYM Transcription of Lat. flémina (Pl.), itself borrowed from Gr. @Aeytiovi|
‘inflammation’. Cf. DELG s.v.
gAev-C- [v.] ‘to burn’ (trans.). <1E? *b'leu- ‘flow’, PG?>
*VAR We find gAev- only before consonant: in én-éphevoe thy Xelpa IG 4, 955
[Epidauros II?}). Non-presentic forms: perf. ptc. pass. &k Telxéwv Teptte@~AEvOLEVWV
nupt ‘from the walls encompassed by fire’ (Hdt. 5, 77) ; cf. with the same metaphor
aoPéotn Kéxvto @AdE (IT 123) and Lat. flamma circumfusus, divino circumfuso igni.
Further aor. émt-, mept-@Aedoat: PAE avadpayioboa énéphevoe tiv xelpa (Epid. IP),
yahi} KatorKidtos mepipAevoGeioa (Dsc.), in both places of encompassing flames and
singeing fire; to this belongs mepipAevoyidc (Aq. De.).
DER Tlept-Aevotog ‘burn’ (Aq.).
eETYM DELG suggests that mepipAvw ‘to burn superficially’ (Ar. Nu. 396) stands for
*-@\evw, but I see no reason for this. In the antevocalic forms, *b'lew- lost its -u-,
giving »@Aéw. As DELG also remarks, the comparison of fire with a liquid is
frequent in Greek. ;
1578 party, -EBds
préy, -eBdc [f.] ‘vein’ (N 546), also metaphorically ‘metal-vein, spring (of water)’ (X.,
Arist., Plb. etc.), ‘vein of a plant’ (Hp., Thphr.). <PG?>
*COMP gAePotopéw (to préBa tétvw) ‘to bleed’, -toptia, Ion. -in [f.] ‘bloodletting’
(Hp., etc.), -topunjotc, -topcr (late medic.), -topov [n.] ‘device for bloodletting’ (late
medic., Luc.); émigAeBocg ‘having the veins on top, with prominent veins’ (Hp.,
Arist.), also tehavogAeBec [pl.] ‘with black veins’ (Aret.).
DER @Aéf-tov [n.] ‘small blood-vessel’ (Hp., Pl. Ti. Arist. Str.), -w61¢ ‘full of veins,
like veins’ (Hp., Arist., Thphr., etc.), 1xdc ‘belonging to the veins’ (Arist.), -aCovtec:
Bptvovtec (EM, Phot.).
*ETYM As the IE designations of the veins vary strongly, and pAéy stands isolated, it
could well be a Greek innovation. In former “dictionaries, connected with a large
group of words in @A- (Aadetv, PAéw, PALW, PAKTaLVa, etc.). It has been supposed
to be an enlargement in -g”- of *b'el- ‘to blow, swell’ (see » ad)dc), but such an
“enlargement” would not solve anything. Thus, it seems obvious to assume a Pre-
Greek loan, although I see no concrete formal indications.
gAéw [v.] ‘to overflow, flood, teem with’ (A.). <IE? *b'leu- ‘flow’, PG?>
VAR Only gen.abs. gAeovtwv dwudtwv bmépgev (A. Ag. 377 [lyr.]), upAwv pAedvtwv
(ibd. 1416); pAéovtac: pirobvtag (leg. pAvovtac?) i pAvapodvtas (H.).
*DER Epithet of Dionysus, with various forms: ®Aev<s (Chios acc. to EM), PAEwc
(inscr. Ephesus), ®Aewv (Ael.), PAoiog (Plu.) and Aoi [f.] epithet of Kore (Lac.
apud H.), PAow [f.] name of a Bacchante (Nonn.). PN ®déac, -avtocg [m.] (Priene
II*). On the appellatives pAotdc, pAdoc, Prodc, see » Protdc, and » Préwe. See also
> pAvak, > pAvapéw, > PAVKTaLVa. On dta-~rvilec, see > PAW.
eETYM The series pAéw, predoal, népAevopiat agrees with mAEw, TAETom, NéETMAEVOLLAL.
Beside pAgé(F)w, we find a zero grade in pAvw (perhaps, pAvov was originally an
aorist, cf. £kAvov). On the semantic relation between pdéw and pAedout, see » prev-
C-; it is unnecessary to posit a separate verb *@Aevw ‘to burn’.
The closest comparandum to @Aéw is Lat. flué ‘to flow, stream’, of which the non-
presentic forms like fluxi, fluctus may well be analogical (therefore, the velar in
grv—at, etc. need not be old). This points to a reconstruction *b'leuH- (LIV? s.v. 1.
*b'leyH-). Connection with Lith. bliduti ‘to roar’, OCS bljevati ‘to vomit’ is
semantically uncompelling. Alternatively, if pAéw, pAbw belong together with BAva,
> BAUCw, this could suggest that all these words are Pre-Greek.
@Aéwe¢ [m.] ‘rush, Erianthus Ravennae’ (Ar, Thphr.). <PG?>
*DER @Adtvoc ‘made of rush’ (Hdt.). One assumes that the TN ®detfovt-a8ev (SEG
11, 1212, Olympia [V*]) is related.
*ETYM For pAgéwc, DELG assumes *@Anf-o-, beside *pAwF-o- for *pAdoc, Prods
‘rind, skin’. Often derived from the verb @Aéw, but Chantraine adds the word may
just as well be a loan; this would agree with my suggestion of substrate origin for
déw. So probably Pre-Greek. Cf. also » poids.
*@pAijvat [v.] Only in EM 796, 12, which is not well understood. See DELG. <?>
eETYM Unknown. Connection with pAjvagos has been suggested.
prdaw 1579
~Anvagae [v.] ‘to babble’ (Ar., Alex, et al.). <PG(v)>
eVAR Anv-apdopat (Phid.), -aproat (Jo. Dam.).
*DER gArvagrpata [n.pl.] ‘babble’ (E. Ep., Ar. Alex. etc.). Probably a back-
formation is pArvag-oc [m.] ‘babble’ (Men., Phld., Luc. etc.), also ‘babbler’ (Men.,
Poll.), whence -wéng ‘babbly’ (Hp. apud Gal.), -ia [f.] ‘babble’ (Phld., Suid.).
*ETYM Under > piedav, I havearguedthat the variation pded-/Arv- is a typical’case
of Pre-Greek nasalization. Without -ag-, we find @Anviw ‘to brag’ (Hp. apud Gal.),
gAaviocet pAvapel, Anpel ‘talks nonsense’ (H.), éx@Afjvat ‘to bubble up’ (E. fr. 470);
cf. also pANndWvta- Anpodvta (H.), PAr@og (leg. pAtvoc or PArvagoc?)- PAbapoc
(H.), pAedov; also pAbw and pAvapéw. The ending is reminiscent of ynhagaw.
gAua [f.] ‘door-pillar, doorpost’, also ‘door-frame, lintel’ (p 221, Hell.+); ‘jamb’, eg. of a
windlass (Hp., Ruf. apud Orib.). <PG?>
eVAR Both 1 and & Ion. -u}, mostly plur. -tai; also -etoi [m.pl.]. Later pAewa.
eDIAL Myc. pi-ri-ja-o [gen.pl.]?
*DER mtepi@A[iwpa] [n.] framework’ (Aphrodisias II’), av@@Atov ‘lintel (of a door)’,
Kkatwpiov ‘threshold’.
sETYM A technical word without etymology, so possibly Pre-Greek.
@iBw, -opat [v.] ‘to press, bruise’ (p 221 [beside PAujot, most codd. have 8A-], Hp.
Loc. Hom., Theoc.). <1E *b'lig™->
eVAR Fut. pdiweta.
eCOMP Also with ék-.
DER gAiyic: BAiytc (H.).
*ETYM Rare by-form of much more usual » @AiBu, like pAdw beside OAdw. Generally
compared with several words from Celtic, Latin and Balto-Slavic which all have *b'I-,
e.g. W blif [m.] ‘catapult, ballista’, Lat. fligé ‘to strike (down), Latv. blaizit ‘to bruise,
press together, beat’, Ru. bliznd ‘scar, wound, break of a thread in a tissue’, bliz, blizp
‘near’ < PIE *b'I(e/o)i-g- or *b'liH-g-. See LIV? sv. *b'leig-, where it is assumed that
pAiPw represents earlier *pAei-. Root-final -B- could be due to contamination.
gASaw [v.] ‘to drip with fat (4Ao1ph), to disintegrate out of rottenness (onmeddot)’
(Nic.), ‘to decay, burst’, of clothes (Plu.); glosses from H.: pt6av- orjmteo8at ‘to rot’;
Eghidev. Stéppeev, éppryyvuev ‘flow apart, broke’; pAiddver dStamintet, dtappet ‘to
collapse’; pkidtd6wvto: dteom@vto, étéuvovto “drew apart, cut’; pAddvec: Ta év TOIC
ittationg ondopata Kai putidec ‘shreds and wrinkles in clothes’, tivéc 5& o@vypot
‘throbbing of inflamed parts, beating of the heart’. <1E? *b'lid- ‘drip, flow, swell’>
VAR mept- (v.l. Nic. Al. 62), cf. below.
*DER With full grade: poidiav: mempio8at (H.); pdAoidovjtevoc (Lyc. 35, after sch. =
gdroyiCoplevoc) and, also from H, the primary perf. forms negdadévat:
gAvKtavodo8at (cod. prekteveio8at); meproldwc: TOV ProLov anoBarkwv (cf. on
protdc); dianéproidev: dtakéxutat; hence breppAotopol bypoi as an explanation of
dtagpAvétec. See also on » agAoto}tdg [m.] ‘foam, slobber” (with copulative d-, or from
appdc).
eETYM Part of the above verb forms is primary: pAtddvet, épdidev, TépAOLSeV with
the noun @dtd6vec, and part is clearly secondary: pdtd-dw, pdroidovptevocg (from
1580 prmérta
-€opat or -dopat), and pAotd-1dw (also pAt5-). LIV? reconstructs a PIE root ?*b'leid.,
but there are no certain correspondences outside Greek; alternatively, these words
may well be Pre-Greek. Formally, MoE bloat might be connected, if from PGm.
*blaiton.
A form mepipAiovtog without dental in Nic. Al. 62 is given by the best tradition (v.l.
mteptpAt6dwvtoc); it was probably influenced by nepipAbw. There are more aspects in
which these two groups are close: beside pAtéaw, we have with a similar meaning
gAvddw and pAvdapdc ‘weak, with meshes’ (Hp.), perhaps already in Myc. pu.-ru-
da-ro? Formally, it belongs to >» pAvw (see also » pAEw), but semantically it is closer
to gdtdaw. A nasalized derivative of pAvddw is éxpAvvdavw ‘to burst open’ (of
ulcers) (Hp.). Phonetically, pAvdaw can be compared with ON blautr ‘wet, weak’.
DELG assumes a separate verb @Aiw, which LIV: 88 does not follow. Cf. also
> pAoioBoc.
AipéAta [n.pl.] ‘blood-swellings on horse feet’ (Hippiatr. 51). <LW? Lat.>
eETYM From Lat. flémina [n.pl.] (< @Aeypovi? See »@Agyw) ‘cramped veins,
inflamed ulcers round the knuckles’, either through textual corruption or by folk
etymology (see WH s.v.). Cf. also » pAgutva.
@Aotds [m.] ‘bark (of a tree), rind, skin of fruit, pellicle of a leaf or egg’, also
metaphorically ‘exterior hull’ (since A 237). <?>
*COMP gAotloppayrs ‘with cracked rind’ (Thphr., Dsc.); frequent as a second
member, e.g. tavb@Aotog ‘with thin rind’ (IT 767 etc.).
*DER Aot-wé17¢ ‘rind-like, superficial’ (Arist, Thphr.), -@ti¢ [f.] ‘made of rind’
(Lyc.); pAotlw (sept-, éx-) [v.] ‘to peel off the rind, to rind’ (Thphr., Dsc., pap.), pdo-
‘topdc (mept-) [m.] ‘decortication’ (Thphr.), -totucr, (téxv1) ‘art of decortication’ (Pl.
Poll.); pAowWoat ‘id’ (Nonn., AP), anopAotdw ‘id.’ (Aét.). Note also 1tepAo1da@c: TOV
grotov anoBadwv (H.), formally to > pAidaw, etc. Also pAdog (acc. pda Nic. after
xpd6a), prods [m.] ‘rind’ (pap., AP), ‘skin’ of a man or a snake (Nic. unclear mg. in
Arat. 335); also = @Aéwe (Hat. 3, 98), with pAdivoc ‘made of ree’ (ibd., E. Fr. 284,
Poll.). Furthermore, » pAgéwc (-ewc) [m.] ‘reed, rush’. On the PN ®Adpaé, see
> pAvak.
*ETYM Formally, pAdog and gdoldcg < *pAdF-o¢, *pAoF-1d¢ belong to @Aé(F)u, like
the epithet of Dionysus Pdoios, etc; thus pAéwe, -ews after kopwvews, EpivEds etc.
Semantically, the connection with @Aéw is clear in bréppAota (uAAQ) ‘super-juicy’, of
apples (verse-final in Emp. 80), perhaps instead of -pAoa, and similarly in @doletv
(pdroteiv?) = dyav axpdterv (Antim.), if not for » pAvetv. In the sense of ‘rush’, pAéwe
and @doic refer to the luxuriant growth of the plant (cf. Bpvov to Bptw); Frisk thinks
that the rind (@Ao16c, pAdoc) may have received its name from its being rich in flesh
and juice, as opposed to the wood underneath. But see » pAgwe.
@AoioBos [m.] ‘the roaring, heaving’ (A., S., Lyc. etc.), metaphorically ‘battle-noise,
bustle’ (Il, Euph.). <2>
*COMP toAd@Aotofos, epithet of O4Aaoca ‘roaring much or loudly’ (Hom. Hes.
etc.), late also 4-, Bapt-pdotoBoc (Nonn., Procl.).
|
|
ADKTALVa 1581
eETYM The ending is reminiscent of O8dpupoc, KdvaBoc, etc; further analysis
unknown. Relation with pAiddaw, 1épAotdev is semantically not quite obvious.
@Aoptog [m.] ‘mullein, Verbascum sinuatum’ (Cratin. [lyr.], Eup. [anap.], Thphr.
Dsc.). <PG(V)>
eVAR Also @Advog (Ps.-Dsc.), perhaps dissimilation @ - u > @ - v? mAdpo¢ (Arist.).
*COMP innd-pdouog ‘belladonna, Atropa belladonna’ (Plin.), with augmentative
ist1to-.
*DER gAouic [f.] ‘Phlomis samia’ (Dsc.), pdovitic [f.] = 6voopa, dvitic (Dsc., Ps.-
Dsc.), pAopwdis 1t6a (H.) as an explanation of ai®omic; nAopiCw [v.] ‘to poison with
mA.’ (Arist.).
*ETYM The variation @-/11- shows that the word is Pre-Greek.
@Avak, -aKoc [m.] ‘buffoonery’ (AP), ‘buffoon’ (Poll, St. Byz., Eust.). <PG>
*COMP gAvaKkoypagos [m.] ‘author of ghtbaxe (Ath.), -ypagia [f.] (Suid. sv.
TlivOwv).
*ETYM A Doric word, name of a genre devised by the Tarentine Rhinthon; originally
.the name of a demon (Bjérck 1950: 61). Possibly built on gAvog [n.] ‘bragging’, or
maybe a direct derivative of pAbw; cf. the rhyming form ptat. Furthermore the PN
@ddrak (Tanagra V*) from @Ad(f)o¢ (see » pAoldc). See also > PAvw, & PAéw.
gAvapéw [v.] ‘to babble idly, maunder, make jokes’ (Hdt., Att.). <?>
eVAR Ion. pAvnpéw.
eCOMP Rarely with kata-, ovv-, etc.
*DER gAvap-ia [f.] ‘silly prattle, idle babble, maundering’ (Att.), -fuata [pl.]
‘maunderings, absurdities’ (D. H., Ph., J.). pAvap-oc [m.] ‘babble, etc.’ (Ar. Nu. 365
[anap.], Stratt., Men. etc.), ‘babbler, babbly’ (LXX, Str., D. H., etc.), pAvapoAoyia =
gAvapia ([Pl.] Ax.) etc., -wdnc¢ ‘absurd’ (Plu, Porph.).
eETYM Enlargement of pAvw, but unclear in detail. A dissimilation from *pAvaA-
may also be considered. On Ion. gAvn- against Att. pAva-, which may originally be
Doric (cf. pAvak), see Bjérck 1950: 45. The accent shows that @Avafoc, as an
adjective and agent noun, must be a back-formation from gAvapéw. It cannot be
decided whether gAvapéw or the much rarer gAvapog (in the mg. ‘babble’) was
primary.
gAvddw [v.] ‘to be soft, weak’; the original meaning seems ‘to be moist’: Avda:
bypaivetat (Gal.), pAvdav: StayeioBar (H.).
DER With nasal éx-~Avvddvw (H.). > pAidaw.
gAvvaktov =A UKTAatva.
gAv«tatva [f.] ‘blister, pustule’ (Hp., Th., Ar., Arist., etc.). <PG(V)>
*DER Diminutive gAv«tatvic [f.], -idtov [n.] (Hp. Diocl. Fr.), -ad1)¢ ‘blister-like’ (late
medic.), -dopat [v.] ‘to get blisters’ (Hp. Dsc.), -wotc [f.] ‘blistering’ (Hp.), also -w
(-6w 2) ‘to cause blisters’ (Dsc.). Also pAuxtic, -idog [f.] ‘id’ (Thphr., LXX), acc.pl.
gAv«telc (Dsc.). Furthermore pAvCaxtov [n.] ‘id’ (Hp., Cels.).
1582 prAvw 1
*ETYM Formation like in -atva from a stem @Avkt-, whence also gAvKtic. The group
velar + tis typical for Pre-Greek, see Fur.: 319ff. See on » OAogAv«Ktic. For pAvCdictov,
compare wodpadktov, avOpdxioy; a basis *pAva < *pAVy-14 may belong to oivd-pAvE
(see pbyeBAov), StapA dees, and further to pAvEat, pAdTW; see > PAW 1.
@Avw 1 [v.] A. ‘to be full of juice, thrive’, of plants, fruits (Plu. Ael.), see » pAéw.
B. ‘to well up’ (® 361+), ‘to boil’ (Hp. apud Gal.), fut. pAvoer Céoet (H.), avagAtw
(H., pap), StapAbw (Hp. apud Gal.), x@Atw ‘to boil over’ (Gal.), ém@pAvw ‘to sputter
at’ (A. R.). Also said of a singeing lightning (Ar. Nu. 396).
C. ‘to babble’ (A., H.). <1E? *b"leu- ‘flow’, PG?(V)>
eVAR Many derivatives in pAvy- (whence pAv{w), or pdv-K- (giving pAvoow); aor.
Avo (Archil. [codd. pAdcat], A. AP).
Also pdt, of speech (Nic.), pAvlev: dvatetv (H.), aor. xpAvEou yoov (A. R.), subj.
anopAvEwotv bBpwv (A. R.). On grvddu, ex~rAvvdava, see > pliddw.
eCOMP Also with dava-, mept-, dta-, etc.
*DER 1. gAvog [n.] ‘babble’ (Archil.), whence pdovdle pdvapei, Anpet ‘speaks
nonsense’ (H.), perhaps Lac; also pAvdooet pAvapei, pAvet (H.), cf. pAvak. 2. prvotc
[f.] = e€avOnoic ‘coming up’, of a skin-eruption (Hp. apud Gal.), diagAvhtes =
bnepBAvoeic (Gal.).
eETYM Many derivatives in -y-: pdulw, prvyéw, pbye8pov, or -K-: EpAvEa, oivdgAvé.
Under > @déw, I explain that the verb could be Pre-Greek. The variation between the
enlargments -y- and -k- points to substrate origin (the substrate had no distinction
between voiced and unvoiced obstruents). See also on @Avktatva, which has a
variant stem gAvkt-. The form dagAvtlec (s.v. » pAéw) may be another stem-form
(with interchange Kt/&). See » pAev-C-.
@Adbw 2 [v.] ‘to vomit’. <IE *b"leu- ‘vomit’>
VAR In fut. prvoet amtoBarei, gugcet ... (H.), aor. dn-€pAvoa (Archil.). DELG has
this word s.v. pAbw C.
eETYM Usually connected with OCS bljovati, sg. bljujo ‘to vomit’; the corresponding
Baltic verb Lith. bliduti, 1sg. bliduju, also bliuti, 1sg. bliyvts is supposed to have
developed into ‘bleat’ or ‘start roaring’, which seems an uncertain change of
meaning.
opn [f.] ‘wavy, long hair, mane’, metaphorically ‘foliage, bunch of flowers’ (Sapph.,
Pi, trag.; also Thphr.). <?>
eETYM Verbal noun from »@éfopat referring to hair blown by the wind; cf. on
£0eipa, also odBn (see > copEw).
gdBoc >péBopat.
oiBosg [adj.] epithet of bowp (Hes. Fr. 274, similarly Lyc.), of aiyAa (B.), of pAdk (A.
Pr. 22); explained as ‘pure, clear, bright’. <?>
*VAR DoiBoc epithet and name of Apollo (I1.).
*COMP gotBd-Anrtos, Ion. -AapTtos ‘inspired, possessed by ®, (Hdt., Lyc., Plu. etc.).
sm sagan tere
maT SSE eter
goivié 1, -iKoc 1583
*DER 1. poiBac, -ado¢ [f.] ‘priestess of Phoibos, seer’ (E., Tim.). 2: PoiBn [f.] daughter
of Ouranos and Gaia (Hes., A.). 3. DoiBetoc, Ion. -1iog ‘belonging to Doifoc (Hdt.
E. [lyr.]), fem. -ni¢ (AP).
Denominative verbs: 4. poiBatw [v.] ‘to prophesy, inspire’ (S, Plb. Lyc., Str. etc.),
also ‘to purify’ (Lyc.), also with dta-, dno-, ava-; poiBaotii¢ = vaticinator (gloss.),
-dotpta [f.] ‘prophetess’ (Lyc.), -aotixd¢ ‘prophesying, inspiring’ (Plu., Longin.,
Ptol.). 5. porBaw [v.] ‘to purify’ (Hell. poetry), aor. -foat, Dor. -dcat; anogoBdopat
[v.] ‘to speak ardently’ (PMag. Par.), mpo- ‘to prophesy’ (Cat. Cod. Astr.); hence
goiBnots [f.] ‘inspiration’ (Vett. Val.), -ntrj¢ (Man., et al.), -ythp (PMag. Lond.) [m.]
‘prophet’, -"jtwe [m.] ‘id’ (Orph.), -1tpia- kaBaptpia (H.), also name of a goddess,
perhaps Isis? (Ethiopia), -rnt6¢ ‘inspired’, poiBntevetv- xpnouwdetv (H.). 6. poBavar
AauMpdval, LavtevdoacVal, KoopToa, KaBdpal, ayvioat (H.), ‘to purify’ (anon. apud
EM), 4-poiBavtog ‘not purified, impure’ (A.).
*ETYM Unexplained. Some connect the glosses agixtov (leg. dgiktov?): akaBaptov,
uontov and dagiktpdc (leg. dguctpoc?): axabaptos, piapdc (H.). Poiboc has nothing
to do with ®dfoc. The word has also been connected with the town BoiBn in
Thessalia (St. Byz. s.v. DoiBn).
®oivixes [m.pl.] people on the west coast of Syria, also the inhabitants of Carthage as
Phoenician colonists. <PG>
eVAR Doiwg, -ikog [sg.], Poivioca [f.] Phoenician’ (II.); also the son of Agenor, as an
eponym of the people, also son of Amyntor, ruler of the Dolopians (Il.), and a river
near Thermopylae (Hdt.).
*DER 1. Dotv-ikn [f.] ‘land of the Ph.’ (since Od.), also of Carthage (E.); older name of
Caria (Ath.), also place in Epirus (Plb., Str. et al.). 2. Adjective -ucjioc (Hdt. et al.),
-1KiK6¢ (Epich., Hdt., Th., etc; see Chantraine 1956a: 120, 122, 124), -iktog (S. Fr., D.
S.), -ikivog (Gal.). 3. -uxiag dvepog ‘south-east wind’ (Arist. et al.). 4..-txidtov [n.]
‘small Phoenician’ (D. L.). 5. -uctoti ‘in Phoenician (Punic) speach’ (Plb.). 6. -txiCw
‘to live like the Ph.’ (Luc.).
*ETYM On the formation cf. Ai@ikec, Téuplkec, Opriikeg (-I-) etc; ch » potvdc.
Borrowed as Lat. Poenus, Pinicus, see WH s.v. The suffix -ik- is non-IE, and
probably Pre-Greek. See Beekes Kadmos 43 (2004): 167-184, especially 18:ff.
ois 1, -tkoc [m., f] ‘palm-tree’, especially ‘date-palm’, also ‘date’ (since ¢ 163), also
other plants (Thphr., Dsc.). <GR>
eVAR Accentuation following Hdn. Gr.
*COMP goivikopdadravos [f.] ‘date’ (Hell.+).
*DER 1. gotv-ioxn (for -txioKxn) [f.] ‘small palm-tree’ (pap. II’). 2. gotv-txic [f.],
-kidtov [n.] ‘palm-ornament’ (Delos IT-I*). 3. Adjectives potv-tkrjiog (Hdt.), -ikioc
(Gortyn V-IV*), -ixetog (D. S.), -iktvog (com. IV’, pap. etc.), -iKiKdg (Ph. Bel., pap.),
-knpov?, of wétpov (pap. II’). 4. -ucity¢, of oivog (Dsc.). 5. potv-ikwv, -@voc [m.]
‘palm-grove’ (Hell.+).
*ETYM Literally “the Phoenician”, referring to the eastern origin of the palm and the
date trade of the Phoenicians.
1584 goimk 2, -ikoc
goivs 2, -ixoc [m.] name of a stringed instrument (Hdt. 4, 192, Hell. historians).
<GRP>
*ETYM Related to » poiwé 1 according to Semus, because it was made of palm-wood.
DELG calls this absurd, citing Herodotus, who states that it could be made of animal
horns. Rather, it was a Phoenician invention.
goive 3, -tkoc [m.] name of a mythical bird, worshipped in Egypt (Hes. Fr. 171, 4, Hdt.
2, 73, etc.), whose native land was claimed to have been Arabia or India. «LW? Eg.>
eETYM To Eg. bjn; further history unknown.
goivs 4, -tkoc [m.] “(the color) purple’ (Hom. etc.); as an appellative or adjective
(fem. also -tooa) ‘sorrel’ or ‘red-colored’, of*a horse (Y¥ 454), ‘purple, dark-red,
tawny’, of cattle, fire, clothes, etc. (Pi. Simon., E., Theoc.). <PG>
eDIAL Myc. po-ni-ki-jo.
*COMP @otviko-mdapnos ‘purple-cheeked, with red-colored sides’, of a ship (Od.).
*DER 1. @otv-tkic, -tkidocg [f.] ‘purple cloth or blanket, red-colored cloth’ (Ar., X.,
Aeschin. etc.), ‘red banner’ (Lys., Plb.), with -txtotr\¢ [m.] ‘who wears purple’, name
of a Persian court-official (X.). 2. Adjectives potv-txdet¢ (Hom., Hes.), -ikeoc, -ucod¢
(Ion., Pi. X., Arist. etc.); -ixtog (Epich., Arist. etc.); -tktod¢ (Ar., Arist. etc.) ‘purple,
crimson’. 3. Verbs: gotv-icow, aor. -i€at ‘to make purple, red’, also intr. ‘to be made
red’ (mostly poet. [orac. apud Hdt., B., trag. etc.], also Arist., Thphr.), also with ém-
etc. hence -typtdg [m.], -t&t¢ [f.] ‘red skin’ (late medic.), -typia [n.] ‘which is reddened’
(Lib.). potv-ikilw (émt-) ‘to be purple’ (Arist., Gp.).
*ETYM Related to the people’s name Doivixec; see also on » Potvoc.
@oivie 5, -tkoc ‘Phoenician’. >DoiviKec.
gotvdc [adj.] ‘red’ (of blood, aiuatt IT 159), epithet of Ovpdc in unclear meaning,
‘blood-red? murderous?’ (h. Ap. 362), ‘deadly’ (Nic.), of aia (Mosch.) probably
referring to the color (0 97, A., S.), of a cobra, aortic (Nic.); of kapmdc atdng (Nic.);
often with strengthening » da-: dagotvdc ‘dark, tawny’, especially of beasts of prey,
also ‘murderous, bringing death” (Il. epic poet.); enlarged -edc (2 538, Hes. Sc. 159),
-Netg (Nonn.). 42>
*DER More usual @oiviog ‘bloody, blood-stained, murderous, deadly’ (Pi. trag.). fem.
owas = épvoibn (Theognost. Can.); enlarged -retc of Spaxwv (M 202, 220), -wd1j¢
‘bright red’.
*ETYM Without convincing etymology. Connected with » pévoc ‘murder’ already in
antiquity, but this is unconvincing semantically and morphologically (suffix -io-).
The word was associated with pdvoc early on, so that it came to be interpreted as a
variant of it. Perhaps, the EN ®oivixec is related to potvdc; similarly, Daiaxec to
> patdc. Traditionally, it was assumed that ‘purple’ got its name from the Doivixec,
as the “Phoenician color”; yet, various scholars have claimed the reverse, viz. that
goiué ‘purple, red color’ was primary, whence Potvixn ‘the red (land), the land of
purple’. Others have assumed that Doivixec was an (oriental) loanword. If one does
not want to separate goiwé and Doivixec from gotvos, the only remaining possibility
odvec KbvEG 1585
is to interpret poetic potvdc (with Sagotvdc and @oivioc) as a back-formation, which
is difficult, but not impossible.
gottaw [v.] ‘to go to and fro, go repeatedly, walk about, frequent someone, go to
school, come to the market’, of a commodity (Il.). <PG?>
eVAR oltijoal, nepoitnka (€nepoitee Nonn.).
*COMP Often prefixed, e.g. with ém-, dta-, ovv-, dmo-. Compounds: jepo@oitic
epithet of Eptvic ‘walking in the fog’ (I 571, T 87), ‘walking in the sky’, of the moon
(Orph.), whence nepogoitncs, -depopoitag (Ion Chius, Orph., Nonn.), nepd-
(depd-)portos, of stars, birds, etc. (A. fr. 282 = 198 M., late poetry); dpet@oitrs,
-poitos ‘walking in the mountains’, whence -oitéw (Hell.+). Hence the simplex
goitncs 6 Knpus (H.).
*DER 1. gort-dc [f., m.] ‘erring, swarming, raging’, of Cassandra, Bacchantes, etc.
(trag., etc.), pottoc [m.] ‘the erring, aberrance’ (ppev@v A. Th. 661). 2. pott-adéoc
‘id’, also ‘roaming, driving mad’ (A. and E. [lyr.], Mosch., AP, etc.); enlarged -adtevc
(Opp.), -akwwtng (AP 9, 524, 22 verse-final) of Dionysus. 3. poit-notc (ém-, ovv- etc.)
[f.] “frequentation, especially of school’ (Att. etc.). 4. port-1T1\¢ (ovv-) [m.] ‘pupil’
(Att. etc.), -ntp [m.] ‘id’ (Nonn.), also = -ad€éoc (epic poetry V-VIP); -ntd¢ (Com.
Adesp.), -1yt.K6c (sch.). 5. verbs: poit-iGw = -dw (h. Hom. 26, 8, Call., A. R.), probably
after Oapilw; port-dCw ‘id.’ (Hellad. apud Phot.).
eETYM All the above forms, including poitdc, poitadéog and goitos, are built on the
present poitaw. No etymology. One might think of a Pre-Greek loan.
godic, -i5o¢ [f.] ‘scale of a reptile’ (Arist., A. R., D. S., Opp., etc.), metaphorically of the
spots on an animal-skin (Hld.), of the mosaic of a cover (D. S.). < PG?>
*DER @oAtdwtodc ‘provided with scales’ (Arist., Thphr., Hell. inscr., etc.), -wdng ‘scale-
like’ (Hp. v.l.), -Gopat ‘to be covered with scales’ (Philum.).
*ETYM Formation with o-grade, like Aomic (to Aomdc), Aettic (to Aémtoc, see > AETW).
Frisk supports the usual connection with » meAAdc ‘cork’, but I see no reason for this.
As a technical term, it is probably Pre-Greek. /
@oAxde [adj.] Epithet of Thersites (B 217) of unknown meaning. <PG?(V)>
*ETYM Traditionally interpreted as ‘bandy-legged’ and supposed to be related to
adoc, designation of a helm-ornament or helmet-piece and connected with Skt.
hvarate ‘to go crooked’, etc; see » pdAoc. Fur.: 173 assumes that poAkdc is identical
with *BoAKdc in BOAKwv, the name of a Syracusan in D. S. 11, 91; in that case, the
variation @-/ B- would point to Pre-Greek origin.
pork [f.] ‘scab, leprous sore’ (Erot. 384). Erot. Lc. explains podAAucw5r; Ta EPNAWSN
kai Aempwdn; oi yap MaAatol PoAAIKac ExdAODvV Tac YNPwWSelc TpaxbTNHTac; but Galen
(19; 153) gives Ta olov OPvAakw5ea kai Gouga. <?>
*ETYM Perhaps, a variant of goAic. De Vaan (p.c.) suggests that it could be a loan
from Lat. folliculus ‘bag; husk, pod, skin, follicle, bladder, etc.’.
godvec Kbvec [?] - of muppoi Svtec péXava otdWaTa elyov ‘red ones, having a black
mouth’ (H.). <PG(v)>
1586 @ovoc
*ETYM Gennadius JHS 46 (1926): 42f. connects the word with @odic and proposes to
read otiypata for otdtata: “dogs of a yellow-red coat spotted with black”. A direct
derivation is impossible for morphological reasons. Fur: 228 connects moAvvel-
wtoA bvet ‘stains, defiles’, which would mean that the word is Pre-Greek.
@ovocg [m.] ‘manslaughter, murder’, poet. ‘bloodshed’ (Il.); also in the poetic
expression épevydpevolt @dvov aittatocg (II 162) for aijta pdovov or pdviov. <IE
*o"hen- ‘slay, kill >
*COMP govoaAiPrs ‘dripping with murder or blood’ (A. [lyr.]), amdgovog pdvoc
‘unnatural murder’ (E. Or. 163 [lyr.]), amdqovov aitta (ibd. 192). Highly productive
as an agent noun in univerbations, e.g. dvépo@qvog ‘killing men’ (II.), -(a [f.] (Arist.
etc.), -éw (Str.); enlargements -evc ‘id? (Man.), -tyg (A. Th. 572); see also on
> avdpei~dvtn (Il.); also Bovpdvos, -éw [v.] (H 466).
*DER 1. Adjectives: @dv-toc ‘murderous, murder-, blood-stained, deadly’ (Pi. trag.);
-tkéc ‘belonging to murder, bloodthirsty’ (Hdt., Th., etc.); -wdn¢ ‘deadly’ (Hp.),
‘reminding of blood, murder’ (Thphr.), ‘murderous, bloodthirsty’ (LXX etc.). 2.
gov-evc [m.] ‘murderer’ (I1.), -evw [v.] ‘to murder, kill (Pi., IA), also with kata-, ém-
etc., whence -evtrj¢ [m.] ‘murderer’ (LXX), fem. -ettpta (sch.), -evtiKdc ‘deadly’
(sch.), -eboipog ‘mortal’ (sch.). 3. gdv-a& [m.] name of a dog (X. Cyn.). 4. Pres.
-dopat in tepovatévoc [ptc.perf.med.] ‘blood-stained’ (Opp.).
Beside pdvoc, we find govai [f.pl.] ‘manslaughters, massacre, murder, blood’ (IL.
epic poet., also Hdt. and late prose), povdw [v.] ‘to be eager for murder, blood’ (S.
[lyr.], late prose).
eETYM A verbal noun to > Geivw, from PIE *g’”"dn-o- [m.]. Cognate forms: SCr. gin
(to gnati ‘to drive, hunt’) ‘distance over which a horse can be driven in one time’, Cz.
hon ‘hunt’; as an agent noun (cf. -@dvoc) Skt. ghand- ‘striking down, killing’, msc.
‘cudgel, club’, Lith. ganas, Latv. gans ‘herdsman’ (“the driver”). All of these may be
independent formations.
okdc [adj.] ‘sharp, pointed’ (B 219 of the head of Thersites, Arist., AP etc.). <PG(V)>
*COMP gotixetAoc, of KbALE, ‘with pointed edge’, ie. ‘narrowing towards the top’
(Semon.), with @oét- after verbal -&-.
*DER gotdtng [f.] ‘pointed shape’ (Gal.), -ivoc [m.] an unknown fish (Arist., also
Mnesim., written pv§-, probably after pve, puyeiv).
*ETYM No convincing etymology. Lidén 1906: s9f. connects paypoc ‘whetstone’. Fur.:
345 also compares @dypoc, but assuming a Pre-Greek word; op.cit. 393, he connects
godoxoc: dEvKégalos (H.).
popBr —géphu.
gopivn [f.] ‘hard and rough skin’, especially ‘swine’s hide’ (Hp., Antipho Soph.,
Aristom. Com., etc.). <PG(V)>
VAR Variant @opivi; 1) map’ évioig mupivny (H.).
*ETYM Without cognates, neither in Greek nor in other languages. A remote
similarity is shown by a Germanic word for ‘raw, outward rind’, eg. ON borkr, LG
=i ae - aes —, ~ .
Marae
popbvopat 1587
(> MoHG) Borke; ON bara [f.] ‘crest of a wave, hard strip on the surface, cheese-
rind’. Yet, the variant mupivn shows that the word is Pre-Greek.
popes [?] - xapaxec ‘pales’ (H.). <Lw Lat.>
*ETYM LSJ explains it as a loan from Lat. furcae, which seems possible.
opKov [adj.] - AevKdv, toALdv, Pvddv ‘white, gray, wrinkled’ (H.). <PG(v)>
*DER Perhaps, here also belong the PNs @dpxoc (Pi. P. 12, 13, S. Fr. 861, Lyc. 477,
Phanocl. 1, 20) = Ddpxug, -v(v)og [m.] (Od., Hes., etc.), in the sense dAtog yépwv ‘old
man of the sea’?
*ETYM A supposition is found s.v. » papkic. Fur.: 157 connects Ddépxucg with DdpKoc
and Ildpxog, and/or gapxic. Definitely Pre-Greek.
popmrys, -tyyos [f.] ‘cither’, especially as an instrument of Apollo (IL). <PG(s,v)>
*COMP gthopdpyyé ‘loving the cither’ (A. [lyr.]).
*DER popytifw (only pres.) “to play the cither’ (Hom., Hermesian.), -txtdc¢ Dor. (Pi.,
Ar. [lyr.], AP), -ictyp (Nonn.) [m.] ‘cither-player’, -ixtd¢ ‘accompanied by the
cither’ (S. Fr. 16).
*ETYM A loan word, similar in form and meaning to odAmyé, obptyé. Clearly a Pre-
Greek word, on account of the suffix. Fur.: 173, 342 adds Baptiog (Phyllis apud Ath.
14, 636c), Bapwpocg (Euph. Fr. Hist. 8, Ath. 4, 182f), Bappitoc (EM 188, 21), and
BapBitoc (Pi, Anacr.).
oppdc [m.] ‘basket’, also as a corn-measure (IA since Hes.), also of other twined
objects: ‘mat’ (Hdt. Ar, Thphr.), ‘large seamen’s cloak’ (Theoc., Paus.), ‘sieve’
(Dsc.). <2
*COMP @opLLo@dpos [m.] ‘basket-bearer’ (Epicur.), -éw [v.] (D. C.).
*DER Diminutives poptic [f.] (com., Arist.), -ioxog [m.] (Pl., EM), -ioxtov [n.] (Poll.)
‘basket’, -iov [n.] ‘id’ (Hippon.), ‘faggot’ (D. L.).
eETYM The formally obvious connection with mépw as “bearer” seems difficult to
combine with the varying meanings, which are all connected with thy: notion of
‘twining’. Schulze 1892: 110ff. therefore connected papa: beaivetv, TAEKetv ‘to Weave,
plait’ (H.) and » papos ‘cloth, linen’. Still, a development from ‘basket’ < ‘bearer’ to
‘twined basket’, with subsequent transition to other twined materials, is conceivable.
Go. barms ‘kéAmoc’ agrees phonetically with qopttdc, but is also interpreted
differently. Not related to » pwptapidc.
@dpos > Gépw.
goptvopat [v.] ‘to be mingled, stained, blemished’ (x 21, Q. S. 2, 356; 3, 654), popUvel-
pupa, LoAbvel, ovyxet ‘soils, defiles, mingles’ (H.). <?>
*VAR @opvoooptat (Opp.), aor. poptb&at, also with ava- (o 336, Hp.), -b&ao8at (Nic.),
Tepopvytévos (Nic., Q. S., Opp.) ‘id.’, popvocéttevat LoAtbvetv (H.).
*COMP aitto-pdpuKtosg ‘blemished with blood’ (v 348), d-pdpuKtog (AP), popuKtdc¢
(Lyc.). :
*DER Also goptrtdc [m.] ‘mixture, miscellany, waste, refuse, chaff (Democr., Ar.,
Arist., Thphr., etc.); popuc- daxtvAtog 6 kata tiv édpav (H.), cf. podAvviry mvyt
1588 payédXtov
(H.), also as a PN (nickname); Popvotac (Tanagra). Unclear papupdc: toAunpdc,
Opaouc ‘daring, bold’ (H.).
*ETYM Compare poAbvw, madvvw. The formation of popv&at, me~opvypévos is like
wopv&at, ueLopvypévoc (also -x-); poptoow is like dAvoow, aiBvoow, aipdoow, etc.;
while poputic is like ouppetéc, vipetdc, etc. The common element gopv- cannot be
analyzed; if it belongs to ptpw, perhaps dissimilated from *@upv-.
payéAAtov [n.] ‘whip’ (NT); ‘a weight’ (inscr. Lycia). <LW Lat.>
eETYM From Lat. flagellum.
gppacouat [v.] ‘to consider, think (up), perceive, decide, discern’, act. ‘to signalize,
indicate, show, inform’ (II.). <?> a
eVAR ppatw (post-Hom.), aor. ppdo(o)aoGar (IL, epic poet.), ppacBijvat (Od., epic
poet., Hdt.), act. @pdoa (A 22), reduplicated rtégpade, -guev, etc. (IL, epic), fut.
gpao(c)ouat (Il.), ppdow (post-Hom.), perf.ptc. mpomeppaduévoc (Hes. Op. 655);
ind. 1téppaopat (A.), act. méppdKa (Isoc., etc.).
eCOMP Often with prefix, e.g. é7tl-, OVV-, Tepl-.
*DER 1. ppadr [f.] ‘consideration, insight, indication, hint’ (Pi, Alc, A, E,, etc.),
gpad-daw [v.] = BovAevopa (Hdn. Gr.), ppaddov: épynvedov (H.), -atryp [m.] an
official (Sicily III-II*: ypaypateds xai pp.), -doe ‘indicated’ (Pi. N. 3, 26), -17t6¢ (sch.);
ppadevovor Aéyovotv (H.). 2. ppaduwv (Att. ppdopwv), -povos (also d-, 1OAV-, etc.)
‘wise, mindful’ (Il, epic poet.), -uoovvn [f.] ‘wisdom, cleverness’ (h.Ap., Hes. etc.),
-opoobva (epigr.). 3. Ppdotc (ueTa-, Mapa-, éx-, etc.) [f.] “(way of) expression’ (Ar.
Ra. 1122, Arist, D. H., Str, etc.). 4. ppactic: oxéyic, évvora, BovAr, gpdotc (H.);
appaotveg [pl.] (Call. Fr. anon. 9; Suid.) from G@pactoc. 5. ppaotip [m.]
‘enunciator, guide’ (X., Ph., Plu.), -twp [m.] ‘guide’ (A. Supp. 492); mapagpaotic
‘rewriter’, Ueta@paotis ‘translator’ (late); ppdotns = eloquens (gloss.). 6. ppactiKdc
(ttapa-, MEpl-, HETA-, AVvTt-, Ex-) “expressive, explicit’ (late).
As a second member: 7. -ppadrc (Il, epic poet.), eg. appadijc ‘inconsiderate,
unwise’, -in ‘stupidity’, -éw [v.] ‘to act inconsiderately, be unwise’; by decomposition
ppadéog (gen. 0 354). 8. -ppaotos, e.g. dppactog ‘incomprehensible, imperceptible,
unspeakable’ (h. Merc., epic poet., Hdt.), -tUc (see 4. above).
*ETYM All the above forms go back to an element ppad-, which is seen clearly e.g. in
the archaic reduplicated aorist. It has the character of a zero grade root, but it stands
isolated. If one separates the dental as a root extension, connection with » gprjv
might be tried. Cf. also » ano@pac.
pdacow [v.] ‘to fence in, enclose, barricade, equip (a horse) with scale-armour, block’
<?, PG?>
eVAR Att. -ttw, also mpdyvuut, fut. ppd—w (all post-Hom.), aor. ppdka, -acba
(épapEavto Hdn. Gr.), ppaxSijvar (IL.+), ppayfivat (Hell.+), with ppayrjcopat beside
paxOroouat (late), perf. med. néppaytiau (E. etc.), mepapypyévocg (Hdn. Gr.), plpf.
éméppakto (Hdt.), act. méppaka (Ph.), néppaya (sch.).
eCOMP Often with prefix, e.g. dvtl-, dmo-, év-, Tept-, OVV-.
*DER1. ppdytia [n.] ‘enclosure, protection, defence’ (IA), pdpypa [n.] ‘id’ (Epid. IV*;
< -Kou-), also did-, mept-, &u-, etc. with different shades of meaning; dtappaypdatiov
Ppatnp, -Epoc 1589
[n.] ‘small partition-wall’ (Delos III*). 2. ppay-pdc¢ (éu-) [m.] ‘enclosing, fencing in,
fence’ (IA), -pitng epithet of Odyvoc, KdAapoc ‘growing in hedges’. 3. ppaéttc ‘fencing
in, etc. (IA), mostly with ano-, dta-, avti-, év-, ovv-, etc. 4. KaTa-, Mepl-epaxtys [m.]
‘who fences in, etc. (late), ppaktncs “floodgate’ (Procop.). 5. ppaxtdg ‘fenced in,
protected’ (Opp.), gpaxtetw [v.] ‘to surround’ (pap. III*); papktéc ‘id’ (EM),
~apKtooual in papktov: pvAaxt oKevate ‘prepare the watch’ (H.); also papxtecBat
(for -odo8at?): 16 ppatteoBat (H.).
Old and common in compounds, e.g. dgpaxtocg (4papKtos) ‘unfenced, unfortified,
not decked, without armour’ (Att.), vab@paxtocg (-papKtoc) ‘protected by ships’, of
otpatég, etc. (A. [lyr.], E., Ar. Att. inscr.); ppaxtikds (mapa-, éx-, éu-) ‘blocking,
etc.’ (medic. etc.). On >» dpb@axktos, see s.v.
eETYM As a common basis of the attested forms, ppax- beside ~apx- can be posited
(the late attestations gpayfjvat and ppayvupt are analogical). It is unclear which of
the two is older, or even if they both derive from a zero grade. Since their
distribution is unclear, we may envisage the possibility that they are due to substrate
origin. This is confirmed by the fact that there is no convincing correspondence
outside Greek. The traditional connection with Lat. farcié ‘to stuff, cram, fatten’ and
frequéns ‘crowded, frequent’ is quite uncertain. On gbpKoc: tetyoc ‘wall’ (H.) see
> mMUpyos.
patnp, -epoc [m.] ‘member of a phratria’ (Att.). <IE *b!'reh,ter- ‘brother’>
*VAR Younger ppatwp, -opoc, Ion. pprytwp (IG 14, 759 [Naples II?]), pprtnp:
adel poc (H.), Dor. ppatrip (Hdn. Gr.).
*COMP gpatpiapxoc [m.] “head of a phratry’ (D., Att. inscr.), ppritapxoc, -apxéw [v.]
(Naples).
*DER gprtpn [f] (B 362f.), gpatpa (D. H.= Lat. curia), with dissimilation patpa
(Tenos III*, Arcad.II*); Att. etc. ppatpia, dissimilated gatpia (Chios IV*, Tenos III",
often in codd.), @(p)tpia (Naples) [f.] ‘kinsmanship’, ‘subdivision of a phyle’ (= 30
yévn), ‘phratria’.
Hence 1. gatpitac {m.] ‘member of a phratry’ (Arc.). 2. ppatptoc, Ion. PT TPLOG
epithet of Zeus, of Athena and other gods as protectors of the gprtpat and mpatpiat
(IA, Delph.). -ov designation of the corresponding sanctuary (Poll., St. Byz.). 3.
ppatpiacw (vl. patpi-, ppatt-) [v.] ‘to belong to the same phratry’ (D.). ‘to join an
alliance, conspire’ (sch.), -aopde [m.] ‘alliance, conspiracy’ (Eust.). 4. ppatpivw [v.]
‘id.’ (Crateros, inscr.). 5. ppatopikdv (ppatep-?) ypapiateiov (D.). In later literature
(D. H, Plu.), ppatpa and ppatpia are often used to translate Lat. curia; similarly, the
derivatives ppatpt-evc, -aoti¢ = curialis, -akN| WHPogopia = comitia curiata, -Kh
éxkAnoia ‘id.’, -atiKd¢ vouos = lex curiata.
*ETYM PIE word for ‘brother’. Cognate forms: Skt. bhrdtar-, Lat. frater, Go. bro bar,
OCS brat(rye, etc. In Greek, it was replaced in its original meaning by ade q(e)6c. In
the context of the extended family, ‘brother’ was probably also used for ‘half-brother’
and for other male cognates of the same generation, such as cousins. In several
languages, this led to the creation of new words for ‘brother’ = ‘male descendant of
the same mother’ (see » &6eAQéc). The administrative meaning of the Greek word
was first established in the collective formations gpatpa, -ia. Beside mpdtpa, we find
1590 Mpéap, -ato¢
Skt. bhratrd- [n.] ‘fraternal relation, brotherhood’; with gpatpia agrees OCS
brat(r)ija ‘brotherhood’, Ru. brat’ja ‘brothers’ as a plur. of brat, epic Skt. bhratrya-
[n.] ‘id’.
péap, -ato¢ [n.] ‘well’ (® 197). <1E *b'reh,-ur ‘source, well’>
eVAR Plur. Att. -ata, *pprata (® 197), written ppeiata; hence sing. ppeiap (Nic. Th.
486), contracted pprytdc (Egypt IF, Hdn. Gr.), -ti (Call. Cer. 15), plur. -ta (pap. III*).
*COMP @peatotvunavov [n.] ‘water-wheel’ (Plb.), ppewpvxéw ‘to dig a well (Ar,
Str., Plu.), -wpvyoc “digging wells, well-digger’ (Plu. Them.), -ia [f.] (J.).
*DER 1. gpedt-tov [n.] (Hell. pap.), formally a diminutive, pl. gprjtia (Sicily) ‘id’ 2.
gpeat-ia [f.] ‘water-container, cistern’ (X. Plb.), ‘opening’ (Apollod. Poliorc.),
gprtia: otdua ppéatocg (H.). 3. ppeat-tatog ‘of a well’, -taiov bdwp ‘spring-water’
(Hermipp. Com., Arist. etc.), gprytaiog (pap. III"), -tog ‘id.’ (late). 4. -wdr¢ “well-like’
(sch.). 5. -top6¢ [m.] meaning uncertain; perhaps ‘the falling into a well’ (Notium I’).
eETYM PIA *p'réwar yielded Att. ppéap with quantitative metathesis. It derives from
PIE *b'reh,-ur and is originally identical with Arm. atbiwr, atbewr ‘well’. The
remaining case-forms have an n-suffix, e.g. gen. *opripa-tos < *b'reh,-un-, but Arm.
has a gen. afber with a generalized r-stem. A zero grade byform, IE *b'rHun-, is
preserved in the Germanic word for ‘source’, e.g. ON brunnr, Go. brunna < PGm.
*brunna(n). The geminate is traditionally explained from the zero grade of an
enlarging en-suffix (*brun-n- beside *brun-en-).
This word for ‘well’ might in origin be a verbal noun to a verb for ‘to bubble up,
move heavily’, of water, etc., as attested in Lat. fervo, -e0 ‘to seethe, boil’, dé-fru-tum
‘boiled down must, must-sap’ < *bier-u-, *b'r-u-. Some have also seen the element
*-uy- in » popbvouat. Other Greek words for ‘well’ may be inherited too: » kpovvdc
and > kprjv1). An innovation is » myy1, -ai ‘fountain-head, water(s)’.
ppéw — Tiger.
opiiy, -evos [f.] ‘midriff, also as the seat of mental activity, ‘sense, soul, spirit, mind,
heart’ vel sim. (IL). <1E? *b'rén, *b'ren->
VAR Plur. ppévec, -evav, dat. also -aoi (OAtt. epigr. VI’, Pi.).
*COMP gpevoBAabrc ‘mentally injured, insane’ (Hdt., Eup. etc.), ppevijpns ‘sound of
mind’ (Hdt,, etc.), petagpevov [n.] ‘which is behind the midriff, the upper part of
the back, the back’ (mostly epic since Il.). Ablauting -ppwv enjoyed extreme
productivity, e.g. d@pwv ‘out of one’s mind, foolish’ (Il) whence dgpaivw, dppovéw,
appootvn etc., edppwv, epic éigpwiv ‘with a cheerful mind, happy, pleasing, friendly’
(1l.), whence evepaivoual, -aivw, giqpovéwv (ptc.), edppoovvn, etc. on » evepdvn
‘night’, see s.v mpdgpwv ‘of one’s own accord, inclined, benevolent’ (Il. epic poet.),
fem. mpd@pacca after Exacoa (Hom.); on oWppwv see » OW.
*DER 1. gpev-itic (scil. vdooc) [f.] ‘mental disease, insanity, encephalitis’, -itiKdc¢
(medic. Hp., etc.). -it1d, -ttiaotc, tTilw, -i tio pLd¢ (late). 2. ppev-dw [v.] ‘to bring to
sense, instruct, inform’ (trag., etc.), whence -Woet vov8etijoet and -wttplov-
Tapaiveoic (H.).
3. ppovéw ‘to be minded, think, be wise’ (II.), also with kata-, mapa-, ovv- etc. It was
reanalyzed from denominatives like agpovéw, 6uoppovéw, etc. (to G-, OUOPpwv).
Mabie ios
Ppiaooopat 1591
Thence gpdviia (kata- etc.), -npatiac, -ypatwdrne, -natiGopat, -LatLopLd¢; -101¢
(Kkata-, Mapa- etc.), -17ttKdc. Backformation: 4. ppdovic [f.] ‘insight, skill? (y 244, 6 258,
Lyc., Opp.), beside more usual ppdvitog ‘sensible, wise’ (IA); PN Ppovipn mother of
Battos, the founder of Cyrene (Hdt. 4, 154), -wotne¢, -twwdre¢, -twevouat, -ipevpa,
-ipevote (late).
With a suffix -t-: 5. PN Dpdvtie, -1v, -16t [m., f] (y 282, P 40). 6. ppovtitw [v.] ‘to
consider, reflect, worry, be concerned’ (Thgn., Sapph.), also with éx-, ovv-, etc;
possibly to ppovéw on the model of épati{w to papa, pavtafopat to paivouat, etc.
If this analysis is correct, a back-formation to gpovti~w is: 7. ppovtic, -iSoc [f.]
‘reflection, worry, concern’ (Simon., Pi, A, etc.). Derivatives: ppdvtiopa, -tolc,
-TLoTHS, -thotpla, -tLoTIHplov, -tlotIKdc. Isolated is ppavileiv. cwepovitev (F.);
perhaps an old zero grade, like in dgpaivw?
*ETYM For the n-stem, we may compare other body-parts like » abyrjv, -évoc and
> adrv, -évoc, and without ablaut omAny, -17v6c. A remnant of the zero grade is
retained in the dat.pl. gpaci and in the yod-presents of the type dgpaivw.
Semantically attractive is the connection with ppdoow “fence, block’, but this would
presuppose that gpak- (gpay-) in ppdoow represents the zero grade of a nasalized
*ppeyk- (< IE *b*renk-), and that a lengthened grade nom.sg. *b'rénk was
incorporated into the n-stems after the loss of the final velar. A similar problem js
presented by > onArj versus omAdyyva.
Connection of gpriv ‘mind’ (vel sim.) with mpdCopat ‘to think, consider’, with the
act. (causative) aor. méppade, is semantically straightforward. A zero grade ppad-
with enlargement -6- has several parallels (see » ppda{opat), so this etymology is
formally quite feasible. On ppévec in Homer, see Ireland and Hull Glotta 53: 183-195.
On gpévec and ppdvnotc, see Snell Glotta 55 (1977): 34-64.
ppixes [?] - yapaxec ‘pales’ (H.). <PG?(V)>
eVAR Rather -i-.
*ETYM Acc. to Frisk, to ppicow (see » ppig) in the sense “die starr Emporragenden”.
Besides, cf. popKec: yapaxec (H.). Fur.: 173 follows GroSelj Ziva Ant. 4 (1954): 166f. in
comparing » BpixeAol = iotémoédes, i.e. the beams of a standing loom. This would
mean that the word is Pre-Greek.
pipaooonat [v.] ‘to snort with lust for life, behave unruly’, of horses, goats etc. (Hdt.,
Theoc., AP, Ael., Poll.). <PG(v)>
VAR Att. -ttopat, aor. -EaoBat.
*DER Ppiaypidc [m.] ‘snorting’ (Lyc., D. H., Poll.).
*ETYM Expressive enlargement (after ppvdcoouat?) of ppipdaw ‘id.’ (Opp.), further
unclear. The earlier connections with ON brimi [m.] ‘fire’ and Skt. jarbhuriti ‘to
move heavily, stretch, sprawl cannot be maintained. Similar words in similar
meanings, apart from »@pvdooopal, are >Bpipcdopa and »ogptydw. Fur.: 173,
following Kuiper 1956: 215, assumes that > Bpipdopat (etc.) is a Pre-Greek variant.
This seems evident, cf. Fur.: 247: ogptai- dneiAai, opyai from *ogpifai, with variation
L/P.
1592 epi, -iKdc
pik, -ixdc [f.] ‘shiver, the shivering or ruffling of the sea-surface, the ruffle of hair’
(IL, epic poet., also Hp.). <PG?>
eVAR Enlarged gpixn [f.] ‘id.’, also ‘frost-shiver, frost, shudder of fear’ (IA).
*COMP gpikorotds ‘causing shiver’,b76¢piKo< ‘with a light shiver’ (Hell.).
*DER gptkia [f.] fever-shiver’ (Dsc.), -iac [m.] name of a horse, referring to the
manes (Pi.), -adéog (Hp. AP, etc.). -5n¢ (Hp. Att. Hell.+), whence -wdia (late),
-@etc (Hell. lyr.) ‘shivering, horrible, etc.’; also ppixvov- ppikadéov, detvov, popepov
‘awesome, fearsome’ (H.), cf. pixvdc; pptkdc ‘bristling’, of hairs (Arist.), perhaps by
reanalysis of the first member in verbal governing compounds, such as ppieoKouns,
gpttavynyv. Likewise probably in the PN ®pitog, also as a personification of shivering
AP). :
ae 1. Qpicow ‘to bristle up’, of ears (of corn), hairs, etc, ‘to shiver (of cold),
shudder (of fear)’ (II.), aor. ppigai, perf. néppixa, also with ém-, ava-, peta-, etc.
Thence gptxtdc (am6-, érti-) ‘shuddering, causing shiver’ (Hell.+). Backformation:
émppiE- 1] Emavaotacic THv KLLaTwVv (EM). 2. Other sparse formations with the
same meaning: ppixdtw (Poet. de herb; also Hp.?), -aopdg [m.] (LXX), -dw (late
medic.) with -iactc (sch.), -6opat ,-6w ‘horrescd, horrific’ (gloss.), also gpitw
(PMag. Osl.). See also > ppikec.
sETYM Without certain agreement outside Greek. The word may well be Pre-Greek.
@poimov = oi.
ppovtivw =gpriv.
@podsoc [adj.] ‘gone away, disappeared, vanished, lost’, only predicatively (Antipho 5,
29, trag., Ar., late prose). <GR>
*ETYM Throug shift of aspiration from *pd-hodoc, a hypostasis from 1pd 6506
‘further on the road’, thus A 382: 11p0 6500 éyévovto ‘they came further on the road’;
compare Go. fram-wigis ‘continuous’.
ppovpé [f.] ‘watch, custody, guard, garrison, guarded place, prison’ (IA). <GR>
eVAR Ion. -1).
*COMP gpobpapxoc [m.] ‘commander of a g.’ (Att., etc.) -4pxn¢ (Them.), whence
-apxia, -apxéw (X., Hell.+). Frequently as a second member, e.g. the hypostasis
%upovpos ‘on guard, belonging to the watch, in custody, occupied, captive’ (X.,
Decr. apud D., Plb., etc.), -ppovpéw ‘to be on guard, keep watch’ (Th., D. C.), ‘to be
captive’ (late). Besides also ppovpdc [m.] ‘watcher, warden’, plur. ‘garrison’ (Att,
Epid.); tpovpdéc name of an official (Ion., Thess. III*), PN Hp@poc (Cyren.; Paus., D.
S., etc.).
eDER : gpovp-ic (vaic) ‘look-out ship’ (Att. inscr, Th. X.). 2. gpovp-tov [n.]
‘fortress, garrison’ (Att.), ‘prison’ (Pl. Ax. 366a), Cret. (II*) ppwptov. 3. -tKdg
‘belonging to watch, garrison’ (Hell. inscr., D. C.). 4. -btn¢ [m.] a military function
(pap. IV®). 5. ppoup-éw [v.] ‘to be on guard, keep watch, guard, keep’ (IA), also with
napa- etc; cf. on Euppoupos above; thence -npa (trag.), -Notc, -7THc, -NTIKOG, -1T1)p,
-1twp (late).
gpbyw 1593
*ETYM Through shift of aspiration from *mpo-hopdé and *npo-hopdc, compounds of
old verbal nouns meaning ‘to see’; see »dépdw with further details on the
morphology.
gpvdoconat [v.] ‘to whinny for lust for life, sniff, behave impatiently’, of horses, ‘to be
wanton’, of men (Hell.+). <PG?>
eVAR -oow LXX, Att. -dttomat (kata-).
*DER gpbaypa [n.] ‘the whinnying, sniffing’ (A., S., X.), also of a wild boar (Opp.),
‘wanton behaviour’ (late prose), -aypatiac ‘wanton’ (Plu.), ioc ~ as an explanation
of medaoptotic (H.); -aypds ‘id’ (D. S.), ppvaypooguvakor (tpdrtot) of Bdelycleon
(Ar. V. 135), -aKtIW¢ ttm0¢ (D. L.).
*ETYM Expressive formation, like the synonym > pptiudooopat. Frisk suggests that
there were possibly old contaminations, and adduces Giintert 1914: 160, who suggests
a transfomation of pptdooopat after pbak (instead of *Pvdccopa). Yet, I am very
reluctant to assume such contaminations. The word may well be Pre-Greek.
gpdyidoc [m.] name of an unknown bird (Ar. Av. 763 and 875), maybe ‘chaffinch’ =
Lat. fringilla, or a kind of heron, ‘cattle egret’. <?>
*ETYM The uncertain identification renders etymologizing difficult. Some similarity
in form is found in Lat. fringilla ‘finch’ or ‘sparrow’, and in Slavic, Ru. bergléz
‘goldfinch’; but it remains uncertain whether they are cognate, and they may as well
be onomatopoeic formations. Benton JHS 81 (1961): 44ff., referring to the association
with Opvé and the Phrygian god Sabazios in Ar., quite differently explains pvyidoc
as “the small Phrygian’, ie. ‘the small foreign slave’.
@pvyw [v.] ‘to roast, dry, fry’ (IA). <2>
*VAR Late also pptoow, -tTw; aor. ppi—at, pass. ppvxOfval, ppdyijvat, fut. ppvtw,
perf. med. 1téppvypat.
*COMP Also with kata-, mept- etc.
*DER 1. gpbyavov, mostly pl. -ava [n.] ‘small dry pieces of wood, dry twigs,
brushwood, fuel’ (IA), diminutives -4viov (Dsc.) and -avic (Eust.); -avitns
(kaAaptoc) “fit for fuel (pap. III*), -avitic (An) ‘id’ (Hld.); -avixds ‘of a dry
brushwood’ (Thphr. etc.), -avw6n¢ ‘of/like brushwood’ (Thphr., Dsc.); -avitw [v.] ‘to
gather @p.’ (Poll.), -aviopdc [m.] ‘the gathering of ~.’ (Th.), -avorii¢ [m.] (late),
-aviotpia [f.] (Ar.) ‘brushwood-gatherer’. 2. ppty-etpov [n.] ‘vessel or implement
for roasting’ (Lex Solon. apud Poll., H.). 3. -ev¢ [m.] ‘id’, also ‘roaster’ (Theopomp.
Com., Poll.); hence -etw = gpvyw (Poll.). 4. gpvyia: ppbyovoa, ppbytoc: Enpdc
‘dry’ (H.), ppbytov [n.] ‘brushwood, firewood’ (LXX), ‘place for roasting’ (EM). 5.
ppvyptov- Kabotv ‘burning’ (H.). 6. pvyivda maifev ‘to play with roasted beans’
(Poll., H.). 7. ppbd&c [f.] ‘the roasting, parchedness’ (late). 8. ppuktdc ‘roasted’ (Sor.),
as a msc. noun ‘fire, torch, fire-signal’ (A., Th. etc.), ppuxtwpdc [m.] ‘watcher of fire-
signals’, whence -wpia, -wpéw (A., Th. E, Ar. etc.), -Wptov [n.] ‘post of a fire-
watcher, signal-station’ (Arist., Plu, Hdn.); ppuxtdc (scil. Kbapoc) [m.] ‘roasted
beans used as lots’ (Plu.), used for voting (instead of a wi\poc) (Poll, EM, Suid.);
gpuxtoi [m.pl.] ‘small fish for frying’ (com. IV*), gpvkta: Enpa ixOvdta edtedij
‘cheap dry fish’ (H.); opposite éyntot ‘fish for cooking’.
1594 gpovn
*ETYM Without exact agreement outside Greek. A different vocalism is found in Lat.
frigo, -ere ‘to roast’, but it cannot be reconciled with gptbyw in a regular way. Unless
the Latin word was borrowed from Greek via an intermediate language (where
unrounding must have taken place), both languages could have borrowed the word
from a third party.
optvn [f.] ‘toad, frog’ (Arist., Timae., Nic., Babr., etc.). < PG(V)>
eVAR gpvvog [m., f.], also ppodvoc (PMag. Osl.).
*COMP ppvvoAdyos (-AGxoc) [m.] ‘kind of consacration’ (Arist.), -mometov [n.] ‘toad-
shaped fire-bowl’ (Boeot.), -etd1j¢ ‘toad-like’ (Arist.).
*DER ppuwxdc ‘toad-like’ (late medic.); plant-narne gptwiov [n.] = motippiov (Dsc.),
= Batpdaxtov (Ps.-Dsc.); ppuvitng name of a precious stone (late). PN Dptv-tyoc,
axidn¢; -iwv, -avdac etc.; PN Dpvvy (of a hetaere).
*ETYM If referring to the color, gptvn, gpdvoc might be identical in origin with
Germanic ‘brown’, as in OHG brit, etc. < PIE *b'ruH-n-o-. With reduplication,
compare Skt. babhri- ‘red-brown, brown’, also designation of a big kind of
ichneumon, which agrees with the wide-spread name of the beaver: Av. bafra-,
bafri-, Lat. fiber, OHG bibar, Lith. bébras, bebruis, etc. < PIE *b'eb"ru-, *b'eb"ro-. On
the many vacillating names for the toad and the frog, see » Batpayoc. However, the
variation between ppuv- and gpovv- rather points to a Pre-Greek word.
gvye68Aov [n.] ‘tumour of the glands, especially in the groin and armpit’ (Gal.). <?>
VAR -Opov (Ruf. apud Orib., Cels.).
*ETYM Possibly from *pAvy-e8Aov, with dissimilation and change of suffix to -pAv&
in oivogAvé, -pAvyog [m., f.] ‘winedrunk, winedrinker’, prop. ‘gushing or bubbling
with wine’ (Hp. X., Arist. etc.), whence -pAvyia ‘drunkenness’ (X. etc.), -pAvyéw ‘to
be drunk’ (LXX); cf. » pAUKTatva, » pAbw ‘to be full of juice’.
vy, pvva = gevyw.
gixoc [n.] ‘seaweed’ (I 7, Alcm., Thphr., etc.), ‘red make-up’, prepared from seaweed
(Ar. fr. 320, 5, Theoc,, etc.). <Lw Sem.>
*COMP gvxoyeitwv ‘neighbour of the seaweed’, epithet of Priapos (AP); d@uKa-
axadkA@mota ‘without cosmetics’ (H.).
*DER 1. guxiov [n.] ‘alga, seaweed’ (PI. Arist., Delos IV* etc.), mostly plur. -ia, also
fish-name (AP, Orib.), cf. pb«ng ‘make-up, make-up-box’ (Luc, Them., Delos ITI*),
gvKtopayot ‘seawead-eater’, of fishes (Arist.); pux@dng = guKwdne (sch.). 2. UK
dptov = gixoc (H.), see Agua, whence -apiCw ‘to make-up’ (sch.). 3. pd«-n¢ [m.], -i¢
[f.] (Arist, com. IV* etc.), also -ryv (-n¢ LSJ) [m.] (Diph. Siph. apud Ath.) name of a
fish, probably ‘wrasse, Labrus’, after its habitat and its food, -idiov [n.] (AP, pap.
III*). 4. pvx-itng (late), fem. -itic (Plin.) name of a stone, after the color. 5. puk-@6n¢
‘full of seaweed, seaweed-like’ (Arist., Thphr., Dsc.), -tdetg ‘full of seaweed’ (¥ 693,
Theoc.), rather with metrically conditioned -1etc than from gvxiov. 6. Dv«KLOG
epithet of Poseidon (Myconos II*). 7. pukdojtat [v.] ‘to be stuffed with seaweed’ (D.
S.), ‘to make oneself up’ (Plu.).
porn 1595
*ETYM Loanword from Semitic; cf. Hebr. pik ‘eye-rouge’. The meaning ‘make-up’ is
therefore primary for pixoc, too; hence ‘seaweed’. Borrowed as Lat. fucus ‘rouge,
purple, make-up’.
gvAak, -axoc [m., f.] ‘watcher, guardian, protector’ (Il.). <PG(s)>
eVAR Also secondarily puAaxkds (accent of the agent nouns) [m.] ‘id.’ (O 566, Ion.
poet.), PN OvAaxog (Hom.).
*COMP oikovAak ‘house-guard’ (A., etc.), back-formation to @vAdcow; also with
ovv-, bm0- etc. (to ovv-, bm0-puAdoow).
*DER 1. Fem. pvAak-ic, -id0¢ (mpo-) ‘female guard’ (Pl.), ~ vatc ‘guardship’ (Th., D.
S.), -tooa [f.] (LXX). 2. pvdaxn [f.] ‘watch, custody, vigilance, guard-post, garrison’
(I.), probably back-formation to @vAdoow; with dvtt-, mpo-, mapa- from dvtt-
gvAdoow, etc.
In part referring to gvAaxn: 3. gvdax-ia [f.] = @vdAakr (pap. II-IV?), beside
compounds like dapyi-, cwuato-gvAakia (inscr. D. S.). 4. pvAdk-tov [n.] “watch-
house, -tower’ (pap. etc.), often in compounds, e.g. 6mAo@vAdKov ‘arsenal’ (Str.) to
omAo@vAak. 5. -eiov [n.] ‘id’, also ‘guard-post, watch’ (Plb.); also ortopvAakeiov [n.]
‘granary’ (Suid.), to oitoptAaxec. 6. -efa [f.] ‘protection, amulet’ (Poet. de herb.,
gloss.), as if from *-evw, if not for -ia; thus certainly in deopopvAaxeia [f.] ‘service as
a jailer’ (pap.), to deopoptAag, -akéw. 7. pudak-ijes [m.pl.] ‘watchmen’ (Opp.),
verse-final metrical enlargement. 8. -itn¢ [m.] ‘police-officer, gendarme’ (Hell. pap.
and inscr.), -ttebw ‘to serve as a @.’, -ttIKOv ‘police-tax’ (Hell. pap.), also with napa-,
ovv-, apxi- (Hell.+); fem. -itic Pythagoraic designation of the number seven
(Nicom.). 9. -toti¢ in Lat. phylacista [m.] ‘dungeon-master’ (Plaut., metr. uncertain).
10. -lK6¢ ‘prudent, careful’ (Pl.), with ypeo- (inscr.), etc.
Denominative verb: 11. pvAdoow, Att. -ttw ‘to watch, keep, protect’, med. ‘to beware’
IL), also with d1a-, mapa-, mpo- etc. Several derivatives: pvAaktijpes [pl.] ‘watchmen’
(1l.), -tptoc ‘protecting’ (Pl.), -tr\piov (mpo-) [n.] ‘watch-house, -tower, means of
protection, amulet’ (1A), gvAaktnpia: mavvuyic (H.), pvdAaktnpidtopiat ‘to be
provided with an amulet’ PMag. Par., pvAax-twp [m.] ‘watcher’ (Eg, epigr. I*-I?,
Nonn.), -tpov [n.] ‘police-tax’ (pap. IP), -rat [m.pl.] official in Cumae (Plu.), -tixd¢
(npo-, dta-, mapa-) “guarding, prudent, careful’ (X., Arist., Plb. etc.), -Etc [f.] ‘custody,
security’ (S.Fr. 432, E. etc.), -ypa (mpo-) [n.] “commandment, protection’ (LXX etc.).
12. pvdakiCw ‘to take in custody, throw into prison’ (LXX, Act. Ap.). 13. -pvAakéw,
productive to compounds in -pvAak, e.g. texyopvAakéw ‘to guard the wall’ (D. H.,
Plu. etc.) from tetyoptAag (Hdt., Plu. etc.).
eETYM Without a convincing etymology. As the suffix -a& indicates, the word may
well be Pre-Greek.
gvAy [f.] as an administrative notion ‘tribe, group of tribes, community’, thence also
‘army-unit furnished by a group of tribes or community (IA). <IE *b'h,u- ‘arise,
be’.> *b'h,u-(s)l->
*VAR gidov [n.] ‘tribe, family, generation, kind’ (I].).
*COMP pvAofaotlets ‘principal of a phyle’ (Arist., inscr. etc.), pvAoKpivéw [v.] ‘to
make tribal distinctions, select by phyle’ (Th., Arist. etc.), as if from *pudAoxpivije.
1596 pbria
Often as a second member, e.g. m&uqvdAog ‘consisting of all races’ (Pl, Ar. etc.),
whence ITay@vAia [f.] land on the coast of Asia Minor (Hellenized foreign word?),
Tla4u@vaAot [m.pl.] name of one of the Dorian phylae (Hdt., Cos, Epid., Argos);
tpipvdos ‘consisting of three phyles, amounting to three phyles’ (Hdt, D. H.),
Tptpvaia [f.] coastal land of Elis.
DER 1. pvAétI¢ [m.] ‘member of (one and the same) phyle, fellow-tribesman’ (Att.),
ovp- ‘id” (Methymna, 1 Ep. Thess.), from giAov, but referring to pvAn; thence @vdA-
etK0¢ [adj.] ‘belonging to a phyle-member, consisting of phyle-members’ (Pl. Arist.,
etc.), -etebw [v.] ‘to make pvAéti¢, to adopt into the phyle’ (Arist.); -ét1¢ éxxArjoia =
Lat. comitia tributa (App.). 2. pbAtot Ooi ‘the gods of the phyle’ (Poll.). 3. -wénc¢
‘consisting of several goa’ (D. S.). Also PNs, e.gqvdo0dauac, PtAac, Dvdeve.
eETYM Old derivative from givat, with a suffix -(s)l-. For further etymology, see
> pvopal.
gvXia [f.] name of a tree, probably a kind of wild olive (€ 477 = Nonn. 5, 474 beside
éhain, Paus. 2, 32, 10 beside Kéttvog and éAatog; Philostr. beside k6ttvoc, Ammon.
Diff}; beside eido¢ aypteAaiac, H. also mentions the meaning (eidoc) ovxiic and
eidoc dévdpov Spotov mpivy. <?>
eVAR Ion. -in.
*DER DvAtadwv, -d6voc name ofa town in Phthiotis (IG 9(2), 205: 13).
*ETYM Without etymology. Fur.: 367 compares > gtAvKn, also pvAixn (v.l. Thphr. HP
1, 9; 3)
@vAdov [n.] ‘leaf (Il.), also as a designation of plants with conspicuous leaves, and of
leaflike parts of plants (Hp., Thphr., Dsc., pap.). <1E *b'el-, b'Ih,- (?) ‘leaf, blossom’>
*COMP gvAAo@dpog “bearing leaves’ (Pi. etc.), tpipvAAov [n.] ‘trefoil, clover’ (IA),
substantivized from tpipvAAog ‘three-leaved’ (Dsc., H.).
*DER 1. Diminutive ptAd-ov [n.] (Pl. Com. etc.), -dptov [n.] (Dsc. etc.), also ‘leaf-
ornament’ (Delos II*). 2. pvdA-dc, -d50¢ [f.] ‘heap of leaves, foliage, leafy grove’
(Hat, trag., D. S., Str. etc.), adjective ‘leafy’ (Nonn.), also name of the island Samos.
3. pvAd-ic, -t50¢ [f.] ‘foliage’ (Gp.), also = -ittc (Ps.-Dsc.). 4. pvdAAtdc¢: €k Aayavwv
dndTPULA TL OKEVACdpEVOV. Exaleito dé Opia (H.). 5. puAd-eia [n.pl.] ‘herbs’ (Ar.). 6.
-(tn¢ (ay@v) = -ivijg (sch.), -ittc [f.] plant-name ‘hart’s tongue’ (Dsc.). 7. -tvoc ‘made
of leaves’ (Theoc., Luc.), -ivn¢ (4ywv) [m.] ‘contest where the prize consists of a
wreath’ (Poll., H.), also -tvaiog dywv (EM). 8 pvAA-tKdc ‘belonging to a leaf, leaf-
like’ (Thphr.). 9. -6n¢ ‘id. (Thphr.). 10. month name -txdc (Thessal.), wv (Iasos).
Verbs: 11. pvAA-dopat [v.] ‘to be dressed with leaves’ (Hp.), -wpyata [n.pl.] ‘foliage’
(D. S.). 12. pvdd-ifw [v.] ‘to defoliate’ (Gp.), with amo- ‘id’ (Thphr. etc.), with éu- ‘to
engraft’, -touwdc (Gp.), with ém- ‘to glean in a vineyard’, metaphorically of a petty job
(LXX), -ic “gleaned grape’ (LXX, AP), metaphorically of the verses of epigones (Ar.).
13. PVAAaCw: frondesco (gloss.). 14. pvAA-Ldw in -t6woat [ptc.pl.f] ‘to run to leaf
(without fruity (Arat.). 15. puAAetv: ddoAeoyeiv (H.), of useless bragging, cf. 14.
*ETYM Possibly connected to Lat. folium ‘leaf as PIE *b'ol-io-, though the vowels do
not seem to match. Vine 1999b: 564ff. explains this by assuming *o > u (Cowsgill’s
Law) in the specific environment *-oli- > *-uli-. Quite a different formation with’
pvopa 1597
suffix -t- is found in Germanic, Tocharian and Celtic: OHG blat, MoHG Blatt, etc.,
ToA palit, ToB pilta ‘leaf, all with zero-grade, and Celt. e.g. MIr. blath ‘blossom,
flower’ < *b'16-tu-, OHG bluot ‘flowering, blossom’, etc. with full grade. See Beekes
1990: 375-381. A laryngeal may have been lost before yod in PIE *b'ol(H)-io-, which
would enable comparison with the root *b'Ih,-.
evAoruc, -t50¢ [f.] ‘battle’ (Il. epic; thence also in S., Ar., Theoc.). <PG>
eVAR Acc. -6a, but also -v.
eETYM Epic word only, without etymology. In antiquity, it was interpreted as a
compound from gidAov and dma (00a) ‘voice’, which. convinces neither
semantically nor formally (one would have expected *pvAwntc). For understandable
reasons, modern scholars compare gbAov too, with different interpretations of the
second member: to op- in Lat. ops, opus; to émtc ‘bad look’, i.e. ‘enmity’; from *pvdAo-
Aortic to A€nw ‘thrash’ (see Frisk); all are quite hypothetic. The length of the 0 can be
metrically conditioned. No doubt a Pre-Greek word (but the comparisons in Fur.:
163 are not convincing).
Qvsenrtts ~pevyw.
gvoptct [v.] intr. med. ‘to grow, arise, spring up, become’, perf. (and aor.) ‘to exist or
be endowed by nature, be there’, trans. act. (factitive) ‘to make grow, beget, bring
forth’ (II.). <1E *b'eh,u- ‘grow, arise, be’>
“VAR gbw (gupbvw Hdn. Gr.), aor.intr. give, late puijvat, trans. pdoat CIl.), fut.
pbooua, late purooua, tow, perf. intr. négiKa, epic also 3pl. mepbant, pte.
TIEPUG TAG, etc.
*DIAL Myc. pu-te, pu-te-re /p*uter-es/, pu-ta-ri-ja (interpretation not certain).
*COMP Very often with prefix, eg. &x-, &x-, émt-, 1eplt-, Mpoo-, ovv-. Asa first member
in P@voilooc.
*DER 1. pur, Dor. -4 [f.] ‘growth, stature, nature, being’ (IL, epic poet., also late
prose); also from the prefixed verbs, e.g. Stagur ‘joint, space between, layer, etc. (Pl.,
X., Thphr., etc.); as a second member -gvrjc, eg. peyaho-urjs ‘of a‘great, noble
nature’ (Hell.+), -puia [f.] (lamb. etc.); also e.g. mpoo@urs ‘grown, attached, fitting’
(Od.); as a noun fem. -pvdc, e.g. dnopvdc, -450¢ ‘outgrowth, appendage’ (Hp.,
Arist. Thphr.); hence the simplex pvoc- potevpa, yevvnua (F.).
2. gdpa [n.] ‘growth, tumour, swelling’ (IA, etc.), also &x-, napa-, mpdo-, from
exgdvat, etc. Thence -parttov, -patias, -watwédne, -patdouat (Hp.). 3. potAn, Dor -a
[f.] ‘lineage, race’ (Pi., AP, Orph.), -tAov [n.] ‘plant’ (epigr. Nicomedia); probably for
-Ohn, -OAov; furthermore gitpa- Pbotc, oi 5é PUTHpLA (H.). 4. pdots [f.] ‘growth,
character, descent, nature, being, etc.” (Kk 303), also an6-, &k-, ovu-, etc. from
amtopivat, etc; as a first member eg. in @voioddyoc [m.] ‘naturalist, natural
philosopher’, -Aoyia, -Aoyéw, -AoyiKdc (Arist., etc.). Hence @vo-txdc ‘belonging to
nature, naturalist, physical, physician’ (X. Mem. 3, 9, 1, Arist. etc.), -woc ‘fit for
growing, breeding’ (Thphr.), -16opat [v.] in mepvowpévoc ‘rooted’ (Arist.), -iwpa,
-iwotg ‘natural tendency, habitude’ (Hell.+); also gupvoidw [v] ‘to implant, infuse,
inspire’ (Hp., X., LXX etc.) (see » pica)? 5. pitdc ‘grown by nature’ (Pi.), ‘planted’
(LXX), in compounds, e.g. vedputoc ‘newly planted’ (Ar. Fr. 828, LXX, Hell.+); also
1598 PUPKOG
act. in éAaid-vutoc etc. (A. etc.); from the prefixed verbs, e.g. obpputoc ‘grown
together with, grown on, overgrown, innate’ (Pi., IA).
6. pvtdv [n.] ‘growth, plant’ (II.). Hence several derivatives: put-dc [f.] = -dv (Plu.),
diminutive -dptov [n.] (Ar. Byz., Ath. etc.), -tog ‘begetting’ (late), -ixdc “belonging to
plants’ (Arist. etc.), -taiot dpyot (inscr. IV*), -wd1¢ ‘plant-like’ (Erot.), -wv, -@voc
[m.] ‘plantation’ (Hdn.), -ebw ‘to plant, plan’ (Od.), also dta-, ém-, kata-, mapa-, etc.
Thence -eia, -evua, -evotc, -evoloc, -evtdc, -evtic, -evtiplov, -evtiKdc. With
enlargement -A-: @utaA-td, Ion. -uj [f.] ‘plantation, orchard, vineyard’ (Il, Hell.),
‘time of plantation’ (Hp., Gal.), ®vtdAtoc epithet of Poseidon, of Zeus, etc. (Corn.,
Orph., Poll.), Bvtadidat [m.pl.] Attic lineage with the eponym Pttadoc. With a
combination of suffixes @utéAuoc, epithet of parents, of Poseidon, of Zeus, etc.
‘begetting, feeding, by birth’ (trag, Hell+); formation unclear. 7. See > @vAt, -ov,
and 8. > gitv.
eETYM The whole verbal system is built on the primary intransitive aorist pivat,
épov. As an innovation, the factitive sigmatic aorist pdoal, éptoa arose, after oti :
gotrjoa, éBrv : éBnoa, é5vv : ESvoa, etc. Then, the presentic and future forms @vouat,
bw, pboopat, pvow followed.
The transitive/factitive forms have always been much less prominent than the old
intransitive ones. The perfect, though in principle old, was influenced by the aorist,
too. Several of the nouns may have PIE roots, too. Cognates of the aorist pb: Skt.
abhit ‘he became’ < PIE *h,é-b"uh,-t with metathesis of *b"h,u- to *b"uh,-, OCS aor.
238g. by, OLith. bu, Lat. fui (OLat. fui), etc. The perfect népuka, mepvaot agrees with
Skt. babhiiva, but in both cases we have probably innovations against older Av.
buuduua < PIlr. *b"ub'aHua. Cognate forms or parallel formations of the nouns:
gbpa = Skt. bhiman- [n.] ‘earth, world, being’, Alb. bimé ‘plant’; pitév = Olt. both
‘cabin’, all with a short # from *b'h,u-to-, as against the long vowel in Skt. bhatd- [n.]
‘being, creature, past time’ (after metathesis), Ru. byt ‘being, way of life’. Further,
boc (with -0-) stands beside Skt. bhiti-, bhuti- ‘prosperity, power, riches’.
Kortlandt demonstrated that the root had the form *b"eh,u-, Kortlandt 1975: 3;
Kortlandt Eriu 37 (1986): 90f3 a summary in Lubotsky 1995: 224ff.
@vpKos >TUpyoc.
gipw [v.] ‘to mingle, confuse, mix up, wet, besmear’ (Hom.). <PG?>
eVAR Ipf. Epupov (Il.), aor.subj. mbpow (o 21), inf. ptpoa (A. R.), ptc.med.
pupoduevoc (Nic.), pass. pvpOnv (A. [lyr.], LXX), late épdpnv (J. Luc.), ind. 3sg.
&pipe (AP), ptc. pbpac (Luc.), fut. pbpow (Pi.), perf. med. mépuppat, especially pte.
mepupuévoc (Od.), with fut. nepbpoeoBat (Pi.).
*COMP Also with ovv-, dva-, év-, etc.
*DER Deverbative mupdaw ‘to mix (up), knead, stir in’ (IA), aor. pupaoal, Ion. -ijoat,
-doacBat, -hoacBat, -aBijvat, -nBijvat, fut. -dow, -jow, perf. med. nepbpauat, -nLat;
act.inf. -axévat (Cic.); also with ovv-, dva-, mpo- etc.
From gvpw: 1. pvpdnv [adv.] ‘mingled, mixed up’ (A, S., X. Plb., etc.), Dor. -dav (S.
[lyr.]). 2. @tppa [n.] ‘slime, filth, dung’ (Nic.). 3. -ud¢ [m.] ‘mixture, confusion,
disorder’ (D. S., M. Ant. etc.); hence puppatat mtapvutat (H.)? 4. pvp-otc [f.] ‘the
BRR rao Praca ae)
gvoa 1599
mixing (up)’ (sch.), -oiog ‘mixed up’?, ‘kneadable’? (Nic.). 5. puptdc as a simplex in
guptoioctv- ... memupuévotc (H.), in compounds, e.g. aitio@uptoc (Plb., Posid.),
aipatopuptoc (AP) ‘besmeared with blood’; hence uptitis (-1t1¢ cod.): oivoc (H.),
guptiteoBat 10 nailetv ovveotpapy<~>évoig pupoic toic inatiowg (H.). 6. In @upd-
Xpwpoc ‘mixed color, dirt-color’ vel sim., of a cow (pap. II’), shortened pupa, of Bodc
(pap. IV?); also pupoi: ptoAbvet, puTtot ‘soils, defiles’ (H.).
From gvupdw: 1. gvpaua (mpo-, é-) [n.] ‘mix, dough’ (com. IV’, Arist. Hell.+),
-apatikad = koviattxa ‘plastering-work’ (late). 2. -actc, -1)01¢ [f.] ‘mixture’ (LXX, late
medic.), -atr¢ [m.] “mixer”, metaphorically ‘untidy accountant’ (Cic., gloss.),
meaning doubtful (inscr. Ephesus), -atéc ‘kneaded’ (Sor.).
*ETYM Frisk still assumes a yod-present *@up-tw as a derivative ofa noun gv-p-, ora
zero grade verbal stem @tp- beside a hypothetical full grade *ep-. Yet, such ablaut is
now generally abandoned for Greek. An IE etymology seems impossible, so it is
more probably a Pre-Greek word (note the semantic sphere). Formally, ptpw might
be connected with » mop@vpw ‘to well up, heave’, which could be reduplicated, but
the semantics would be unclear; semantically, it could be connected with
> mopvvoual, which would also point to irregular ablaut.
gvoa [f.] ‘breath’, bellows’ (mostly pl.), ‘bladder, flatulence’ (Il.), also metaphorically
of a fire gushing forth (h. Merc. 114), ‘crater of a volcano’ (Str.); name of a fish in the
Nile (Str., Ath.), cf. below on @voahoc. <PG?>
eVAR Acc. -17v (Suid.).
*COMP gvooetdne ‘bladder-like’ (sch.), &vooc ‘without flatulence’ (medic.).
*DER 1. Diminutive @vo-dptov [n.] ‘small bladder’ (late medic.). 2. adjectives -w61¢
‘flatulent, windy’ (Hp., Pl. Arist. etc.), -adéocg ‘windy’ (Cerc., Nonn.). 3. -aAog [m.]
‘kind of toad’ (Luc.), “Tetrodon’ (Ael.), ‘kind of whale’ (Opp., Ael.). 4. -aAAic, -id0¢
[f.] ‘bladder, water-bubble’ (Luc.), ‘kind of pipe’ (Ar.), ‘pill’ (late), also name of a
plant (Ps.-Dsc. etc.), after the blather-like fruit-cover. 5. pdotyé, -tyyog [f.] ‘stalk of a
garlic, garlic (Hp. Thphr. etc.), also ‘bladder’ (Poll.); @votyyi6opat [v.] in
Te@votyyiwpévos ‘heated by garlic (Ar.). 6. vox [f.] ‘intestine, sausdge’ (com.),
diminutive -tov (gloss.), ®voxwv [m.] “fat-belly”, nickname (Alec. etc.); -a [f]
‘bladder, weal on the hand’ (sch.). 7. pvoti paca ‘inflated cake, buffer’ (Ar., AP etc.),
also as a noun; accent after Hdn. Gr. 8. Dioddeia [f.] name of a source in Argos
(Call.), -etd8ev ‘from ©’. (Antim.). 9. denominative verbs: a. pvodw ‘to blow, inflate,
sniff (IL), aor. pvorjoat, etc., often with prefix, eg. dva-, dia-, éx-, év-. Thence -p10
(ava-, éx-, év-) [n.] ‘blowing, breath, wind, windiness’ (IA), -judtiov (Arr.), éu-
vo-nuat@dic¢ (Gal.), -r}01¢ (dva-, etc.) [f.] ‘the blowing, etc.’ (Hell.+), -yt4p [m.]
‘blowpipe, bellows’ (Hdt., Arist. etc.), -ntrptov (-at-) [n.] ‘pipe’ (Ar. etc.), -11tI\¢ (év-5
Aomado-) [m.] ‘blower’ (Man., Dsc. etc.), -"jtopes doKoi ‘bellows’ (Nonn.), -11ttKk6¢
(év-) ‘inflating’ (Hp., Arist. etc.). b. votdw ‘id. (epic poet. Il.), also with ava-, éx-,
ptc. pvoidwv etc., a metrical transformation of pvodw. Thence -iapa [n.] ‘breathing,
snorting’ (A.). c. pvotdoual, -dw ‘to inflate’ (Ep. Cor. etc.), pvoiwotc ‘inflation’ (Ep.
Cor., medic.); also éu-pvoidw? (see under @bopat). Verbal nouns @voacpdc
(opposite dacpdc), -taoudc¢ [m.] ‘the blowing’ (Arist.), -aktrp- dptog motdc Tic
monavwdr¢ (H.). As a first member in the governing compounds ®voiyva8oc “puff-
1600 gvoadoc, pbory>
cheek”, joking name of a frog (Batr.),-yva0éw (Tz.). See also on the intensive
> motpvoow (after the verbs in -Woow).
eETYM Noun in -od, but the exact root cannot be determined. As a pre-form, one
might assume gv-, @vo-, put- or puK-, but none of these can be shown to have
existed in Greek. Comparisons are made with e.g. Arm. p‘uk‘ ‘breath, wind, fart’,
plur. ‘bellows’ (but ica cannot derive from *@ux-ta), Skt. phiitkaroti “to make a
sound phut”, ‘to breathe, blow, etc.’ (so gioa < *put-ta). Further Skt. phuphusa- [n.]
‘lung’. One may connect Lat. pustula ‘bladder’, OCS puxati ‘blow’, Ru. pyxat’ ‘to
breathe heavily, cough’ < *pous-, *pitis-, etc.
Although we may clearly start from IE material, the word may well have a Pre-Greek
origin; note eg. the suffix of pboryé, and gvoth, @voKr (Ovoddeia is unclear). There
is hardly any evidence for PIE *b'us- (not in mentioned in Pok.); on *p"us- (with a
phoneme p’- that is now abandoned), see Pok. 878.
gtvoalos, giaty— =pidoa.
ovoivoos =Cetal.
gbw —pvou.at.
gwyw [v.] ‘to roast, fry’ (Epich.). «IE *b"eHg- ‘bake’>
*VAR gwtw (Stratt., Hp.), gwyviw (Suid.), codd. -ybvw; gwyvivat (Eust. EM),
gwyvutat (Dsc.), aor. pwka (Hp., Nic.), Epwoa (Hp.), pass. épwyxOnv, also with 7tpo-
(Dsc., Aret.), perf. med. (b70-)nepwypévoc (Pherecr., Dsc.), mépwopat (Hp.), verbal
adj. pwxtdc (Nic., Dsc.).
*DER wyavov [n.] ‘vessel for roasting barley’ = mpbyetpov (Poll.), pwétc [f.] ‘the
roasting’ (Gal.), pw«tat [pl.] ‘roasted barley-grains’ (Luc.).
eETYM May be compared with a Germanic verb for ‘bake, roast’ in ON baka, OHG
bahhan, pret. buoh, MoHG backen under an IE ablaut *b’oHg- : b'Hg-. LIV?
reconstructs the root as *b'eh,g-.
Doubtful combinations with OHG baen, MoHG béhen ‘to warm with covers’ < IE
*b'eh,, MoE bath, MoHG Bad [n.] < PGm. *bapa- < IE b'th,-to- in Pok. 113.
gwidec, poidec, p@dec [f-pl.] ‘blister from burns’ (Hippon., Hp., Ar., Diocl. Fr.).
<PG?>
*ETYM The basis seems to have been retained in pda: éavOrpata év tH owyatt (H.).
It recalls » patoryt, » pooa; but the connection with a IE root *bu-, *b™eu- ‘to
blow (up), swell’ in Pok. 98ff. does not help for the Greek forms. Cf. also » pwxn).
Since JE origin is quite doubtful, is it perhaps Pre-Greek?
gewxn [f.] ‘seal’ (Od., Hdt., Ar.). <PG?>
*DER gwxatva [f.] a dolphin-like sea-animal, ‘bottle nose dolphin?’ (Arist.), after
padrAatva; PHKOG: kiitos Bakdootov Suotov SeAgivi ‘sea-monster like a dolphin’ (H.);
guwxic [f.] name of a fish (Gal.); also ‘kind of pear’ (Thphr,, Ath.), after its shape?
*ETYM Isolated. The connection with » gioa, mentioned by Frisk, makes little sense.
The word, designating a sea-animal, may well be Pre-Greek.
@wXed¢ [m.] ‘lair, hole of wild animals’ (Arist, Hell.+). <PG(s)>
gwvn 1601
VAR Epic gen. -e1od, dat.pl. -etoic (metrical lengthening), plur. also -ed (Nic.). Also
-ed [f.] (Arist.).
*DER 1. Diminutive gwd-iov [n.] (Poll.). 2. -ac, -ddoc ‘lying in a lair’ (Theoc., AP),
‘consisting of a hole, full of holes’ (Babr., Nonn.), also name of a mussel (Ath.). 3.
gwh-ic, -idog [f.] a fish, “hole-fish” (Arist.). 4. pwratdec- dotpdxkivad tiva Bpwpwdy
(H.). 5. -ewdnc(?) ‘hole-like’ (Plu.).
Verbs: 6. pwAevw [v.] ‘to live in a hole, hibernate’ (Arist. Thphr., Theoc., Ph., Plu.,
etc.), also with év-, b0-; pwd-eia [f.] ‘dwelling in a hole, hibernation’, -evotg [f.] ‘id?
(Ael.). 7. pwA-éw ‘id’ (Arist.), pwAntnp: 6 év TH adTo kaGeCOpevoc det ‘sitting at the
same place all the time’ (H.), -1)tptov [n.] ‘place for secret assemblies’ (Poll., H.). 8.
pwrdcet: e.upwaAevet (H.).
*ETYM Formation like the synonymous ywAedc, eihedc, beside pwred like otehedc to
-ea. Like ywAe6c, it is only attested in the post-classical period. Frisk mentions ON
bol < PGm. *béla- [n.] ‘layer, nest of animals’, OSw. béle [n.] < *bélia- ‘beaverhut’,
which he considers as a lengthened grade of gb)-, but such ablaut schemes are now
rejected. The ending -eoc looks Pre-Greek; see Pre-Greek, suffixes 6. ~at/e(1)-.
gwvi [f.] ‘sound of humans and animals, tone, voice, pronunciation, discourse,
speech, uttering’ (II.). <1E *b'oh,-neh, ‘say, voice, sound’>
eVAR Dor. -d.
*COMP gwvaoKéw [v.] ‘to train one’s voice, ie. to sound loudly, make much noise as
a speaker’ (PL, D., Arist., etc.), -ackia [f.] (D., Thphr.), -aoxdc [m.] ‘master of speech
or songs’ (late).
As a second member: 6p6qwvoc ‘having the same voice or speech, homophonous’
(IA), -pwvéw [v.] (Hdt, Arist. etc.), -pwvia [f] (Arist. etc.); obu-pwvoc ‘resounding
simultaneously, harmonious’ (h. Merc.), whence -gwvéw, -gwvia (Att, etc.).
*DER 1. Diminutive gwv-dpiov [n.] (com. IV® etc.), -iov [n.] (Arist.), -i¢ [f.] (Hdn.
Gr.). 2. adjectives -retc, Dor. -aetc “gifted with voice, sounding’ = Lat. vocalis (Hes.,
Pi.), totipwvnets ‘capable of addressing’ (1 456), as if from *mott-pwvéw; -tKd¢ (CUL-)
= -171tk6c (Hell.+). !
3. Denominative verb *pwvdw, aor. pwvaoat (Pi. also Sapph.), also in IA gwvijoat
(1l.), in Hom. mpoo-, teteqwveov, if need be also in -ee; but further pwvéw ‘to sound,
raise one’s voice, speak’ (Dor. IA), very often with prefix, eg. mpoo-, ém-, avtt-,
ava-, dta-. The transition to the éw-class may have been favoured by the sound verbs
in -éw as well as the numerous denominatives (decompounds) of the type duoqwvéw
(from 6ud@wvoc).
From gwvéw (mpoo-, émt-, etc.): pwvna (TIpo00-, ava-, émt-) [n.] ‘uttering, discourse’
(S. Hell.+), -rot¢ (mpoo-, avtt-, ék-, etc.) [f.] ‘the sounding, speaking’ (Hell.+), -1)t1H)¢
(ava-, dvtt-, émt-) [m.] ‘speaker, etc. (late), -rtiHpioc ‘belonging to discourse’ (Str.
etc.), -1TIKdg (mpoo-, dva-, émt-) ‘belonging to voice, gifted with voice’ (Hell.+).
eETYM From the root of »@rpi with o-grade; compare ON bén, OE bén < PGm.
*boni- ‘question’, Arm. ban ‘word, speech’. Because the meaning of gwvr ‘sound,
voice’ is not identical to ‘saying’, Frisk prefers the connection with OCS zvons, Ru.
zvon ‘sound’, and the corresponding Alb. zé, Gheg zd ‘voice’, from PIE *$*yono-
[m.]. Yet, this would require PIE *g"udneh, for wv, a vocalism which the other
1602 WP, -Pdc poy 1603
languages do not show. Therefore, we may (with DELG) retain the connection with pa@trys, -yyos [f. m.] Alexandrian designation of a kind of flute, the ‘German’ flute
gnu. (Plu., Juba apud Ath, Ath.). <PG(s)>
DER gwt-iyyov [n.] (Posidon., Ael.).
eETYM Formation like oipryf, odAmy— etc, further unclear. A connection with
> ~voa, etc. seems impossible. The suffix is Pre-Greek.
wp, -pdc [m_] ‘thief (Hdt, Att.). <1E *b'er- ‘bear’>
eCOMP &yadptato-pwpav [acc.] ‘thief of statues, temple-robber’ (Elis IV*), on the
formation see Schwyzer: 451 and 563, also Sommer 1948: 68'). Uncertain are
anopa@pac: kAérttac and topwpec: Anotai, kAEntaL. Adkwvec ‘robbers, thieves’ (H.). gar’ =navt.
eDER wpa, Ion. -1 [f.] ‘theft’ (h. Merc. 136, 385, Nic., Bion, Hell. inscr. and pap.);
@wpdw ‘to search for a thief, catch a thief’, metaph. ‘to discover’ (Att., Hell.+), aor.
-aoat, fut. -dow, late perf. mepwpaka, also with kata-; back-formation wpa [f.]
‘searching, tracking-down’ (Phld., D. L., Aen. Tact.), or -4, accent uncertain, see H.
wpa: kAoTH ... Pwpny SE Thy Epevvav. Also pwpiav = pwpav (H.).
Especially as a juridical expression én’ abtogwpw = én’ adti TH pwpa, originally
‘right at the theft’, i.e. ‘in the very act, overtly’ (Att.); adjective adté@wpoc ‘self-
caught, self-disclosed’ (S. Ant. 51, D. S., App.), to pwpdw; thus also katapwpoc
‘disclosed, public’ (late), to katapwpdaw; hence mepiqwpoc (ev-) ‘(easily) discovered’
(Plu.).
Further derivatives (from @wp or pwpd): Pwplos ‘thievish, stolen’, Ta Pwpta ‘stolen
things’, ‘stealthy, secret’ (Hell.+), 16 @wptov also ‘catch, discovery’ (late), -etov [n.]
‘theft-penalty’ (lit. pap.), -{5tog ‘stolen’ (AP, Max.); superl. pwptatoc (Sophr. 1, cod.
@wpo-).
eETYM Old lengthened grade agent noun *b'ér, lit. ‘the bearer’, to the IE verb ‘to bear’
in > gépw, etc., identical with Lat. fur, -ris [m.] ‘thief, and formally also with Arm.
burn ‘hand, fist, force’ (the n-stem is secondary like in otn ‘foot’, see » moc). |
Inherited wp was pushed back and replaced by the innovations kkwy and
(especially) xAéntng (already Il.); only the derivative @wpdw remained in use. An
other old word for ‘thief is petrified in the poetic adj. » tnictoc.
wy [?] - pdog ‘light’ (H.). <GR>
*ETYM Probably a transformtion of pac after another word (@y and compounds?).
Traditionally connected with d:apacow (see > mapacow, and Schwyzer: 302).
gwptauds [f.] ‘chest, trunk’, eg. for keeping clothes and laundry (Q 228, 0 104, A. R. 3,
802), the gender is only visible in the latter attestation. <PG(v)>
*ETYM Isolated poetic word, connected by Eratosth. 4 with @wptoc (see > pwp), and
in modern times derived from a verbal adj. *pwptoc ‘bearable’ which could be
identical with Skt. bharya- ‘to be born’. The fomation, however, still remains to be
explained. Is it a folk-etymological adaptation of a loan word, such as kiBwtdc, Lat.
cista, etc. (cf. Chantraine 1933: 133)? Fur.: 389 compares ywptaudc: kiotn (H.), which
seems to prove Pre-Greek origin.
wc, pwtds [m.] ‘man’, in trag. also of heroes (Il. epic poet.). <IE? *b“eh,- ‘shine’, ?>
eETYM Connected with Skt. bhds- [n.] ‘light, splendour, power’ by Brugmann-
Delbriick 1897-1916 2:1, 536, either as an original s-stem *b'eh,-os (cf. on » péoc), or
from a t-stem IE *b''oh,-t-. The idea is taken up by Peters 1993b: 101ff., but it is
semantically implausible.
gas ‘light’. -DER pwtelvdc, pwtilw, etc. = pdoc.
@woowv [m.] a coarse linen garment used in Egypt (Cratin.). «<Lw Eg.>
eETYM Maybe an Egyptian loanword.
Hitigncnassinantins
Xx
xaPitwa [n.pl.] name of unknown vessels (pap. III*). <?>
eVAR Also -6t1a (?).
eETYM Unexplained foreign word.
xaBo¢ [adj.] - kntd¢ ‘muzzle’ (sch. Ar. Eq. 1147). <PG(V)>
VAR Cf. yatdv below.
DER Besides yaBdév: kaytnvAov, otevov, also yaptdv: kaptmbAov (H.).
*ETYM If the variation B/u is reliable, the word is Pre-Greek. Traditionally compared
with Lat. hdmus ‘hook, fish-hook’. If this connection is correct, the Latin word could
perhaps stem from a language cognate to Pre-Greek.
xaCouat [v.] ‘to retreat, draw back’ (epic poet. IL, also X.). «IE *g"eh, ‘abandon, go
forth’>
eVAR Aor. xdo(o)ac8a, fut. yao(o)opal, pass. anoxacOy- dno8dvn (H.). Very rarely
act. (almost only in H.): yale: dvaywpeiv, pvAdooec8a; mpoxatotc mpoBaivotc,
avaroditotc; aor. ovyxdoat ovyxwpijoat, ipv. amdxacov: atoywprdov; Tapdxyacov:
avaywproov, mpdxaoov. mpdeAe; also dvaydlovtes (X. An. 4, 1,16 beside
émidu@Kovtec), always intr. like yaCottou; the only exception is avéxacoav (Pi. N. 10,
69 [codd. avéyaoav or avéoyaoav]), which seems to mean ‘caused to retreat’.
*COMP Often with dava-, rarely with amo- (A 95, API.), bmo-, bleta- (A. R.), dta- (X.),
miapa- (H.). i
eETYM It is unnecessary to posit a root yad- with -6-, since the facultative epic
gemination in yaooa08at, yaooouat may be analogical, and the rare present yaCotiat
can be explained as an innovation to the aorist. An exact agreement outside Greek is
unknown. Beside the medial aor. y4oao8at with short vowel, Old Indic has active
forms with long vowel in ahds [3sg.], ahasma [1p].] ‘to abandon, epudiate’. Ruijgh
and Van Krimpen Mnem. 22 (1969): 113-115 assumed derivation from the root *g"eh,-.
i The -a- remains unexplained under this account, however.
Xaivw =x doKw.
xaiog 1 [m., n.] ‘shepherd’s crook’ (A.R. 4, 972; Call. Fr. 125). <IE? *g"eh,i-so- (?)>
eVAR Or -ov.
eETYM The similarity with a Celto-Germanic word for ‘javelin, spear’ in Olr. gae,
OHG geér, etc., which is found as a loan both in Lat. gaesum and in Greek » yaiooc,
-ov, is perhaps no coincidence. We may tentatively reconstruct *¢"eh.i-so-. However,
1606 xaiog
further connection with Skt. hésas- [n.] ‘missile’ and Skt. hindti ‘to urge on, hurl is
both formally and semantically unconvincing.
xaiog [adj.] ‘of good descent, noble, good’ vel sim. (Ar. Lys. 91), a Laconian form. <?>
*COMP Compar. xallwtepog (ibd. 1157); also yadc ‘id’ (Theoc. 7, 5); BaOv-xdioc mg.
unknown (A. Supp. 858 [lyr.], text uncertain).
*ETYM Probably belongs to » xdotoc - ayadc, ypnotdcs (H.), with Laconian loss of
the -o-. Further isolated. Comparison with Gm. ‘good’, e.g. Go. gobs, and with Alb.
zot ‘firm’ is improbable. Unclear is Pok. 423.
xaipw [v.] ‘to rejoice’ (II.). IE *ger(H)- ‘desire, enjoy’>
eVAR Aor. xaprjvat (Il.), redupl. xexapovto, -ofto (Hom.), sigmat. yfpato ( 270),
éxaiproa (Plu.), xatprjoduevoc (pap. TIP), fut. xatprjow (Y 363), xaprjoouat (Hell. and
late), Dor. -nootpat (Pythag.), xapotpa (LXX), redupl. xexapnoguev (O 98), -oetat
(y 266), perf. ptc. kexaprota, -dtac (H 312, Hes. Fr. 77) with present mg., ind.
kexaprka (Hdt, Att.), kexaprpat (h. Bacch.), plpf. xeyxapryto, -vto (Hes. Sc., h. Cer.),
Kexapuévos (E.).
*COMP Also with émt-, ovv-, etc.
*DER A. From the verbal stem: 1. yapa [f] ‘joy’ (Sapph., Att.). 2. xapun [f.] ‘joy of
battle, bellicosity (Hom.), also ‘battle’ (Hom., Pi., Lyc.), ‘joy (Ps.-Phoc.); xapp6-
gpwv ‘belligerent, combative’ (h. Merc.), weve-xapuns, -o¢ ‘persevering in battle’ (11.),
immo-yapuns ‘fighting from horseback, charioteer’ (Hom.); inmo- for inno- is
metrical. 3. xappa (ém-, kata-) [n.] ‘joy, delight, object of joy’ (II. epic poet., also late
prose), opposed to mia. 4. xappovi [f.] ‘joy, pleasure, delight’ (S. E., Pl, X.),
probably after néovi, see Wyss 1954: 39"), with -tKdc¢ (Procl.). 5. xappo-obvy [f.] ‘id?
(LXX), -ovvoc [adj.] ‘filled with joy’, -ovva [n.pl.] ‘festivity’ (Hdt. 3, 27). 6. xap-td¢
‘joyous, delectable’ (Archil. Att.), with ént- ‘id’, also ‘gloating’ (Att.), -ydaptng¢ ‘id’
(com. V*); on -xaptoc in PNs (e.g. Aayd-xaptoc) see Bechtel 19174: 17f. 7. -xapric
derived from the prefixed verbs (after yapijvat): ém-, mept-, Mpo-, brep-xapric
‘delighting, filled with joy, raptured, etc.’ (IA); as a second member extremely
productive in late Greek, especially in poetry, e.g. d7A0-, Lovoo-xapric; likewise in
PNs like @vupo-xapyc, Xaprjs; -1Tos.
B. From the present stem: 1. xatp-1)5wv, -6vog [f.] = yapa (Ar. Ach. 4), like dAyndov.
2. xatpo-obvn [f.] = xapa (epigr. Marathon II’, H.). 3. yatpijttkdc ‘happy, cheerful’
(Vett. Val.). 4. yatpetifw ‘to say xaipete, to greet’, with -ttoudc [m.] ‘greeting,
attendance’ (Plb., LXX); cf. aipetitw. 5. As a first member in PNs, e.g. Xatpo-KAjjc,
Xaipe-Kpatig, to which short names like XaipbAoc. 6. xaipe-Kakéw, -Kakia, -KaKOG
are rare and late for émyatpe-Kaxéw (etc.) ‘to be gloating’ (Arist. com. IV*), cf.
émixaptoc above.
Independent of the verb is the old substantive ydptc, gen. -itoc, acc. -tv [f.] ‘grace,
beauty, delight, boon, gratefulness, thanks’, also personified plur. ‘the Graces’ (II.).
Compounds, e.g. xapt-d@t1)¢ (Dor. [Cyrene] -ac) [m.] epithet of Hermes, Dionysus,
Zeus (h. Hom.), PNs like Xapt-yévijc, xapito-BAE@apos ‘with gracious eyes (eyelids)’
(Eub,, Att. epigr.); G-yaptc ‘without grace, unpleasant, disagreeable’ (Thgn., Sapph.,
Hdt., trag.), also d-ydpt-tocg ‘id.’ (Hdt., E.); in the same mg. (from yapiGouat) a-
xaity 1607
xaptotoc (8 236), compar. axapiotepoc (v 392) for dyaptotétepoc), with -éw, -ia
(Att.); opposite et-yaptc, -toc, -otoc with -éw, -ia; éni-yaptc ‘attractive, charming’
(Att. since A.).
From ydptc: 1. xapi-etc ‘attractive, charming’ (II.), yaptt-etc ‘id.’ (Anacr.), also xdpt-
toc = Lat. gratus (?) (Nysa I’, letter of a proconsul). 2. xap-lotoc ‘accompanied by
xaptc, filled with ydptc (Arist. Call. Fr. 193, late), also a cake (com.), after
a&@ppodictoc, etc. 3. xaptt-rotov [n.] ‘thank-offering’ (late), ‘spell of love’ (PMag.),
-jjota [n.pl.] ‘festival honouring the Charites’ (Boeot.), after @iAotrotos, etc., also
-wotog (Ibyc., Rhegin.) like dvax-wotog etc., see Chantraine 1933: 42. 4. xaptt-ia [f,]
‘delightful jest, joke’ (X. Cyr. 2, 2, 13), enlargement in -ia (see Scheller 1951: 38).
Denominative verbs: 5. xapiCopat (-itw) ‘to be attentive to sbd., bestow a favour or
service on sbd., to give (cheerfully), etc.’ (Il.), also with avtt-, ém-, Kata-, 11p00-, etc.,
with xdptopia (ev-, amto-) [n.] ‘grace, favour’ (late), -toudc [m.] ‘id. (late and rare),
-toteiov [n.] ‘thank-offering’ (Thera, Cnidos), -totrpt 
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